Part ii

. ch. 13.

[39] "The Greeks call it the _Araxes_, Khondamīr the _Kur_."

[40] On _benjuy de boninas_ ("of flowers"), see _De Orta_, ff. 28, 30, 31. And on _benjuy de amendoada_ or _mandolalo_ (_mandolado_? "of almond") _id._ 30_v._

[41] _Kamañan_ or _Kamiñan_ in Malay and Javanese.

[42] _Folium indicum_ of the druggist is, however, not _betel_, but the leaf of the wild cassia (see MALABATHRUM.)

[43] "Terra e ilha de que El-Rei nosso senhor me fez mercê, aforada em fatiota." _Em fatiota_ is a corruption apparently of _emphyteuta_, _i.e._ properly the person to whom land was granted on a lease such as the Civil Law called _emphyteusis_. "The emphyteuta was a perpetual lessee who paid a perpetual rent to the owner."—_English Cycl._ s.v. _Emphyteusis_.

[44] Naobihār = Nava-Vihāra ('New Buddhist Monastery') is still the name of a district adjoining Balkh.

[45] This (_Sonamukhi_, 'Chrysostoma') has continued to be the name of the Viceroy's river yacht (probably) to this day. It was so in Lord Canning's time, then represented by a barge adapted to be towed by a steamer.

[46] _I.e._ Pariah dog.

[47] "Mehtar! cut his ears and tail, quick; _fabricate_ a Terrier!"

[48] All new.

[49] "See, _I_ have _fabricated_ a Major!"

[50] The writer of these lines is believed to have been Captain Robert Skirving, of Croys, Galloway, a brother of Archibald Skirving, a Scotch artist of repute, and the son of Archibald Skirving, of East Lothian, the author of a once famous ballad on the battle of Prestonpans. Captain Skirving served in the Bengal army from about 1780 to 1806, and died about 1840.

[51] Forchhammer argues further that the original name was Ran or Yan, with _m'_, _mā_, or _pa_ as a pronominal accent.

[52] In a note with which we were favoured by the late Prof. Anton Schiefner, he expressed doubts whether the _Bakshi_ of the Tibetans and Mongols was not of early introduction through the Uigurs from some other corrupted Sanskrit word, or even of præ-buddhistic derivation from an Iranian source. We do not find the word in Jaeschke's Tibetan Dictionary.

[53] Thus: "_Chomandarla_ (_i.e._ Coromandel) he de Christãoos e o rey Christãoo." So also _Ceylam Camatarra_, _Melequa_ (Malacca), _Peguo_, &c., are all described as Christian states with Christian kings. Also the so-called Indian Christians who came on board Da Gama at Melinde seem to have been Hindu banians.

[54] It may be observed, however, that _kwāla_ in Malay indicates the estuary of a navigable river, and denominates many small ports in the Malay region. The _Kalah_ of the early Arabs is probably the Κῶλι πόλις of Ptolemy's Tables.

[55] "Capitale des établissements Anglais dans le Bengale. _Les Anglais prononcent et écrivent_ GOLGOTA"(!)

[56] Not 'a larger kind of cinnamon,' or 'cinnamon which is known there by the name of _crassa_' (_canellae quae_ grossae _appellantur_), as Mr. Winter Jones oddly renders, but _canella grossa_, _i.e._ 'coarse' cinnamon, alias _cassia_.

[57] Sir J. Hooker observes that the fact that there is an acid and a sweet-fruited variety (_blimbee_) of this plant indicates a very old cultivation.

[58] Dr. R. Rost observes to us that the Arabic letter _ẓwād_ is pronounced by the Malays like _ll_ (see also _Crawfurd's Malay Grammar_, p. 7). And it is curious to find a transfer of the same letter into Spanish as _ld_. In Malay _ḳāḍī_ becomes _ḳāllī_.

[59] These are probably the same as Milburn, under Tuticorin, calls _ketchies_. We do not know the proper name. [See PUTTON KETCHIES, under PIECE-GOODS.]

[60] The court for _chaugān_ is ascribed by Codinus (see below) to Theodosius Parvus. This could hardly be the son of Arcadius (A.D. 408-450), but rather Theodosius III. (716-718).

[61] It may be well to append here the whole list which I find on a scrap of paper in Dr. Burnell's handwriting (Y):

Pohālapura. Chīnavallī. Avantikshetra (_Ujjain_). Nāgapaṭṭana (_Negapatam?_) Pāṇḍyadeśa (_Madura_). Allikākara. Simhaladvīpa (_Ceylon_). _Gopāka_sthāna (! ?). Gujaṇasthāna. Ṭhāṇaka (_Thana?_) Aṇitavāta (_Anhilvād_). Sunāpura. Mūlasthāna (_Multan_). Toṭṭideśa. Pañchapaṭṭana. Chīna. Mahāchīna. Kalingadeśa (_Telugu Country_). Vaṅgadeśa (_Bengal_).

[62] I leave this passage as Dr. Burnell wrote it. But though limited to a specific locality, of which I doubt not it was true, it conveys an idea of the entire extinction of the ancient chintz production which I find is not justified by the facts, as shown in a most interesting letter from Mr. Purdon Clarke, C.S.I., of the India Museum. One kind is still made at Masulipatam, under the superintendence of Persian merchants, to supply the Ispahan market and the "Moghul" traders at Bombay. At Pulicat very peculiar chintzes are made, which are entirely _Ḳalam Kārī_ work, or hand-painted (apparently the word now used instead of the _Calmendār_ of Tavernier,—see above, and under CALAMANDER). This is a work of infinite labour, as the ground has to be stopped off with wax almost as many times as there are colours used. At Combaconum SARONGS (q.v.) are printed for the Straits. Very bold printing is done at Wālājāpet in N. Arcot, for sale to the Moslem at Hyderabad and Bangalore.

An anecdote is told me by Mr. Clarke which indicates a caution as to more things than chintz printing. One particular kind of chintz met with in S. India, he was assured by the vendor, was printed at W——; but he did not recognize the locality. Shortly afterwards, visiting for the second time the city of X. (we will call it), where he had already been assured by the collector's native aids that there was no such manufacture, and showing the stuff, with the statement of its being made at W——, 'Why,' said the collector, 'that is where I live!' Immediately behind his bungalow was a small bazar, and in this the work was found going on, though on a small scale.

Just so we shall often find persons "who have been in India, and on the spot"—asseverating that at such and such a place there are no missions or no converts; whilst those who have cared to know, know better.—(H. Y.)

[For Indian chintzes, see Forbes Watson, _Textile Manufactures_, 90 _seqq._; Mukharji, _Art Manufactures of India_, 348 _seqq._; S. H. Hadi, _Mon. on Dyes and Dyeing in the N.W.P. and Oudh_, 44 _seqq._; Francis, _Mon. on Punjab Cotton Industry_, 6.]

[63] There is no reason to suppose that Linschoten had himself been to Chittagong. My friend, Dr. Burnell, in his (posthumous) edition of Linschoten for the Hakluyt Society has confounded _Chātigam_ in this passage with _Satgaon_—see PORTO PIQUENO (H. Y.).

[64] The _chātak_ which figures in Hindu poetry, is, according to the dictionaries, _Cuculus melanoleucos_, which must be the pied cuckoo, _Coccystes melanoleucos_, Gm., in Jerdon; but this surely cannot be Sir William's "most beautiful little bird he ever saw"?

[65] Thus, in Shakspeare, "This is Monsieur Parolles, the gallant militarist ... that had the whole theorie of war in the knot of his scarf, the practice in the _chape_ of his dagger."—_All's Well that Ends Well_, iv. 3. And, in the Scottish _Rates and Valuatiouns_, under 1612:

"Lockattis and _Chapes_ for daggers."

[66] "... e quanto á moeda, ser _chapada de sua sica_ (by error printed _sita_), pois já lhe concedea, que todo o proveyto serya del Rey de Portuguall, como soya a ser dos Reis dos Guzarates, e ysto nas terras que nos tiuermos em Canbaya, e a nós quisermos bater."—Treaty (1537) in _S. Botelho, Tombo_, 226.

[67] H. _Ṭikiyā_ is a little cake of charcoal placed in the bowl of the hooka, or hubble-bubble.

[68] See _Fergusson & Burgess, Cave Temples_, pp. 168 & 349. See also Mr. James Campbell's excellent _Bombay Gazetteer_, xiv. 52, where reasons are stated against the view of Dr. Burgess.

[69] _Stat. and Geog. Rep. of the 24 Pergunnahs District_, Calcutta, 1857, p. 57.

[70] _Lingue di San Paolo_ is a name given to fossil sharks' teeth, which are commonly found in Malta, and in parts of Sicily.

[71] I have seen more snakes in a couple of months at the Bagni di Lucca, than in any two years passed in India.—H. Y.

[72] Duarte Pacheco Pereira, whose defence of the Fort at Cochin (c. 1504) against a great army of the Zamorin's, was one of the great feats of the Portuguese in India. [_Comm. Alboquerque_, Hak. Soc. i. 5.]

[73] MS. communication from Prof. Terrien de la Couperie.

[74] It may be noted that Theophrastus describes under the names of κύκας and κόϊξ a palm of Ethiopia, which was perhaps the _Doom_ palm of Upper Egypt (_Theoph. H. P._ ii. 6, 10). Schneider, the editor of Theoph., states that Sprengel identified this with the coco-palm. See the quotation from Pliny below.

[75] This mythical story of the unique tree producing this nut curiously shadows the singular fact that _one_ island only (Praslin) of that secluded group, the Seychelles, bears the _Lodoicea_ as an indigenous and spontaneous product. (See _Sir L. Pelly_, in _J.R.G.S._, xxxv. 232.)

[76] _Kalāpā_, or _Klāpā_, is the Javanese word for coco-nut palm, and is that commonly used by the Dutch.

[77] It is curious that Ducange has a L. Latin word _cahua_, 'vinum album et debile.'

[78] See the extract in De Sacy's _Chrestomathie Arabe_ cited below. Playfair, in his history of Yemen, says coffee was first introduced from Abyssinia by Jamāluddīn Ibn Abdalla, Kāḍī of Aden, in the middle of the 15th century: the person differs, but the time coincides.

[79] There seems no foundation for this.

[80] _i.e._ _Bacca Lauri_; laurel berry.

[81] There is here a doubtful reading. The next paragraph shows that the word should be κομαρεὶ. [We should also read for βριάριον, φρούριον, a watch-post, citadel.]

[82] I had this from one of the party, my respected friend Bishop Caldwell.—H. Y.

[83] On the origin of this word for a long time different opinions were held by my lamented friend Burnell and by me. And when we printed a few specimens in the _Indian Antiquary_, our different arguments were given in brief (see _I. A._, July 1879, pp. 202, 203). But at a later date he was much disposed to come round to the other view, insomuch that in a letter of Sept. 21, 1881, he says: "_Compound_ can, I think, after all, be Malay _Kampong_; take these lines from a Malay poem"—then giving the lines which I have transcribed on the following page. I have therefore had no scruple in giving the same unity to this article that had been unbroken in almost all other cases.—H. Y.

[84] "This elephant is a very pious animal"—a German friend once observed in India, misled by the double sense of his vernacular _fromm_ ('harmless, tame' as well as 'pious or innocent').

[85] _J.R.A.S._, N.S. v. 148. He had said the same in earlier writings, and was apparently the original author of this suggestion. [But see above.]

[86] See Bp. Caldwell's _Comp. Gram._, 18, 95, &c.

[87] See _Tennent_, i. 395.

[88] "This coast bears commonly the corrupted name of _Choromandel_, and is now called only thus; but the right name is _Sjola-mandalam_, after _Sjola_, a certain kingdom of that name, and _mandalam_, 'a kingdom,' one that used in the old times to be an independent and mighty empire."—_Val._ v. 2.

[89] _e.g._ 1675.—"Hence the country ... has become very rich, wherefore the Portuguese were induced to build a town on the site of the old Gentoo (_Jentiefze_) city _Chiormandelan_."—Report on the Dutch Conquests in Ceylon and S. India, by _Rykloof Van Goens_ in _Valentijn_, v. (Ceylon) 234.

[90] "It is characteristic of this region (central forests of Ceylon) that in traversing the forest they calculate their march, not by the eye, or by measures of distance, but by sounds. Thus a '_dog's cry_' indicates a quarter of a mile; a '_cock's crow_,' something more; and a '_hoo_' implies the space over which a man can be heard when shouting that particular monosyllable at the pitch of his voice."—_Tennent's Ceylon_, ii. 582. In S. Canara also to this day such expressions as "a horn's blow," "a man's call," are used in the estimation of distances. [See under GOW.]

[91] _Le Nord de la Sibérie_, i. 82.

[92] "... that Royal Alley of Trees planted by the command of _Jehan-Guire_, and continued by the same order for 150 leagues, with little Pyramids or Turrets erected every half league."—_Bernier_, E.T. 91; [ed. _Constable_, 284].

[93] This gloss is a mistake.

[94] Note communicated by Professor Terrien de la Couperie.

[95] _Kāhan_, see above = 1280 cowries.

[96] A _Kāg_ would seem here to be equivalent to ¼ of a cowry. Wilson, with (?) as to its origin [perhaps P. _kāk_, 'minute'], explains it as "a small division of money of account, less than a _ganḍa_ of Kauris." _Til_ is properly the sesamum seed, applied in Bengal, Wilson says, "in account to 1/80 of a kauri." The Table would probably thus run: 20 _til_ = 1 _kāg_, 4 _kāg_ = 1 _kauri_, and so forth. And 1 rupee = 409,600 til!

[97] See _Madras Journal_, xiii. 127.

[98] _Ind. Ant._ iii. 309.

[99] _Camalli_ (= _facchini_) survives from the Arabic in some parts of Sicily.

[100] Sir Joseph Hooker observes that the use of the terms Custard-apple, Bullock's heart, and Sweet-sop has been so indiscriminate or uncertain that it is hardly possible to use them with unquestionable accuracy.

[101] _Mysore_ is nonsense. As suggested by Sir J. Campbell in the _Bombay Gazetteer_, _Misr_ (Egypt) is probably the word.

[102] _Kumbha_ means an earthen pot, and also the "frontal globe on the upper part of the forehead of the elephant." The latter meaning was, according to Prof. Forchhammer, that intended, being applied to the hillocks on which the town stood, because of their form. But the Burmese applied it to 'alms-bowls,' and invented a legend of Buddha and his two disciples having buried their alms-bowls at this spot.

[103] A correction is made here on Lord Stanley's translation.

[104] Probably not much stress can be laid on this last statement. [The _N.E.D._ thinks that the Arabic word came from the West].

[105] We owe this quotation, as well as that below from Ibn Jubair, to the kindness of Prof. Robertson Smith. On the proceedings of 'Omar see also Sir Wm. Muir's _Annals of the Early Caliphate_ in the chapter quoted below.

[106] At p. 6 there is an Arabic letter, dated A.D. 1200, from Abdurrahmān ibn 'Ali Tāhir, '_al-nazir ba-dīwān Ifriḳiya_,' inspector of the dogana of Africa. But in the Latin version this appears as _Rector omnium Christianorum qui veniunt in totam provinciam de Africa_ (p. 276). In another letter, without date, from Yusuf ibn Mahommed _Sāhib diwān Tunis wal-Mahdia_, Amari renders 'preposto della dogana di Tunis,' &c. (p. 311).

[107] The present generation in England can have no conception how closely this description applies to what took place at many an English port before Sir Robert Peel's great changes in the import tariff. The present writer, in landing from a P. & O. steamer at Portsmouth in 1843, after four or five days' quarantine in the Solent, had to go through _five to six hours_ of such treatment as Ibn Jubair describes, and his feelings were very much the same as the Moor's.—[H. Y.]

[108] Ar. _takāẓā_, dunning or importunity.

[109] This is the date of the Penal Code, as originally submitted to Lord Auckland, by T. B. Macaulay and his colleagues; and in that original form this passage is found as § 283, and in chap. xv. of _Offences relating to Religion and Caste_.

[110] The passage referred to is probably that where Cosmas relates an adventure of his friend Sopatrus, a trader in Taprobane, or Ceylon, at the king's court. A Persian present brags of the power and wealth of his own monarch. Sopatrus says nothing till the king calls on him for an answer. He appeals to the king to compare the Roman gold denarius (called by Cosmas νόμισμα), and the Persian silver drachma, both of which were at hand, and to judge for himself which suggested the greater monarch. "Now the _nomisma_ was a coin of right good ring and fine ruddy gold, bright in metal and elegant in execution, for such coins are picked on purpose to take thither, whilst the _miliaresion_ (or drachma), to say it in one word, was of silver, and of course bore no comparison with the gold coin," &c. In another passage he says that elephants in Taprobane were sold at from 50 to 100 _nomismata_ and more, which seems to imply that the gold _denarii_ were actually current in Ceylon. See the passages at length in _Cathay_, &c., pp. clxxix-clxxx.

[111] It will be seen that the Indian cry also appeals to the Prince expressly. It was the good fortune of one of the present writers (A. B.) to have witnessed the call of Haro! brought into serious operation at Jersey.

[112] _Tagādāgīr_, under the Mahrattas, was an officer who enforced the State demands against defaulting cultivators (_Wilson_); and no doubt it was here an officer similarly employed to enforce the execution of contracts by weavers and others who had received advances. It is a corruption of Pers. _takāẓagīr_, from Ar. _takāẓā_, importunity (see quotation of 1819, under DHURNA).

[113] [Mr. F. Brandt suggests that this word may be Telegu _Thumiar_, _túmu_ being a measure of grain, and possibly the "Dumiers" may have been those entitled to receive the _dustooree_ in grain.]

[114] Royle says "_Malayan agila_," but this is apparently a misprint for _Malayālam_.

[115] We do not find information as to which tree produces the eagle-wood sold in the Tenasserim bazars. [It seems to be _A. agallocha_: see _Watt, Econ. Dict._ i. 279 _seq._].

[116] This _lign aloes_, "genuine, black, heavy, very choice," is presumably the fine kind from Champa: the _aguila_ the inferior product.

[117] _Pīlu_, for elephant, occurs in certain Sanskrit books, but it is regarded as a foreign word.

[118] See _Lassen_, i. 313; _Max Müller's Lectures on Sc. of Language_, 1st S. p. 189.

[119] "As regards the interpretation of _habbim_, a ἅπαξ λεγ., in the passage where the state of the text, as shown by comparison with the LXX, is very unsatisfactory, it seems impossible to say anything that can be of the least use in clearing up the origin of _elephant_. The O. T. speaks so often of ivory, and never again by this name, that _habbim_ must be either a corruption or some trade-name, presumably for some special kind of ivory. Personally, I believe it far more likely that _habbim_ is at bottom the same as _hobnim_ (ebony?) associated with _shen_ in Ezekiel xxvii. 15, and that the passage once ran 'ivory and ebony'"—(_W. Robertson Smith_); [also see _Encycl. Bibl._ ii. 2297 _seq._].

[120] See _Zeitschr. für die Kie Kunde des Morgs._ iv. 12 _seqq._; also _Ebehr. Schrader_ in _Zeitsch. d. M. Gesellsch._ xxvii. 706 _seqq._; [_Encycl. Bibl._ ii. 1262].

[121] In _Journ. As._, ser. iv. tom. ii.

[122] In _Kuhn's Zeitschr. für Vergleichende Sprachkunst_, iv. 128-131.

[123] Detmold, pp. 950-952.

[124] See _Topography of Thebes, with a General View of Egypt_, 1835, p. 153.

[125] See _e.g._ _Brugsch's Hist. of the Pharaohs_, 2d ed. i. 396-400; and _Canon Rawlinson's Egypt_, ii. 235-6.

[126] In _Z. für Aegypt. Spr. und Aetferth._ 1873, pp. 1-9, 63, 64; also tr. by Dr. Birch in _Records of the Past_, vol. ii. p. 59 (_no date_, more shame to S. Bagster & Sons); and again by Ebers, revised in Z.D.M.G., 1876, pp. 391 _seqq._

[127] See Canon Rawlinson's _Egypt_, u.s.

[128] For the painting see _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, edited by Birch, vol. i. pl. 11 b, which shows the Rutennu bringing a chariot and horses, a bear, an elephant, and ivory tusks, as tribute to Thotmes III. For other records see _Brugsch_, E.T., 2nd ed. i. 381, 384, 404.

[129] _Die Inschriften Tighlathpileser's I., ... mit Übersetzung und Kommentar von Dr. Wilhelm Lotz_, Leipzig, 1880, p. 53; [and see Maspero, _op. cit._ 661 _seq._].

[130] _Lotz_, _loc. cit._ p. 197.

[131] See _J. R. As. Soc._ vol. xviii.

"Inde _boves Lucas_ turrito corpore tetros, Anguimanos, belli docuerunt volnera Pœnei Sufferre, et magnas Martis turbare catervas." _Lucretius_, v. 1301-3.

Here is the origin of Tennyson's 'serpent-hands' quoted under HATTY. The title _bos Luca_ is explained by St. Isidore:

"Hos _boves Lucanos_ vocabant antiqui Romani: _boves_ quia nullum animal grandius videbant: _Lucanos_ quia in Lucania illos primus Pyrrhus in prœlio objecit Romanis."—_Isid. Hispal._ lib. xii. _Originum_, cap. 2.

[133] It is not easy to understand the bearing of the drawing in question.

[134] This use of _campo_ is more like the sense of COMPOUND (q.v.) than in any instance we had found when completing that article.

[135] _Galeon_ is here the galliot of later days. See above.

[136] "A kind of boat," is all that Crawfurd tells.—_Malay Dict._ s.v. ["_Banting_, a native sailing-vessel with two masts"—Williamson, _Malay Dict._: "_Bantieng_, soort van boot met twee masten"—Van Eysinga, _Malay-Dutch Dict._]

[137] There is no justification for this word in the Latin.

[138] "Rheede says: 'Etiam in sylvis et desertis reperitur' (_Hort. Mal._ xi. 10). But I am not aware of any botanist having found it wild. I suspect that no one has looked for it."—_Sir J. D. Hooker._

[139] _Gebeli_, Ar. "of the hills." _Neli_ is also read _dely_, probably for _d'Ely_ (see DELY, MOUNT). The Ely ginger is mentioned by Barbosa (p. 220).

[140] From Amari's Italian version.

[141] The two companies which escaladed were led by Captain Bruce, a brother of the Abyssinian traveller. "It is said that the spot was pointed out to Popham by a cowherd, and that the whole of the attacking party were supplied with grass shoes to prevent them from slipping on the ledges of rock. There is a story also that the cost of these grass-shoes was deducted from Popham's pay, when he was about to leave India as a major-general, nearly a quarter of a century afterwards."—_Cunningham, Arch. Surv._ ii. 340.

[142] I.e. _ḥamāmī_, a bath attendant. Compare the _Hummums_ in _Covent Garden_.

[143] _Hemāchal_ and _Hemakūt_ also occur in the Āīn (see _Gladwin_, ii. 342, 343; [ed. _Jarrett_, iii. 30, 31]). _Karāchal_ is the name used by Ibn Batuta in the 14th century, and by Al-Birūni 300 years earlier. 17th century writers often call the Himālaya the "Mountains of NUGGUR-COTE" (q.v.). [Mr. Tawney writes: "We have in Ṛig Veda (x. 121) _ime himavanto parvatāḥ_, 'these snowy mountains,' spoken of as abiding by the might of Prajāpati. In the Bhagavadgītā, an episode of the Mahābhārata, Kṛishṇa says that he is 'the _Himālaya_ among stable things,' and the word _Himālaya_ is found in the Kumāra Sambhava of Kālidāsa, about the date of which opinions differ. Perhaps the Greek Ιμαος is _himavat_; Ἠμωδὸς, _himādri_."]

[144] In most of the important Asiatic languages the same word indicates the Sea or a River of the first class; _e.g._ _Sindhu_ as here; in Western Tibet _Gyamtso_ and _Samandrang_ (corr. of Skt. _samundra_) 'the Sea,' which are applied to the Indus and Sutlej (see _J. R. Geog. Soc._ xxiii. 34-35); Hebrew _yam_, applied both to the sea and to the Nile; Ar. _baḥr_; Pers. _daryā_; Mongol. _dalai_, &c. Compare the Homeric Ὠκεανός.

[145] The Teutonic word _Corn_ affords a handy instance of the varying application of the name of a cereal to that which is, or has been, the staple grain of each country. _Corn_ in England familiarly means 'wheat'; in Scotland 'oats'; in Germany 'rye'; in America 'maize.'

[146] Afterwards M.-Gen. G. Hutchinson, C.B., C.S.I., Sec. to the Ch. Missy. Society.

[147] "Ce sont des Maures qui exigent de l'argent sur les grands chemins, de ceux qui passent avec quelques merchandises; souvent ils en demandent à ceux mêmes qui n'en portent point. On regarde ces gens-là à peu pres comme des voleurs."

[148] This remark is from a letter of Dr. Burnell's dd. Tanjore, March 16, 1880.

[149] _Paṭṭi_ is used here in the Mahratti sense of a 'contribution' or extra cess. It is the regular Mahratti equivalent of the _abwāb_ of Bengal, on which see Wilson, s.v.

[150] The same breed of elephants perhaps that is mentioned on this part of the coast by the author of the _Periplus_, by whom it is called ἡ Δησαρήνη χώρα φέρουσα ἐλέφαντα τὸν λεγόμενον Βωσαρή.

[151] It is possible that the island called Shaikh Shu'aib, which is off the coast of Lār, and not far from Sirāf, may be meant. Barbosa also mentions _Lār_ among the islands in the Gulf subject to the K. of Ormuz (p. 37).

[152] Reg. I. of 1810 had empowered the Executive Government, by an official communication from its Secretary in the Judicial Department, to dispense with the attendance and FUTWA of the LAW OFFICERS of the courts of circuit, when it seemed advisable. But in such case the judge of the court passed no sentence, but referred the proceedings with an opinion to the _Nizamut Adawlut_.

[153] See an interesting paper in the _Saturday Review_ of Sept. 29, 1883, on _Le Mascaret_.

[154] Other names for the bore in India are: Hind. _hummā_, and in Bengal _bān_.

[155] It is given in No. II. of _Selections from the Records of S. Arcot District_, p. 107.

[156] In a letter from poor Arthur Burnell, on which this paragraph is founded, he adds: "It is sad that the most Philistine town (in the German sense) in all the East should have such a name."

[157] This _perhaps_ implies an earlier spread of northern influence than we are justified in assuming.

[158] "The Portuguese ... sailing from Malabar on voyages of exploration ... made their acquaintance with various places on the eastern or Coromandel Coast ... and finding the language spoken by the fishing and sea-faring classes on the eastern coast similar to that spoken on the western, they came to the conclusion that it was identical with it, and called it in consequence by the same name—viz. MALABAR.... A circumstance which naturally confirmed the Portuguese in their notion of the identity of the people and language of the Coromandel Coast with those of Malabar was that when they arrived at Cael, in Tinnevelly, on the Coromandel Coast ... they found the King of Quilon (one of the most important places on the Malabar Coast) residing there."—_Bp. Caldwell_, u.s.

[159] This Port was immediately outside the Straits, as appears from the description of Dom João de Castro (1541): "Now turning to the 'Gates' of the Strait, which are the chief object of our description, we remark that here the land of Arabia juts out into the sea, forming a prominent Point, and very prolonged.... This is the point or promontory which Ptolemy calls _Possidium_.... In front of it, a little more than a gunshot off, is an islet called the _Ilheo dos Roboeens_; because _Roboão_ in Arabic means a pilot; and the pilots living here go aboard the ships which come from outside, and conduct them," &c.—_Roteiro do Mar Roxo_, &c., 35.

The Island retains its name, and is mentioned as _Pilot Island_ by Capt. Haines in _J. R. Geog. Soc._ ix. 126. It lies about 1½ m. due east of Perim.

[160] See _Erdkunde_, v. 647. The Index to Ritter gives a reference to _A. W. Schott, Mag. für die Literat. des Ausl._, 1837, No. 123. This we have not been able to see.

[161] The excellence of the Goa Mangoes is stated to be due to the care and skill of the Jesuits (_Annaes Maritimos_, ii. 270). In S. India all good kinds have Portuguese or Mahommedan names. The author of _Tribes on My Frontier_, 1883, p. 148, mentions the luscious _peirie_ and the delicate _afoos_ as two fine varieties, supposed to bear the names of a certain _Peres_ and a certain _Affonso_.

[162] See _Sayce, Principles of Comparative Philology_, 2nd ed. 208-211.

[163] "_Maund_, a kind of great Basket or Hamper, containing eight Bales, or two Fats. It is commonly a quantity of 8 bales of unbound Books, each Bale having 1000 lbs. weight."—_Giles Jacob, New Law Dict._, 7th ed., 1756, s.v.

[164] This passage is also referred to under NACODA. The French translation runs as follows:—"Cette princesse invita ... le _tendîl_ ou 'général des piétons,' et le _sipāhsālār_ ou 'général des archers.'" In answer to a query, our friend, Prof. Robertson Smith, writes: "The word is _rijāl_, and this may be used either as the plural of _rajul_, 'man,' or as the pl. of _rājil_, 'piéton.' But foreman, or 'praepositus' of the 'men' (_muḳaddam_ is not well rendered 'général'), is just as possible." And, if possible, much more reasonable. Dulaurier (_J. As._ ser. iv. tom. ix.) renders _rijāl_ here "sailors." See the article TINDAL; and see the quotation under the present article from Bocarro MS.

[165] See _Cathay_, &c., pp. ccxlvii.-ccl.; and Mr. E. Thomas, _Pathán Kings of Delhi_, _passim._

[166] The average was taken as follows:—(1). We took the whole of the weight of gold in the list at p. 43 ("Table of the Gold Coins of India") with the omission of four pieces which are exceptionally debased; and (2), the first twenty-four pieces in the list at p. 50 ("Supplementary Table"), omitting two exceptional cases, and divided by the whole number of coins so taken. See the tables at end of Thomas's ed. of _Prinsep's Essays_.

[167] Was this ignorance, or slang? Though slave-boys are occasionally mentioned, there is no indication that slaves were at all the usual substitute for domestic servants at this time in European families.

[168] Moodeen Sheriff (_Supplt. to the Pharmacopoeia of India_) says that the _Mahwā_ in question is _Bassia longifolia_ and the wild Mahwā _Bassia latifolia_.

[169] "Don Ricardo began to fret and fidget most awfully—'Beginning of the _seasons_'—why, we may not get away for a week, and all the ships will be kept back in their loading."—Ed. 1863, p. 309.

[170] Equal to 863 lbs. 12 oz. 12 drs.

[171] Hadley, however, mentions in his preface that a small pamphlet had been received by Mr. George Bogle in 1770, which he found to be the mutilated embryo of his own grammatical scheme. This was circulating in Bengal "at his expence."

[172] The husband of the existing Princess of Tanjore is habitually styled by the natives "_Mapillai Sāhib_" ("il Signor Genero"), as the son-in-law of the late Raja.

[173] According to Pyrard _mesquite_ is the word used in the Maldive Islands. It is difficult to suppose the people would adopt such a word from the Portuguese. And probably the form both in east and west is to be accounted for by a hard pronunciation of the Arabic _j_, as in Egypt now; the older and probably the most widely diffused. [See Mr. Gray's note in Hak. Soc. ii. 417.]

[174] Sir George Yule notes: "I can distinctly call to mind 6 mucknas that I had (I may have had more) out of 30 or 40 elephants that passed through my hands." This would give 15 or 20 per cent. of _mucknas_, but as the stud included females, the result would rather consist with Mr. Sanderson's 5 out of 51 males.

[175] Here the Kyendwen R. is regarded as a branch of the Brahmaputra. See further on.

[176] "_Stupiva_ d'vdire tanta fragranza." The Scotchman is laughed at for "feeling" a smell, but here the Italian _hears_ one!

[177] We have seen, however, somewhere an ingenious suggestion that the word really came from _Maisolia_ (the country about Masulipatam, according to Ptolemy), which even in ancient times was famous for fine cotton textures.

[178] _Deotī_, a torch-bearer. Thus Baber: "If the emperor or chief nobility (in India) at any time have occasion for a light by night, these filthy _Deuties_ bring in their lamps, which they carry up to their master, and stand holding it close by his side."—_Baber_, 333.

[179] One of them is generally identified with the seeds of _Moringa pterygosperma_—see HORSE RADISH TREE—the Ben-nuts of old writers, and affording _Oil of Ben_, used as a basis in perfumery.

[180] This article we have been unable to find. Dr. Hunter in _As. Res._ (xi. 182) quotes from a Persian work of Mahommed Husain Shirāzi, communicated to him by Mr. Colebrooke, the names of 6 varieties of _Halīla_ (or Myrobalan) as afforded in different stages of maturity by the _Terminalia Chebula_:—1. _H. Zīra_, when just set (from _Zīra_, cummin-seed). 2. _H. Jawī_ (from _Jau_, barley). 3. _Zangī_ or _Hindī_ (The Black M.). 4. _H. Chīnī._ 5. _H. 'Asfar_, or Yellow. 6. _H. Kābulī_, the mature fruit. [See Dr. Murray's article in _Watt, Econ. Dict._ vi. pt. iv. 33 _seqq._]

[181] "_Confettiamo_," "make comfits of"; "preserve," but the latter word is too vague.

[182] This is surely not what we now call _Cassia Fistula_, the long cylindrical pod of a leguminous tree, affording a mild laxative? But Hanbury and Flückiger (pp. 195, 475) show that some _Cassia bark_ (of the cinnamon kind) was known in the early centuries of our era as κασία συριγγώδης and _cassia fistularis_; whilst the drug now called _Cassia Fistula_, L., is first noticed by a medical writer of Constantinople towards A.D. 1300. Pegolotti, at p. 366, gives a few lines of instruction for judging of _cassia fistula_: "It ought to be black, and thick, and unbroken (_salda_), and heavy, and the thicker it is, and the blacker the outside rind is, the riper and better it is; and it retains its virtue well for 2 years." This is not very decisive, but on the whole we should suppose Pegolotti's _cassia fistula_ to be either a spice-bark, or solid twigs of a like plant (H. & F. 476).

[183] This is probably _Balanitis aegyptiaca_, Delile, the _zak_ of the Arabs, which is not unlike myrobalan fruit and yields an oil much used medicinally. The negroes of the Niger make an intoxicating spirit of it.

[184] Dozy says (2nd ed. 323) that the plural form has been adopted by mistake. Wilson says 'honorifically.' Possibly in this and other like cases it came from popular misunderstanding of the Arabic plurals. So we have omra, _i.e._ _umarā_, pl. of _amīr_ used singularly and forming a plural _umrāyān_. (See also OMLAH and MEHAUL.)

[185] The word is so misprinted throughout this part of the English version.

[186] Qu. _boroughs_? The writer does injustice to his country when he speaks of _burghs_ being bought and sold. The representation of Scotch _burghs_ before 1832 was bad, but it never was purchasable. There are no _burghs_ in England.

[187] [The late Mr. E. J. W. Gibb pointed out that _Chocarda_ is Turkish _Chokadār_, a name given to a great man's lackey or footman. "High functionaries have many _Chokadārs_ attached to their establishments. In this case, probably the Pasha of the province through which Ives was travelling, or perhaps some functionary at Constantinople, appointed one of his _Chokadārs_ to look after the traveller. The word literally means 'cloth-keeper,' and it is probable that the name was originally given to a servant who had charge of his master's wardrobe. But it has long been applied to a lackey who walks beside his master's horse when his master is out riding."]

[188] The word _Nágá_ is spelt with a nasal _n_, "_Náñgá_" (p. 76).

[189] The "Hugly" River was then considered (in ascending) to begin at Hooghly Point, and the confluence of the Rupnarain R., often called the _Gunga_ (see under GODAVERY).

[190] Other terms applied have been _Numeralia_, Quantitative Auxiliaries, Numeral Auxiliaries, Segregatives, &c.

[191] See Sir H. Yule's _Introductory Essay_ to Capt. Gill's _River of Golden Sand_, ed. 1883, pp. [127], [128].

[192] Some details on the subject of these determinatives, in reference to languages on the eastern border of India, will be found in Prof. Max Müller's letter to Bunsen in the latter's _Outlines of the Phil. of Universal History_, i. 396 _seqq._; as well as in W. von Humboldt, quoted above. Prof. Max Müller refers to Humboldt's _Complete Works_, vi. 402; but this I have not been able to find, nor, in either writer, any suggested _rationale_ of the idiom.

[193] There seems to have been great oscillation of traffic in this matter. About 1873, one of the present writers, then resident at Palermo, sent, in compliance with a request from Lahore, a collection of plants of many (about forty) varieties of _citrus_ cultivated in Sicily, for introduction into the Punjab. This despatch was much aided by the kindness of Prof. Todaro, in charge of the Royal Botanic Garden at Palermo.

[194] In Reiske's version "poma stupendae molis et excellentissima."—_Büsching's Magazin_, iv. 230.

[195] Prinsep's _Useful Tables_, by E. Thomas, p. 19.

[196] Giles, _Glossary of Reference_, s.v.

[197] "The prayer that they say daily consists of these words: '_Pacauta! Pacauta! Pacauta!_' And this they repeat 104 times."—(Bk. iii. ch. 17.) The word is printed in Ramusio _pacauca_; but no one familiar with the constant confusion of _c_ and _t_ in medieval manuscript will reject this correction of M. Pauthier. Bishop Caldwell observes that the word was probably _Bagavā_, or _Pagavā_, the Tamil form of _Bhagavata_, "Lord"; a word reiterated in their sacred formulæ by Hindus of all sorts, especially Vaishnava devotees. The words given by Marco Polo, if written "_Pagoda! Pagoda! Pagoda!_" would be almost undistinguishable in sound from _Pacauta_.

[198] Or our symbol (Et ligand), now modified into (&), which is in fact Latin _et_, but is read 'and."

[199] "The peculiar mode of writing Pahlavi here alluded to long made the character of the language a standing puzzle for European scholars, and was first satisfactorily explained by Professor Haug, of Munich, in his admirable Essay on the Pahlavi Language, already cited" (_West_, p. xii.).

[200] In _Canticles_, iii. 9, the "ferculum _quod fecit sibi rex Salomon de lignis Libani_" is in the Hebrew _appiryōn_, which has by some been supposed to be Greek φορεῖον; highly improbable, as the litter came to Greece from the East. Is it possible that the word can be in some way taken from _paryañka_? The R.V. has _palanquin_. [See the discussion in _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, iii. 2804 _seq._].

[201] "_Pagos do aljube._" We are not sure of the meaning.

[202] The writer is here led away by Wilford's nonsense.

[203] Query (i.) _rámún_ (Hind.) or _rama_ (Ladakhi) _chhelli_ = the _rama_ (special variety of goat) -goat; (ii.) or is Salbank mixing _rama-shál_ (goat-shawl), the product, with the name of the animal producing the raw material?

[204] This is the true reading, see note at the place, and _J. R. As. Soc._ N.S.

[205] See _Journ. As._, Ser. II., tom. viii. 352.

[206] See also _De Candolle, Plantes Cultivées_, p. 234.

[207] "_E foy dar no golfam_ do estreito de Magalhães." I cannot explain the use of this name. It must be applied here to the Sea between Banda and Timor.

[208] Antonio Nunez, "Comtador da Casa del Rey noso Senhor," who in 1554 compiled the _Livro dos Pesos da Ymdia e asy Medidas e Mohedas_, says of Diu in particular:

"The moneys here exhibit such variations and such differences, that it is impossible to write any thing certain about them; for every month, every 8 days indeed, they rise and fall in value, according to the money that enters the place" (p. 28).

[209] I invert the similar table given by Dr. Badger in his notes to Varthema.

[210] The issues of FANAMS, q.v., have been infinite; but they have not varied much in weight, though very greatly in alloy, and therefore in the number reckoned to a pagoda.

"2 gunjās = 1 dugala 2 dugalas = 1 chavula (= the panam or fanam), 2 chavalas = 1 hoṇa (= the PRATAPA, máda, or _half pagoda_), 2 hoṇṇas = 1 Varāha (the hūn or pagoda)".

"The ganjā or unit (= ¼ fanam) is the rati, or Sanskrit raktika, the seed of the _abrus_."—_Op. cit._ p. 224, _note_. See also Sir W. Elliot's _Coins of S. India_, p. 56.

[212] 360 _reis_ is the equivalent in the authorities, so far as I know.

[213] Even the pound sterling, since it represented a pound of silver sterlings, has come down to one-third of that value; but if the value of silver goes on dwindling as it has done lately, our pound might yet justify its name again!

I have remarked elsewhere:

"Everybody seems to be tickled at the notion that the Scotch Pound or _Livre_ was only 20 pence. Nobody finds it funny that the French or Italian _Livre_ or Pound is only 20 halfpence or less!" I have not been able to trace how high the _rei_ began, but the _maravedi_ entered life as a gold piece, equivalent to the Saracen _mithḳāl_, and ended—?

[214] I calculate all gold values in this paper at those of the present English coinage.

Besides the gradual depreciation of the Portugal _rei_, so prominently noticed in this paper, there was introduced in Goa a reduction of the _rei_ locally below the _rei_ of Portugal in the ratio of 15 to 8. I do not know the history or understand the object of such a change, nor do I see that it affects the calculations in this article. In a table of values of coins current in Portuguese India, given in the _Annaes Maritimos_ of 1844, each coin is valued both in _Reis of Goa_ and in _Reis of Portugal_, bearing the above ratio. My kind correspondent, Dr. J. N. Fonseca, author of the capital _History of Goa_, tells me that this was introduced in the beginning of the 17th century, but that he has yet found no document throwing light upon it. It is a matter quite apart from the secular depreciation of the _rei_.

[215] Thus Alboquerque, returning to Europe in 1504, gives a "Moorish" pilot, who carried him by a new course straight from Cannanore to Mozambique, a BUCKSHISH of 50 _cruzados_; this is explained as £5—a mild munificence for such a feat. In truth it was nearly £24, the _cruzado_ being about the same as the sequin (see i. p. 17).

The mint at Goa was farmed out by the same great man, after the conquest, for 600,000 _reis_, amounting, we are told, to £125. It was really £670 (iii. 41).

Alboquerque demands as ransom to spare Muscat "10,000 xerafins of gold." And we are told by the translator that this ransom of a wealthy trading city like Muscat amounted to £625. The coin in question is the _ashrafi_, or gold dīnār, as much as, or more than the sequin in value, and the sum more than £5000 (i. p. 82).

In the note to the first of these cases it is said that the _cruzado_ is "a silver coin (formerly gold), now equivalent to 480 _reis_, or about 2_s._ English money, but probably worth much more relatively in the time of Dalboquerque." "Much more relatively" means of course that the 2_s._ had much more purchasing power.

This is a very common way of speaking, but it is often very fallaciously applied. The change in purchasing power _in India_ generally till the beginning of last century was probably not very great. There is a curious note by Gen. Briggs in his translation of Firishta, comparing the amount stated by Firishta to have been paid by the Bāhmanī King, about A.D. 1470, as the annual cost of a body of 500 horse, with the cost of a British corps of Irregular horse of the same strength in Briggs's own time (say about 1815). The Bāhmanī charge was 350,000 Rs.; the British charge 219,000 Rs. A corps of the same strength would now cost the British Government, as near as I can calculate, 287,300 Rs.

The price of an Arab horse imported into India (then a great traffic) was in Marco Polo's time about three times what it was in our own, up to 1850.

The salary of the Governor at Goa, c. 1550, was 8000 _cruzados_, or nearly £4000 a year; and the salaries of the commandants of the fortresses of Goa, of Malacca, of Dio, and of Bassain, 600,000 _reis_, or about £670.

The salary of Ibn Batuta, when Judge of Delhi, about 1340, was 1000 silver _tankas_ or _dinārs_ as he calls them (practically 1000 rupees) a month, which was in addition to an assignment of villages bringing in 5000 _tankas_ a year. And yet he got into debt in a very few years to the tune of 55,000 _tankas_—say £5,500!

[216] Dr. D'Acunha has set this English traveller down to 1684, and introduces a quotation from him in illustration of the coinage of the latter period, in his quasi-chronological notes, a new element in the confusion of his readers.

[217] "3 _plaghe_" in Balbi.

[218] "_Serafinno di argento_" (_ibid._).

[219] "_Quando si parla di pardai d'oro s'intendono, tanghe 6, di buona moneta_" (Balbi). This does not mean the old _pardao d'ouro_ or golden pagoda, a sense which apparently had now become obsolete, but that in dealing in jewels, &c., it was usual to settle the price in pardaos of 6 good tangas instead of 5 (as we give doctors guineas instead of pounds). The actual _pagodas of gold_ are also mentioned by Balbi, but these were worth, new ones 7½ and old ones 8 tangas of good money.

[220] No doubt, however, foreign coins were used to make up sums, and reduce the bulk of small change.

[221] Sir W. Elliot refers to the Aśoka inscription (Edict II.) as bearing _Palaya_ or _Paraya_, named with Choḍa (or Chola), Kerala, &c., as a country or people "in the very centre of the Dravidian group ... a reading which, if it holds good, supplies a satisfactory explanation of the origin of the Paria name and nation" (in _J. Ethnol. Soc._ N.S., 1869, p. 103). But apparently the reading has not held good, for M. Senart reads the name _Pām̃dya_ (see _Ind. Ant._ ix. 287). [Mr. V. A. Smith writes: "The Girnar text is very defective in this important passage, which is not in the Dhauli text; that text gives only 11 out of the 14 edicts. The capital of the _Pām̃diyan_ Kingdom was Madura. The history of the kingdom is very imperfectly known. For a discussion of it see _Sewell, Lists of Antiquities_, Madras, vol. ii. Of course it has nothing to do with PARIAS."]

[222] "... great diversion is found ... in firing balls at birds,

## particularly the _albitross_, a large species of the swan, commonly

seen within two or three hundred miles round the Cape of Good Hope, and which the French call _Montons_ (Moutons) du _Cap_."—_Munro's Narrative_, 13. The confusion of genera here equals that mentioned in our article above.

[223] It is an easy assumption that this export trade from India was killed by the development of machinery in England. We can hardly doubt that this cause would have killed it in time. But it was not left to any such lingering and natural death. Much time would be required to trace the whole of this episode of "ancient history." But it is certain that this Indian trade was not killed by natural causes: _it was killed by prohibitory duties_. These duties were so high in 1783 that they were declared to operate as a premium on smuggling, and they were _reduced_ to 18 per cent. _ad valorem_. In the year 1796-97 the value of piece-goods from India imported into England was £2,776,682, or one-third of the whole value of the imports from India, which was £8,252,309. And in the sixteen years between 1793-4 and 1809-10 (inclusive) the imports of Indian piece-goods amounted in value to £26,171,125.

In 1799 the duties were raised. I need not give details, but will come down to 1814, just before the close of the war, when they were, I believe, at a maximum. The duties then, on "plain white calicoes," were:—

£ _s._ _d._ Warehouse duty 4 0 0 per cent. War enhancement 1 0 0 " Customs duty 50 0 0 " War enhancement 12 10 0 " ---------- Total 67 10 0 per cent. on value.

There was an Excise duty upon British manufactured and printed goods of 3½_d._ per square yard, and of twice that amount on foreign (Indian) calico and muslin printed in Great Britain, and the whole of both duty and excise upon such goods was recoverable as drawback upon re-exportation. But on the exportation of Indian white goods there was no drawback recoverable; and stuffs printed in India were at this time, so far as we can discern, _not admitted through the English Custom-house at all_ until 1826, when they were admitted on a duty of 3½_d._ per square yard. (See in the _Statutes_, 43 Geo. III. _capp._ 68, 69, 70; 54 Geo. III. _cap._ 36; 6 Geo. IV. _cap._ 3; also _Macpherson's Annals of Commerce_, iv. 426).

In Sir A. Arbuthnot's publication of _Sir T. Munro's Minutes_ (_Memoir_, p. cxxix.) he quotes a letter of Munro's to a friend in Scotland, written about 1825, which shows him surprisingly before his age in the matter of Free Trade, speaking with reference to certain measures of Mr. Huskisson's. The passage ends thus: "India is the country that has been worst used in the new arrangements. All her products ought undoubtedly to be imported freely into England, upon paying the same duties, and no more, which English duties [? manufactures] pay in India. When I see what is done in Parliament against India, I think that I am reading about Edward III. and the Flemings."

Sir A. Arbuthnot adds very appropriately a passage from a note by the late Prof. H. H. Wilson in his continuation of James Mill's _History of India_ (1845, vol. i. pp. 538-539), a passage which we also gladly insert here:

"It was stated in evidence (in 1813) that the cotton and silk goods of India, up to this period, could be sold for a profit in the British market at a price from 50 to 60 per cent. lower than those fabricated in England. It consequently became necessary to protect the latter by duties of 70 or 80 per cent. on their value, or by positive prohibition. Had this not been the case, had not such prohibitory duties and decrees existed, the mills of Paisley and of Manchester would have been stopped in their outset, and could hardly have been again set in motion, even by the powers of steam. They were created by the sacrifice of the Indian manufactures. Had India been independent, she would have retaliated; would have imposed preventive duties upon British goods, and would thus have preserved her own productive industry from annihilation. This act of self-defence was not permitted her; she was at the mercy of the stranger. British goods were forced upon her without paying any duty; and the foreign manufacturer employed the arm of political injustice to keep down and ultimately strangle a competitor with whom he could not contend on equal terms."

[224] See details in the _Field_ of Nov. 15, 1884, p. 667, courteously given in reply to a query from the present writer.

[225] Thomas Rastall or Rastell went out apparently in 1615, in 1616 is mentioned as a "chief merchant of the fleet at SWALLY Road," and often later as chief at Surat (see _Sainsbury_, i. 476, and ii. _passim_).

[226] _Pera o sapal_, _i.e._ 'for the marsh.' We cannot be certain of the meaning of this; but we may note that in 1543 the King, as a favour to the city of Goa, and for the commodity of its shipping and the landing of goods, &c., makes a grant "of the marsh inundated with sea-water (_do_ sapal _alagado dagoa salgada_) which extends along the river-side from the houses of Antonio Correa to the houses of Afonso Piquo, which grant is to be perpetual ... to serve for a landing-place and quay for the merchants to moor and repair their ships, and to erect their BANKSHALLS (_bangaçaes_), and never to be turned away to any other purpose." Possibly the fines went into a fund for the drainage of this _sapal_ and formation of landing-places. See _Archiv. Port. Orient._, Fasc. 2, pp. 130-131.

[227] We do not know what word is intended, unless it be a special use of Ar. _baṭan_, 'the interior or middle of a thing.' Dorn refers to a note, which does not exist in his book. Bellew gives the title conferred by the Prophet as "_Pīhtān_ or _Pāthān_, a term which in the Syrian language signifies a rudder." Somebody else interprets it as 'a mast.'

[228] P. _pāsbān_ and _nigabān_, both meaning literally 'watch-keeper,' the one from _pās_, 'a watch,' in the sense of a division of the day, the other from _nigah_, 'watch,' in the sense of 'heed' or 'observation.' [_Dusaud_ = _Dosādh_, a low caste often employed as watchmen.]

[229] Favre gives (_Dict. Malay-Français_): "_Duku_" (_buwa_ is = fruit). "Nom d'un fruit de la grosseur d'un œuf de poule; il parait être une grosse espèce de _Lansium_." (It is _L. domesticum_.) The _Rambeh_ is figured by Marsden in Atlas to _Hist. of Sumatra_, 3rd ed. pl. vi. and pl. ix. It seems to be _Baccaurea dulcis_, Müll. (_Pierardia dulcis_, Jack).

[230] Müller and (very positively) Fabricius discard Βουτύρου for Βοσμόρου, which "no fellow understands." A. Hamilton (i. 136) mentions "Wheat, Pulse, and _Butter_" as exports from _Mangaroul_ on this coast. He does _not_ mention _Bosmoron_!

[231] This is shown by a 17th century Dutch chart in I.O. to be a creek on the west side, very little below Diamond Point. It is also shown in Tassin's _Maps of the R. Hoogly_, 1835; not later.

[232] This also points to the locality of Diamond Harbour, and the Chingrī Khāl.

[233] These ingots were called _saum_. Ibn Batuta says: "At one day's journey from Ukak are the hills of the Rūs, who are Christians; they have red hair and blue eyes, they are ugly in feature and crafty in character. They have silver mines, and they bring from their country _saum_, _i.e._ ingots of silver, with which they buy and sell in that country. The weight of each ingot is five ounces."—ii. 414. Pegolotti (c. 1340), speaking of the land-route to Cathay, says that on arriving at Cassai (_i.e._ _Kinsay_ of Marco Polo or Hang-chau-fu) "you can dispose of the _sommi_ of silver that you have with you ... and you may reckon the _sommo_ to be worth 5 golden florins" (see in _Cathay_, &c., ii. 288-9, 293). It would appear from Wasāf, quoted by Hammer (_Geschichte der Goldenen Horde_, 224), that gold ingots also were called _sum_ or _saum_. The ruble is still called _sūm_ in Turkestan.

[234] The term _Sonaut_ rupees, which was of frequent occurrence down to the reformation and unification of the Indian coinage in 1833, is one very difficult to elucidate. The word is properly _sanwāt_, pl. of Ar. _sana(t)_, a year. According to the old practice in Bengal, coins deteriorated in value, in comparison with the rupee of account, when they passed the third year of their currency, and these rupees were termed _Sanwāt_ or _Sonaut_. But in 1773, to put a stop to this inconvenience, Government determined that all rupees coined in future should bear the impression of the 19th _san_ or year of Shāh 'Alam (the Mogul then reigning). And in all later uses of the term _Sonaut_ it appears to be equivalent in value to the Farrukhābād rupee, or the modern "Company's Rupee" (which was of the same standard).

[235] Like the Βαιτύλιον which the Greeks got through the Semitic nations. In Photius there are extracts from Damascius (_Life of Isidorus the Philosopher_), which speak of the stones called _Baitulos_ and _Baitulion_, which were objects of worship, gave oracles, and were apparently used in healing. These appear, from what is stated, to have been meteoric stones. There were many in Lebanon (see _Phot. Biblioth._, ed. 1653, pp. 1047, 1062-3).

[236] "It is curious that without any allusion to this work, another on the Veterinary Art, styled _Sálotari_, and said to comprise in the Sanskrit original 16,000 _slokas_, was translated in the reign of Sháh Jahán ... by Saiyad 'Abdulla Khán Bahádur Firoz Jang, who had found it among some other Sanskrit books which ... had been plundered from Amar Singh, Ráná of Chitor."

[237] Of the birch-tree, Sansk. _bhurja_, _Betula Bhojpattra_, Wall., the exfoliating outer bark of which is called _tōz_.

[238] In a Greek translation of Shakspere, published some years ago at Constantinople, _this line is omitted_!

[239] _Corvina_ is applied by Cuvier, Cantor and others to fish of the genus _Sciaena_ of more recent ichthyologists.

[240] "_Cybium_ (_Scomber_, Linn.) _guttatum_."—_Tennent._

[241] Not a general officer, but a letter from the body of the Council.

[242] On another B.M. copy of an earlier edition than that quoted, and which belonged to Jos. Scaliger, there is here a note in his autograph: "Id est _Caesar_, non est vox Tatarica, sed Vindica seu Illyrica, ex Latino detorta."

"At pueri ludentes, _Rex eris_, aiunt, Si recte facies."—_Hor. Ep._ I. i.

[244] On the probable indication of Great and Little used in this fashion, see remarks in notes on _Marco Polo_, bk. iii. ch. 9.

[245] In both written alike, but the final _t_ in Arabic is generally silent, giving _sharba_, in Persian _sharbat_. So we get _minaret_ from Pers. and Turk. _munārat_, in Ar. (and in India) _munāra_ [_manār_, _manāra_].

[246] "SEWALICK is the term, according to the common acceptation; but Capt. Kirkpatrick proves, from the evident etymology of it, that it should be SEWA-LUCK."—_Note by Rennell._

[247] This is apparently a mistake. The proposals were certainly original with Mr. Yule.

[248] Here is an instance in which scarlet is used for 'scarlet broadcloth':

c. 1665.—"... they laid them out, partly in fine Cotton Cloth ...

## partly in Silken Stuffs streaked with Gold and Silver, to make Vests

and Summer-Drawers of; partly in English SCARLET, to make two Arabian Vests of for their King...."—_Bernier_, E.T. 43; [ed. _Constable_, 139].

[249] Togrul Beg, founder of the Seljuk dynasty, called by various Western writers _Tangrolipix_, and (as here) _Strangolipes_.

[250] "... hum rio ... que corta do mar todo aquelle terço de terra."... We are not quite sure how to translate. Crawfurd renders: "This (river) intersects the whole island from sea to sea," which seems very free. But it is true, as we have said, that several old maps show Java and Sunda thus divided from sea to sea.

[251] Apparently 30,000 quintals _every two years_.

[252] Sunda Kalapa was the same as Jacatra, on the site of which the Dutch founded Batavia in 1619.

[253] These are mentioned in a copper tablet inscription of A.D. 1136; see _Blochmann_, as quoted further on, p. 226.

[254] Basandhari is also mentioned by Mr. James Grant (1786) in his _View of the Revenues of Bengal_, as the Pergunna of _Belia-bussendry_; and by A. Hamilton as a place on the Damūdar, producing much good sugar (_Fifth Report_, p. 405; _A. Ham._ ii. 4). It would seem to have been the present Pergunna of Balia, some 13 or 14 miles west of the northern part of Calcutta. See _Hunter's Bengal Gaz._ i. 365.

[255] So called in the German version which we use; but in the Dutch original he is _Schouten_.

[256] This affair is alluded to in one of the extracts in _Long_ (p. 342): "Agreed ... that the Fakiers who were made prisoners at the retaking of Dacca may be employed as Coolies in the repair of the Factory."—_Procgs. of Council at Ft. William_, Dec. 5, 1769.

[257] Williams (_Skt. Dict._ s.v.) gives SŪRPĀRAKA as "the name of a mythical country"; but it was real enough. There is some ground for believing that there was another _Sūrpāraka_ on the coast of Orissa, Σιππάρα of Ptolemy.

[258] Ῥογχὸ perhaps is Tam. _lanha_, 'coco-nut.'

[259] MANGALORE (q.v.) on this coast, no doubt called _Sorathī_ Mangalor to distinguish it from the well-known Mangalor of Canara.

[260] But it is worthy of note that in the Island of Bali one manner of accomplishing the rite is called SATIA (Skt. _satyā_, 'truth,' from _sat_, whence also _satī_). See _Crawfurd, H. of Ind. Archip._ ii. 243, and _Friedrich_, in _Verhandelingen van het Batav. Genootschap._ xxiii. 10.

[261] The same poet speaks of Evadne, who threw herself at Thebes on the burning pile of her husband Capaneus (I. xv. 21), a story which Paley thinks must have come from some early Indian legend.

[262] _Hoggiae_ is of course Khwājas (see COJA). But in the B. Museum there is a copy of Leunclavius, ed. of 1588, with MS. autograph remarks by Joseph Scaliger; and on the word in question he notes as its origin (in Arabic characters): "_Ḥujja(t)_ Disputatio"—which is manifestly erroneous.

[263] These are sheets of the _Atlas of India_, within Bhawalpur and Jeysalmīr, on the borders of Bikaner.

[264] Mr. Major, in his Introduction to Parke's _Mendoza_ for the Hak. Soc. says of this embassy, that at their halt in the desert 12 marches from Su-chau, they were regaled "with a variety of strong liquors, _together with a pot of Chinese tea_." It is not stated by Mr. Major whence he took the account; but there is nothing about tea in the translation of M. Quatremère (_Not. et Ext._ xiv. pt. 1), nor in the Persian text given by him, nor in the translation by Mr. Rehatsek in the _Ind. Ant._ ii. 75 _seqq._

[265] Queen Catharine.

[266] This book was printed in England, whilst the author was in India; doubtless he was innocent of this quaint error.

[267] This refers to an Arab legend that Samarkand was founded in very remote times by Tobba'-al-Akbar, Himyarite King of Yemen, (see _e.g._ _Edrisi_, by _Jaubert_, ii. 198), and the following: "The author of the _Treatise on the Figure of the Earth_ says on this subject: "This is what was told me by Abu-Bakr-Dimashkī—'I have seen over the great gate of Samarkand an iron tablet bearing an inscription, which, according to the people of the place, was engraved in Himyarite characters, and as an old tradition related, had been the work of "Tobba."'"—_Shihābuddīn Dimashkī_, in _Not. et Ext._ xiii. 254.

[268] [Col. Temple notes that the pronunciation has always been twofold. At present in Burma it is usual to pronounce it like _tickle_, and in Siam like _tacawl_. He regards it as certain that it comes from _takā_ through Talaing and Peguan _t'ke_.]

[269] Sir H. Rawlinson gives _tigra_ as old Persian for an arrow (see _Herod._ vol. iii. p. 552). Vüllers seems to consider it rather an induction than a known word for an arrow. He says: "Besides the name of that river (Tigris) _Arvand_, which often occurs in the _Shāhnāma_, and which properly signifies 'running' or 'swift'; another Medo-persic name _Tigra_ is found in the cuneiform inscriptions, and is cognate with the Zend word _tedjao_, _tedjerem_, and Pehlvi _tedjera_, _i.e._ 'a running river,' which is entered in Anquetil's vocabulary. And these, along with the Persian _tej_ 'an arrow,' _tegh_ 'a sword,' _tekh_ and _teg_ 'sharp,' are to be referred to the Zend root _tikhsh_, Skt. _tij_, 'to sharpen.' The Persian word _tīr_, 'an arrow,' may be of the same origin, since its primitive form appears to be _tīgra_, from which it seems to come by elision of the _g_, as the Skt. _tīr_, 'arrow,' comes from _tīvra_ for _tīgra_, where _v_ seems to have taken the place of _g_. From the word _tīgra_ ... seem also to be derived the usual names of the river Tigris, Pers. _Dizhla_, Ar. _Dijlah_" (Vüllers, s.v. _tīr_).

[270] Some notice of Major Yule, whose valuable Oriental MSS. were presented to the British Museum after his death, will be found in Dr. Rieu's Preface to the _Catalogue of Persian MSS._ (vol. iii. p. xviii.).

[271] _St. Julien et P. Champion, Industries Anciennes et Modernes de l'Empire Chinois_, 1869, p. 75. Wells Williams says: "The _peh-tung_ argentan, or white copper of the Chinese, is an alloy of copper 40.4, zinc 25.4, nickel 31.6, and iron 2.6, and occasionally a little silver; and these proportions are nearly those of German silver."—_Middle Kingdom_, ed. 1883, ii. 19.

[272] The Pers. _partala_ is always used for a 'waist-belt' in India, but in Persia also for a turban.

[273] Busbecq (1554) says: "... ingens ubique florum copia offerebatur, Narcissorum, Hyacinthorum, et eorum quos Turcae TULIPAN vocant."—_Epist._ i. Elzevir ed. p. 47.

[274] It must be kept in mind that though Rumphius (George Everard Rumpf) died in 1693, his great work was not printed till nearly fifty years afterwards (1741).

[275] Foersch was a surgeon of the third class at Samarang in the year 1773.—_Horsfield_, in _Bat. Trans._ as quoted below.

[276] This distance is probably a clerical error. It is quite inconsistent with the other two assigned.

[277] Leschenault also gives the description of another and still more powerful poison, used in a similar way to that of the _Antiaris_, viz. the _tieute_, called sometimes _Upas Raja_, the plant producing which is a _Strychnos_, and a creeper. Though, as we have said, the name _Upas_ is generic, and is applied to this, it is not _the_ Upas of English metaphor, and we are not concerned with it here. Both kinds are produced and prepared in Java. The _Ipo_ (a form of _Upas_) of Macassar is the _Antiaris_; the _ipo_ of the Borneo Dayaks is the _Tieute_.

[278] I remember when a boy reading the whole of Foersch's story in a fascinating book, called _Wood's Zoography_, which I have not seen for half a century, and which, I should suppose from my recollection, was more sensational than scientific.—_Y._

[279] Compare this vivid description with a modern notice of the same pagoda:

1855. "This meridian range ... 700 miles from its origin in the Naga wilds ... sinks in the sea hard by Negrais, its last bluff crowned by the golden Pagoda of Modain, gleaming far to seaward, a Burmese Sunium."—_Yule, Mission to Ava_, 272. There is a small view of it in this work.

[280] So wrote A. B. I cannot find the book in the B. Museum Library.—_Y._ [A bibliographical account of this book will be found in "_Le Traité des Trois Imposteurs, et précédé d'une notice philologique et bibliographique par Philomneste Junior_ (_i.e._ Brunet), Paris and Brussels, 1867. Also see 7 Ser. _N. &. Q._ viii. 449 _seqq._; 9 Ser. ix. 55. The passage about the Vedas seems to be the following: "Et Sectarii istorum, ut et _Vedae_ et Brachmanorum ante MCCC retro secula obstant collectanea, ut de Sinensibus nil dicam. Tu, qui in angulo Europae hic delitescis, ista neglegis, negas; quam bene videas ipse. Eadem facilitate enim isti tua negant. Et quid non miraculorum superesset ad convincendos orbis incolas, si mundum ex Scorpionis ovo conditum et progenitum terramque Tauri capiti impositam, et rerum prima fundamentis ex prioribus III. Vedae libris constarent, nisi invidus aliquis Deorum filius haec III. prima volumina furatus esset!"]

[281] This last remark is due to A. B.

[282] [The first part of this word is _thera_, Skt. _sthavira_. Hardy (_E. Monachism_, p. 11) says the superior priests were called _térunnánses_, from Pali _thero_, "an elder."]

[283] Ποηφάγος, whence no doubt Gray took his name for the genus.

[284] The tails usually brought for sale are those of the tame Yak, and are _white_. The tail of the wild Yak is black, and of much greater size.