Part 1

# Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania, to the Inhabitants of the British Colonies ### By Dickinson, John

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Transcriber's note:

Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).

Small capital text has been replaced with all capitals.

The carat character (^) indicates that the following letter is superscripted (example: Esq^r).

LETTERS FROM A FARMER IN PENNSYLVANIA.

[Illustration: THE PATRIOTIC AMERICAN FARMER.

J-N D-K-NS--N Esq^r. BARRISTER AT LAW:

Who with Attic Eloquence and Roman Spirit hath Asserted, The Liberties of the BRITISH Colonies in America.

'Tis nobly done, to Stem Taxations Rage; And raise, the thoughts of a degen'rate Age, For Happiness, and Joy, from Freedom Spring; But Life in Bondage, is a worthless Thing.

Printed for & Sold by R. Bell. Bookseller]

LETTERS

FROM

A FARMER in _Pennsylvania_, TO THE INHABITANTS OF THE BRITISH COLONIES

BY

JOHN DICKINSON

WITH AN HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION

BY

R. T. H. HALSEY

[Illustration: mark]

NEW YORK THE OUTLOOK COMPANY 1903

Copyright, 1903 By R. T. H. HALSEY

TO THE MEMORY OF ONE WHO LOVED HER COUNTRY AND ALL THAT PERTAINED TO ITS HISTORY

CONTENTS.

PAGE

INTRODUCTION xvii

NOTES xlix

LETTER I 5

LETTER II 13

LETTER III 27

LETTER IV 37

LETTER V 47

LETTER VI 59

LETTER VII 67

LETTER VIII 79

LETTER IX 87

LETTER X 101

LETTER XI 117

LETTER XII 133

LETTER OF THANKS FROM THE TOWN OF BOSTON 147

ILLUSTRATIONS.

THE PATRIOTIC AMERICAN FARMER J-N D-K-NS-N, Esq^r, Barrister-at-Law Frontispiece

Photogravure on copper.

INITIAL LETTER FROM THE PENNSYLVANIA CHRONICLE OF 1768 Title

Line etching on copper.

CHELSEA DERBY PORCELAIN STATUETTE OF CATHERINE MACAULAY xliii

Bierstadt process color print.

INTRODUCTION.

In the issue of the PENNSYLVANIA CHRONICLE AND UNIVERSAL ADVERTISER of November 30th-December 3d, 1767, appeared the first of twelve successive weekly "_Letters from a_ FARMER _in_ Pennsylvania _to the Inhabitants of the_ British _Colonies_," in which the attitude assumed by the British Parliament towards the American Colonies was exhaustively discussed. So extensive was their popularity that they were immediately reprinted in almost all our Colonial newspapers.

The outbursts of joy throughout America occasioned by the repeal of the Stamp Act had scarcely subsided when, the protracted illness of Lord Chatham having left the Ministry without a head, the indomitable Charles Townsend, to the amazement of his colleagues and unfeigned delight of his King, introduced measure after measure under the pretence that they were demanded by the necessities of the Exchequer; but in reality for the purpose of demonstrating the supremacy of the power of the Parliament of Great Britain over her colonies in America. Among these Acts were those which provided for the billeting of troops in the various colonies; others called for duties upon glass, lead, paint, oil, tea, etc. Of dire portent was the provision therein, that the revenues thus obtained be used for the maintenance of a Civil List in America, and for the payment of the salaries of the Royal Governors and Justices, salaries which had hitherto been voted by the various Assemblies. The Assembly of New York, having failed to comply strictly with the letter of the law in regard to the billeting of the King's troops, was punished by having its legislative powers suspended.

This action boded ill for the future of any law-making body in America which should fail to carry out strictly any measure upon which the British Parliament might agree. The Colonies needed a common ground on which to meet in their opposition to these arbitrary Acts of Parliament. The deeds of violence and the tumultuous and passionate harangues in the northern colonies met with little sympathy among a large class in the middle and southern colonies, who, while chafing under the attacks upon their liberties, hesitated to favor resistance to the home government because of their unswerving loyalty to their King and their love for the country to whom and to which they owed allegiance. To these "The Farmer" appealed when he wrote, "The cause of liberty is a cause of too much dignity to be slighted by turbulence and tumult. It ought to be maintained in a manner suitable to her nature, those who engage in it should breathe a sedate yet fervent spirit animating them to actions of prudence, justice, modesty, bravery, humanity and magnanimity." The convincing logic of these letters clearly proved that the constitutional rights belonging to Englishmen were being trampled upon in the colonies, and furnished a platform upon which all those who feared their liberties were endangered could unite.

Under the date of the fifth of November, 1767, the seventy-ninth anniversary of the day on which the landing of William the Third at Torbay gave constitutional liberty to all Englishmen, John Dickinson, of Pennsylvania (for before long it became known that he was the illustrious author), in a letter addressed to his "beloved countrymen," called attention to the lack of interest shown by the Colonies in the act suspending the legislative powers of New York, and logically pointed out that the precedent thereby established was a blow at the liberty of all the other Colonies, laying particular emphasis upon the danger of mutual inattention by the Colonies to the interests of one another.

The education and training of the author well qualified him to handle his subject. Born in 1732 on his ancestral plantation on the eastern shore of Maryland, from early youth John Dickinson had had the advantages of a classical education.[1] His nineteenth year found him reading law in a lawyer's office in Philadelphia. Three years later, he sailed for England, where he devoted four important years to study at the Middle Temple, and then and there obtained that knowledge of English common law and constitutional history, and imbibed the traditions of liberty belonging to Englishmen on which he later founded his plea for the resistance of the Colonies to the ministerial attacks upon their liberty. On his return home he took up the practice of his profession at Philadelphia, and immediately won for himself a high place at the Bar. Elected in 1760 a member of the Assembly of Delaware, his reputation for ability and political discernment gained him its speakership. In 1762 he became a member of the Assembly of Pennsylvania, where he acquired great prominence and unpopularity, which later cost him his seat in that body, on account of his opposition to the Assembly's sending a petition to the King praying that the latter "would _resume_ the government of the province, making such compensation to the proprietaries as would be equitable, and permitting the inhabitants to enjoy under the new government the privileges that have been granted to them by and under your Royal ministries."

[1] "The Life and Times of John Dickinson," by Charles J. Stillé.

Possibly Dickinson's knowledge of the personality of the Ministry and the dominant spirits in English political circles gained while abroad, led him bitterly to attack this measure, fathered and supported by Franklin, for subsequent events soon showed the far-sightedness which led him to distrust the wisdom of a demand for the revoking of the Proprietary Charter, even though it were a bad one. His part in the controversy forced even his bitterest opponents to admire his ability. The enormous debt incurred by Great Britain during the then recent war with France led the Ministry to look for some way of lightening taxation at home. It was decided that America must pay a share toward lifting the burden resting heavily on those in England, caused by the financing of the expenses of a war which drove France from North America. The fact that the colonies had furnished, equipped and maintained in the field twenty-five thousand troops and had incurred debts far heavier in proportion than those at home was forgotten. In 1764 was passed the "Sugar Act," which extended and enlarged the Navigation Acts and made England the channel through which not only all European, but also all Asiatic trade to and from the colonies must flow. At the same time an announcement was made that "Stamp Duties" would be added later on. The next year from Dickinson's pen appeared a pamphlet entitled "THE LATE REGULATIONS RESPECTING THE BRITISH COLONIES ON THE CONTINENT OF AMERICA CONSIDERED, in a Letter from a Gentleman in PHILADELPHIA to his Friend in LONDON," in which these late regulations and proposed measures were discussed entirely from an economic standpoint. In it was clearly shown how dependent were the manufacturers and traders in England for their prosperity upon the trade of the colonies and that any restraint of American trade would naturally curtail the ability of those in the colonies to purchase from the home market. The Stamp Act was opposed on the ground that the already impoverished colonies would be drained of all their gold and silver which necessarily would have to go abroad in the payment for the stamps. This letter was conciliatory and persuasive, yet in the closing pages Dickinson asked:

"What then can we do? Which way shall we turn ourselves? How may we mitigate the miseries of our country? _Great Britain_ gives us an example to guide us? SHE TEACHES US TO MAKE A DISTINCTION BETWEEN HER INTERESTS AND OUR OWN.

"Teaches! She requires--commands--insists upon it--threatens--compels--and even distresses us into it.

"We have our choice of these two things--to continue our present limited and disadvantageous commerce--or to promote manufactures among ourselves, with a habit of economy, and thereby remove the necessity we are now under of being supplied by _Great Britain_.

"It is not difficult to determine which of these things is most eligible. Could the last of them be only so far executed as to bring our demand for British manufactures below the profits of our foreign trade, and the amount of our commodities immediately remitted home, these colonies might revive and flourish. States and families are enriched by the same means; that is, by being so industrious and frugal as to spend less than what they raise can pay for."

The various Non-Importation Agreements signed during the next ten years, bear testimony to the popularity of the proposed plan.

This pamphlet circulated freely and increased Dickinson's reputation as that of a man capable of thoroughly discussing public measures; it also brought his name to the attention of the British public for whom the "Letter" was especially written.

At the call of Massachusetts, representatives of nine of the colonies met in New York in October, 1764, and after a long discussion (in which Dickinson's knowledge of constitutional law and English colonial policy enabled him to assume the leadership) issued a "Declaration of Rights," in which it was asserted that the inhabitants of the Colonies, standing on their rights as Englishmen, could not be taxed by the House of Commons while unrepresented in that body. Memorials were sent abroad protesting against the proposed acts, expressing, however, their willingness to meet loyally as in the past any properly accredited requisitions for funds sent to the various Assemblies. Notwithstanding this opposition, and the protests of all friends of America in England, the Stamp Act was passed. A year later it was repealed.

_JUST PUBLISHED._

_Printed on a large Type, and fine Paper_, And to be sold at the _LONDON BOOK STORE_ North Side of King-street

_LETTERS_ FROM A FARMER in _PENNSYLVANIA_

To the INHABITANTS of the BRITISH COLONIES.

(_Price two Pistareens_)

Among all the WRITERS in favor of the COLONIES, the FARMER shines unrivalled, for _strength_ of _Argument_, _Elegance_ of _Diction_, _Knowledge_ in the _Laws_ of _Great Britain_, and _the true interest_ of the COLONIES: A _pathetic_ and _persuasive eloquence_ runs thro the whole of these Letters: They have been printed in every _Colony_ from _Florida_ to _Nova Scotia_; and the _universal applause_ so justly bestowed on the _AUTHOR_, hath fully testified the GRATITUDE of the PEOPLE OF AMERICA, for such an _able Adviser_ and _affectionate Friend_.

Written in a plain, pure style, with illustrations and arguments drawn from ecclesiastical, classical and English history, each point proven with telling accuracy and convincing logic, conciliatory to the English people, and filled with expressions of loyalty to the King, these essays, popularly known as the "Farmer's Letters," furnished the basis on which all those who resented the attacks on their liberty were able to unite. Town meetings[2] and Assemblies vied with each other in their resolutions of thanks. The "Letters" were published immediately in book form in Philadelphia (three different editions), New York, Boston (two different editions), Williamsburgh, London (with a preface written by Franklin), and Dublin. Franklin was influential, also, in having them translated into French, and published on the Continent. Owing to the beauty of its typography and the excellence of its book-making, the Boston edition, published by Messrs. Mein & Fleeming, has been selected for republication, and has been reprinted line for line and page for page, in a type varying but slightly from that used by Mein & Fleeming. A few typographical errors have been corrected, but the irregularities in spelling, wherever they exist throughout the various editions, have been retained. The binding also is a reproduction of that of the original. Its publication[3] was announced in the "Boston Chronicle," March 14-21, 1768, by the advertisement reprinted on the preceding page.

[2] The "Address from the Town of Providence," printed from the original manuscript, is to be found in the Notes, page li.

[3] Two weeks later a letter of thanks voted by the town of Boston was added to this edition.

Valuable as these "Letters" were at home in uniting all factions in their measures of resistance, yet their influence abroad was of even more far-reaching effect. Reprinted in London in June, 1768, this two-shilling pamphlet quickly circulated through coffee-house and drawing-room. In ministerial circles the "Farmer" caused great indignation. In a letter from Franklin, addressed to his son, dated London, 13th of March, 1768, appears the following: "My Lord Hillsborough mentioned the 'Farmer's Letters' to me, said that he had read them, that they were well written, and he believed he could guess who was the author, looking in my face at the same time, as if he thought it was me. He censured the doctrines as extremely wild. I have read them as far as Number 8. I know not if any more have been published. I should, however, think they had been written by Mr. Delancey, not having heard any mention of the others you point out as joint authors."

Groaning under their own heavy taxation, the troubles of America had hitherto appealed but slightly to the average Englishman and the sympathies of the English people had become involved in the long-drawn-out struggles of Wilkes to obtain his constitutional rights. The press published little American news. America was little discussed; conditions there were practically unknown to all but the trading class, whose members had prospered through the monopoly of the constantly increasing commerce with the growing colonies. This class, naturally fearing the loss of the magnificent trade which had been built up, had long bemoaned the constantly increasing friction between the two factions on each side of the water. Englishmen in general had hitherto paid little attention to the debates over the various acts raising revenue from the colonies. From the time the "Farmer's Letters" were published in England the differences between Parliament and colonies were better understood there. Untouched and yet alarmed by the political corruption so prevalent at the time, thinking men saw in these "Letters" a warning that if their Sovereign was successful in his attempt to take away constitutional liberty from their fellow Englishmen across the sea, their own prized liberty at home was in danger. "American" news became more frequent in the newspapers, "Letters to the Printer," the form of editorials of the day, discussed and criticised the measures of Parliament with great freedom. To the masses, John Dickinson's name soon became very familiar through the agency of the press, which under date of June 26-28, 1768, freely noted Isaac Barré's characterization in the House of Commons of Dickinson as "a man who was not only an ornament to his country but an honor to human nature." Almost immediately after the publication of the London edition, the Monthly Review of July, 1768, forcibly called the attention of the literary world to the "Farmer's Letters" in an exhaustive review which is reprinted in the Notes, page liii, for the purpose of showing the view held by the English Whigs regarding the doctrines laid down and arguments used by Dickinson in defence of his position.

The "London Chronicle," under date of September 1st, 1768, printed the popular Liberty song, written by Mr. Dickinson, and which, set to the inspiring air of "Hearts of Oak," was being sung throughout the colonies. In order to give the accompanying letter of request for the republication of the song, a request which, from its wording demonstrates the enthusiasm which the song aroused, the latter is here reprinted from the issue of the Boston "Evening Post" of August 22, 1768.

MESSIRS FLEETS

The following SONG being now much in Vogue and of late is heard resounding in almost all Companies in Town, and by way of eminence called "The Liberty Song," _you are desired to republish in your_ 'circulating' Paper for the Benefit of the whole Continent of America.

[To the Tune of Hearts of Oak.]

Come, join Hand in Hand, brave Americans all, And rouse your bold Hearts at fair _Liberty's_ Call, No _tyrannous Acts_ shall suppress your _just Claim_, Or stain with _dishonor_ America's Name.

In Freedom we're _born_, & in Freedom we'll _live_, Our Purses are ready, Steady, Friends, Steady, Not as _Slaves_ but as _Freemen_ our money we'll give.

Our worthy Forefathers--let's give them a Cheer-- To _Climates unknown_ did courageously steer; Thro' _Oceans_ to _Deserts_ for _Freedom_ they came, And dying bequeath'd us their _Freedom_ & _Fame_.

In Freedom we're _born_, &c.

Their generous Bosoms all Dangers despis'd, So _highly_, so _wisely_, their _Birthrights_ they priz'd; We'll keep what they gave--we will piously keep, Nor frustrate their Toils on the Land or the Deep.

In Freedom we're _born_, &c.

The Tree their own Hands had to _Liberty_ rear'd, They liv'd to behold growing strong and rever'd; With Transport then cry'd, 'now our Wishes we gain, For our Children shall gather the Fruits of our Pain.'

In Freedom we're _born_, &c.

Swarms of _Placemen_ and _Pensioners_ soon will appear, Like Locusts deforming the Charms of the Year; Suns vainly will rise, Showers vainly descend, If _we_ are to _drudge for_ what _others_ shall _spend_.

In Freedom we're _born_, &c.

Then join Hand in Hand brave Americans all, By _uniting_ we stand, by _dividing_ we fall; _In so righteous a Cause_ let us hope to succeed, For Heaven approves of each generous Deed.

In Freedom we're _born_, &c.

All Ages shall speak with _amaze_ and _applause_, Of the _courage_ we'll shew _in support of our laws_; To die we can _bear_--but to serve we _disdain_-- For _Shame_ is to _Freemen_ more dreadful than _Pain_.

In freedom we're _born_, &c.

This Bumper I crown for our _Sovereign's_ Health, And this for _Britannia's_ Glory and Wealth; That Wealth and that Glory immortal may be, If _She_ is but _just_--and if _we_ are but _free_.

In Freedom we're _born_, & in Freedom we'll _live_, Our Purses are ready, Steady, Friends, Steady, Not as _Slaves_, but as _Freemen_ our Money we'll give.

The following extract from the London "Chronicle" of October 4, 1768, demonstrates how completely the arguments and logic of the "Farmer's Letters" gained popular approval; how constantly Dickinson's name was kept before the public, both at home and abroad; how his fame was toasted; how he was recognized as the leader of political thought in the colonies. It shows also the constantly increasing interest in American matters taken by the press of England since the advent of the "Farmer's Letters," for the "American News," published in this and other London papers, was extensively reprinted in the local journals throughout the kingdom.

_Taken from the Boston, in New England, Evening Post of August 22, 1768_

On Monday the fifteenth instant, the anniversary of the ever memorable _Fourteenth of August_, was celebrated by the Sons of Liberty in this Town, with extraordinary festivity. At this Dawn, the British Flag was displayed on the _Tree of Liberty_, and a Discharge of _Fourteen_ Cannon, ranged under the venerable Elm, saluted the joyous Day. At eleven o'clock, a very large Company of the principal Gentlemen and respectable Inhabitants of the Town, met at the Hall under the Tree, while the Streets were crowded with a Concourse of People of all Ranks, public Notice having been given of the intended Celebration. The Musick began at high Noon, performed on various Instruments, joined with Voices; and concluding with the universally admired _American_ Song of Liberty,[4] the Grandeur of its Sentiment, and the easy Flow of its Numbers, together with an exquisite Harmony of Sound, afforded sublime Entertainment to a numerous Audience, fraught with a noble Ardour in the cause of Freedom: The Song was clos'd with the Discharge of Cannon and a Shout of Joy; at the same time the Windows of the Neighbouring Houses, were adorned with a brilliant appearance of the fair Daughters of Liberty, who testified their Approbation by Smiles of Satisfaction. The following Toasts succeeded, viz.

[4] The Song has been given already in our Chronicle.

The following toasts may need brief explanation.--R. T. H. H.:

_1._ _Our rightful Sovereign George the Third._

_2._ _The Queen, Prince of Wales, and the rest of the Royal Family._

_3._ _The Sons of Liberty throughout the World._

_4._ _The glorious Administration of 1766._

4. The Rockingham Ministry which repealed the Stamp Act.

_5._ _A perpetual Union of Great Britain and her Colonies, upon the immutable Principles of Justice and Equity._

_6._ _May the sinister Designs of Oppressors, both in Great Britain and America, be for ever defeated._

_7._ _May the common Rights of Mankind be established on the Ruin of all their Enemies._

_8._ _Paschal Paoli and his brave Corsicans. May they never want the Support of the Friends of Liberty._

8. The struggles of Paoli and the Corsicans excited great interest both in Great Britain and America. Constant references are made to these in the "Letters."

_9._ _The memorable 14th of August, 1765._

9. The day of the demonstration in Boston against the Stamp Officers. Daybreak disclosed hanging on a tree an effigy of the Stamp Officer Oliver. After hanging all day, at nightfall it was taken down by the Sons of Liberty, who placed it on a bier and escorted it through the principal streets in Boston to the home of Oliver, where, in the presence of a large number of people, it was burned.

_10._ _Magna Charta, and the Bill of Rights._

_11._ _A speedy Repeal of unconstitutional Acts of Parliament, and a final Removal of illegal and oppressive Officers._

_12._ _The Farmer._

12. John Dickinson.

_13._ _John Wilkes, _Esq.; and all independent Members of the British Parliament_.

_14._ _The glorious Ninety-Two who defended the Rights of America, uninfluenced by the Mandates of a Minister, and undaunted by the threats of a Governor._

14. On the 11th day of February, 1768, the Assembly of Massachusetts adopted and sent to the various Colonial Assemblies a circular letter drawn up by Samuel Adams, informing them of the contents of a petition which the Massachusetts Assembly had sent to the King. This letter also urged united

## action against the oppressive measures of the Ministry, and

gave great offense to the King and Ministry. The Secretary for the Colonies, Lord Hillsborough, instructed Governor Bernard of Massachusetts to order the Assembly to rescind this letter, and in case of refusal to dissolve this body. After a thorough discussion this request was refused by a vote of "ninety-two" to "seventeen."