CHAPTER VIII

SCHOLARSHIP OUTSIDE OF ITALY AND GERMANY

While Italy was literally the _alma mater studiorum_ during the Renaissance, and Germany probably accomplished more in scholarly education at this time that influenced succeeding generations than any other country except Italy, all the countries of Europe shared very largely in the New Learning and did much for classical scholarship before 1550. Indeed, it is probable that to a great many thoroughly educated students of this time the comparisons of achievement that I have suggested will seem invidious or at least uncalled for. Certainly no one appreciates more than I do the magnificent work of the scholarly humanists of France, Spain, Portugal and England during Columbus' Century. Each of them shared magnificently in the intellectual incentive that had been given by the reintroduction of classical studies and especially of Greek, and each of them, in fine compensation for the impetus lent them by the movement, gave back to it achievements in scholarship that swelled the tide and helped in the diffusion of Humanism throughout all of Western Europe at least. There are national accomplishments of all of these countries that are worthy of note, and each of them accomplished much at this time in education that will never be forgotten.

Probably the easiest way to tell the extent of the scholarship of France during Columbus' Century is to say that many good authorities have declared that before the end of the century France had taken away from Italy the palm for classical scholarship. The first important teacher of the French was, however, an Italian, Jerome Aleander, who arrived in France shortly after the beginning of the sixteenth century with an introduction from Erasmus. He lectured on Greek as well as Latin, and probably also on Hebrew. He became Rector of {532} the University of Paris in 1512, but returned to Rome in 1517 and was appointed Librarian to the Vatican. His distinguished services for learning and the Church brought him a cardinal's hat, and he became one of the most prominent members of the Papal Court at this time. It was under his direction that the first Greek printing in France was done. Three of Plutarch's treatises on Morals were printed in Paris in 1509 in order to serve as text-books for his pupils.

His successor as a teacher of the classics in Paris was the distinguished Frenchman Budaeus, who, before the end of his life, came to be looked upon as perhaps the most eminent of living scholars. He went on diplomatic missions to Popes Julius II and Leo X and thus became very much interested in the New Learning. He learned Greek for himself, and under Francis I and Henry II his fame as a Greek scholar, to quote Sandys, [Footnote 49] was "one of the glories of his country." "He opened a new era in the study of Roman Law by his annotations on the 'Pandects' of Justinian, and a little later he broke fresh ground as the first serious student of the Roman coinage in his treatise _'De Asse,'_ It was the ripe result of no less than nine years' research, and in twenty years passed through ten editions. Its abundant learning is said to have aroused the envy of Erasmus" (Sandys).

[Footnote 49: "A History of Classical Scholarship," Cambridge University Press, 1908, p. 170.]

His devotion to study became a proverb. It is said that even on his wedding day, by an exceptional act of self-denial, he limited his time of study to three hours only. It is interesting to learn that his wife shared his enthusiasm for study at least to the extent of aiding him in every possible way by devoted attention, which prevented him from being interrupted or harassed by any cares. Once, when he was busy reading in his library, one of the servants suddenly rushed in to inform him that the house was on fire. The scholar, without lifting up his eyes from his book, simply said: "Go and tell my wife; you know very well that I must not be bothered about household matters." He suffered greatly from headaches, which the best physicians of his day vainly endeavored to cure by the application of the actual cautery to his scalp. {533} After a time, however, it was suggested to him that what was needed was not a cure, but a better regulation of his life. He learned to take long walks, and spent some time each day cultivating his garden to the great alleviation of his headaches.

His greatest contribution to the scholarship of the time was his successful urging of Francis I, helped as he was by that monarch's sister, Marguerite of Navarre, to establish the College de France, though for a time at the beginning it had no such ambitious title, but was called simply the Corporation of the Royal Readers. It had no official residences or even public lecture rooms. As was said at the time, "it was built on men." Budaeus' statue rightly stands before the College buildings now, for he was the real founder. The amount that was accomplished for genuine education and scholarship before the buildings were erected and the machinery of a college set going shows how much more men mean than an institution.

This Corporation of the Royal Readers had at first teachers of Greek, Hebrew and Mathematics, five in number. The first two teachers in it were Pierre Danes, Danesius as he is known, who edited an important edition of Pliny and later of Justin Martyr and afterwards became Bishop of Lavaur and took an important part in the Council of Trent, and Jacques Toussain, an industrious scholar, the compiler of a Greek and Latin Dictionary. Three men are said to have attended Toussain's lectures for some time, whose influence on the after-time was to be very marked, and yet the contrast of whose characters is very striking. They were Ignatius Loyola, John Calvin and Francois Rabelais. Turnebus was also one of the students of Toussain, and himself later became a distinguished professor, first at Toulouse and afterwards as the successor of his master at Paris. Toussain had been famous for his erudition. He was a living library. Turnebus, though attracting great attention when a young man by his marvellous memory, became a specialist in Greek textual criticism. He published a series of Greek texts, including Aeschylus and Sophocles, just at the end of Columbus' Century, and edited Cicero's "Laws." He wrote commentaries on Varro and the elder Pliny.

[Illustration: FRANCIS I LISTENING TO MACAULT's TRANSLATION OF DIODORUS SICULUS, TITLE PAGE OF WOOD-ENGRAVING (TORY)]

We have from Montaigne, who was one of his pupils just as our century closes, a curiously interesting description of {534} Turnebus, which serves to show that the genus professor has been at all times about the same and that his pupils have loved him often just in proportion as they have found many things to laugh at in his dress and manners. It is, indeed, a distinction, {535} however, to have been the thus beloved master of Montaigne, himself no laggard in scholarliness.

"I have seen Adrianus Turnebus, who, having never professed anything but studie and letters, wherein he was, in mine opinion, the worthiest man that lived these thousand years, . . . notwithstanding had no pedanticall thing about him but the wearing of his gowne, and some external fashions, that could not well be reduced and uncivilized to the courtiers' cut. For his inward parts, I deeme him to have been one of the most unspotted and truly honest minds that ever was. I have sundry times of purpose urged him to speake of matters farthest from his study, wherein he was so clear-sighted, and could with so quicke an apprehension conceive, and with so sound a judgment distinguish them, that he seemed never to have professed or studied other facultie than warre, and matters of state."

The French educators of this time seem to have realized very well the true meaning of education. Rabelais is usually not taken seriously, except by students of his works who have given them much attention, but his books contain a number of most interesting contributions to this subject. His striking contrast between what education had been when he was a boy and in his old age, drawn by Gargantua, represents the great advance that took place in education at this time. The paragraphs may be taken as the testimony of a contemporary to the devotion to scholarship on the part of both men and women which then developed in France. He has the usual Renaissance contempt for Gothic culture, a contempt that exists even at the present time among those who know no better.

"I had no supply of such teachers as thou hast had. The time was still dark, and savouring of the misery and calamity wrought by the Goths, who had entirely destroyed all good literature. But by Divine goodness its own light and dignity has been in my lifetime restored to letters, and I see such amendment therein that at present I should hardly be admitted into the first class of the little grammar-boys, although in my youthful days I was reputed, not without reason, as the most learned of that age. . . .

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"But now all methods of teaching are restored, the study of the languages renewed--Greek, without which it is a disgrace for a man to style himself a scholar; Hebrew, Chaldean, Latin; impressions of books most elegant and correct are in use through printing, which has been invented in my time by Divine inspiration, as on the other side artillery has been invented by devilish suggestion.

"All the world is full of knowing folk, of most learned preceptors, of most extensive libraries, so that I am of opinion that neither in the time of Plato, nor Cicero, nor Papinian was there ever such conveniency for study as is seen at this time. Nor must any hereafter adventure himself in public, or in any company, who shall not have been well polished in the workshop of Minerva. I do see robbers, hangmen, freebooters, grooms, of the present age, more learned than the doctors and preachers of my time.

"What shall I say? Women and young girls have aspired to this praise and celestial manna of good learning. So much is this the case that at my present age I have been constrained to learn the Greek tongue which I had not contemned, like Cato, but which I had not had leisure to learn in my youth; and I do willingly delight myself in reading the Morals of Plutarch, the fine Dialogues of Plato, the Monuments of Pausanias, and the Antiquities of Athenaeus, whilst I wait for the hour when it shall please God my Creator to call me and command me to depart from this earth."

With all his jesting, humorous spirit (some people would call it ludicrous buffoonery), Rabelais had no illusions with regard to the true meaning of education. The concluding sentences of Gargantua's letter to his son on Education may very well be taken as representing the serious side of Rabelais' views with regard to the place of religion in education and his profound recognition of the utter failure of any education which did not include moral training. His golden words, "science without conscience is the ruin of the soul," have often been quoted. It is doubtful, however, whether most people have realized how precious is the context in the midst of which these words occur. The whole passage is well worth while for educators at least to have near them:

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"But because (according to the wise Solomon) wisdom entereth not into a malicious soul, and science without conscience is but the ruin of the soul, it behoveth thee to serve, love, and fear God, and in Him to put all thy thoughts and all thy hope, and to cleave to Him by faith formed of charity, so that thou mayest never be separated from Him by sin.

"Hold in suspicion the deceits of the world. Set not thy heart on vanity; for this life passeth away, but the Word of the Lord endureth for ever. Be serviceable to all thy neighbors and love them as thyself. Revere thy preceptors. Flee from the company of those whom thou wouldst not resemble, and receive not in vain the graces which God hath given thee.

"And when thou shalt perceive that thou hast attained unto all the knowledge that is acquired in those parts, return unto me, that I may see thee and give thee my blessing before I die.

"My son, the peace and grace of our Lord be with thee. Amen."

One of the important teachers at this time in France was Julius Caesar Scaliger, born in Italy, particularly famous for the part that he took in the controversy over Ciceronianism, and who defended Cicero from the attacks of Erasmus, maintaining that the Latin orator was absolutely perfect. Scaliger is notorious for having introduced the bitterest kind of personalities into classical controversy. Unfortunately, his example was widely followed. His son is the better known Scaliger, but was only ten years old at the time our century closes. His education gives an idea of the educational methods of the century. When he was but fourteen he was required to produce daily a short Latin declamation and to keep a written record of the perennial flow of his father's Latin verse. It was thus that he acquired his early mastery of Latin. But he was already conscious that "not to know Greek was to know nothing" (Sandys).

In Spain there was a magnificent development of scholarship which began to make itself felt shortly after the discovery of America. Here, as elsewhere, contact with Italy gave the initiative. A Spanish nobleman, Guzman, who visited Italy during the Council of Florence, returned with translations of some of Cicero's works and of Quintilian, and interest was {538} awakened. Antonio of Lebrixa, commonly called Nebrisensis, after spending twenty years in Italy, returned in 1473 to lecture at Seville, Salamanca and Alcala and to publish grammars of Latin and Greek as well as Hebrew. After this Barbosa, a pupil of Politian, taught Greek at Salamanca. Many of the Spanish bishops who visited Rome in the performance of their ecclesiastical obligations came back with manuscripts, and above all with awakened interest in classical studies to scatter the seeds of the New Learning. Indeed, this constituted a large factor in the great movement for humanism in all the Western countries at this time.

The most important factor for Spanish culture and scholarship, however, was the famous Cardinal Ximenes, sometimes known by his family name of Cisneros. With a career of importance opening out before him in the ecclesiastical life, Ximenes, who had been the Grand Vicar to Cardinal Gonzales of Sigueenza, resigned that office to become a Franciscan of the Strict Observance. His administrative ability soon brought about his election as Guardian of his monastery, and he became known among his brethren for his devotion to the spiritual life. The year of the discovery of America he was selected as the confessor of Queen Isabella. He accepted with the condition that he should be allowed to live in his monastery and appear at Court only when sent for. He had much to do with the successful appeal of Columbus to her Majesty. Three years later he was chosen to succeed his friend Mendoza as Archbishop of Toledo. This post carried with it the Chancellorship of Castile at this time. Ximenes refused the dignity, and it was only after six months of delay, and then in obedience to the express command of the Pope, that he accepted it. As archbishop he continued to live as a simple Franciscan, devoting the greater part of the immense revenues attached to his see to the relief of the poor and

## particularly for the redemption of captives. Just at this time the

## activity of the Turks made this one of the burning social needs of the

time.

Ximenes was even reprimanded, it is said, by the Pope for neglecting the external splendor that belonged to his rank. He would not wear an episcopal dress, except in such a way {539} that his Franciscan habit might remain visible underneath. His fulfilment of his duties as Chancellor of Castile gave him ample opportunity for the exercise of his administrative ability and demonstrated his power and high sense of justice. He used his high office to the fullest extent to encourage culture and above all classical studies. In 1504 he founded the University of Alcala, obtaining some of the most distinguished scholars from Bologna, Paris and the other Spanish universities to fill its chairs. Practically all the religious orders established houses at Alcala in connection with the University. Among those who were attracted to Alcala was Nunez de Guzman, who brought out an edition of Seneca that earned the praise of Lipsius, and who besides suggested valuable emendations of Pliny's "Natural History." He also published, mainly at the suggestion of Cardinal Ximenes, it is said, an interlinear Latin rendering of Saint Basil's tract on the study of Greek literature. He is known as Pincianus from Pintia, the ancient name of Valladolid, his birthplace, and much of his enthusiasm for classical studies had been derived from visits to Italy during which he collected a number of manuscripts that he brought back with him as precious treasures.

The great work of Cardinal Ximenes, however, was the publication under his patronage of the first Polyglot Bible, known as the Complutensian Polyglot from Complutum, the ancient name for Alcala. This occupied fifteen years, cost an immense sum of money, considerably over a million of dollars in our values, occupied a great many scholars, attracted wide attention and above all created an interest in linguistic studies that spread all over the country and was felt even in other countries. This was completed only four months before the Cardinal's death and was dedicated to Leo X. Most of the revenues of his archbishopric, which had accumulated because of his careful use of them, he left to his beloved University of Alcala. In spite of a self-denial in the matter of food and drink that had been carried to an extent which it was feared might injure his health, and what seemed to many even at that time, a serious deprivation of sleep for prayer and study, continued amid all his great administrative work,--for he was often regent of the kingdom and displayed great ability in {540} military organization--he lived to the age of eighty-one. He has been honored as a saint, though this honor has never been confirmed by any formal declaration.

After this, the development of scholarship was comparatively easy. Men like Vives, Vergara, who published a Greek grammar, praised by many of the scholars of the time and thoroughly appreciated by Scaliger, and Sanchez, who was professor of Greek at Salamanca when he was but thirty-one, carried on the New Learning. Sanchez' text-book on Latin syntax called "The Minerva" came to be more used throughout Europe than almost any other. Haase declared that he had done more for Latin grammar than any of his predecessors, and Sir William Hamilton, the English philosopher, even held that the study of "Minerva" with the notes of the editors was more profitable than that of Newton's _"Principia."_ Sandys notes that "it is at any rate written in good Latin and the author shows a familiarity with the whole range of Latin literature as well as Aristotle and Plato."

After this, indeed, grammar, the science of language, came to a great extent to be under the domination of Spanish minds. Nunez, or as he is known by his Latin name Nunnesius of Valencia, who studied in Paris and was professor of Greek at Barcelona, was the author of an interesting little Greek grammar which, according to Sandys, differs little from those now used in schools. With the coming of the Jesuits, Emmanuel Alvarez produced the Latin grammar in which for the first time the principles of the language were formally laid down and the fancies of ancient grammarians laid aside. It became the text-book in all the Jesuit schools, has often been reprinted since, is the foundation of all our modern Latin grammars and is said by experienced teachers to surpass all its successors. Spain did not neglect other phases of scholarship, however. Agostino, after graduation at Salamanca, taught law at Padua and at Florence, became a member of the Papal Tribunal in Rome, studying the inscriptions and ancient monuments as well as the manuscripts of the old city. Later he became the Bishop of Lerida and then Archbishop of Taragona. He published a treatise on Roman Laws, often reprinted, but his masterpiece in classical archaeology was his {541} book on coins, inscriptions and other antiquities, published originally in Spanish and attracting wide, popular attention.

Portugal follows in scholarship the rest of the peninsula and owed its initiative to contact with Italian sources. Resende taught Greek at Lisbon and Evora and counted among his pupils the famous Achilles Statius, whose career comes mainly after the conclusion of Columbus' Century, though he was twenty-six before the century closed and his scholarship is a product of our period. He won his high reputation in Rome by a work on ancient portraits and by commentaries on the _"Ars Poetica"_ of Horace, when he was not yet thirty, and confirmed this by subsequent fine work on Catullus and Tibullus. He was associated with Muretus in an edition of _Propertius,_ and his studies on the "Illustrious Men of Suetonius" attracted the attention of the learned world of his time and was highly praised by Casaubon. The Jesuit Father Alvarez, whose grammar I have already mentioned, though of Spanish extraction, lived in Portugal and was educated and taught there. The University of Coimbra took on renewed vigor just at the end of Columbus' Century and its classical school became famous especially under the Jesuits. The University became noted for its Teachers' College, for graduates who purposed to follow teaching as a vocation, and for its opportunities for the training of the teaching religious orders.

England was often looked upon at the beginning of the Renaissance as so distant from the centres of culture on the Continent that very little was expected of her in scholarship. Of course, the same thing was more or less true with regard to Germany, not because of distance in space, but of speech. The peoples of the Latin languages felt a brotherhood to each other which they did not share with the Germans or English, whose speech it must be confessed, somewhat after the narrow fashion of the Greeks of the older times towards all nations not Greek in origin, they considered barbarous. It is always true that nations quite fail to understand each other, and our own attitude toward Italy at the present time, though the civilization and culture of the world owes more to Italy than to all the other nations of modern history put together, is typical of this constant tendency to national misunderstanding. {542} The Italians were very much surprised to have pupils from England rather early in Columbus' Century, and still more surprised apparently to have them succeed admirably. They soon came to appreciate them highly, and such men as Linacre, John Free and Caius were even made teachers at Italian universities. Over and over again, the Italians expressed their gratification at the spread of scholarship among the English and their congratulations on their success in the New Learning. The congratulations were amply deserved.

Bishop Creighton, in his "Early Renaissance in England," [Footnote 50] says that the first English humanist was Lord Grey of Codnor, who went from Balliol College to Cologne, which was famous at the time for its general culture and education, but as he desired to get classical culture more particularly, he stole away to Florence at night lest his going should be hampered by the many friends that he had made at Cologne. He found much of interest at Florence, ordered a library there and then went to Padua, where he studied for a time. He was attracted to Ferrara, however, by the reputation of Guarino, and from there went to Rome, where the scholarly Nicholas V nominated him Bishop of Ely. One of the next of the great English scholars was John Free, a physician, whose expenses during his Italian trip were paid by Lord Grey, and who had no less success among the Italian scholars. The scholarly doctor was appointed Bishop of Bath in 1465, but died before his consecration.

[Footnote 50: Cambridge University Press, 1895.]

Perhaps the most interesting feature of Italy's welcome for these students from Britain, "which is situated outside the world," was the absolutely unprejudiced way in which they were chosen to important posts in the University in competition with the Italians. Reynold Chicheley, who studied at Ferrara under Guarino, became Rector of the universities there. John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, compelled to leave England by political conditions at the beginning of the latter half of the fifteenth century, went to Venice and to the Holy Land and studied Latin at Padua, visited the aged Guarino at Ferrara, as Sandys in his "History of Classical Scholarship" tells us, and heard Argyropulos lecture on Greek. The Latin oration {543} which he delivered in the presence of Pope Pius II (AEneas Sylvius) is said to have drawn tears of joy from the eyes of the Pope because of the feeling of satisfaction that classical scholarship was now a world possession.

Erasmus, who was certainly in a position to judge both because of his own scholarship and his many years of residence in England, wrote a letter in December, 1499, to a friend in Italy in highest praise of English scholarship. It is a panegyric of his English friends, but it is a glorious tribute:

"I have found in England . . . so much learning and culture, and that of no common kind, but recondite, exact and ancient, Latin and Greek, that I now hardly want to go to Italy, except to see it. When I listen to my friend Colet, I can fancy I am listening to Plato himself. Who can fail to admire Grocyn, with all his encyclopaedic erudition? Can anything be more acute, more profound, more refined, than the judgment of Linacre? Has nature ever moulded anything gentler, pleasanter, or happier, than the mind of Thomas More?"

In England, as elsewhere, the Reformation worked sad havoc on education. The confiscation of educational endowments and the suppression of monasteries and the scattering of their libraries almost put an end to scholarship in England. The descent in education continued until the end of the eighteenth century. Only in the past hundred years has England begun to recover lost ground.

At this time men mainly studied Latin, but towards the end of the fifteenth century they took up Greek, The first Englishman who studied Greek in the revival of learning was William Selling, a Benedictine monk. Sandys tells us that "Night and day he was haunted by the vision of Italy, that next to Greece was the nursing mother of men of genius." He was the uncle of Linacre, who had the privilege of accompanying him on his embassy to the Pope in 1485. Modern English classical scholarship in both Greek and Latin begins with Linacre and his two friends, William Grocyn and William Latimer. Latimer was a great friend of Sir Thomas More. The younger of the group of English Greek scholars was William Lily, who, while on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, studied Greek in Rhodes. He was one of the poor scholars of history {544} who worked his way through school in the midst of all kinds of difficulties and privations. While earning his living in Venice he succeeded in keeping up his studies.

Grocyn was one of the greatest of the Greek scholars of this generation in Europe. He proved that the book known as the "Ecclesiastical Hierarchy" was not by Dionysius the Areopagite, to whom it had been so long attributed, and thus gave the first proof of the critical scholarship of English students of Greek. Still another distinguished Greek scholar was John Fisher, afterwards Bishop Fisher, whose patron, Lady Margaret, under his direction did so much for education and particularly for classical scholarship in England.

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APPENDIX I

SIR THOMAS MORE AND MAN'S SOCIAL PROBLEMS

There is a very general impression that this is the first time in history that the general social problems of humanity have been taken seriously and solutions of them deliberately sought. At least there is a very prevalent feeling that no generation before our time recognized all of these problems so well as we do and seriously tried to reach rational solutions in spite of vested interests of all kinds and old-time prejudices and traditions. Because Sir Thomas More's "Utopia" represents a complete contradiction of this complacent attitude of mind toward our sociological interests, it seems worth while to quote here a series of passages from his book which illustrate very well how as a young man of twenty-seven he faced all our social problems, which are of course those of humanity at all times when in a reasonably civilized condition, and saw as clearly as anyone has ever done, and expressed quite as thoroughly, the rational solutions of them.

Perhaps the most surprising passage is that with regard to religious toleration, which in Utopia was complete. It has often been said that More himself afterwards, as Lord Chancellor, violated his own principles in the matter, but he has been ably defended from such imputations by some of the best lawyers of England. The supposed stain on his character is due to religious prejudices in those who write. After religion, the question of armament for nations is More's most important contribution to political science, and there is a full discussion of the evil of standing armies and of the foolish reasons for keeping the nations on a war footing. As might be expected, there is severe condemnation of the vulgar display of such objects as costly precious stones, and More has the children of the Utopians even make great fun of such childish barbaric tendencies. The over-value of gold is laughed to scorn. More's idea of a certificate of health before marriage anticipates many eugenic ideas of our day in a very simple way. The future Lord Chancellor had a fine appreciation for physicians, though surprisingly enough not so much for his own profession of lawyer, and his descriptions of the hospitals of Utopia shows how thoroughly they comprehended what a hospital should be and how little there is of any development in our modern plans for hospitals, though we are so inclined to think of these as a great evolution in hospital construction.

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There are many other phases of thought that he introduces which are extremely interesting in our time. Indeed one can scarcely turn a page of the "Utopia" without finding that it fulfils what James Russell Lowell suggested as at least the accidental definition of a classic when he said that "to read a classic is to read a commentary on the morning paper." The books the Utopians were interested in show More's own breadth of interest in great literature, and the fact that the great scientific writers are included contradicts many modern notions as to the limitations of intellectual curiosity at this time. In Utopia they reject astrology, have music during meals, which are prepared in common, saving much time for the individuals, think that discipline is the watchword of education, have invented door springs, care for their forests, anticipating all our conservation ideas, and divided their time so that there is six hours of work and eight hours of sleep and the rest for culture and recreation. These are but examples chosen at random of the surprises that meet one constantly in the book.

The passage with regard to religious toleration is all the more striking because, written in 1515, or at the latest 1516, it represents his opinion before the beginning of Luther's disturbance and just before that series of disturbances began in Europe which during the next three centuries was to prove of such serious detriment to art and literature and education, as well as the politics of Europe. It runs as follows:

"At the first constitution of their government, Utopus having understood that before his coming among them the old inhabitants had been engaged in great quarrels concerning religion, by which they were so divided among themselves that he found it an easy thing to conquer them, since, instead of uniting their forces against him, every different party in religion fought by themselves. After he had subdued them he made a law that every man might be of what religion he pleased, and might endeavor to draw others to it by the force of argument and by amicable and modest ways, but without bitterness against those of other opinions; but that he ought to use no other force but that of persuasion, and was neither to mix with it reproaches nor violence; and such as did otherwise were to be condemned to banishment or slavery.

"This law was made by Utopus, not only for preserving the public peace, which he saw suffered much by daily contentions and irreconcilable heats, but because he thought the interest of religion itself required it. He judged it not fit to determine anything rashly, and seemed to doubt whether those different forms of religion might not all come from God, who might inspire man in a different manner, and be pleased with this variety; he therefore thought it indecent and foolish for any man to threaten and terrify another to make him believe what did not appear to him true. And supposing that only one religion was really true, and the rest false, he imagined that the native force of truth would at last break forth and shine bright, if supported only by the strength of argument and attended to with a gentle and {547} unprejudiced mind; while, on the other hand, if debates were carried on with violence and tumults, as the most wicked are always the most obstinate, so the best and most holy religion might be choked with superstition, as corn is with briars and thorns; he therefore left men wholly to their liberty, that they might be free to believe as they should see cause; only he made a solemn and severe law against such as should so far degenerate from the dignity of human nature as to think that our souls died with our bodies, or that the world was governed by chance, without a wise over-ruling Providence: for they all formerly believed that there was a state of rewards and punishments to the good and bad after this life; and they now look on those that think otherwise as scarce fit to be counted men, since they degrade so noble a being as the soul, and reckon it no better than a beast's: thus they are far from looking on such men as fit for human society, or to be citizens of a well-ordered commonwealth; since a man of such principles must needs, as oft as he dares to do it, despise all their laws and customs: for there is no doubt to be made, that a man who is afraid of nothing but the law, and apprehends nothing after death, will not scruple to break through all the laws of his country, either by fraud or force, when by this means he may satisfy his appetites. They never raise any that hold these maxims, either to honors or to offices, nor employ them in any public trust, but despise them as men of base and sordid minds. Yet they do not punish them, because they lay this down as a maxim, that a man cannot make himself believe anything he pleases; nor do they drive any to dissemble their thoughts by threatenings, so that men are not tempted to lie or disguise their opinions; which being a sort of fraud, is abhorred by the Utopians: they take care indeed to prevent their disputing in defence of these opinions, especially before the common people: but they suffer, and even encourage them to dispute concerning them in private with their priest and other grave men, being confident that they will be cured of those mad opinions by having reason laid before them."

Standing armies would seem to be a subject that would interest statesmen mainly in the present time. It would rather be expected that we had evolved the arguments we now use against them in comparatively recent years. Some of Sir Thomas More's remarks then are extremely interesting because they show the problem as we have it fairly stated and the reasons for and against armies set forth very simply, but very emphatically. Four hundred years has made no difference in the situation, though we are prone to think of evolution as having made great changes in that length of time. Only the evils have been emphasized. More said at the beginning almost of his "Utopia":

"In France there is yet a more pestiferous sort of people, for the whole country is full of soldiers, still kept up in time of peace (if such a state of nation can be called a peace); and these are kept in pay upon the same account that you plead for those idle retainers upon noblemen: this being a maxim of those pretended statesmen, that it is necessary for public safety to have a good body of veteran soldiers ever in readiness. They think raw men {548} are not to be depended on, and they sometimes seek occasions for making war, that they may train up their soldiers in the art of cutting throats, or, as Sallust observed, 'for keeping their hands in use, that they may not grow dull by too long an intermission.' But France has learned to its cost how dangerous it is to feed such beasts. The fate of the Romans, Carthaginians and Syrians, and many other nations and cities, which were both overturned and quite ruined by those standing armies, should make others wiser."

And still we can find no better reason for large armies than what Thucydides called [Greek text], "the balanced fear," which we have come to designate by the courtlier term, the balance of power.

The passage in "Utopia" in which More discusses the wearing of fine clothes and of precious stones and jewels has often been quoted. After 400 years it will still come home with great force to all those who think seriously on the subject. Of course it is literal common sense, but then what has common sense ever availed against fashion? The mid-African wears brass rings and fancy calico because they are hard to get and expensive and therefore give distinction to their wearer. His cultured European brother--and sister--wears what is equally childish and barbaric because costly and distinctive and will doubtless continue to do so. Sir Thomas More's ideas on the subject are interesting, but will fall on quite as deaf ears in our generation as in all the others since his time.

"I never saw a clearer instance of the opposite impressions that different customs make on people than I observed in the ambassadors of the Anemolians, who came to Amaurot when I was there. As they came to treat of affairs of great consequence, the deputies from several towns met together to wait for their coming. The ambassadors of the nations that lie near Utopia, knowing their customs and that fine clothes are in no esteem among them, that silk is despised, and gold is a badge of infamy, used to come very modestly clothed; but the Anemolians, lying more remote, and having had little commerce with them, understanding that they were coarsely clothed, and all in the same manner, took it for granted that they had none of these fine things among them of which they made no use; and they, being a vainglorious rather than a wise people, resolved to set themselves out with so much pomp that they should look like gods and strike the eyes of the poor Utopians with their splendor. Thus three ambassadors made their entry with a hundred attendants, all clad in garments of different colours, and the greater part in silk; the ambassadors themselves, who were of the nobility of their country, were in cloth of gold, and adorned with massy chains, earrings, and rings of gold; their caps were covered with bracelets set full of pearls and other gems--in a word, they were set out with all those things that among the Utopians were either the badges of slavery, the marks of infamy, or the playthings of children. It was not unpleasant to see, on the one side, how they looked big, when they compared their rich habits with the plain clothes of the {549} Utopians, who were come out in great numbers to see them make their entry; and, on the other, to observe how much they were mistaken in the impression which they hoped this pomp would have made on them. It appeared so ridiculous a show to all that they never stirred out of their country, and had not seen the customs of other nations, that though they paid some reverence to those that were the most meanly clad, as if they had been the ambassadors, yet when they saw the ambassadors themselves so full of gold and chains, they looked upon them as slaves and forbore to treat them with reverence. You might have seen the children who were grown big enough to despise their playthings, and who had thrown away their jewels, call to their mothers, push them gently, and cry out, 'See that great fool, that wears pearls and gems as if he were yet a child!' while their mothers very innocently replied, 'Hold your peace! this, I believe, is one of the ambassadors' fools.' Others censured the fashion of their chains, and observed, 'that they were of no use, for they were too slight to bind their slaves, who could easily break them; and, besides, hung so loose about them that they thought it easy to throw them away, and so get from them.' But after the ambassadors had stayed a day among them, and saw so vast a quantity of gold in their houses (which was as much despised by them as it was esteemed in other nations), and beheld more gold and silver in the chains and fetters of one slave than all their ornaments amounted to, their plumes fell, and they were ashamed of all that glory for which they had formerly valued themselves, and accordingly laid it aside--a resolution that they immediately took when, on their engaging in some free discourse with the Utopians, they discovered their sense of such things and their other customs. The Utopians wonder how any man should be so much taken with the glaring, doubtful lustre of a jewel or a stone, that can look up to a star or to the sun himself; or how any should value himself because his cloth is made of a finer thread; for, how fine soever that thread may be, it was once no better than the fleece of a sheep, and that sheep was a sheep still, for all its wearing it." (John G. Saxe told the last generation how great a difference it made whether one wore the product of an India plant or an India worm.)

Immediately following this there is almost a more striking passage with regard to wealth and the changes that it makes in the attitude of the minds of men towards one another that would seem surely to have been written by a modern socialist.

"They wonder much to hear that gold, which in itself is so useless a thing, should be everywhere so much esteemed that even man, for whom it was made, and by whom it has its value, should yet be thought of less value than this metal; that a man of lead, who has no more sense than a log of wood, and is as bad as he is foolish, should have many wise and good men to serve him, only because he has a great heap of that metal; and that if it should happen that by some accident or trick of law (which sometimes reduces as great changes as chance itself) all this wealth should pass from the master to the meanest varlet of his whole family, he himself would very soon become one of his servants, as if he were a thing that belonged to his wealth, and so were bound to follow {550} its fortune! But they much more admire and detest the folly of those who, when they see a rich man, though they neither owe him anything, nor are in any sort dependent on his bounty, yet, merely because he is rich, give him little less than divine honors, even though they know him to be so covetous and base-minded that, notwithstanding all his wealth, he will not part with one farthing of it to them as long as he lives!"

Perhaps his greatest contribution to social ethics and the solution of social problems is to be found in his emphatic assertion of the right of the laborer to a living wage in the best sense of that much abused term and his insistent deprecation of the fact that laborers must not be exploited so as to enable men to accumulate great wealth that is sure to be abused. More believed in profit-sharing very heartily and had no hesitation in expressing himself. Above all, he deprecates the injustice worked by predatory wealth. It was the judicial mind of the greatest Lord Chancellor England has ever had, who, after speaking of the Utopian state as "that which alone of good right may claim and take upon it the name of commonwealth," continues:

"Here now would I see, if any man dare be so bold as to compare with this equity, the justice of other nations; among whom, I forsake God, if I can find any sign or token of equity and justice. For what justice is this, that a rich goldsmith, or an usurer, or to be short, any of them which either do nothing at all, or else that which they do is such that it is not very necessary to the commonwealth, should have a pleasant and a wealthy living, either by idleness or unnecessary business, when in the meantime poor laborers, carters, ironsmiths, carpenters, and ploughmen, by so great and continual toil, as drawing and bearing beasts be scant able to sustain, and again so necessary toil, that without it no commonwealth were able to continue and endure one year, should get so hard and poor a living, and live so wretched and miserable a life, that the state and condition of the laboring beasts may seem much better and healthier? . . . And yet besides this the rich men, not only by private fraud but also by common laws, do every day pluck and snatch away from the poor some part of their daily living. . . . They invent and devise all means and manner of crafts, first how to keep safely without fear of losing that they have unjustly gathered together, and next how to hire and abuse the work and labor of the poor for as little money as may be. These devices when the rich men have decreed to be kept and observed under color of the commonalty, that is to say, also of the poor people, then they be made laws. . . . Therefore when I consider and weigh in my mind all these commonwealths which nowadays anywhere do flourish, so God help me, I can perceive nothing but a certain conspiracy of rich men procuring their own commodities under the name and title of commonwealth."

Everywhere one finds supreme common sense. For instance, Sir Thomas More points out that while the Utopians "knew astronomy and were perfectly acquainted with the motions of the {551} heavenly bodies; and of many instruments, well contrived and divided, by which they very accurately compute the course and positions of the sun, moon and stars; but for the cheat of divining by the stars, by their oppositions or conjunctions, it has not so much as entered into their thoughts." This sentence was written about the time that Copernicus was working out his conclusions with regard to the Universe as we now know it. Most people might presume that astrology had by this time lost all its weight. More than a century later, however, Galileo and Kepler were drawing up horoscopes, and astrology was very commonly accepted during the seventeenth century. Even in the eighteenth century, Mesmer wrote a thesis for his doctorate at the University of Vienna on the influence of the stars on human constitutions. The really great thinkers in humanity had all of them refused to accept astrology, but it is a tribute to the genius of this man of thirty-seven who had been trained at the law to have reached so true a conclusion.

Almost any page of "Utopia" furnishes a quotation that shows how penetrating was More's view of the significance of life not alone for his own time, but for all time. Literally I turned over the page from the quotation with regard to astrology and find this: "A life of pleasure is either a real evil, and in that case we ought not to assist others in their pursuit of it, but on the contrary to keep them from it all we can as from that which is most hurtful and deadly; or if it is a good thing, so that we not only may but ought to help others to it, why then ought not a man to begin with himself?" He has many sentences on that page with reference to the philosophy of what we now call learnedly hedonism. "They infer that if a man ought to advance the welfare and comfort of the rest of mankind, nature much more vigorously leads them to do this for themselves. They define virtue to be living according to nature, so they imagine that nature prompts all people on to seek after pleasure as the end of all they do."

Ideas with regard to many modern questions are touched on only in passing and yet with sufficient detail to make us realize that problems that we are sometimes likely to think of as new were faced and solved in that older time. For instance, the question of afforestation and the necessity for keeping up a readily available supply of wood is touched on.

"For one may there see reduced to practice not only all the art that the husbandman employs in manuring and improving an ill soil, but whole woods plucked up by the roots, and in other places new ones planted, where there were none before. Their principal motive for this is the convenience of carriage, that their timber may be either near their towns or growing on the banks of the sea, or of some rivers, so as to be floated to them; for it is a harder work to carry wood at a distance over land than corn."

{552}

One might think that perhaps so practical a man as More would not believe in the usefulness of books for his ideal republic and it might even be thought that, devoted to law and to politics, he would not be over-familiar with the classic authors. Here is his paragraph on the subject, however, that reveals at once his estimation and his tastes.

"I happened to carry a great many books with me, instead of merchandise, when I sailed my fourth voyage; for I was so far from thinking of soon coming back that I rather thought never to have returned at all, and I gave them all my books, among which were many of Plato's and some of Aristotle's works: I had also Theophrastus on 'Plants,' which, to my great regret, was imperfect; for having laid it carelessly by, while we were at sea, a monkey had seized upon it, and in many places torn out the leaves. They have no books of grammar but Lascaris, for I did not carry Theodoras with me; nor have they any dictionaries but Hesichius and Dioscorides. They esteem Plutarch highly, and were much taken with Lucian's wit and with his pleasant way of writing. As for the poets, they have Aristophanes, Homer, Euripides, and Sophocles of Aldus's edition; and for historians, Thucydides, Herodotus and Herodian."

His description of how the Utopians divide up their time is interesting from many standpoints. Six hours of work, eight hours of sleep and the rest to be employed in learned leisure with lectures, sports, games and various exercises is indeed an ideal that human nature would find hard to surpass at any period of the world's history. Such a division would probably make for human health and happiness better than anything that has ever been tried.

"But they, dividing the day and the night into twenty-four hours, appoint six of these for work, three of which are before dinner and three after; they then sup, and at eight o'clock, counting from noon, go to bed and sleep eight hours: the rest of the time, besides that taken up in work, eating, and sleeping, is left to every man's discretion; yet they are not to abuse that interval to luxury and idleness, but must employ it in some proper exercise, according to their various inclinations, which is, for the most part, reading. It is ordinary to have public lectures every morning before daybreak, at which none are obliged to appear but those who are marked out for literature; yet a great many, both men and women, of all ranks, go to hear lectures of one sort or other, according to their inclinations: but if others that are not made for contemplation, choose rather to employ themselves at that time in their trades, as many of them do, they are not hindered, but are rather commended, as men that take care to serve their country. After supper they spend an hour in some diversion, in summer in their gardens, and in winter in the halls where they eat, where they entertain each other with music or discourse. They do not so much as know dice, or any such foolish or mischievous games. They have, however, two sorts of games not unlike our chess."

{553}

Probably the most striking testimony to the life and character of Sir Thomas More is to be found in the fact that writers who have studied his career most carefully are agreed that he exemplified all the great principles that he has laid down in his "Utopia" in his own environment and family life. Maurice Adams, in his Introduction to the Camelot edition of the "Utopia," says:

"Utopia was but the author's home writ large. His beautiful house, on the river side at Chelsea, was, through his delight in social life and music, and through the wit and merriment of his nature, a dwelling of joy and mirth as well as of study and thought. It often rang with song, and was cheery with the laughter of children and grandchildren, he himself, in his own words, 'being merry, jocund and pleasant among them.' Erasmus, who was often his guest, has given us many delightful glimpses of his family life, of his children and their tasks, and the monkey and rabbits which amused their leisure. To the solitary and ever-wandering Erasmus, More's house was a haven of refuge from the discomforts and vexations of his bachelor existence. In one of his epistles he writes, 'More has built near London, upon the Thames, a modest yet commodious mansion. There he lives, surrounded by his numerous family, including his wife, his son and his son's wife, his three daughters and their husbands, with eleven grandchildren. There is not any man living so affectionate to his children as he, and he loveth his old wife as if she were a girl of fifteen. Such is the excellence of his disposition that whatever happeneth that could not be helped, he is as cheerful and as well pleased as though the best thing possible had been done. In More's house you would say that Plato's academy was revived again, only, whereas in the academy the discussion turned upon geometry and the power of numbers, the house at Chelsea is a veritable school of Christian religion. In it is none, man or woman, but readeth or studieth the liberal arts, yet is their chief care of piety. There is never any seen idle; the head of the house governs it: not only by a lofty carriage and oft rebukes, but by gentleness and amiable manners. Every member is busy in his place, performing his duty with alacrity; nor is sober mirth wanting."

APPENDIX II

AFTER THE REFORMATION

It is such a commonplace of history as written in English, at least, that the beginnings of our modern progress are to be traced to the time when the movement called the Reformation freed men's minds from the domination of the Church, which had used every effort to keep men in darkness in order to secure their readier submission to Church teaching, that the tracing of all our modern developments to the century before the movement began may surprise many readers. Not only is it true, however, that for nearly a hundred years before the Reformation was there a climax of intellectual and artistic achievement in every department in every {554} country in Europe, but what is much more striking is that immediately after the "reform" movement set in, decadence made itself felt everywhere. Art in all its phases, painting, sculpture, architecture, education and scholarship, literature, and, above all, humanitarianism, reached magnificent expression during the first three quarters of Columbus' Century. In the fourth quarter, coincident with the spread of the reforming doctrines, decadence begins in nearly every phase of human activity and continues until the revolutions of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries gave a new stimulus to independent thinking. It has seemed necessary, owing to the position taken in the preceding pages, to illustrate these facts by quotations from well-known non-Catholic writers.

No fallacy is cheaper than that of arguing because one set of events happens after another, therefore it is due to that other. It would take a much deeper and broader study of history than any that we have made here, or could make in our limited space, to trace the philosophy of the history of Columbus' Century and the succeeding centuries and to indicate the causes at work and their effects. All that can be pointed out here is that the facts of intellectual history represent an exact contradiction to the usually accepted impression that whatever is best in the modern time can be traced to the Reformation. On the contrary, immediately after the reform movement, human achievement declined for many generations, and the revival of the past hundred years represents a reversion to ideas and modes of thought current before the religious revolt and the evolution of which was interrupted by that movement.

EDUCATION, BOOKS, INSTITUTIONS

An historical opinion which is considered by a great many people who are sure that they are well informed to be quite above all question, is that the Reformation had a wonderfully beneficial effect on education. As a matter of fact, education, which had been at a very high degree of cultivation during the Renaissance period, began to decline immediately after the Reformation nearly everywhere in Europe, and only for the schools of the Jesuits, would have reached a serious depth of degradation. As it was, there is a steep descent in the Protestant countries, until in the eighteenth century Cardinal Newman thought that education at Oxford was at its lowest possible ebb, and when Winckelmann wanted to teach Greek in Germany he had to have his pupils write out copies of Plato, because no edition of the author had been issued in that country for two centuries. Authorities in the history of education have emphasized this, and no one more so than Professor Paulsen, who, after a wide academic experience throughout Germany, held at the end of his life the chair of philosophy at the University of Berlin. His book on the history of German education was {555} translated into English and published with an introduction by President Nicholas Murray Butler of Columbia University. One does not have to go very far in it before finding the great German authority's opinion with regard to the influence of the Reformation on education. He says:

"After 1520, Humanism, an aristocratic and secular impulse, was overtaken and succeeded by a movement of vastly greater power and depth, the religious and popular movement of the Reformation. For a brief space the Reformation may well have seemed a reinforcement of Humanism, united as both these were in their hatred of scholastic philosophy and of Rome. Hutton and Luther are represented in pamphlets of the year 1520 as the two great champions of freedom. Inwardly, however, they were very different men, and very different were the goals to which they sought to lead the German people. Luther was a man of inward anti-rationalistic and anti-ecclesiastical religious feeling, and Hutton a man of rationalistic and libertinistic humanism. Hutton did not live to see the manifestation of this great contrast; but after 1522 or 1523, the eyes of the Humanists were open to the fact, and almost without exception they turned away from the Reformation as from something yet more hostile to learning than the old Church herself. In very truth, it appeared for the time as if the Reformation would be in its effects essentially hostile to culture. In the fearful tumults between 1520 and 1530 the universities and schools came to an almost complete standstill, and with the Church fell the institutions of learning which she had brought forth, so that Erasmus might well say, 'Where Lutheranism reigns, there is an end of letters.'"

Those who hold a brief for the Reformation and its much vaunted beneficent influence on education may be tempted to retort that at least the German religious movement gave liberty of teaching to the German University. It is a constantly emphasized Protestant tradition that the incubus of the Church on teaching institutions before this time had been most serious in its consequences, and that developments in education had been prevented because of this. Those who assume that the reformers, so-called, introduced academic liberty into Germany will find very little support for any such claim in Professor Paulsen. Paulsen insists that exactly the opposite is true, and that far from bringing freedom of thought, the new religious movement still further shackled university and teaching freedom and the liberty of speech and writing, so that a sadly stilted period of educational development comes on the scene in Germany. He talks from the standpoint of his own department of philosophy, and evidently resents the shackles that were placed on freedom of speculation at this period.

"During this period also a more determined effort was made to control instruction than at any period before or since. The fear of heresy, the extra anxiety to keep instruction well within orthodox lines, was not less intense at the Lutheran than at the Catholic institutions--perhaps it was even more so, because here doctrine {556} was not so well established, apostasy was possible in either of two directions, Catholicity or Calvinism. Even the philosophic faculty felt the pressure of this demand for correctness of doctrines. Thus came about these restrictions within the petty States and their narrow-minded established churches, which well-nigh stifled the intellectual life of the German people."

A good deal of the misunderstanding of the effect of the reform movement on education is due to the fact that the novelty of the reformers' doctrines in religion and theology led to the use sometimes of the term, the New Learning, for their teaching. The same term, however, had come to be used for the study of the Latin and Greek classics, and the supposed opposition of the Church to the humanistic teachings is founded on the confusion of these two terms. Of course the ecclesiastics of the old Church opposed the New Learning in as far as it related to the reformers' doctrines with regard to free will, the lack of merit in good works and denials of other religious doctrines. They were, however, the most ardent patrons of the New Learning in as far as that term may be applied to the study of the classics. As a matter of fact, the Jesuits, founded at this time, based all their teaching on the classics and their schools spread all over Europe.

As to the lack of interest in books, in education, in scholarship, even in the preservation of the great monuments of national literature after the change of religion in England, the easiest way to know it is to read Bishop Bale's account of what happened to the valuable books which had belonged to the old monastic and educational institutions at the Reformation. He approved of the suppression of the monasteries and was an ardent reformer, but he cannot help calling attention to the absolute neglect of the treasures of literature, not only on the part of the nobility and the common people, but on the part of the very universities themselves. It is easy to understand what an awful state of affairs there must have been to draw this indignant protest from so good a king's man and follower of the new order and protestant against everything Catholic. Bishop Bale said, in his preface to Leland's "New Year's Gift to Henry VIII," in 1549:

"Never had we been offended for the loss of our libraries, being so many in number and in so desolate places, for the more part, if the chief monuments and most notable works of our excellent writers had been preserved. If there had been in every shire of England but one solemn library for the preservation of those noble works and preferment of good learning in our posterity, it had been yet somewhat. But to destroy all without consideration, a great number of them which purchased those superstitions mansions reserved of those library books . . . some to scour their candlesticks, and some to rub their boots. Some they sold to the grocers and soap-sellers, and some over sea to the book-binders, not in small number, but at times whole ships full to the wondering of {557} the foreign nations. Yea, the universities of this realm are not all clear in this detestable fact. But cursed is . . .(he) which seeketh to be fed with such ungodly gains and so deeply shameth his natural country. I know a merchant man, which shall at this time be nameless, that bought the contents of two noble libraries for forty shillings' price, a shame it is to be spoken. This stuff hath he occupied in the stead of gray paper by the space of more than these ten years, and yet he hath store enough for as many years to come. I judge this to be true, and utter it with heaviness, that neither the Britains under the Romans and Saxons, nor yet the English people under the Danes and Normans, had ever such damage of their learned monuments as we have seen in our time."

It used to seem some condonation of these sad evils to say that the suppression of the monasteries was brought because of the evil lives of the monks. Protestant historians were wont to proclaim that they were plague-spots of immorality which had to be eradicated. The careful investigation of historians in our time has completely refuted any such conclusion as this. A few of the smaller monasteries were found not to be living up to their high ideals. A few, but a very few monks, were found to be unworthy of their calling. Even with all the desire that there was to discredit them, nothing could be found to say against the greater monasteries, and the governments had to employ other means in order to bring about their suppression with some shadow of legality. Creatures of the king were forced into the position of abbot and then by prearrangement surrendered the monasteries and their possessions to the crown. Every advance in critical history in modern times has tended more and more to the vindication of the monks.

An American in our own time might well be expected to hold the balance straight without disturbance from old-time prejudices. Rev. Dr. George Hedges, Dean of the Episcopal Theological School, of Cambridge, Mass., in his "Fountains Abbey: The Story of a Medieval Monastery," said (p. 88):

"The quiet judgment of the modern historian is in favor of the monks, and finds most of them to have been men of respectable and pious lives. The sober persons in white cassocks, who confessed faults in the chapter meeting and cheerfully suffered chastisement for them to which the man in the street gave not a moment's thought, had a passionate longing to be good. They were intent upon the living of a righteous life."

He says, further quoting from Burke, "An enemy is a bad witness; a robber is a worse."

EFFECT ON ART

It is generally recognized now that the religious revolt ruined art. Religion had supplied the motives for great art, but most of these, and especially the tender feeling of reverence for the Mother of God and of the saints and the belief in angels, disappeared at {558} this time or were sadly hampered in their expression, and the whole tendency of the reform movement was iconoclastic. Image worship was one of the bitterest imputations against the old Church. It is curiously interesting to note that just in as much as art has developed in Protestant countries again, the churches have been raised from bare conventicles and meeting-houses to shrines of artistic beauty once more. It must not be forgotten, however, that this is quite contrary to the "protests" that were originally made against the old Church and that the ideas involved in this rejection of art in the Church, helped to lead many in artistic uncultured minds away from Catholicity in that time of storm and stress.

In his chapter on Parish Life in England in his well-known book, "Before the Great Pillage," Rev. Augustus Jessop, who in spite of his bitter condemnation of what happened at and after the Reformation, has never, I believe, become a Catholic, tells of the marvellous beauty of the Church structures in the ages which used to be called dark and are now known to be full of light, and then tells what happened after the so-called Reformation.

_"And we get fairly bewildered by the astonishing wealth of skill and artistic taste and aesthetic feeling which there must have been in this England of ours, in times which till lately we had assumed to be barbaric times._ Bewildered, I say, because we cannot understand how it all came to a dead stop in a single generation, not knowing that the frightful spoliation of our churches and other parish buildings, and the outrageous plunder of the parish guilds in the reign of Edward the Sixth by the horrible band of robbers that carried on their detestable work, effected such a hideous obliteration, such a clean sweep of the precious treasures that were dispersed in rich profusion over the whole land, that a dull despair of ever replacing what had been ruthlessly pillaged crushed the spirit of the whole nation, and _art died out in rural England, and King Whitewash and Queen Ugliness ruled supreme for centuries."_ (Italics ours.)

Under art is, of course, included sculpture and architecture, as well as many of the artistic crafts. It is easy to understand that under the influence of the carping spirit of the Reformation all of these became decadent. Men gave up old-time faith for individual judgment of religious truth. The sterilizing influence of the controversial period which followed can be readily understood. Gerhard Hauptmann, the German dramatic poet, to whom the Nobel Prize for literature was recently awarded, characterized this decadence of art under the reformers in a very striking passage.

"I, as a Protestant, have often had to regret that we purchased our freedom of conscience, our individual liberty, at entirely too high a price. In order to make room for a small, mean little plant of personal life we destroyed a whole garden of fancy, and hewed down a virgin forest of esthetic ideas. We went even so far {559} in the insanity of our weakness as to throw out of the garden of our souls the fruitful soil that had been accumulating for thousands of years, or else we ploughed it under sterile clay.

"We have to-day, then, an intellectual culture that is well protected by a hedge of our personality, but within this hedge we have only delicate dwarf trees and unworthy plants, the poor progeny of great predecessors. We have telegraph lines, bridges and railroads, but there grow no churches and cathedrals, only sentry boxes and barracks. We need gardeners who will cause the present sterilizing process of the soil to stop and will enrich the surface by working up into it the rich layers beneath. In my workroom there is ever before me the photograph of St. Sebald's tomb. This rich German symbol arose from the invisible in the most luxurious developmental period of German art. As a formal product of that art, it is very difficult to appreciate it as it deserves. It seems to me as one of the most wonderful bits of work in the whole field of artistic accomplishment. The soul of all the great medieval period enwraps this silver coffin, giving to it a noble unity, and enthrones on the very summit of Death, Life as a growing child. Such a work could only have come to its perfection in the protected spaces of the old Mother Church."

All the arts of decoration suffered similarly and no art failed to be affected unfavorably. Music, which had had one great period of development in the old Plain Chant in the later Middle Ages under ecclesiastical influence, was just entering on another and glorious development under the patronage of the Church when the reform movement began. Plain song had given such masterpieces as the Lamentations, of which Rockstro said that no sadder succession of single notes had ever been put together, and the Exultet sung in the Mass on Holy Saturday, which he declares represents a similarly high expression of joy. Now figured and harmonic music was about to have its place. Palestrina's Masses and St. Philip Neri's Oratorios were just beginning. The reformers, however, would have nothing to do with music. Congregational singing was adopted from the old Church, but for music as an art to uplift religion and add its tribute of devotion there was no place. Part song had originated in Church ceremonials, as dramatic literature originated in the ceremonies connected with the celebration of the various mysteries. Like every other human and natural aspiration, music was under suspicion in the new religion, and the consequence was a serious detriment to the development of the art. It was not until the gradual loosening of the bonds of the Puritanic elements in the Protestant religion that music began to come to her own again.

DECLINE OF CHARITY

In humanitarianism and the solution of social problems, the Reformation was particularly backward. The leaders in the new religions were so intent upon explaining their own doctrines and modes of thinking and gathering disciples and having other people {560} think as they did, that charitable works suffered severely. The destruction of the monasteries and convents left many needy, but there were but few to care for them. Above all, the new doctrine of justification by faith alone, which declared that good works were of no import so long as men believed in a particular way, took away the motive for much of the charitable work that had been done before. It is not surprising, then, that hospitals and the care of the ailing and the old reached a depth of degradation that is rather hard to understand. We in the twentieth century know how low hospital care and nursing had sunk in the early nineteenth century, and we have been inclined to think that it must have been much worse in the generations preceding. It is a surprise, then, to find that the first half of the nineteenth century represents what has been well called by Miss Nutting and Miss Dock, in their "History of Nursing," the Dark Period of Nursing, during which "the condition of the nursing art, the well-being of the patient and the status of the nurse all sank to an indescribable level of degradation."

Jacobson, in his Essays on "The History of Care for the Ailing," [Footnote 51] traces just when this decadence began, not long after the reform movement succeeded in gaining a firm foothold, and he outlines in detail just how the descent came about. He says:

[Footnote 51: Beitraege zur Geschichte des Krankencomforts, _Deutsche Krankenpflege Zeitung,_ 1898, in 4 parts.]

"It is a remarkable fact that attention to the well-being of the sick, improvements in hospitals and institutions generally and to details of nursing care, had a period of complete and lasting stagnation after the middle of the seventeenth century, or from the close of the Thirty Years' War. Neither officials nor physicians took any interest in the elevation of nursing or in improving the condition of hospitals. During the first two-thirds of the eighteenth century, he proceeds to say, nothing was done to bring either construction or nursing to a better state. Solely among the religious orders did nursing remain an interest, and some remnants of technique survive. The result was that in this period the general level of nursing fell far below that of earlier periods. The hospitals of cities were like prisons, with bare, undecorated walls and little dark rooms, small rooms where no sun could enter, and dismal wards where fifty or one hundred patients were crowded together, deprived of all comforts and even of necessaries. In the municipal and state institutions of this period, the beautiful gardens, roomy halls, and springs of water of the old cloister hospital of the Middle Ages were not heard of, still less the comforts of their friendly interiors."

The more careful study of the guilds, particularly, has served to show what an immense social wrong was done by this confiscation of what for the moment, strictly for government purposes, was called Church property. At the beginning of Henry VIII's reign, {561} it has been calculated by Toulmin Smith that there were some 30,000 guilds in England. These had very large sums in their treasuries. They responded to all the social needs that we are now only just waking up to once more. They provided old age and disability pensions, insurance against fire and flood, against loss by robbery, by imprisonment, and against the loss of cattle and farm products; there were forms of insurance against the loss of sight, against the loss of a limb or any other form of crippling. The amount of money confiscated from the treasuries of these guilds has been calculated at a value in our money of several hundred millions of dollars. When it is recalled that the census of England made in Elizabeth's time, just before the Great Armada was expected, showed a total population of less than five million, the amount of good that could be accomplished by this vast sum of money, not in the hands of a few, but distributed in 30,000 treasuries and used for social purposes, can be readily understood. After the reform in England, practically no more was heard of the guilds, and social wrongs began to be multiplied.

SUPERSTITION AND TORTURE

It is often said that with the Reformation came the end of superstition and of that exaggerated faith in religion which keeps people from using their reason and that over-attention to the things of the other world instead of this which keeps them from being practical and prosperous. The subsequent history, however, of the countries most affected by the German religious revolt, far from bearing out this declaration, shows how much harm came from the absence of a strong central religious authority and how much of loss to idealism there was in the diminution of the childlike faith which had meant so much, not only for religion, but for literature and for art in the preceding centuries.

There was no obliteration of superstition, but superstition changed its object, and now, instead of being poetic, often became cruel and intolerant. The witchcraft delusion, for instance, which represented the worst manifestation of superstition which mankind has perhaps ever suffered from, affected the Protestant countries much more than the Catholic countries. Thousands and thousands of people were put to death as witches in Germany, and it was from the Protestant countries that the delusion spread, by psychic contagion, to the Catholic countries of Europe. Catholic countries not in intimate relations with Protestant countries, like Ireland, were not affected by it. Though Ireland has been the most Catholic of countries, not a witch has been put to death there, by any formal process of law, for over five hundred years. Here in America the witchcraft delusion is one of the sad blots on our history. Many other forms of superstition manifested themselves, and when there {562} were not religious motives there were other reasons. Men apparently cannot keep from being influenced by things they do not understand. Healers of all kinds take the place of the religious healing of the medieval period, and medical and scientific superstitions replace religious supercredulity. Electric belts and pads replace relics. Over-estimated remedies and utterly inefficient cures of all kinds are believed in much more now without reason than ever medieval folk allowed themselves to be carried away by religious superstitions.

A similar historical error proclaims that torture and suffering for opinions and cruel punishment went out with the Reformation, or at least wherever that movement gained a firm foothold. This is absolutely untrue, for the trials of the witches everywhere were accompanied by torture, and cruel punishments were the rule,

## particularly in the Protestant countries. It is rather amusing

sometimes to read, in newspaper and magazine articles, descriptions of the torture of the Inquisition and the heartlessness of medieval people, ecclesiastics in the same breath with the mention of the Iron Maiden and the famous torture boots of Nuremberg. These, however, were inventions not made for the Inquisition nor for the Middle Ages, but for the post-reformation period in Protestant Nuremberg. And it must not be forgotten that Nuremberg was one of the most cultivated cities of Germany and that its people were highly educated, and that it was exactly in such a reform city that torture and cruel punishments were invented and developed. Torture was one of the modes of getting at truth for legal purposes under the Roman law. It continued almost until our own time to be a legal mode of procedure. Even at the present time it has not entirely gone out, and while the means of physical torture are removed, the "third degree" and various phases of mental torment replace them.

POLITICAL DECADENCE

Above all, the political import of this movement, so often thought to be purely religious, must not be forgotten. The nobility lost at this time, to a great extent, their independence. The king became supreme, and the new nationalism which developed in Europe knit countries and peoples very close together which had only been very loosely connected before. Ferdinand was King of Aragon and Isabella Queen of Castile when their marriage brought these kingdoms together. Subsequent developments at this time made the Spanish peninsula a unit. Practically the same thing happened in France. Pope Julius II planned a united Italy. It was scarcely half a century after the close of Columbus' Century that the Scotch and English crowns became united. Many of the great nobles of these countries lost their prestige. The foolish extravagance of {563} the Field of the Cloth of Gold is said to have cost many a nobleman of France and England his estates, or at least made him absolutely independent in the favor of the king.

In the midst of this political revolution a change in the prevailing religion made a very valuable asset for monarchs whose position was not over-secure or whose treasury was exhausted, for it handed over to them the care of the Church and its property as well as of the State and its revenues. This enabled them to confiscate large sums of money, to confer Church estates on noble favorites; but, above all, it left them without any strong organized ethical factor within the State to oppose any acts of injustice that they might do. Their Lord Chancellors had been bishops before, but now they were political favorites and often the veriest of time-servers. Lord Campbell's characterization of some of the English post-reformation chancellors is illuminating for this. The amount of political injustice that resulted is easy to understand, though it is not easy to comprehend how the people stood it.

The constitution of the English House of Lords since the Reformation represents, by contrast, in a very striking way the difference between the old and the new in political matters. At the present time the House of Lords is almost exclusively hereditary. About one-seventh of its members are there by appointment or election, and a large part of even this moiety is chosen from the descendants of the hereditary nobility. Before the Reformation sixty per cent of the House of Lords consisted of the Lords Spiritual. Many of these were Bishops, but more of them were Abbots and Priors of Religious Houses, Masters and Generals of Religious Orders and other officials representing the monasteries as large landholders, who at the same time represented considerable bodies of peasantry, tillers of the soil of monasteries, who were so happy, as was often said, to be under the cross. Not a few of the bishops were the self-made sons of the middle class, or even the poor. A great many of the abbots and representatives of religious orders came from even the lower orders. They were men who had been chosen by their fellow-religious to rule over them because they were considered to have the best qualities of heart and soul for such positions. In the course of centuries a great many of these men were saints, that is, represented that character and disposition which made the men of the after-time declare that they had lived heroic lives of unselfishness and care for others.

It is true that at times some of the Lords Spiritual were the sons of the nobility, favorites of kings, men who used political influence in order to secure Church preferment; but the proportion of these was never very large, and while many are known, it is because the history of many centuries is gone over for them. Probably no better second chamber for conservative legislation could {564} possibly be organized than this one of the House of Lords before the Reformation actually was. The majority of the men in it were representatives, not of one class, but of all the classes of England. There were always many peasants' sons and the sons of little tradesmen, and these men had often risen by merit and yet only under such circumstances as precluded family ambition at least, and usually their advancement was due to their known lack of personal ambition. As a rule, their unselfishness had been the principal trait by which they secured preferment. They had the best interests of the poor classes

## particularly at heart. Without any chance for ambition for themselves,

without any desires for the enrichment of a family which did not exist for them, there were as many safeguards around their fulfilment of their duty as representatives of the people as can possibly be drawn. Even such safeguards will not prevent all abuses, but they come as near doing it as is possible. Nothing is more illuminating, as regards political conditions from a social standpoint, than this comparative study of the pre-reformation House of Lords with that of the present.

In political freedom, the times after the Reformation represent decadence mainly because of the placing in the hands of the civil government the authority in both political and religious matters. As a consequence of the elimination of the Church authorities as independent factors in the life of the people instead of subservient to government officials, there was a serious inroad upon the rights as citizens that had been obtained by hard striving during preceding centuries. Modern political developments are not so much a new assertion of modern democracy as a reversion to the democratic principles of the Middle Ages. That will seem to many people profoundly paradoxical. It is only a paradox, however, to those who do not know the political life of the Middle Ages. Magna Charta was drawn up and signed, the fundamental laws of Spain and France adopted, the Golden Bull in Hungary promulgated, and the Swiss declaration of independence issued all in a single century of the preceding time--the thirteenth. Such principles as that there shall be no taxation without representation were then formulated, and the free cities acquired rights for their citizens and laid the foundation of that government of the people, by the people and for the people which is the basis of modern democracy. All this was seriously disturbed at the time of the reform movement, and a decadence similar to that which took place in humanitarianism and the hospital and nursing movement may be traced with regard to political liberty. It culminated at the end of the eighteenth century in that awful cataclysm of the French Revolution which tried to reassert all the old principles of political freedom and correct all the abuses at once and right the cumulated wrongs of centuries that was doomed to failure. The series of revolutions of the early {565} nineteenth century were needed to give people back something like the rights that they had had in the Middle Ages and to create a public sentiment once more favorable to democratic institutions. Hilaire Belloc, who probably knows the French Revolution as well as any in our generation, declared not long since that it represented an effort to bring the world back to those ideals of democracy which had developed in the Middle Ages. Our period represents exactly the end of the Middle Ages, and it is after the Reformation that the decadence of the fine old democratic spirit which had been fostered within the bounds of the old Church may be noted.

Above all, popular happiness decreased and indeed almost disappeared throughout Europe as the result of the reform movement. Before that, the Church holy days, nearly twoscore in number in the year, provided ample opportunities for leisure and recreation, and the Church societies, by the giving of the mystery and morality plays, and the guilds by their banquets and outdoor meetings, the various "ales," as they were called, had furnished frequent occasions for hearty, healthy amusement. All this stopped with the Reformation. Puritanical conceptions of religion rubbed the holy days, that were also holidays, out of the year. We are now engaged in putting them back as anniversaries of national events and of the births of national heroes instead of the celebrations of Christian feasts and saints' days, as bank holidays and memorial days of various kinds. The sects became so much occupied with discussions of dogma that they took almost no interest in the amusements of the people. Now men met to dispute over doctrines that they could not understand, and instead of the beautiful ceremonies of the old religion, with their satisfying appeal to all the senses and their charm and teaching quality, even as mere spectacles, they listened to long-winded, dry-as-dust sermons as a matter of duty, and went home to sit gloomily in darkened rooms for the observance of what they called the Sabbath. Before the Reformation, the people, after the Church services, used to meet for games and recreation upon the green in front of the Church, and the young folks had had opportunities for their Sunday pleasures of all kinds. Only in recent years, with the breaking up of the bonds of Protestantism, have we gone back to revive medieval ways.

The nations drew away from each other, and the internationalism that had been developing and that had been fostered by community of Church interest disappeared. National governments became more consolidated, but the peoples became more and more separated in sympathy. Until commerce developed in the modern time, that fine internationalism which had so often been exhibited in spirit, at least during the Middle Ages, was at an end. The Crusades had done much to break down the barriers of narrow nationalism. {566} The religious orders had still further fostered intercourse and increased sympathy among the nations. The universities, with their various nations among the students, had been nurturing grounds for better feeling among men. All this was now practically at an end. Not only that, but sectionalism in politics and sectarianism in religion drew men farther and farther apart and made them look upon those of other nations with less and less sympathy. The political change made for the concentration of power in the hands of rulers and the strengthening of the states for war, but it took away many of the rights of men and, above all, lessened their sympathies for their kind, except among their own people, and obliterated that spirit of good fellowship among the educated and cultured people of the world which had been so well nurtured in the time before. It is only during the later nineteenth century that there has come to be that spirit of friendly intercourse among nations once more which existed in the later medieval and earlier Renaissance periods.

{567}

INDEX

Abbot Trithemius, 525 Academic liberty, 555 Academies, Italian, 508 Academy, of Naples, 509; of Noble Minds, 9; of Lorenzo de' Medici, 34; Roman, 509; Vitruvian, 509 Accademia at Venice, 510 Accademia dei Belli Arti, 196 Accidents, happy, xxv Achidemoios, 493 Achillini, 361 Acts and scenes division, 489 Adoration of the Lamb, Van Eyck, 71 Adoration of the Magi, Duerer, 72; Memling, 72 Advance of surgery, 414 AEgidius, 232, 437 AEneas Sylvius, 502, 543 AEschylus, 533 Age of Leo X, xl, 41 Agostino, 540 Agricola, Rudolph, xxxv, 505, 520, 524, 527 Agrippa, Cornelius, 393 Agrippa and New Thought, 394 A Kempis, 517; and Marcus Aurelius, 432; and Epictetus, 432 A Kempis' Imitation, 431; other books, 431 Alberti, Leon Battista, xxxi, xxxv, 114; De re aedificatoria, 114; San Francesco (Rimini), 115 Albertus Magnus, 348, 361 Alcala, Paranimfo, 125; University of, 539 Aldus Manutius, 151, 303, 521; accomplishments, 154; advice to bores, 155; _editiones principes,_ 510 Aleander, Jerome, 531 Alessi, 122 Alexander VI, 228 Allegri, Antonio (Correggio), 66 Almagest of Ptolemy, 346 Almshouses at Stratford, 175 Amadis de Gaul, 478 Amerbach, Portrait of Boniface, 78 America, and Africa, colonized, 272; discovery of, xxv; first book printed in, 286-7; first printing press, 287; in Columbus' Century, 275 Amerigo Vespucci, 264 Amyot, translation of Plutarch, 471 Anaesthesia, 425 Anathemia, Mondino's, 361 Anatomy, pathological, 395; Renaissance and, 361; Teaching of, in Bologna, 363 Anchyloses, 424 Animuccia, xxxii, 143; brothers, 137 Anne of Bretagne, xxxix, 330 Annotations on Dioscorides Cordus, 337 Antimony, and auto-toxaemia, 392 Antonio Lebrixa, 538 Antonio of Palermo, 510 Antwerp, 110 Apollo and Marsyas, 56 Appendix, vermiform, 362 Apuleius, Golden Ass, 458 Aquinas, 361 Arabic types, 151 Arcadelt, 136 Archiepiscopal Palace Court, 126 Architecture, Michelangelo's, 40 Arcolani, 395 Arculanus, 417 Argelata, 414 Argyropulos, 506, 542 Ariosto, comparisons, 444; Italian humor, 445; Sonnet of, 445 Armor, 113 Arnold, Matthew, 432 Arras, 110 Art, and Savonarola, 57; after Reformation, 559 Art decadence, 98; Arthur, King-statue (Innsbrueck): 103 Arts, deeds, and words, xxvii; The Book of the, xxviii Ascham, Roger, xxxv, 336 Asepsis, 418 Asse, De, 532 Astrology, 352 Asylums, 169; founded at Saragossa, Seville, Toledo, Valencia, and Valladolid, 203 Athenaeus, antiquities of, 536 Augsburg, 102 Australia, discovery of, 268 Autobiography of Benvenuto Cellini, 459 Auto-toxaemia always with us, 392

B

Balboa, 271 Baldung, Hans, 161 Bale, on neglect of books, 556 Ballad, Lorenzo dei Medici, 447 Ballate, 447 Balneotherapy, 402 Bandages, moulded, 423 Bandello, 458 Baptism of Christ (Verrocchio). 27 Baptista dei Malatesti, 316 Barbosa, 538 Barclay, Alexander, 492 Baronius, 182 Basil Valentine, 391 Bath, Wife of, 490 Bayard, 208 Beaufort, Margaret, 335 Beccadelli, 510

{568}

Beckere, Peter, of Brussels, xxxi Bedlam, at London, 203 Bedlam, Hogarth's, 204 Bedlamites, 204 Beethoven, 88 Beguines, 178 Behem, Martin, 348 Bellarmine, 216 Bellay, Joachim du, 468, 469 Bellini, Angels Mourning over Christ, 63 Bellini, Presentation of Infant Christ, 63 Bellinis, the, xxix Belloc, Hilaire, 191 Belon, Pierre, 379 Bembo, Pietro, xlii, 298 Benivieni, 395 Benozzo Gozzoli, xxviii, 55 Benvenuto Cellini, xxx, 92 Berengar of Carpi, 361, 418 Berenson, 70 Bernardine of Feltre, 180 Bernard van Orley, 74 Bernini, 95 Bessarion, Cardinal, 346, 503; and Cusanus, 504; and Purbach, 504; and Regiomontanus, 504 Bibbiena, 34 Bible, Complutensian Polyglot, xxxv Blashfields, Italian Cities, 6 Blaubeuren, Stalls in, 99 Blind Harry, 496 Blondeel, 74 Blood, circulation of, 371; transfusion, 415 Boerhaave, 379 Bollandists, 216 Bologna, xxix; Papal University of, 368 Bonfigli, xxix, 55 Book, appreciation, 146; bindings old and new, 166; first American, 287; Massachusetts Bay Psalm, 287; making, decadence in, 148; illustration, 159 Books, illuminated, xxxiii; reform and destruction of, 556; twelve best, 434 Borgia, Aldus Manutius (Garnett), 303 Borgia, Lucretia, 301; at Ferrara, 303 Borgias, the, 302 Borgo, the Fire in the, 10 Borgognone, 117 Boscan, 480 Botticelli, xxviii, 53, 55, 56, 58, 75 Botticelli's Birth of Venus, 58; illustrations for Dante, 60: Madonna of the Magnificat, 59; Mythology, 59; Psychology, 58; Spring, 58; Tondi, 59 Bourbon, 208 Bourdischon, 80 Bourne, Prof., 277, 286, 287 Bouts, Dirk, 73 Bramante, xxxi, 117, 196; Church at Lodi, 116; Great Court of Hospital (Milan), 195; Santa Maria delle Grazie, 117 Brancas, surgeons, 418 Brantome, xlii Braunschweig, 411 Breboeuf, 213 Brethren of The Common Life, xxxv, 517 Bridgett, Life of Sir Thomas More, 240 Briggs, Prof., 259 Brothers, Do-Good Little, 202; of Mercy, 201 Browning, Mrs., 484 Bruges, 110; tombs at, 98; town hall at, 127; sculpture of, 98 Brunelleschi, xxxi, 349 Brunfels, 376 Bruno, Giordano, 473 Brunschwig, 422 Brussels, Broodhuis at, 127; Hotel de Ville, 127; Maison du Roi. 137 Budaeus, 505, 532; absorption in study, 532 Bude, 532 Bugiardini, 10 Burckhardt, 91, 319, 341; on Leonardo, 31 Burdett, Hospitals and Asylums of the World, 205 Burgkmaier, Hans, 161 Burke, Edmund, 478 Burnett, Bishop, 232 Burnett's Utopia, 233 Burning Bush, 10 Butzbach, Johann, 338

C

Cabot, John and Sebastian, 265 Cabrol, 417 Caesalpinus, xxxvii, 372, 379 Caesarean operation, 416 Cagliari, Paolo, 69 Caius, John, xxxviii, 229, 347, 385, 542 Caius College, 229 Calepinus, 511 Calixtus III, 510 Calvin, xlii, 246; and intolerance, 254 and Servetus, 255, 370; Loyola, Rabelais, fellow students, 533 Calvin's austerity, 253 Cambridge Modern History, 302 Camera del Eliodoro, 10 Camera del Incendio, 10 Camerini of women of Renaissance, 322 Camoeens, xlii, 264; and Da Gama, 266 sonnet by, 484 Campbell, Lord, Lives of the Lord Chancellors of England, 241 Canani, 362 Cancer, surgery in, 417 Canossa, Counts of, 32 Canova, 96 Cantor, 344 Cape Verde Islands, discovery of, 262 Caprarola, Palace of, 122 Caracci, xxix Cardan, Jerome, 403 Carlo Dolci, 66 Carlo Maratta, xxix Carnival songs, 448 Carpaccio, xxix Cartoons of Raphael, 11 Cartwright, Julia, 340 Castiglione, Baldassare, 4, 298 Catherine, of England, xxxix; of Genoa, xl; of Sforza, 301 Caviceo, 304 Caxton, William, 151 Caxton's experience, 146 Celestina, 479 {569} Cellini, Benvenuto, 92, 206; _alto_ and _basso rilievo,_ 93; autobiography, 459; Christ by, 93; Perseus and Head of Medusa, 93 Celsus, 507 Celtes, 338, 524 Certosa at Pavia, xxx; sculpture, 95 Cervantes, 208; and books of chivalry, 478 Cespedes, The Last Supper, 83 Chalcondyles, 506 Champ Fleury, 158 Champlain, on Mexico, 288 Chanca, Dr., 284 Chancery, calendar cleared, 235; Court of, 234 Charity, decline of, after Reformation, 559 Charlemagne, 313; Coronation of, 10 Charles V, xxxiii, 208 Charles, of Orleans, xlii, 463 Charles the Bold's tomb, 98 Chaucer, 152 Chess, Game & Pleye of, 152 Chevy Chase, 495 Chicheley, 542 Chiericate Palace, 122 Chivalry, Tales of, 478 Christ the Light of the World, 73 Christ, Imitation of, xli, 430 Christi, De Imitatione, 429 Christina, Princess of Denmark, 340 Church, Dean, 433 Cicero, 522 Ciceronianism, 508 Cinthio, Hecatomithi or Hundred Fables, 458 Circulation of Blood, Caesalpinus, 369; Columbus, 366; Harvey, 368; Rabelais, 369; Servetus, 369 Circulation, systemic, 372 Cisneros, 538 Claude Goudimel, xxxii, 137 Claudio Monteverde, 143 Clement Marot, xlii Clocks, 113 Clopton, Sir Hugh, 131. 173, 175 Clouet, Elizabeth of Austria, 79 Clouets, 80 Club-foot surgery, 421 Clusius, Carolus, 400 Clym of the Clough, 495 Cobbett's History of Reformation, 257 Coimbra, Teachers' College at, 541 Colet, Dean, xxxv, 229, 235, 543 Colet, Dame, 229 Collects of the English Prayerbook, 500 College de France, xxxvi, 533 College of Santa Cruz, 279 Colombe, xxxi, 80, 104 Colombo, Francesco, 159 Colonists, English and Spanish, 276 Colonization, ancient and modern, 272 Columbus, character, xxvi; letter, 283; lifetime, xxvii Columbus, Realdus, xxxvii, 366 Columella, 508 Common Life, Brethren of, 514 Company of Jesus, 222 Condivi, 41 Conrad, 338 Contagion of tuberculosis, 408 Convents and educated women, 341 Copernicus, 223, 243, 349; and Reformation, 352 Copperplate engraving, 160 Copyright, lack of, 155 Cordova, 208 Cordus, Valerius, 376 Cornaro, 404 Cornelius a Lapide, 216 Corporation of the Royal Readers, 533 Correggio, xxix, 53, 66, 75, 92; and Leonardo, 67; and Michelangelo, 67 and Raphael, 67 Corsets, surgical, 416 Cortes, 269 Cortez, Martin, 263 Cortigiano and Cellini's autobiography, 461 Courteys, Jean, 122; Pierre, 122 Cousin, Jean, 80 Coverdale, 500 Coxcie, Michiel, 74 Cranach, 161 Cranmer, 500 Cretinism and endemic goitre, 387 Culture, Transmission of European, 278 Cusanus, 344, 518; and Bessarion, 504: love of truth, 519

D

Da Imola, xxix Dalberg, Johann von, 525 Dame Quickly, 490 Danes, Pierre, 533 Danesius, 533 Daniel, 212 Dante, 149; sonnet by Michelangelo, 42 David, Gerard, 74, 97 Da Vinci, 44 (see Leonardo) Dean Colet, 229 Decadence, political, after Reformation, 562 Deed, The Book of the, xxxiii Defectives, Village care for, 203 Delacroix on Titian, 65 Delft, 110 Delirium, 402 Della Croce, 415 Della Porta, xxxi Della Robbia, 89 Della Robbias, xxx Denifle and Luther, 248 De Quincey, 432 D'Este, Isabella, 303; Beatrice, 318 Deventer, 517 De Vigo, 411 Dias, Bartholomew, 263 Dibden, 149 Dickenson, Study of the History of Music, 140 Dictes and Sayings of the Philosophers, 152 Dietetics, popular, 406 Dionysius, the Areopagite, 544 Discoveries and drugs, 400 Diseases, occupation, 387; mental, 401 Disputa, 8 Dodsley's Old English Plays, 488 Doge's Palace, 120 Dolet, Etienne, 473 Dominant seventh, xxxii; chord of, 143 Donatello, xxx, 65, 70, 102 {570} Donatello's, Bambino Gesu, 87; St. Francis, 87; St. George, 87; St. John the Baptist, 87 Donizetti, Lucretia Borgia, 304 Dorothea de Juanes, 84 Dosso Dossi, xxix Douglas, Gawin, 496 Drake, Sir Francis, 288 Dream of the Knight, Raphael, 4 Drug abuses later, 403 Drugs, American and Oriental, 400 Dunbar, William, 496; Scotch Chaucer, 497 Duerer, Albert, xxix, 75, 99, 161. 378; Marriage of the Blessed Virgin, 163; Melancholia, 15; Nativity, 339; St. John the Baptist preaching, 100; wood-engravings, 161; writings, 77 Dussart, S. J., Father, on Memling, 73

E

Echegaray on Teresa, 309 Educated women, number of, 320 Educated women's homes, 321 Education, feminine, xxxix; phases of feminine education, 313; physical training and feminine, 317; feminine, in Spain, 332; feminine, and Rabelais, 536; feminine, opportunities for, 320 Edward VI Grammar Schools, 173 Efficiency, Studies in (Leonardo), 26 Eliot's, George, Romola, 185 Elizabeth, 337; and Isabella, 293 Elizabeth, torture under, 189 Emperor Frederick, 432 Encomium Moriae, 77, 440 Englishmen of the Sixteenth Century, Sidney Lee, 437 English Prayerbook, Collects of the, 500 Engraving, copper, 162; wood, 162 Ephemerides Astronomicae, 348 Erasmus, xxxv, 223, 226, 259, 337, 521, 528; Colloquia, 440; on scholasticism, 245; on copyright, 155; and More, 226; Escala Espiritual, La, first American printed book, 287 Estienne the Elder, 157 Euclid, 526 Eustachius, xxxvii, 395; anatomical plates of, 164; discoveries, 367 Eustachian tube, 367 Evelyn, 181, 204 Everyman, 485 Exercitia Spiritualia, 429 Experts, medico-legal, 399

F

Fabrica Humani Corporis, 365 Fabricius of Aquapendente, 421 Fallopius, 366, 415; discoveries, 367 Farnesina, 6 Farrar, Archdeacon, 434 Fathers of Church and Pagan Culture, 529 Fedele, Cassandra, 327 Felixmarte de Hircania, 478 Female pre-eminence, 394 Ferdinand and Isabella, xxxiii, 208, 292 Ferrara, xxix Ferri, 411 Festus, 507 Ficino, 34, 507, 524 Field, Miss, on St. Teresa, 312 Field of the Cloth of Gold, xxxiv, 255 Filippino Lippi, xxviii Fiorovanti, 417 Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, 237, 521 Florence, Academy at, 507; and social reforms, 184 Fontenelle, 433 Forli, Virago of, 301 Fortune, making a, 177 Foster, Professor, 372 Fouchet, Jean, 105 Fountain of the Innocents, xxxi Fouquet, Jehan, 80, 149; miniature painting from the Livy MSS., 150 Four Elements, the Interlude of, 489 Four P's, 489, 493 Fra Angelico, xxviii, 53, 92; angels of 54: Madonnas of, 54; paintings of, 54 Fra Bartolommeo, xxviii, 6, 56, 92; Descent from the Cross, 57; Lamentation over Christ, 57; Marriage of St. Catherine, 57; The Last Judgment, 57; Savonarola, 58 Fra Gioconda, 131, 159 Fracastorius, 397 Fracture of the skull by contrecoup, 418 Francia, 151 Francis I, xxxiii, 533; contempt of the world, 464-5 Frederick of Urbino, 2 Free, John, 542 Froissart translation, 470 Fuchs, 376 Furniture, 113 Fust, 146

G

Gairdner, 256 Galileo and Copernicus, 350 Gammer Gurton's Needle, xlii Gamp, Mrs., 490 Garcilaso de la Vega, 285, 480 Garofalo, xxix Garnett, 302 Gaspara Stampa, 327 Gasquet, 502 Gaston de Foix, 208 Gaza, Theodore, 505, 520 Geert de Groote, 514 Geiler of Kaisersberg, 529 Genoa, Heroines of, 300 Gentile da Fabriano, xxix George Eliot on Teresa, 308 German People, History of the, 528 Germany, Preceptor of, 522; schoolmaster of, 520; the Humanists of, 527; three-tongued wonder of, 523: united, 519 Gerssdorff, Hans von, 422 Gesner, Conrad, 377, 385 Ghent, town hall of, 127 Ghirlandajo, 34, 55, 56, xxviii Giles, Peter, 232, 437 Giorgione, xxix, 63 Giotto, 65 Giulio Romano, xxix Glass-making, xxxiii God's promise, 494 {571} Goldsmiths sculptors, xxxii, 341 Gonzaga, Cecilia, 316; Elizabeth, 298; Isabella, 301, 304; Paola, 341; women of the house of, 320 Gonzagas, xxxix Good Hope, Cape of, 263 Gordon, General Chinese, 432 Goudimel, Claude, 137 Goujon, Jean, xxxi, 80, 105 Gounod, 140 Gout, bilious, 399; melancholy, 399; Pare on, 399; pituitary, 399; sanguine, 399 Gower, 152 Graft, political, 248 Grammar, Spanish specialty, 540 Granada, Cathedral at, 118-9 Greek, first book printed in, 151 Greene, Prof. Edward L., 375 Gregorovius, 302 Grey, Lady Jane, xl, 336; Lord, of Grimm, 5; Life of Michelangelo, 56; on Correggio, 66; on Michelangelo, 52 Grisar's Luther, 248 Grocyn, 543 Grolier, 156, 164, 166 Groote, Geert de, 514 Guarino, 542 Guercino, xxix Guicciardini, 451 Guido, xxiii Guilds, flourishing, xxxviii; insurance, 170; grammar schools of, 173; of the Holy Cross at Stratford, 172: social work of the, 170; the children of the, 171 Gunshot wounds, experiments in, 412 Gurlt, History of Surgery, 412 Gutenberg, 146 Guy de Chauliac, 410 Guzman, 537 Gynaecology and obstetrics, 416

H

Hallam on Reformation, 246 Haller, 377 Hamboys, 136 Hannay, David, 476 Hans Holbein, 162 Hare, Augustus, 460 Harvey, 369 Headlam, Cecil, 102 Health, Board of, at Lucca, 407 Heart surgery, 417 Heathen writers and Christian culture, 529 Hebrew types, 151 Hellenists, new academy of, 510 Helyot, Lea Ordres Monastiques, 198 Hemophilia, 415 Henderson, The Story of Music, 135 Henry VIII, xxxiii, 246 Henry, the Navigator, xxxiii, 262 Henryson, Robert, 496 Heptameron, 305, 465 Hernandez, 399 Heynlin von Stein, 529 Heywood, John, 493 Higden, 151 Hildegarde, Abbess, 314 History of the English Reformation, 257 of the Popes, 220; of wood-engraving, 161 Hogarth's Bedlam, 204 Holbein, xxix, 77, 162; and the Iconoclasts, 78; religious pictures, 78 Hospital, first American, 287; of St. John at Bruges, 72, 199 Hospitals, 169; and surgery, 410; decline after Reformation, 560; decoration of, 199; gardens of, 199; in Spain, 201; medieval, 192; modern, 192; nursing, 198; of the Innocents, 90; old-time, 192; organization of, 197; private patients in, 197; Santo Spirito, 196; Sir Thomas More on, 200-201 Hotel de Ville of Louvain, 124 Houillier (Holleris), Jacques, 396 Hours, Book of, 148 House of the Red Children, 306 Howard, Earl of Surrey, 497 Hroswitha, the nun dramatist, 314 Hugo von Pfolspeundt, 421 Hugo, Victor, on Lucretia Borgia, 304 Humanists, The, and antiquity, 528; and Christianity, 528; and England, 531; and France, 531; The Earlier or Scholastic, 527; The Intermediate or Rational, 527; The Later or Protestant, 527; Throughout all of Western Europe, 531; Portugal and, 531; Spain and, 531 Hunt, Bonavia, 138 Hunter, George Leland, on tapestries, 109 Hunter, William, 364 Hutchinson, Ann, 255 Hutten, Ulrich von, 523 Hydrophobia, 402 Hygiene, popular, 406 Hythlodaye, Raphael or Ralph, 438

I

Ignatius Loyola, 208 (see St. Ignatius) Ignorantia, De Docta, 345 Illicini, 455 Incunabula, medical, 383 Indian manual training, 286 Indulgences, Luther and, 249; Manning and, 249; Newman and, 249 Ingrassias, 414 Innocents, Hospital of the, 90 Innsbrueck, xxxi, 102 Inquisition in Spain, 295 Insane, Care for, in Spain, 203; Brutal suppression of in 1750, 205; Visiting, as entertainment, 204 Insanity, studies in, 401 Interlude of Virtue, 493 Isaac, Sacrifice of, 10 Isabella of Castile, xxxix; administration, 291; and Elizabeth, 293; children of, 292; benevolence of, 295; Indians and, 293; Inquisition and, 295; Letters of, 476; studies of, 291; style of, 292; unhappiness of, 293 Isabella D'Este's apartments, 323 Italian academies, 510; teachers everywhere, 501 Italy, best gentlewoman of, 301; graduate study of, 347, 501; medical world teaching in, 386

{572}

J

Jaeger, Johann, of Dornheim, 523 Janssen, 244, 528 Jan van Mabuse, 74 Jessop, Rev. Augustus, 174, 256; Before the Great Pillage, 257 Jesuit, astronomy, 218; bibliography, 216; competition, 214; constitution, 209 Missions in Brazil, Chile, China, India, Japan, North America, Mexico, Peru, 211; relations, 213; schools, 214; scientists, 217; students, 215; themes, 214 Jesuits, Bacon and, 215; bark, 213; Bancroft and, 213; Descartes and, 215 Harvey and, 218; instructors in Europe, 215; Kepler and, 218; meteorology and, 220: Parkman and, 215; philology and, 213; seismology, 220 Jewel boxes, 113 Jodocus Lommius, 396 Jogues, 213 John of Avila, 480 John of Bologna, Mercury, 94; Neptune, 94; Rape of Sabines, 95 John of Dalberg, 520, 524 John II of Portugal, 263 John, Prester, 263 Johnson, Samuel, 432; on More, 498 Joinville, 470 Joost van Lom, 396 Joerg, Syrlin, 99 Josquin, xxxii, 135; Ave Maria, 136 Juan de Borgona, 82 Juan de Juanes, 82 Julius II, Pope, 7; Tomb of, 37 Juste, Jean, xxxi, 105 Justinian, Pandects of, 532 Justin Martyr, 533 Justus of Ghent, 4, 74

K

Kalkar, 164 Kelly, Fitz-Maurice, 479 Kettelwell, Life of Thomas a Kempis, 516 Kildare, 314 King's Highway, 289 King's Quair, 496 Kircher, 218 Kircherian Museum, 219 Kraft, xxxi; Adam, 101 Kraus, Professor, 9

L

Labe, Louise (La Cordiere), 331 Ladies of the Olden Time, 462 La Gioconda, 15 La Harpe, 433 Lallemant, 212 Lamartine, 433 Lamennais, 433 Lancisi, 368 Landino, 507 Lang, Mr. Andrew, 385 Langen, Rudolph von, 521, 527 Lapide. 216 Lascaris' Grammar, 151 Las Casas, 186; 270; and Indian abuses, 187 Lasso, _princeps musicae,_ 138 Lassus, 138 Latimer, 543 Latin, universal academic language, 427 Latres of Mons, 137 Laws, pure food, 406 Lazarillo de Tormes, 479 Learning, New, 246; confusion of, 502 Lecky, 203 Lee, Mr. Sidney, 276, 437 Leland the antiquary, 176 Leonardo da Vinci, xxx, 1, 5, 55, 67, 75, 92, 102; and Michelangelo, 36; as biologist, 355; as engineer, 21; as scientist, 353; botany, 25; canals, 22; career, 26: dissection, 24; geology, 23; inventions, 21, 353; mechanical toys, 28; optics, 354; on war, 30; philosophy of life, 30; proposed text-books of anatomy, 364; studies in efficiency, 26; study of flying, 28; weather gauge, 354; zoology, 25 Leonardo's Christ, 17 Leonicenus, Nicholas, 384 Leopardi, xxx, 92 Leyden pulpit, 98 Liddon, 434 Lille, 110 Lilies, The Valley of, a Kempis, 431 Lily, William, 492, 543 Linacre, xxxv, xxxviii, 223, 228, 235; translations by, 471 L'Indaco, 10 Linnaeus, 378 Lippo Lippi, xxviii Literature, English Dramatic, 485; Latin, 428; mystical, 480; Portuguese, 481 Liver fatalities, 424 Livy, edition of, in 1543, 80; illuminations, 80 Lollardism, 256 Longevity, Cornaro on, 404 Lords, House of, before and after Reformation, 563 Lorenzo de' Medici, xxxv, xlii, 4, 40; poetry, 447; lament for, 448 Lorenzo di Credi, 55 Lorenzo Lotto, 63 Lo Spagna, xxix Lotti, Lorenzo, xxix Lotto, 7 Louvain university, 225; town hall of, 124 Low Countries, 307 Lubbock, Sir John, 434 Luebeck, 102 Luca delta Robbia, 89 Lucas van Leyden, 74, 161 Lucca health board, 407 Lucretia Borgia's apartments, 324; husband's grief, 305 (see Borgia) Lucretia Tornabuoni de' Medici, xlii, 317 Lucretius, 507 Luigi da Porto, 455 Luis de Granada, 480 Luis de Morales, 82 Luis de Vargas, 82 Luis de Leon, 480 Luther, 135, 246; and Denifle, 248; Grisar, 248; McGiffert, 251, 252; indulgences, 249; on divorce, 251; {573} permits bigamy, 251; relations to Zwingli, 250

M.

Mabie, Mr. Hamilton, 515 Macaulay, 220; on the reformers, 258 MacFarren, Sir George A., 143 Machiavelli, 449: Acton on, 451; drama, 450; history, 450; Morley on, 451; novel, 455; place in literature, 450; style of, 450; "The Prince," 209 Madrigals, 446 Magellan, Ferdinand, 266; Straits of, 267 Maggi, 412 Magnet in surgery, 416 Magnetism, 390 _Maioli et amicorum,_ 166 Malory, Sir Thomas, 152, 495 Mania, 402 Mantegna, Andrea, xxix Manuzio, Paolo, 154 Marcantonio, 162 Marcellus, The Mass of, 139 Margaret of Anjou, 335 Margaret of Angouleme, or Navarre, or Valois, (See Marguerite.) Marguerita de Juanes, 84 Marguerite of Angouleme, (or Navarre, or Valois), xxxix; affection for brother, 305: charity, 306; grief, 306; Heptameron, 465; Marguerites de la Marguerite, 466; religious poetry, 466 Marguerite of Bourgogne, xxxix Marot's, Clement, sonnet on happiness, 464 Marquette, 213 Marriage of Witte and Science, 489 Martin of Bohemia, 263 Martinotti, 363 Martyr's _De Rebus Oceanicis, et Orbe Novo,_ 164 Mary of Burgundy's tomb, 98, 307 Mary, Queen of Scots, xxxix, 331, 336 Masaccio, xxviii, 65 Massa, 414 Massuccio Salernitano, 454 Masters, Four, of Salerno, 410 Matsys, Quentin, xxix, 73 Matthews, Brander, 166 Maximilian I, 525 McGiffert on Luther, 252 Medallion, xxxiii Medici, Clarice de', 301 Medici, Lorenzo de', (See Lorenzo.) Medicine and philosophy, 408; clinical, 382; incunabula of, 383; in Mexico, 281 legal, 408; medieval, 381; observation in, 401; printing and, 383; Rabelais on, 382; Renaissance in, 382 Meistersingers, 137 Melancholia, 402; Duerer, 15 Melancholy as self-will, 311 Melanchthon, 522; Servetus, 255 Melin de Saint Gelais, 467 Melozzo da Forli, 4, 65 Memling, xxix, 71, 97, 199 Memmelinc, 72 Memory, importance of, 503 Mercy, Brothers of, 201 Metal-engraving, 162 Method, inductive, 356 Mexico and Medicine, 281 Mexico's palaces, 288 Meyer, History of Chemistry, 389 Michelangelo, xxviii, xxx, xxxi, xlii, 1, 5, 6; admiration of, 43; age of, 51; and architecture, 40; and Dante, 41; and Leonardo, 36; and Vittoria Colonna, 47; as architect, painter, poet, sculptor, 52; dissection and, 44; early works, 35; handiness, 44; last words, 51; lack of jealousy, 43; little interest in books, 33; lonely, 45; modesty, 44; on matrimony, 45-6: personality, 47; Shakespeare and, 33, 41; the "divine master," 51 Michelangelo's David, 36; Moses, 38; religion, 49; St. Peter's (Rome), 116 Middle Ages, contempt for the, 245 Mignonne! Allons voir, 468 Milman, Dean, 434 Modernism, Renaissance, 244 Mona Lisa, 15 Monardes, 400 Monarquia Indiana, 279 Monasteries, evils of, 557; suppression of, 557 Montagnana, 395 Montaigne, 533 Montanus, 385, 386 Montefeltro, Battista, 319 Monte, Giovanni de, 386 Monti di Pieta, 180 More, Margaret, 337, 227 More, Sir Thomas, xxxv, xlii, 223, 259. 543; apology of, 233; as barrister, 226; as chancellor, 234; Confutation of Tindale and, 233: daughter of, 238; Deballation of Salem and Bizance, 233; Erasmus and, 226; family life, 226; household, 227; humor, 241; oath of supremacy, 236; obstinacy, 239; on hospitals, 200, 545; on marriage, 225; on physicians, 545; precocity, 224 Quoth He and Quoth I, 233; religious toleration, 545; sordid successors of, 242; standing armies and, 545; Supplication of Souls, 233 wealth display barbaric, 545 Moriae, Encomium, 241 Moroselli, 55 Morris, William, 148 Morte d' Arthur, 152, 495 Morton, Cardinal, xxxv; household of, 224 Moses, Michelangelo's, 38 Mouton, Jean, 143 Mummies, 390 Municipalata palace, 122 Muretus, 541 Murmellius, 521 Music, xxxii; Columbian, 134; Doctor of, 136; polyphonic, xxxii, 139 Musurus, handwriting of, 153 Muth, Conrad, Mutianus, Rufus, 523, 527

N.

Nanini brothers, xxxii, 137 Nature imitates art, 70 Nature study, in Dante, 361; medieval, 360; Renaissance, 360 Nativity, Duerer, 339; Plays, 486 {574} Navarrete, 82 Navigation, French, 268 Neri, St. Philip, xxxii Nervousness, selfishness and, 311 Neuburger, 362 Newman, Cardinal, 181 Newton, xxvi New York, Discovery of, 268 Nicholas V, 510; chapel of, 53 Nicholas of Cusa, 27, 344, 518, 529; on truth, 519; on united Germany, 519 Nigramansir, 493 Novelas de Picaros, 479 Novelle, Italian, 454 Nunez, 540 Nuremberg, xxxi, 75, 99; Bronze Founders of, 102; intellectual center, 347; Virgin of, 188 Nursing, Dark Period of, 193; decline after Reformation, 560; history of, 179; uniforms, 200 Nusquama, 233 Nutting and Dock History of Nursing, 179

O.

Ockeghem, or Ockenheim, xxxii, 135 Olympia Morata, 327 Opera, xxxii Oratorio, xxxii Orlando Furioso, 443 Orthopedics, 413; Spain in, 421 Osler, Prof., 397 Ospedale Maggiore of Milan, 196 Oviedo, 399

P

Padua, xxix Paganism and the New Learning, 529 Palace, Grimani, 120; Guadagni, 120; of Caprarola, 122; Pitti, 120; Riccardi, 120; Rucellai, 120; Thiene, 121; Tursi-Doria, 122; Vendramini, 120 Palestrina, xxxii, 136 Palilia, 508 Palladio, xxxi, 120 Palma Vecchio, xxix, 63 Palmerin de Inglaterra, 478 Pamplona, 206 Papal Physicians, Caesalpinus, 373; Columbus, 366; Eustachius, 367; Lancisi, 368 Papinian, 536 Paracelsus, xxxvii, 223, 386; Father of Pharmaceutical Chemistry, 390; medical chemistry and, 357; miracles and, 390; surgical hints, 419; wound epidemics and, 420 Paraguay Reductions, 212 Pardoner and the Friar, 489 Pare, xxxviii; Father of Modern Surgery, 411; on gout, 398; orthopedic armamentarium, 413 Pascal, 432 Passion Plays, 486, 488 Pater, Walter, 15, 58 Pathology, Aranzi, 395; Arcolani, 395; Benivieni, 395; Berengar, 395; Eustachius, 395; Montagnana, 395; Savonarola, 395; Vesalius, 395 Paul Preaching to the Athenians, 12 Pausanias, Monuments of, 536 Pavia, Battle of, xxxiv Peasant and Prince, 469 Perreal, 80 Perugino, xxix, 5, 7. 53, 55 Peruzzi, 7, 10, 17 Petau, or Petavius, 216 Peter of Pieve, 55 Pfolspeundt, Heinrich von, 383; advice to young surgeons, 423 Phillimore, Prof, J. S., 498 Phrenitis, 402 Physicians, Royal College of, 229; More's praise of, 408 Phytography, Cordus, 376 Picaresque novels, 479 Piccolomini, AEneas Sylvius, (See Pius II.) Pico della Mirandola, xlii, 9, 34, 223, 230, 507, 511, 524. Pierluigi of Palestrina, 142 Piero dei Franceschi, 65 Piero della Francesca, 4, 55 Pieta of Michelangelo, 36 Pillage, Before the Great, 174 Pilon, Germain, xxxi, 105 Pincianus, 539 Pinel, 203 Pinturicchio, xxix, 503 Pirkheimer, Charitas, or Charity, 330, 525; Conrad Celtes, 338; friend of scholars, 338 Pirkheimer, Wilibald, 338: Academy of Mainz, 524; friend of Duerer, 77; numismatics, mathematics, science, 526 Pius II, xxxv, 502, 543 Pizarro, 270 Placques, 112 Plant Iconography, 376 Plantin, Christopher, 464 Platina, 508 Plato, 8, 516, 526, 530 Platonic love, 48 Plays, Mystery and Miracle in England, 485; in Italy, 445; on the continent, 487; Morality, xlii; Nativity, 486; Passion, 488 Pledges, unredeemed, 180 Pleiades, xlii, 468 Pliny, 535; the Elder, 378 Plumptre, Dean, 434 Plutarch, 526, 536; morals of, 536 Poetry, Latin, 428; of passion, 467 Poggendorff, 219 Poliphilo, Dream of, 159 Politian, 34, 327, 507; Orfeo of, 445 Pollaiuolo, xxxii Polychronicon, 151 Polyglot, Complutensian, 539 Pomponius Laetus, 508, 524 Ponce, Maitre, 105 Pontano, 510 Portugal, scholarship in, 541 Porretane, 454 Portuguese, Sonnets from, 484 Pott's Disease, 414 Predestination, 254 Prescott, 293; on Ferdinand and Isabella, 333; on the Inquisition, 295; Isabella and Elizabeth contrasted, 293 Prieur, Barthelemy, 105 Prince, The, 449; and Peasant, 469 Printing, medical, 383 {575} Prohibitionist, early, 407 Propertius, 507 Ptolemy, 526; Almagest of, 346 Puerbach, or Purbachius, 345; and Bessarion, 504 Purgatory, Treatise on, 299 Puritan intolerance, 255 Puschmann, History of Medical Education, 362 Pyaemia, 420

Q

Queen Elizabeth (see Elizabeth) Quentin Matsys, 97 Quintilian, 507 Quoth He and Quoth I, 233

R

Rabelais, xlii; and feminine education, 536; and medicine, 382; circulation of blood and, 369; misunderstood, 472; place in literature, 474; Renaissance and, 475; tolerance of time, 473 Radewyns, Florence, 515 Ralph Royster Doyster, xlii, 494 Ranke, 220; on Guicciardini, 452 Raphael, 1, 67, 75, 92, 107; as archaeologist, 14; as art director, 14 Rapiarium, 517 Rea, Hope, 88 Recreation before Reformation, 565 Reductions of Paraguay, 212 Reformation, 243; and academic freedom, 555; and art, 554; and education, 554; and decadence, 554; and internationalism, 566; and House of Lords, 563; and political descent, 564; and popular happiness, 565; and progress, 553; and sectarianism, 566; Andrew Lang on, 258; Copernicus and, 352; Frederic Harrison on, 258; Macaulay on, 258; ruins art, 558; ruins scholarship, 555 Regiomontanus, 28, 223; and Bessarion, 504 Reisch, 529 Rembrandt, 15 Renaissance, xxvii; Italian, xxxi; ladies of the, 290; Science in, 343; The Later, 476 Repplier, Miss Agnes, "Our Loss of Nerve," 312 Reuchlin, xxxv, 523, 528; Cabalistic Books of, 393 Reuisch, 7 Revolt, Religious, in Germany, 243 Revolution, French Reactionary, 191 Rhodes, Cecil, and Cortes, 269; and Pizarro, 269; and Vasco da Gama, 269 Ribalta, xxix Ricci, Father, 211 Ricordi, 452 Robbia, Andrea della, Bambine of, 90 Robbia, Luca della, 89 Robusti, Jacopo, 68 Roman antiquities, 14 Rome, Ancient, Raphael's reconstruction, 14 Rome, Social Work at, 182 Romeo and Juliet, 454 Roses, Little Garden of, 431 Roses, Wars of the, 223 Rossetti, William, 93 Ronsard, 468 Rudolph von Langen, 520 Ruellius, 379 Rugs, Oriental, 107 Ruskin, xxvii; on Noble grotesque, 60; Stones of Venice, 60 Russell of Killowen, 432

S

Sachs, Hans, 136 Sacristy of San Lorenzo, 40 Sahagun, 278 St. Ambrose, 522 St. Augustine, 522; De Civitate Dei, 437 St. Bernardine of Siena, 180 St. Brigid, 314 St. Catherine, of Genoa, 181, 298; Treatise on Purgatory, 299 St. Chrysostom, 522 St. Francis de Sales, 432 St. Francis Xavier, 210 St. George and St. Michael, 4 St. Gregory Nazienzen, 529 St. Ignatius Loyola, 182, 439; Spiritual Exercises of, xli, 439 St. Jerome, 522 St. Philip Neri, 137, 142; the Apostle of Rome, 181 St. Teresa, 307, 340, 476. (Sec also Teresa.) St. Sebald, shrine, 101 Saint-Amand, Imbert, 464 Sainte-Beuve, 464 Saintsbury, xl, 443 Salvers, 112 Sanchez, Minerva, 540 Sandys, 280, 524, 527, 532, 540 Sangallo, xxxi, 117 San Michele, xxxi, 120 Sannazaro, 510 Sansovino, xxxi, 102 Santa Croce Cathedral, xxxi Santi Raphael, 2 Sarto, Andrea del, xxviii Sassoferato, xxix Satire of Religious Abuses, 455 Savadino, degli Arienti, 454 Savonarola, 56, 183, 185; and art, 57; Benedict XIV, 185; Pius VII, 185; Raphael, 185; the reformer, 184; vindication of, 185 Scala, Alessandra, 327 Scaliger, 505. 537 Scent boxes, 113 Schoeffer, 146 Schaeuffelin, Hans, 161 Schenck von Graffenberg, 396 Schwarzerd (Melanchthon), 522 Scholarship, xxix; and wealth, 468; place of, xxxv; decadence in, 95; Teutonic, 513 Scholarship in Italy, decadence of, 512 Scholasticism, Erasmus and contempt, 245 Schongauer, Martin, 162 School of Athens, 8 Schubert, 140 Science, in Renaissance, 343; Jesuits and, 217; Progress of, xxxvii Sciences, Biological, 360 Scripture, knowledge of, 488 {576} Sculpture, Certosa, 95; decadence in, 95 Sebastiano Luciani, 63 Secchi, S. J.. Father, 218 Selling, William, 543 Seneca, 516, 522 Servetus, 369; and Calvin, 255 Seutonius, 522 Shakespeare and Michelangelo, 33 Sidney, Sir Philip, 481 Signorelli, 10, 56; and Melozzo, 65 Simon de Collines, 157; Book of Hours, 160 Sistine Chapel, 8; tapestries in, 111 Social Work and Workers, 169 Societas Literarum Danubiana, 524 Societas Literarum Vistuliana, 524 Socrates, 8, 516 Sodalitas Literarum Rhenana, 524 Sodoma, 7 Sophocles, 533 Sorel, Agnes, tomb of, 105 Spain, and care for insane, 203; architecture, 118; Feminine education, 333; in America, 278; scholarship, 537 Spanish America, 277; Literature, Golden age of, 484 Spiritual Life in shorthand, 440 Spirituality and common sense, 312 Splenectomy, 417 Springinklee, Hans, 161 Squarcione, xxix Staley, Edgcumbe, 300 Stanley, Dean, 514; the explorer, 432 Statius, 507 Staupitz, John von, 260 Stefano, Vanneo, xxxii Strachey, Henry, 8 Stratford, Chapel of Guild and Alms-houses at, 172, 176 Stratford-on-Avon, 131, 176 Suarez, 216 Superstition, Post-reformation, 561 Supper, Last, Leonardo's, 16 Supremacy oath, More and, 236 Surgeons, learned, 425 Surgery, and anatomy, 526; cosmetics in, 418; experience in, 425; hospitals and, 410 Sweating sickness, 383 Sylvaticus, 383 Sylvius, Matthaeus, 365, 383 Symonds, J. Addington, 41, 446

T

Taft, President, on Philippines, 273 "Tag Day," 178 Taine, History of English Literature, 177, 353 Tales of Chivalry, 479; of Roguery, 479 Tapestries, Sistine, 11; art and, 107; Cluny, 111; Golden age of, 109; Morgan, 110; Rheims and, 109; Their Origin, History and Renaissance, 109 Tapestry, French and Flemish manufacture of, 110 Telegraph, sympathetic, 356 Telesio, Bernardino, 356 Terence, 522 Teresa de Cepeda y Ahumada, (St. Teresa), 307 Teresa, St., Crashaw on, 477; "Doctor of Church," 308; humor of, 310; hymn, 477 (see St. Teresa) Teresa, _mater spiritualium,_ 308; mystic, 310; power of, 310: style of, 309; writings, 477 (see St. Teresa) Terra Cottas, 89 Theater, Picture of, 491 Theophrastus Dioscorides, 378 Theodoric, 410 Thiene Palace, 121 Thompson, Francis, 207; Life of St. Ignatius, by, 221 Three Graces of the Tribune of Chantilly, 5 Tibullus, 508 Tilly, Arthur, on Rabelais, 474 Tindale, Confutation of, 233 Tintoretto, xxix, 53; Bacchus and Ariadne, 68 Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, 542 Titian, xxix, 53, 75: Assumption by, 63; Bacchanals of, 64; Bacchus and Ariadne, 64; Entombment of Christ, 63; Presentation of Blessed Virgin, 63 Tolerance of Rabelais' time, 473 Torquemada, Juan de, 279 Torture, date of, 188; post-reformation, 561; under Tudors, 189 Tory, Geoffrey, 149, 156; Book of Hours, 157; King's printer, 158 Toscanelli, 28, 348 Tournai, 110 Tournefort, 377 Tours, xxxi Toussain, Jacques, 533 Tracheotomy tube, 416 Tragus, 376 Tramps, 171 Translations, Classic, 499 Trebizond, 505 Tregaskis, 149 Trithemius, 525, 527, 529; and Christian scholarship, 529 Trivulzio, Domitilla, 327 Troye, Recuyell, of the Historyes of, 152 Truth, Love of, Cusanus, 519 Turnebus, 533 Tursi-Doria Palace, 122 Tyndale, 500 Types, Arabian, 151; Anglo-Saxon, 151; Greek, 151; Hebrew, 151; Irish, 151; Italian, 151; Russian, 151; Syrian, 151

U

Udall, Nicholas, 494 Ulm, Choir stalls of, 99 University of Lima, 279; of Mexico, 279 University, Papal charters, 281 Ursula, Shrine of St., 73 Ursulines, Charlestown fire, 329; foundation of, 329; in America, 329; New Orleans in 1726, 329 Utopia, xli, 232, 436; and Plato's Republic, 439; Astrology, 551; Author's home, 553; books in, 552; division of day in, 552; forest conservation, 551; life of pleasure in, 551; illustrations in, 162; More's, 429; Religious toleration in, 546; standing armies in, 547

{577}

V

Valentine, Basil, 357; works, 392 Valles, Francisco, 396 Valves in veins, 361 Van Eyck, brothers, xxix, 71, 97 Vanneo, Stefano, xxxii Vannucci, Pietro, 55 Van der Weyden, Roger, 71, 97 Varro, 508, 533 Vasari, xlii, 17, 87, 89, 107, 453; Herodotus of art, 453 Vasco da Gama, 263 Veit Stoss, 99 Velasquez, 15 Vendramini Palace, 120 Venturino, Francesco, 33 Vergara, 540 Vernacular, 246 Vernazza, Battistina, 300 Verona, Isotta of, 327 Veronese, xxix, 53; Marriage at Cana, 69 Veronica de Gambara, 327 Verrazano, 268 Verrocchio, xxx, 55, 90; Colleoni, 21 Vesalius, xxxvii, 25; Father of anatomy; 164, 365 Vespucci, Amerigo, 264 Vidus Vidius, 416 Viel, Gabriel, 529 Vignola, 122 Vigo, John de, 414 Villa of Pope Julius, 122 Villehardouin, 470 Villon, xxxvi, 462 Virago of Forli, 301 Virgil, study of, 315; birthplace of, 315 Virgins, youthful, 36 Vischer family, xxxi, 101, 104 Vischer, Peter, 101 Visualization, artistic, 70 Vittoria Colonna, xxxix; and Michelangelo, 47; character, 297; letter on honesty, 296; writings, 297 Vittorino da Feltre, 314 Vivarinis, xxix Vives, 540

W

Warham, Archbishop; xxxv, 521 War, the climax of animal frenzy, (Leonardo), 30 Wars of the Roses, 223 Wasmann, S. J., Father, 219 Wealth and scholarship, 468 Wesley, John, 190, 259 West, The Call of the, 276 Weyden, Roger van der, xxix, 97 Weyer (Wierius), Johann, 396, 416 Wickersheimer, 405 William of Salicet, 410 Wimpheling, 520, 527, 529 Windesheim, 515 Wine, abuse of, 407 Winternach, 402 Witchcraft, 190 Wolff, Caspar, 417 Wolseley, General, 432 Wolsey, Cardinal, 234 Women, and Renaissance gardens, 322; chances of education for, 326; wrongs of, 332 Women's apartments, 322 Woodberry, 161 Wood-carving, Bruges, 98; German, 99 Wood-engraving, 161 Woodville, Elizabeth, 335 Worms, Diet of, xxxiv Wyatt, Sir Thomas, 497 Wynken de Worde, 151 Wuertz, Felix, 411, 417

X

Xenophon, German, 526 Ximenes, Cardinal, xxxv, 438

Z

Zwingli, 250

End of Project Gutenberg's The Century of Columbus, by James J. Walsh