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chapter viii

., the various causes from which "est ung chevalier bien hardy:" and he asserts them to be many: "Car premierement ung chevalier sera hardy pour avoir et conquerir vaine gloire et l'honneur de ce monde: pour ce seulement quil voit les hardis honnourez et le couhars dishonnourez. Ung autre chevalier sera hardy pour avoir peur de perdre honneur et proffit de son seigneur, et pour peur destre prins sil estoit couhart. La tierce par usaige; car se ung chevalier a grant temps porte le harnois il seulement qui scaurra bien l'usaige prandra ardement in ce quon ne parle contre lun sil faisoit le contraire. Aultre chevalier y a qui est hardy pour ce quil sent son harnois et armeures estre bons et de bonne espreuve. Aultre chevalier y a qui est hardy pour son cappitaine quil scet estre bien sage et bien fortune. Aultre chevalier y a qui est hardy par droicte fureur, et par droicte coulere hayreuse. Aultre chevalier y a qui est hardy par ignorance: car il est si simple quil ne scet que est vertu de force: mais faite ainsi comme il voit faire au plus avance. Aultre chevalier y a qui est hardy par couvoitise de gaigner richesses et non pour aultre chose. Or saiches maintenant comme en toutes ces hardiesses na vertu si non en cellui qui est hardy de droicte congnoissance et de droit scavoir, et ayt la voulente entendue a vertu et a justice et ferme voulente d'attendre et de soustenir toute chose deue et possible par la vertu de force. Et te souffise de ceste vertu quant a present."

[15] Jean de Villiers, seigneur de l'Isle Adam et de Villiers le Bel, having joined the party of the duke of Burgundy, was by his influence made Marechal of France in 1418. He was arrested by the duke of Exeter at Paris in 1420, and released by the duke of Bedford in 1422, at the request of Philip duke of Burgundy. By duke Charles he was highly favoured, made one of the first knights of the order of the Golden Fleece, and captain of Paris when the duke of Bedford left that city in 1430. He was killed during a popular commotion at Bruges in 1437. See his life in Anselme's Histoire Genealogique, 1723, vii. 10.

[16] The account which Monstrelet gives of this insurrection entirely corresponds with that of our author. It is as follows:

"En apres le duc d'Excestre, qui estoit capitaine de Paris, pour certaines causes qui a ce le meurent, feit prendre en icelle ville le seigneur de l'Isle Adam par aucuns de ses Anglois: pour laquelle prinse s'assemblerent jusques a mille hommes ou plus du commun de Paris, pour le rescourre a ceux qui le menoient en la bastille S. Anthoine. Mais tantost ledit duc d'Excestre a tout six vingts combattans, dont il y avoit la plus grand partie archiers, alla frapper en eux et faire tirer les dessusdits archiers au travers desdites communes: pourquoy tant par la cremeur dudict traict, comme par le commandement qu'il leur feit de par le Roy, se retrahirent assez brief en leurs maisons: et ledit seigneur de l'Isle Adam fut (comme dit est) mis prisonnier, et y demoura durant la vie du roy Henry d'Angleterre, lequel l'eust faict mourir, ce n'eust este la requeste du duc de Bourgongne." (Chroniques de Monstrelet, vol. i. chap. ccxxxviii.)

[17] It is very remarkable how entirely these statements correspond with some passages of Commines, (book iv. chap. xviii.) in which he describes the conduct of tyrannical princes, and the way in which France especially suffered from quartering soldiers. "To the common people they leave little or nothing, though their taxes be greater than they ought to be; nor do they take any care to restrain the licentiousness of their soldiers, who are constantly quartered throughout the country without paying anything, and commit all manner of excesses and insolencies, as everybody knows; for, not contented with the ordinary provisions with which they are supplied, they beat and abuse the poor country people, and force them to bring bread, wine, and other dainties, on purpose for their eating; and if the goodman's wife or daughter happens to be good-looking, his wisest course is to keep her out of their sight. And yet, where money is abundant, it would be no difficult matter to prevent this disorder and confusion, by paying them every two months at furthest, which would obviate the pretence of want of pay, and leave them without excuse, and cause no inconvenience to the prince, because his money is raised punctually every year. I say this in compassion to this kingdom, which certainly is more oppressed and harassed in quartering soldiers than any in all Europe."

[18] This word, or "obeissauntis," which was used in the same sense, may be taken as the original reading of the erasure in p. 73, in the place of "predecessours," which is an alteration for the worse.

[19] Chaucer says of his Franklin--

At sessions there was he lord and sire, Full often time he was Knight of the shire, A Sheriff had he been, and a Countour.

The countour--a term which has been involved in some doubt, was probably a commissioner of taxes, who had to return his accompt to the royal exchequer.

[20] _i.e._ take a factious or unjust part.

[21] Sir Harris Nicolas, in his memoir on the Scrope and Grosvenor Roll (ii. 347), has remarked "the slighting manner in which the profession of the law is mentioned, in comparison with that of arms," in the deposition of sir William Aton. Speaking of sir Henry Scrope, that witness stated that he was come of noble and gentle ancestry, and yet by the consent of his parents was put to the law, and became the king's justice, but nevertheless used in his halls, on his beds, in windows, and on plate the arms of _Azure, a bend or_. At a much later date (1542) sir Edmund Knightley, though a younger brother and a serjeant at law, is represented in a full suit of armour at Fawsley, co. Northampton. His epitaph commemorates both his gentilitial and his professional merits:

Natus erat claro de stemmate et ordine equestri, Qui fuit et gentis gloria magna suae; Legis erat patriae gnarus, compescere lites Assuetus vulgi et jurgia seva lenis.

But, whilst these passages are certainly indicative of the prevailing chivalric sentiments, it is still to be remembered that very absurd class-prejudices exist in all ages, and they must not always be taken in proof of the general opinions of society. It is indisputable that, from the Conquest downwards, the "younger brothers" of some of our greatest families have been bred to the law, and the inns of court were always the resort of young men of noble birth.

[22] The notices which the chroniclers Fabyan and Hall give of the first Benevolence will be found in a subsequent page.

[23] Commines gives the following somewhat satirical account of an English parliament. "The king was not able to undertake such an affair without calling his parliament, which is in the nature of our Three Estates, and, consisting for the most part of sage and religious men, is very serviceable and a great strengthening to the king. At the meeting of this parliament the king declares his intention, and desires aid of his subjects, for no money is raised in England but upon some expedition into France or Scotland, and then they supply him very liberally, especially against France. Yet the kings of England have this artifice when they want money, and have a desire to have any supplies granted,--to raise men, and pretend quarrels with Scotland or France, and, having encamped with their army for about three months, to disband it, return home, and keep the remainder of the money for their own private use; and this trade king Edward understood very well, and often practised it."

[24] At that time the parliament first granted the number of 20,000 archers, which was afterwards reduced to 13,000. Rot. Parl. v. 230, 231.

[25] Rotuli Parl. vi. 4.

[26] Ibid. p. 6.

[27] Ibid. p. 39.

[28] The parliament re-assembled accordingly on the 9th of May 1474: and during that session, on the 18th of July, the commons again granted to the king a quinsisme and a disme (a fifteenth and a tenth), and the further sum of 51,147l. 4s. 73/4d. in full payment of the wages of the 13,000 archers, who, notwithstanding the condition of the former grants, were still maintained in readiness for the proposed expedition. In making these votes, the commons recited, as before, the king's intention to set outward a mighty army, "as dyvers tymes by the mouth of your chancellors for the tyme beyng hath to us been declared and shewed;" and it was now ordained "that, if the said viage roiall hold not afore the feste of seynt John Baptist the year of our Lord M cccclxvj. that then aswell the graunte of the forsaid xiij M. men as of all the sommes severally graunted for the wages of the same," should be utterly void and of none effect, (Rot. Parl. vi. 111, 118.) On the re-assembling of parliament in January 1474-5 a further act was passed to hasten the payment of the disme first voted (Ibid. p. 120); and again, on the 14th of March, immediately before the dissolution of the parliament, the commons granted another fifteenth and tenth, and three parts of a fifteenth and tenth, to provide for the before-mentioned sum of 51,147l. 4s. 73/4d. (Ibid. pp. 149, 153.)

[29] They are printed in Rymer's Foedera, &c. vol. xi. pp. 804 et seq.

[30] An account of the payment of these wages for the first quarter, is preserved on the pell records of the Exchequer, and an abstract printed in Rymer's Foedera, vol. xi. p. 844. It includes the names of the dukes of Clarence, Norfolk, and Suffolk, the earls of Ormonde and Northumberland, the lords Grey, Scrope, Ferrers, Stanley, Fitzwarren, Hastynges, Lisle, and Cobham, and as bannerets sir Ralph Hastings, sir Thomas Mountgomery, and sir John Astley; besides the earl of Douglas and the lord Boyd, noblemen of Scotland; with many knights, esquires, and officers of the king's household.

The item to the duke of Clarence will afford a specimen of these payments: "Georgio duci Clarentiae pro Cxx hominibus ad arma, seipso computato ut Duce ad xiijs. iiij d. per diem, et pro viginti eorum Militum quilibet ad ij s. per diem, et xcix aliis Hominibus ad Arma quilibet ad xij d. per diem et vj d. ultra de regardo, et pro mille Sagittariis [2275li.

Summa totalis,] MMMCxciij l. vj s. x d.

The payments to the Duke of Gloucester (omitted by Rymer, but extracted in Devon's Issues of the Exchequer, 1837, p. 498,) were nearly to the same amount, viz. For 116 Men at Arms, to himself as a Duke at 13 s. 4 d. per day, 60 l. 13 s. 4 d.; for six Knights, to each of them 2 s. per day, 54 l. 12 s.; to each of the remainder of the said 116 Men at Arms 12 d. per day, and 6 d. per day as a reward,--743 l. 18 s. 6 d.; and to 950 Archers, to each of them 6 d. per day, 2161 l. 6 s.--Total 3020 l. 8 s. 10 d.

Rymer has also (vol. xi. pp. 817-819) given at length three specimens of the indentures made with several persons. The first (dated 20 August 1474) is an indenture retaining sir Richard Tunstall to serve the king for one whole year in his duchy of Normandy and realm of France, with ten speres, himself accompted, and one hundred archers well and sufficiently abiled, armed and arraied, taking wages for hymself of ij s. by the day, for everiche of the said speres xij d. by the day, and rewardes of vj d. by the day for everich of the said other speres, and for everich of the said archers vj d. by the day. The next is an indenture made (on the 13th November) with Thomas Grey esquire, "for one whole year, as a custrell to attend about the king our soveraine lord's own persone, and with six archers well and sufficiently abled, armed, and arraied," his pay being xij d. by the day, an additional vj d. by the day by "meane of reward," and vj d. a day for each of his archers. The third is the indenture made with Richard Garnet esquire, serjeant of the king's tents, who was retained for the like term to do service of war "as a man of armes at his spere, with xxiiij yomen well and sufficiently habiled, armed and arraied," taking wages himself iiij s. a day, for two of the yeomen each xij d. a day, and for the remainder each vj d. a day.

[31] Ibid. pp. 837, 838.

[32] Ibid. pp. 839, 840, 843.

[33] Rymer, xi. 848.

[34] Foedera, vol. xii. p. 1. Lord Dynham had the principal command at sea by previous appointments in the 12 and 15 Edw. IV. See Dugdale's Baronage, i. 515.

[35] Fabyan says that "upon the iiij day of July (_an error for_ June) he rode with a goodly company thorugh the cytie towarde the see syde."

[36] Printed in the Excerpta Historica, 1831, p. 366.

[37] They are printed in Rymer, vol. xii. pp. 13, 14. This was merely a constitutional form, for the prince was then only four years of age.

[38] Hall states that "he hymself with his nobilitie warlikely accompaigned passed over betwene Dover and Caleys the iiij daye of July," his army, horses, and ammunitions of war having in their transport occupied twenty days.

[39] Monstrelet in his Chronicle attempts to present a list of the principal English lords and knights (the latter more than fifty in number), but every name is so disfigured that they are almost past recognition: as the names he gives to the nobility will show. He calls them, the dukes of Sufflocq and Noirflocq, the earls of Crodale (Arundel?), Nortonbellan, Scersebry, (Shrewsbury, and not as Buchon his editor suggests Salisbury, which title did not then exist,) Willephis (Wiltshire?), and Riviere; the lords Stanlay, Grisrufis, Gray, Erdelay, Ondelay, Verton, Montu, Beguey, Strangle, Havart, and Caubehem. The last name (Cobham) and that of lord Fitzwaren are among the indentures printed by Rymer in his vol. xi. pp. 844-848, already noticed in the note in p. xx.

[40] These particulars are derived from the diary kept by the _maistres d'hostel_ of the Burgundian court, which gives the following minute and curious account of the duke's movements, including the positions, not elsewhere to be found, of the English army during the months of July and August.

"Le 6. Juillet la duchesse de Bourgoyne, qui avoit ete presque toujours a Gand, arriva a Calais vers le roy d'Angleterre son frere, qui la deffraya.

"Le 14. ce duc arriva a Calais vers le roy d'Angleterre, qui le deffraya, la duchesse etant pour lors a Sainct Omer, avec les ducs de Clarence et de Glocestre ses freres. Le 18. il alla au chasteau de Guines avec ce roy, qui le fit deffraiyer. Il en partit le 19, et alla a Sainct Omer, ou il trouva la duchesse. Il en partit le 22., et alla a Fauquemberghe, pres l'ost du roy d'Angleterre. Il y sejourna le 23., et en partit le 24. apres dejeuner, et alla disner, soupper, et coucher en la cite d'Arras; et ce jour il mangea du poisson, a cause de la veille de Sainct Jacques. Le 27. il partit d'Arras apres disner, et alla coucher a Dourlens. Il en partit le 29. apres disner, et alla voir l'ost du roy d'Angleterre, et coucher en le cense de Hamencourt: la duchesse partit ce jour de Sainct Omer, pour retourner a Gand, ou mademoiselle de Bourgoyne etoit restee.

"Le mardy premier Aout, ce duc disna en la cense de Hamencourt, coucha au village d'Aichen, pres l'ost du roy d'Angleterre. Il en partit le 2. apres disner, et coucha a Ancre. Il en partit le 3. apres disner, et coucha a Curleu sur Somme, pres ledit ost. Il y disna le 6. passa par l'ost du roy d'Angleterre, et coucha a Peronne. Il y resta jusques au 12. qu'il en

## partit apres disner, passa par l'ost du roy d'Angleterre, et alla coucher a

Cambray. Il y disna le 13. et coucha a Valenciennes, d'ou il partit le 18. apres disner, souppa a Cambray, et alla coucher a Peronne. Il y disna le 20. alla encore voir le roy d'Angleterre au mesme camp, et alla coucher a Cambray. Le 21. il disna a Valenciennes, coucha a Mons. Le 22. il disna a Nivelle, et coucha a Namur, ou les ambassadeurs de Naples, Arragon, Venise, et autres se rendirent. Le 29. Aout, entreveue du roy avec le roy d'Angleterre, au lieu de Pequigny; ces princes convinrent d'une treve entre eux, et que le Dauphin epouseroit la fille de ce roy d'Angleterre." (Memoires de P. de Cominines, edited by Lenglet du Fresnoy, 1747, vol. ii. p. 216.)

[41] Another version of this omen of the dove will be found in the extracts from Commines hereafter.

[42] The fact of earl Rivers having repaired to the duke of Burgundy _once_, at the end of April, is confirmed by the chronicle formed from the journals of the duke's _maistres d'hoste_: "Le 29. de ce mois (Avril) le sire de Riviers, ambassadeur du roy d'Angleterre, arriva vers ce duc, et en fut regale." (Appendix to the edition of Commines, by the Abbe Lenglet du Fresnoy, 4to. 1747, ii. 216.) But in the previous January we read, "The King's ambassadors, sir Thomas Mountgomery and the Master of the Rolls (doctor Morton), be coming homeward from Nuys." (Paston Letters, vol. ii. p. 175.)

[43] _i.e._ their horses protected by armour.

[44] Hall, following this part of Commines's narrative, on mentioning this English herald, adds, "whome Argenton (meaning Commines,) untrewly calleth Garter borne in Normandy, for the rome of Gartier was never geven to no estraunger." The office of Garter was at this time occupied by John Smert, who was appointed in 28 Hen. VI. and died in 18 Edw. IV. He was the son-in-law of Bruges his predecessor in the office: and there are large materials for his biography in Anstis's Collections on the heralds, at the College of Arms, but containing no evidence either to prove Commines's assertion, or Hall's denial, of his being a native of Normandy.

[45] The constable of France, Jacques de Luxembourg, comte de St. Pol. After temporising between Burgundy and France at this crisis, he paid the penalty for his vacillation, the duke surrendering him to Louis, by whom he was decapitated before the end of the year (Dec. 19, 1475).

[46] Jacqueline duchess of Bedford, the mother of the queen of England, was one of the constable's sisters. The constable was also connected by marriage with king Louis, who called him "brother" from their having married two sisters. The relationship of all the principal actors in the transactions described in the text is shown in the following table:--

[47] Afterwards the first duke of Norfolk and earl of Derby of their respective families.

[48] The narrative is continued on the authority of Commines.

[49] See the extracts from the register of the Burgundian _maistres d'hostel_ already given in p. xxiii. The English camp is described as near Fauquemberghe on the 22d of July, and near Aichen on the 1st of August. Its position near Peronne is believed to have been at St. Christ, on the river Somme, and it appears to have remained there for a considerable time.

[50] The duke was at Peronne from the 6th to 12th of August. See the note on his movements before, p. xxiv.

[51] The last was afterwards the husband of the king's daughter the lady Anne of York, and ancestor of the earls and dukes of Rutland.

[52] The prudent and conciliatory conduct of Louis XI. towards the English at this crisis seems to have had a precedent in that of his ancestor Charles V. "Le sage roy de France Charles quint du nom, quant on lui disait que grant honte estoit de recouvrer des forteresses par pecune, que les Anglois a tort tenoient, comme il eust assez puissance pour les ravoir par force, Il me semble (disoit-il,) que ce que on peut avoir par deniers ne doit point estre achete par sang d'homme." (From the end of the twelfth chapter of the second book of the Faits d'armes de Guerre et de Chevalerie par Christine de Pisan.)

[53] St. Christ.

[54] It is printed in Rymer's Collection, vol. xii. p. 14.

[55] Lord Hastings was previously a pensioner of the duke of Burgundy. Lenglet du Fresnoy has published a letter of the duke granting to William lord Hastings a yearly pension of 1000 crowns of Flanders, dated at the castle of Peronne, 4 May 1471; a receipt of lord Hastings for that sum on the 12th July 1474; and another receipt for 1200 livres of Flanders, dated 12th April 1475. (Memoires de P. de Commines, 1745, iii. 616, 619.) Commines, in his Sixth Book,