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BLACKWOOD'S
POREiaN CLASSICS
FOB
ENGLISH READERS.
Edited by MRS OLIPHANT.
In course of publication, price 2s. 6d. each.
I. DANTE.
BY THE EDITOR.
Examines. — "It is for its size, scope, and aim, one of the best works
on Dante in English. . . . Is an admirably -written short
account of the great Florentine poet, such as will give those who
have no time to study, or are about to begin, his works, a clear
and comprehensive understanding of the man and of his labours.
At the same time it will remain a charmingly readable essay for
those to whom the works of Dante are familiar."
Spectatob. — " On the whole we consider Mrs Oliphant's to be exactly
the book which its authoress intended, and a very grateful and
opportune boon to all who are beginning the study of Dante, as
well as to the far larger class of readers who, without having
either time or energy for so arduous a task as that, are still
anxious to acquire a clear and (for their purpose) adequate know-
ledge of the genius and writings of an author of whom — far more
truly than of Montaigne— it may be said that he is the first author
whom a gentleman is ashamed of not knowing."
MOBNING Advebtiseb.— " In this delightful book— perhaps one of the
most perfect and genuine pieces of criticism ever offered to Eng-
lish readers— we have the whole subject of Dante and his works
treated con amore."
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II. VOLTAIRE.
I By major-general E. B. HAMLEY.
I Saturday Review. — "A work in which all the salient points of a
complicated and puzzUng existence are brought in a clear and
' striking manner into a general view."
Westminster Review. — "A bright and judicious little book, which
gives us a clear picture of all that is most interesting and most
'r useful about the patriarch' of Femey. Col. Hamley has given a
I special charm to his book by writing at considerable length on
j Voltaire's visit to this country on his ' Letters on the English.' "
III. PASCAL.
By principal TULLOCH.
Pall Mall Gazette. — "The result of Principal TuUoch's labours is
a little volume which is excellently pitched for English readers,
and, avoiding critical questions, collects into a charming miniature
all that can be most interesting to them."
Nonconformist.— " To disentangle the essential from the secondary,
to set forth in clear and simple terms the condition of intellect and
belief at this period, is a great service, as affording the necessary
guide to the imderstanding of Pascal's writings. Such a guide
Principal Tulloch has on the whole presented to us. . . .
Principal TuUoch's study of Pascal is one of the best things of the
kind we have recently had, and deserves to be most cordially re-
commended."
IV. PETRARCH.
By HENRY REEVE.
V. GOETHE.
By a. HAYWARD, Q.C.
IN PREPARATION.
MOLIERE, ... By the Editor and F. Tarver, M.A.
MONTAIGNE, . . By the Rev. W. Lucas Collins, M.A
RABELAIS, . . By Walter Besant, M.A.
CERVANTES, . . By the Editor.
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BLAOKWOOD'8
Ancient Classics for English Readers.
EDITED BT THE
Rev. W. LUCAS COLLINS, M.A.
20 vols.f price %8. 6d. each, in doth (sold separately) ; or h&wnd in 10 vols.,
wiVi calf or «eUum back, £2, lOs.
CONTENTS OF THE FIRST SERIES.
HOMER: THE ILIAD. By the Edi-
tor.
HOMER : THE 0DTS8ET. By the
Editor.
HERODOTUS.
M.A.
XBNOPHON.
Graut, Bart
JB8CHTLU8.
leston, D.D.
omho).
SOPHOCLES.
lins, M.A.
EURIPIDES. By W. B. Donne.
ARISTOPHANES. By the Editor.
PLATO. By Clifton W. Collins, M. A.
LUGLAN. By the Editor.
By G. C. Swayne,
By Sir Alexander
By Reginald a Cop-
(now Bishop of Col-
By Clifton W. Col-
HESIOD AND THEOGNIS. By
the Rev. J. Davies, M.A.
GREEK ANTHOLOGY. By Lord
Neaves.
VIRGIL. By the Editor.
HORACE. By Theodore Martin.
JUVENAL. By Edward Walford,
M.A.
PLAUTUS AND TERENCE.
the Editor.
THE COMMENTARIES OFOffiSAR.
By Anthony TroUope.
TACITUS. By W. B. Donne.
CICERO. By the Editor.
PLINY'S LETTERS. By the Rev.
Alfred Church, M.A., and the Rev.
W. J. Brodrihb, M.A.
^7
" It is difficult to estimate too highly the value of such a series as this in
giving ' English readers ' an insight, exact as far as it goes, into those olden
times which are so remote and yet to many of us so close."— Saturday Review.
" It is impossible to praise too highly the conception and execution of this
. series of the Classics. They are a kind of ' Bibliotheca Classicorom ' for
unlearned readers, but executed by men of the most accomplished scholar-
ship, and therefore conveying the very colour and tone of the authors. They
will be as pleasant to scholars as they are valuable to those who know
only their mother tongue."— British Quarterly Beview.
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SUFFIiEMSNTABlT SEBIES
ANCIENT CLASSICS FOR ENGLISH READERS.
Edited by the Rev. W. LUCAS COLLINS, M.A.
Crown 8vo, 2s. 6d. each.
I. LIVY. By the Editor.
'* It could not possibly be better done. Within a veiy small compass
there is not only a lucid summary of Livy's narrative, with some well-
chosen extracts sufficient to give a notion of the picturesque and rhe-
torical power which constitutes the author's chief claim to immortality,
but also a fair intimation of his merits and demerits as a historian, and
of the havoc which modem criticism has wrought in the splendid and
captivating romance." — Gua/rdian.
II. OVID. By the Rev. A. Church, M.A.
"Mr Church had a delicate work to do, and he has done it well. This
excellent little book right worthily fills a vacant niche in a series which,
on the whole, richly merits the popularity that it has gained."— iSpectotor.
III. CATULLUS, TIBULLUS, AND PROPERTIUS. By
the Rev. James Davies, M.A.
*' It is indeed a fascinating little volume— one that will be readily taken
up and reluctantly laid down, and that must not be missed by those who
desire to m^e familiar and loving acquaintance vrith the brilliant trio
pourtrayed in its pages." — Civil Service Gazette.
IF. DEMOSTHENES. By the Rev. W. J. Brodribb.
*'To give in a few pages to the unlearned reader anything like an
adequate idea of an oratory so potent, yet so subtle, is a task of enormous
difficulty. It is one which Mr Brodribb, in our judgment, has performed
with singular success. . . . Were it indeed only for the single chapter on
'Demosthenes at the Bar,' his volume would more than repay the most
exacting purchaser." — Graphic.
" Mr Brodribb's sketch of Demosthenes brings into moderate compass
the main features of a memorable life, and that with great tact, fairness,
and impartiality." — Sativrday Review.
V. ARISTOTLE. By Sir Alex. Grant, Bart., LL.D.
"We part with this interesting volume with a just tribute of praise.
The greatest Aristotelian scholar, perhaps, of our age has written with
all the plainness and the simplicity of a good teacher of unlearned people.
His style is the very reverse of pedantry; it is high learning stooping to
the faculties of the unlearned; and as such it is a model of the 'diffi-
cult made easy.' "—British Quarterly Beview.
VL THUCYDIDES. By the Editor.
VI L LUCRETIUS. By W. H. Mallock. [Shortly.
Other Volumes in preparatiou.
Wm. BLACKWOOD & SONS, Edinburgh and London.
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jAncient Classics for English Readers
EDITED BY THE
REV. W. LUCAS COLLINS, M.A.
(SUPPLEMENTARY SERIES.)
LUCEETIUS
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The Volufnes published of this Series contain : —
HOMER : THE ILIAD By the Editor.
HOMER: THE ODYSSEY, . . . By the Same.
HERODOTUS, ... By George C. Swayne, M.A.
C-^SAR By Anthony Trollope.
VIRGIL, By the Editor.
HORACE, By Theodore Martin.
iESCHYLUS, By the Right Rev. the Bishop of Colombo.
XENOPHON, . . By Sir Alex. Grant, Bart., LL.D.
CICERO, By the Editor.
SOPHOCLES, ... By Clifton W. Collins, M.A.
PLINY, By a. Church, M.A., and W. J. Brodribb, M.A.
EURIPIDES By William Bodham Donne.
JUVENAL By Edward Walford, M.A.
ARISTOPHANES, By the Editor.
HESIOD and THEOGNIS, By the Rev. James Davies, M.A.
PLAUTUS AND TERENCE, ... By the Editor.
TACITUS By William Bodham Donne.
LUCIAN, ' . . By the Editor.
PLATO, By Clifton W. Collins.
THE GREEK ANTHOLOGY, ... By Lord Neaves.
LIVY By the Editor.
OVID By the Rev. A. Church, M.A.
CATULLUS, TIBULLUS, & PROPERTIUS,
By the Rev. James Davies, M.A.
DEMOSTHENES, . . By the Rev. W. J. Brodribb, M.A.
ARISTOTLE, ... By Sir Alex. Grant, Bart., LL.D.
THUCYDIDES By the Editor.
LUCRETIUS, . . . . By W. H. Mallock, M.A.
Preparing for Publication : —
PINDAR.
GALEN AND HIPPOCRATES.
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LUCRETIUS
BY
W: H.-^MALLOCK
WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS
EDINBURGH AND LONDON
MDCCCLXXVIII
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NOTE.
1 Thb prose translations from Lucretius are taken in
the main, with but very slight alterations, from the
version of Mr Munro. The verse translations are
L my own.
^ W. H. M.
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CONTENTS.
CHAP.
1. INTRODUCTORY,
PAGE
1
II. THE DAWN OP PHYSICAL SCIENCE,
12
III. THE SCIENTIFIC SYSTEM OP LUCRETIUS, —
SECT. I. THE ANALTSIS OP MATTER, .
SECT. II. THE FORMATION OP THE UNIVERSE, '
SECT. m. THE INTERACTION OP MATERIAL SUB-
STANCES, ....
SECT. IV. THE ORIGIN OP LIFE AND SPECIES,
SECT. V. THE NATURE OP UPB AND CONSCIOUSNESS,
SECT. VI. LUCRETIUS'S THEORY OF VISION, .
SECT. Vn. THE MIND AND SENSE,
SECT. Vni. THE MORTALITY OP MIND AND SOUL,
SECT. IX. THE IMPERFECTION AND MORTALITT OF
THE UNIVERSE, . . .
SECT. X. THE HISTORY OF HUMAN PROGRESS,
24
31
42
45
60
65
62
68
71
75
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Till CONTENTS.
IV. THE POEM OF LUCRETIUS, —
BOOK I. . 83
BOOK IL 94
BOOK in. 107
BOOK IV. 117
BOOK V. 126
BOOK VI. 138
V. LUCRETIUS AS A POET, 144
VI. LUCRETIUS AND MODERN THOUGHT, . . 152
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LU C EE T I U S.
CHAPTEK I.
INTRODUCTORY.
As we look back upon the works of the great writers
of the past — works and writers with which, in a certain
sense, we are quite familiar, and which in a certain
sense are as famous now as ever — ^it will sometimes give
us a strange, and almost painful shock, if we realise how
very few of these can be still said to live. They have
their immortality, it is true ; but they have passed to
it through the grave and gate of death. Their forms
are still heroic ; but they are heroes without blood, and
shadowy; and we seem to meet them in a dim Elysium,
not in the world around us. Or else we may compare
them to bodies embalmed with spices, hidden away
underground, and to be studied only at intervals, in
the crypts of literature, A few, a few only, such as
Horace and Shakespeare, still keep their fleshly life in
them, are able to push their way towards us through
the distractions and cares surrounding us, to parley
A.O.8.S. vol. vil A
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2 LUCRETIUS.
with these, and to show us how to meet them, and,
standing close beside us, assail us with living voices.
Amongst this small minority Lucretius certainly can
claim no place. When his own language was still
living, when men in the extent of their knowledge and
their ways of thought were still the same as he him-
self knew them, not even then does he seem to have
been popular or influential And men, since he knew
them, have grown and changed. Knowledge has
widened in ways he never dreamed of; new tones
have grown into human sentiment ; all the lights and
shadows of life have shifted; and its whole surface
has been dyed with different colours. Naturally, we
then — ^we of the modem world — as far as any direct
influence goes, are quite beyond his reach. His voice
is not as our voice ; it is of a different substance. We
can make no direct response to it. At his note our
minds and feelings rouse to no movement. It comes
to us like a " horn of elf -land faintly blowing," and
we know that it was meant for other ears than ours.
But the case of Lucretius is in some ways a singular
one ; and this very remoteness may give him, in these
days, a sharp and vivid interest for us, that has long
gone from poetry to which in many ways we are far
nearer. How this is, we shall see readily when we
consider the work he did. We shall see why he had
as little interest as he had for his own epoch, and why
he has as much as he has for ours. Of his life next to
nothing is known for certain, beyond the fact that he
was a Roman of probably noble family, that he died
in the prime of his manhood, about half a century
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INTRODUCTORY, 3
before the birth of Christ, and that a legend ascribes
his death to the effects of a maddening love-philtre.
What his fame rests on, what makes his name known
to us, is a single poem — or, speaking of it as a whole,
it may be perhaps more just to say, a single treatise in
verse. For the main subject of this poem is not poeti-
cal ; nor, in composing it, was poetry the author's first
object. Primarily, and before all things, the work is
a scientific treatise — as strictly scientific (at least in
the author's intention) as a modem treatise on optics,
or geology, or the origin of species ; and, except as far
as metre goes, it has in many places as little of poetry
a^ these have. Poetry, it is true, there is in it — poetry
^n abundance ; and some of this is the loftiest in all
Eoman literature. Continually, too, when we do not
get poetry, we are still conscious that we are listening
to a poet. All this we shall come to see by-and-by.
But it will be well first to consider the work only in
its primary character, that of a book of science; for
here is the foundation of its special interest for our-
selves ; and our interest in it, under its other aspects,
is largely based on this.
Lucretius called his book * An Essay on the !N'ature
of Things.' And he designed it to be a complete
scientific explanation of the universe, and the relation
of man to it, as a part of itself. He applies the same
method to the investigation of mind and matter; of
human and animal life; of organic and inorganic
nature ; and he describes the way ia which the latter
has risen out of the former. He traces the evolution
of the present universe out of its original eleiaents;
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4 LUCRETIUS.
lie tells us how the earth became fit gradually to sus-
tain life on its surface ; he explains the origin of the
existing species of animals, man included, together
with the nature of consciousness, and the grounds of
knowledge. And, finally, he gives us a history of
human progress and civilisation, from the rudest to
the most advanced stages, explaining the origin of
language, of the state, of law, and the development
of the various arts. And he does not do this as a
poet might have been expected to do it. This is the
thing of aU others that he most seeks to avoid. He
wishes to deal in no broad eflfective generalities, no
picturesque metaphor. He seeks to drown no homely
details by devices of artistic chiaroscuro. He bids
all poetic imagination, as a tempter, get behind him.
One by one, with all the method he can master, he
goes into the questions that are before him, confusing
the matter with no ornamental metaphors. He is a
strict utilitarian in his choice of language. He cares
not how prosaic he is. His great aim is to explain
facts, and to show convincingly that his explanations
are the true ones.
Judged of as an exposition of what really is, the
science of Lucretius is of course completely valueless.
And yet there are two things about it which, for the
present generaticm, must give it a peculiar interest.
One of these things is that very valuelessness, that
strange, grotesque difference to all our modem teach-
ing. But such a difference by itself would not create
an interest. There is a second point about it, just as
noticeable as the first, and which, indeed^ alone makes
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JNTROBUCTORT. 5
the first worth noticing — and this is the strange like-
ness to our modem teaching that runs through all this
difference. Couched under other forms, arrived at by
other courses, the first principles of Lucretius, and
many of his last cpnclusions, are the same, or are all
but the same, as those which are now startling the
world as new revelations — ^revelations so new and so
startling that we can as yet only half accept them.
In the first place, his mission and his attitude, to view
the matter broadly, are entirely analogous to those of
our modem physicists. He comes forward just as
they do, as the champion of natural science, claiming
that by it, and by it alone, we are to understand man's
life, and to explain the universe. It is his doctrine,
just as it is theirs, that no event can occur either in the
outer world about us, or in the inner world of our own
consciousness, that is not connected with some mate-
rial change, and is not conceivably explicable in terms
of matter. And he makes this claim for science, just
as it is made now, against all theology, and against all
religion. To these he ascribes, just as is done by some
modem thinkers, a large part of the ills men suffer
from. To a certain extent, too, he professes the belief,
so often now held out to us, that when once religion,
with its blighting influence, is exterminated, there are
prospects of " a better, and, above all, a happier state
of existence," for the human race. Indeed, so like is
much of his general language to what we hear con-
tinually in our own day, so inspired does it seem to be
with just the same animus, that we might at times
rJmost fancy he was Professor Tyndall, or one of the
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6 LUCRETIUS,
two Mills, confuting the arguments of Paley or of
Butler, or deriding the nanatives of the book of
Genesis.
But it is not in his general attitude only that he
is so like the modems. With less exactness, but in
perhaps a far more singular manner, he seems to
anticipate many of their most special individual doc-
trines. The evolution of the present universe, the
indestructibility of matter, the struggle for existence,
the survival of the fittest, the origin of laiiguage, of
religion, of the state, of law, and the progress of society
generally — on these, as well as on numerous other
points, the teachings of Lucretius are in strange ac-
cordance with much of what we are being taught now.
To us these things are being told as entirely fresh
tidings, — ^as facts and theories that have now for the
first time dawned on the human spirit. And to a
certain extent there is a truth in this ; but to a certain
extent only. The same thoughts and the same theories
were the property of Lucretius or of his teacher ; and
they have now come back to the world, not as different
things, but as the same things changed.
Here is that double fact about Lucretius which
gives him his special interest for us — ^the likeness of
his thoughts to much of the thought now, and also
the difference. When we study him, we are brought
face to face with two combatants — science and the-
ology. When we look about us now, we axe brought
face to face with two combatants also — science and
theology. At first these two pairs seem so unlike
each other, that we hardly class them together, or
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INTRODUCTORY. 7
make any comparison between them, or their modes of
warfare. If we look at them a little longer, we shall
see that they are the same ; and then for the first time
shall we fully realise their unlikeness, just as we first
see fully what the years have done for a man's face,
when we connect it with what it once was when a
bo/s. In the days of Lucretius, materialism and
theism were each, as it were, in their boyhood;
and, armed with simple weapons, they fought a boyish
battle. If we look back a little on what they then
were, it may help us better to realise what they now
are, — ^how each has been changed by the knowledge
of new perplexities — ^how each, armed now with wea-
pons so far more formidable, and so far more skilful
in the use of them, seems less confident of a final
victory — how the faces of each have lost their old
rash confidence, and are marked by deeper lines of
thought and of anxietj^
In making this comparison, the form of Lucretius's
woik will itself be of some assistance to us. Were a
similar work to be written in our time in a similar
form, it might create much surprise, but could not
command much attention; and even that of Lucre-
tius, when first given to the world, seems, as has been
already said, never to have been really popular. Wo
may perhaps gain some notion of the general literary
eflfect of it, if we conceive Mr Tennyson, instead of
writing his "Arthurian Idylls," to have devoted his
talents to versifying Mr Darwin's * Origin of Species '
and 'Descent of Man;' using the views of that phil-
osopher as a text for a passionate invective against
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8 LUCRETIUS,
Anglican orthodoxy and the doctrine of original sin,
and a passionate protest that when we were once free
of these superstitions, the complexion of our whole
life would change, and human society become a nobler
thing. In such a composition there could not fail
to be passages of powerful and lofty poetry; and
touches of a poet's hand we should be siue to trace
everywhere. But however clearly it might be the
work of a poet, it would very certainly not be a suc-
cessful poem. Our admiration for the author's power
might be great ; but our regret for his waste of it would
be greater. But as regards Lucretius, our feelings are
somewhat different. The scientific system he under-
took to expound was to comprise the whole circle of
the sciences, and was to unravel the whole riddle of
existence with a rapidity and completeness that no
one now so much as Kireams of. From a poet's stand-
point, therefore, his subject, judged as a whole, pos-
sessed a sort of epic grandeur, that to him seemed
compatible with the strictest scientific accuracy. At
the same time, in its details, and in the sort of reason-
ings they were founded on and supported by, there was
a simplicity that made them less unfit than we should
imagine to be expressed in verse. In fact, the form
in which Lucretius gave the world his system is itself
singularly typical of how far ancient science is removed
from ours, and is the liveliest illustration possible of
the sort of gulf that is between them.
But the form that Lucretius gave his work is valu-
able and instructive for another reason than this. The
poem has a secondary character, with which its form
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INTRODUCTORY, 9
is in more natural keeping, and of which it is a yet
more special expression. Primarily, as has been said,
Lucretius wrote as a man of science. To indoctrinate ^
men with science, with accurate science, was his main
object. But it was not with science for its own sake.
It was for the sake of the eflfect it was to have upon
their lives, upon their hopes, their joys, their practical
conduct, their happiness. What this effect was to be, »/
he seems to think in a large measure self-evident. At
any rate it did not need the same elaborate exposition
as the reasoning which led up to it. But still at the
same time he is perpetually referring to it, perpetu-
ally calling the attention of his readers to it ; showing
them that it — it alone — is, though not the main sub-
ject of his work, at any rate the main object of it.
What is man] why is he here] what hope has he
in this world ] what are the sources of his joys and
sorrows] how shall he choose the first of these, and
avoid the latter] what things are here worth living
for] and, what worth is there in even the best of
these] These are the ultimate questions that really
concern men ; and science has no general value, save
as preparing our minds to meet them. And, as Lucre-
tius views it, science gives us this preparation in one
single way. Its work is to isolate life ; to show us that
life is self-centred, self-bounded, and, in so far as it is
sufl&cient at all, self-sufficient. Till life is thus isolated,
it is the earnest, the fierce belief of Lucretius, that
we shall never have it at its best ; it will be full of
miseries and solicitudes which need not exist, but
which we through our folly and headstrong ignorance
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10 LUCRETIUS.
create ourselves, for our own torment. What manner
of possession he regarded life when thus isolated, what
happiness or pleasure he thought it would be able to
yield us, is a question of equal interest for us as the
character of his physical science, and suggests an
equally significant comparison with the thought of
our own time. Much of his views upon this point
his poetical treatment of his subject will enable us
to gather, though he has not reduced these opinions to
a formal system; aud the fact that he was a poet,
and looked at life with a great poet's vision, will give
to these opinions a special value and meaning.
In examining his work, then, though it is a work
that no longer speaks directly to us, or can directly
influence any of our ways of thinking, or impart to
us any new fragment of knowledge, we shall be ex-
amining something that has more interest for us than
belongs to a mere curious antiquity. We shall be
examining a distant landmark, to which the atmos-
phere of our own day is giving a new distinctness, and
which shows us how far in twenty centuries men's
minds have travelled — travelled along two courses.
One course is their explanation of life by natural or
by supernatural theories ; the other is their sentiments
and their practical teaching with regard to life when
explained.
Thus, in attempting to understand the work oi
Lucretius, our task will be simplified by dividing it
into two parts. Let us first, therefore, without refer-
ence to the literary form he gave it, try to understand
accurately his scientific system, his methods of obser-
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INTRODUCTORY, 11
Tation and reasoning, aad the conclusions, general
and particular, that he arrived at. We shall thus see
"what the main message was that he wished to deliver
to the world. Let us then go on to examine the
poem itself, aad see how, as a poet, he handled so
refractory a subject ; and how, in proclaiming and il-
lustrating its relations to human life, and to human
passion, he made it lead up to and suggest poetry.
We shall so be brought to understand what his teach-
ing was, and what he himself seemed to feel were the
results of it. Then we may be led on to dwell briefly
on the chief points of difiference between him and us,
— ^though in making such a comparison we must each
of us do much for ourselves. And further, we may
consider brieflyr— though this is the matter that will
have least interest for us — ^the ' Essay on the I^ature
of Things,' not as science, not as philosophy, but
fiimply as a literary production, as a poem, as a work
of art in language, that is distinguished as such by
certain technical defects and excellences.
What then we shall now begin with considering is
the scientific system that Lucretius aims at expounding
to us — ^what it was, and how he came to master it.
To understand this, however, it will be necessary to
go a little farther back in history, and try to realise
as best we may the nature of the scientiflc systems that
had gone before it, and that it at once grew out of and
superseded.
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CHAPTEK IL
THE DAWN OP PHYSICAL SCIENCE:
"The impregnable position of Science," says one of
our latest and most celebrated scientific teachers, " may
be stated in a few words. We claim and we shall
wrest from theology the entire domain of cosmological
theory." The earliest claim and the earliest aim of
science was identical with this, its latest. The same
words are true of it, in its birth and in its maturity.
The birth of science, using the word in the sense
now popularly and specially attached to it, is not
an event so vague as one might expect to find it
It is an event which, so far as we know, we can give
with accuracy both a date and place to. In the Greek
city of Miletus, about six hundred years before Christ,
there flourished a certain thoughtful man named Thales.
He it was who, so far as we know, was the first nwin
of science. He caught the first distinct glimmer of
a scientific conception of things, and revealed as best
he could this new light to others. This event was a
momentous one. The details of it are far remote:
we have but few and scanty records of it. But let
tis do our best to realise what its nature was.
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THE DAWN OF PHYSICAL SCIENCE. 13
The lace that Thales came of, and amongst whose
ideas he was nurtured, was a race singularly keen, in-
quiring, intellectual, and imaginative. They felt, there-
fore, the wonder of the world, and the need for an ex-
planation of it. But for a. long time they were con-
tented with a very simple answer. In one point, we
must remember, they were very unlike om^elves. One
of the ideas which weighs most heavily on the modem
consciousness is the sense of our own separation from
nature, often of our antagonism to it. But the Greeks,
amongst whom natural science took its rise, were con-
scious of no such separation. They felt they were
a part of nature, akin to it, in harmony with it.
They were indeed themselves but one of nature's
forces. Now, of many of nature's phenomena, they
felt that they were themselves the causes and the
controllers. But besides these, there were others
which they could neither caijse nor control Here
was their first problem: how should they explain
these] The answer was obvious. These were the
workings of beings like themselves, only indefinitely
wiser and indefinitely more powerful All the phe-
nomena of nature they at once accounted for, so far as
they realised that any account was required of them,
by an anthropomorphic polytheism; or in other
words, as Mr Matthew Arnold might express it, all
that was done in the world, that was not done by
ourselves, was done and conducted by a race of " mag-
nified and non-natural men."
As, however, this system of theology became more
definite, and more burdened with detail, it began to
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U LUCRETIUS,
jar at length upon finer and more reflecting minds
And such — Thales being the first of them — sought
to find an escape from it in some simpler and more
sedate conception. The first transition to" this — ^the
first beginning of the change from theology to science —
is a very curious one. It took this form, Thales was
discontented with the theory that represented all the
changes and facts of the universe as due to the manip-
ulation of a race of divine animals. It was a theory
that was arbitrary, grotesque, and inharmonious. It
needed to be simplified. Accordingly, discarding the
divine animals altogether, he supposed the universe to
be a divine animal itself, living, moving, breathing as
men do, and as the gods were supposed to do. Thus
one of the philosophers of the school of Thales taught
that the stars were the world's breathing-holes. This
conception seems strange and quaint to us now, but
still it was a true step in the direction of science.
And it did not end here. This theory was not
allowed to remain as a mere abstract statement. At-
tempts were at once made to connect it with tho
observed facts of things. The material world, or in
other words matter, being conceived of as itself alive,
and as a single living thing, the variety of the shapes
it took had to be conceived of as apparent only, not
real — or, at any rate, all equally reducible to some
common unity. Observation of facts supplied many
cases that seemed to show that this was so. Vapours
condensed themselves into water; ice melted into
water ; snow melted into water ; and conversely water,
or moisture, which seemed near akin to it, was absorbed
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THE DAWN OF PHYSICAL SCIENCE. 15
into plants and animals, and sustained their life.
Life, again, was seen to depend on respiration; and
thus life and living beings seemed, from one point of
view, to be a mode of air. Similarly, fire seemed to
be possessed of a like protean power. Heat, fire's
primary quality, was seen to be associated with life ;
nearly every substance could be burnt, and reduced
to fire; and so all things, it was argued, had origi-
nally been composed out of it. Such were the natural
observations of the first physicists, — one confining Ms
attention to one set of phenomena, another to another,
being guided in this choice by no assignable reason.
Thus one of them taught that everything was really
water; another that everything was really air; an-
other that everything was really fire; another that
everything was really some unqualified substance, that
had the power of giving itself a number of contrary
qualities.
These various speculators form together the first
scientific school ; and iu spite of their various differ-
ences, they agree in one fundamental point. They
agree in substituting for an explanation of the uni-
verse that was complicated and unverifiable, one that
was simple, and was at least in some degree capable of
verification, and in some degree founded upon observa-
tion. They made the power of nature a single power,
contained within herself, and immanent everywhere;
they taught that this power was material and acces-
sible to observation, and they tried to analyse it into
its simplest form.
Science remained in this stage for about a hundred
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16 LUCRETIUS.
years — that is, thinkers for about that time treated
matter as though it were endowed with life, and tried
to explain the universe by ascribing to it the powers
and the character of an animal. But all the while
this school of thought bore within itself the seeds
of change; and gradually and insensibly its expo-
nents were carried beyond it. The conception of the
world acting as an animal, insensibly died into, or got
confused with, that of its acting under law as an
automaton.
Thus Anaximander, who was bom not thirty years
after Thales, though basing his speculations, like
Thales, on the supposed vitality of matter, still shows
a tendency to rise out of this conception, or at least
to merge it in another. He it was who taught that
the real substance of all things was a vague uniform
substance, living, but without qualities; but capable,
by virtue of its life, of taking different qualities to
different parts of itself. Thus, he teaches, the ele-
mentary contraries, warm and cold, moist and dry,
were first separated. Up to this point he seems to
have thought of matter as acting like a living thing.
After this he seems to change his view of it, and to
treat its movements as those of a^blind and dead
necessity. From the conflict of these contraries, he
teaches, there arose an eternal motion, out of which
the present universe gradually shaped itself, including
men, and gods also, these last being thus the product
of natural action, not the producers of it. The earth,
he further teaches, was once fluid, and has been evolved
slowly into its present state. Life at length was de-
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THE DAWN OF PHYSICAL SCIENCE, 17
yeloped on its surface through the interaction of heat
and moisture, and at first existed only in the water,
which at a former epoch covered everything. Gradu-
ally much of these waters dried up, and a number of
living creatures were left on land. These organisms
slowly adapted themselves to their environments, and
the land animals acquired their present form.
In these doctrines we see certainly the germ at least
of a more advanced conception of things. The first
scientific conception has already given birth to a new
and antagonistic one. A little later on this antagonism
becomes yet more marked ; and it grows quite plain
that this early school of science is divided against
itself.
We see this very clearly in the cases of Heracleitus*
and Empedocles. Both of these still look for the
first cause of things as they are, in a certain living
will, in a certain personal character that inheres in
matter. It is this that in the first place sets things
in motion; but when once the motion has begun,
they seek to explain the direction of it by essentially
inanimate and impersonal causes. Thus Empedocles,
as his principles of movement, postulates two quasi
personal forces. Strife and Love. But Jiaving started
with these, he at once ceases to be personal; and analys-
ing all substances, not into water, air, or fire, or a vague
and illimitable matter, but into a combination of all
of these — ^into what, in fact, we still are accustomed
* Heracleitus has received much attention in Germany as a
metaphysician, as well as a man of science. It is only in this
last character that he is here alluded to. •
A.C.S.S. voL viL • B
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18 LUCRETIUS.
to call the four elements — he tries to show how thingo
of necessity evolved themselves out of manifold and
long-continued combinations of these.
As a specimen of the way in which Empedocles
worked out his theories, it may be mentioned that his
account of the origin of species is to a great extent
the same as that of Mr Darwin. All sorts of living
creatures, he taught, first appeared on the earth, many
of them unable to defend or to reproduce themselves,
and thus perished in the inevitable struggle for exist-
ence. The fittest alone survived by this process of
natural selection, and these are the races of men and
aniTnals that are now living. Here, then, is a pictur-
esque illustration of the growing inconsistency with
itself of the first school of science. We have Strife
and Love to explain the beginning of motion, and a
crude Darwinism to explain the results of it.
The inconsistency thus indicated was due to the
growing distinctness of two separate ideas, which men
still tried to identify, and only ended by confusing
theuL This confusion was first reduced lo order by
Anaxagoras, another thinker of the same period, who
may be said to have been the precursor of the second
school of science, by expressing the double idea that
was implicit in the first. He no longer treats the
world as an animal, or matter as living, and leavened
with such affections as love and hate. The matter
there was to be moved, and the force there was to move
it, he first expressly teaches, are two distinct things.
'' Matter," he said, as an epitome of this teaching, '' was
originally without form and void — all its parts were
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THE DAWN OF PHYSICAL SCIENCE, 19
confused together: then Mind came, and -wrought it
into form and order." But not only was this general
{mnciple an advance on what had been before; he
made a great step also in the working out of it, through
his new analysis of matter. This, he taught, consists
of an infinite number of minute elementary particles,
of a vast variety of kinds, — ^such as would be produced
could we turn aU the wood in the world to sawdust,
grind aU the stone in the world to powder, file all the
metals in the world into the same condition, and treat
all the other substances we see about us in a like man-
ner. And the present order of things was produced
by the gradual cohering together of like particles, the
elementary stone-dust becoming stone, wood-dust wood,
iron-dust iron, and so on. This process, he taught, as
has been said before, waa not initiated by the particles
themselves, or any principle immanent in them, but
by BS^ intelligent and designing Mind, independent of
and external to them. But in his application of this
theory, Anaxagoras uses his Mind only to accoimt
for the beginning of a mechanical movement of the
particles, and he then leaves these to do all the rest
for themselves. That mechanical movement b^an as
a revolution of the particles at a single point. Then
gradually ever increasing masses were drawn into
this vortex, which is still extending farther and farther
into the infinite realm of matter; and out of this
movement, without any succeeding intervention of
Mind, the universe as we know it has evolved itself.
Anaxagoras flourished only a century after Thales.
Let us see how far, in this short time, the mind had
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20 LUCRETIUS,
wandered away from, and advanced beyond, its original
crude theological explanation of things. First, as we
have seen already, men regarded the universe as worked
and ordered by a race of divine animals, who were
themselves an essential part of it. ^ext they regarded
the universe as a single divine animal in itself, ^ext,
from reflecting more systematically on this animal's
ways, they came insensibly to change their conception
of it, and to ascribe to its movements, in a great mea-
sure, a certain blind and essentially impersonal neces-
sity. N'ext they came to realise that they were really
entertaining the idea of two principles, and consciously
and explicitly they learnt to distinguish between and
to separate them. The imiverse was once more not
a living thing for them; its phenomena were now
caused no longer by a set of beings of like passions
with ourselves, and of like ways of acting, but by a
single supreme intelligence, passionless and bodiless,
which, though the original cause of all we see around
us, did not cause or interfere with anything of this
directly. All it was supposed to have done was to
have given matter, in the first place, a shove, and after
that, as Goethe says, "to sit apart, and watch the
world go."
This stage formed a new point of departure. The
conception now arrived at is this, of the universe on
the one hand, as a machine in motion, and of an active
intelligence on the other, to whom in some way the
motion is attributable. But there is this important
point to notice. Mind, according to this theory, did
not itself form the universe into the machine it is, still
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THE DAWN OF PHYSICAL SCIENCE. 21
less is it at the present time turning the handle. All
it did was to give matter an original impetus, by which
matter was itself enabled to form itself into a machine,
and a machine retaining within itself thenceforward
its own principle of motion. Mind and matter being
thus distinctly separated, and the connection between
the two being made so vague, and to all appearance so
temporary, the next step in scientific thought was to
discard this Mind altogether, and to endow matter
with the power of starting its own movement, as well
as of continuing it. Thus Mind, Design, and Life, as
principles of things, disappeared altogether, and came
back in an entirely changed position. The case in-
deed was simply reversed. Henceforward, instead of
the motion of matter being looked upon as the effect
of a self-dependent life, life was looked upon as the
product of the self-dependent motion of matter.
The conception of this general theory formed a new
epoch in science. Nor was it only as a general theory
that it was in advance of what had gone before. Its
exponents at once began to work it out in a more
exact way. They reduced these various doctrines to
a complete system ; and not only this, but they did
their best to test them, and to raise them from the
state of assumptions to that of verified facts.
The father of this new school was Democritus, who
flourished a generation later than Anaxagoras, and
about a century and a half after the death of Thales.
A century later still, this system of science was pro-
pounded afresh, and given fresh, currency to, by Epi-
curus, who also introduced into it some slight modifi-
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22 LUCRETIUS,
cations. And it is this system that Lucretius learned
from Epicurus, and that we are about to consider at
length, as set forth by him.
Before going on to do this, there are one or two
points to remember. All^ the scientific progress we
have just been speaking of was confined to the Greek
world, and not even amongst the Greeks were its
teachings universally accepted. With the general
public, theology and polytheism continued to hold
its own, and the allegiance of the world of thought
was divided between it and metaphysical systems,
which, though equally opposed to the popular theo-
logy, can yet not be called science at alL Outside
the Greek world, this advanced thought had for a
long while little influence. Home for centuries felt
nothing of it, but lay buried in what to the eyes of
a great philosopher would have eeemed savage and
debasing superstition. By the time of Lucretius,
Greek culture was extending, and with it there was
beginning a gradual dawn of scepticism over the
Eoman world. But the mass of men as he found
them were still under the dominion of the old errors
— still had their minds darkened by a faith more or
less fervent in the old supernatural theory of things.
The aim of Lucretius was to preach to them a new
gospel, which should once and for all clear their men-
tal vision, and give them a new and a healthier view of
life. Such a gospel he conceived himself to have found
in the scientific system of Epicurus, and in his prac-
tical deductions from it. It was this that he set him-
self to preach to the Roman people, for their liberation
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THE DAWN OF PHYSICAL SCIENCE. 23
and their new birtli to liberty ; and he was confident
in the power of it, not because it was plausible, or
because it was pleasing, but first, and before all things,
because he held it to be in demonstrable accordance
with &ct ; because it was based upon observation and
experiment, not on fancy; and because from first to
last its hypotheses were capable of yerification. It is
this scientific system we are now about to consider ;
and that it was conceived by Lucretius and his master
to possess these characteristics that have just been
mentioned, will become plain when we see how they
criticised the systems which they designed theirs to
replaca '
In our examination of this system, it will be as well
to treat it as though it were the real property of Lu-
cretius ; and this mainly for the sake of convenience.
But we must at the same time remember that though
he was, and professed to be, in the main, expoundiag
the discovmes of another, he had to some esient
really made them his own, by careful attempts at yeri-
fying all their details, and that he had probably also
added to them, and perhaps modified them, himsell
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CHAPTEK IIL
TBS SCIENTIFIC SYSTEM OF LUCRETIUS.
SECTION L
THE ANALYSIS OF MATTER.
The problem Lucretius set himself to solve was a
double one. First, What was the original nature of
matter? secondly, By what process has it in the course
of time arrived at its present state ? And the solution
he offered was the joint product of certain a priori
assumptions and reflections, and a keen and extensive
observation of natural facts.
His first great assumption, and his first great obser-^
vation, were as follows : He assumed that all our
;< knowledge was derived from sense, — ^that the senses
were the only channels and the only tests of truth ;
he observed that the order of things revealed to him
by his senses, and whose secrets he had set himself to
explain, was something not capricious, but acting in
a fixed way, and therefore really constant under all
apparent change. "Without fixed seasons of rain,
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ANALYSIS OF MATTER: 25
he says, " the earth is unable to put forth its gladden-
ing produce j nor, again, if kept from food, could the
nature of living things continue its kind and sustain
life." " Or again," he asks, " why should not some
men outlive many generations, if it were not that an
unchanging matter had been assigned for begetting
things, and what can arise out of this matter, is
fixed?" He observes, further, another set of facts.
** KaiQS die, but goodly crops spring up, and boughs
are green with leaves upon the trees. Trees them-
selves are laden with fruit; by them in turn our
race and the race of wild beasts are fed ; by them we
see glad towns teem with children, and the leafy
forests ring on all sides with the song of new birds."
And from this Lucretius arrives at another general
conclusion. ** I^ature," he says, " dissolves everything
back into its first bodies, and does not annihilate
things."
Here, then, he has two broad generalisations to
start with, I^ature is uniform^ and nothing in
nature can come out of or return to nothing.'^ The
first of these conclusions he thinks can stand by itself.
He seeks to verify the last one thus : K it be not so
— if things can come from nothing — then anything
might come out of anything. Men might spring out
of the sea, fish out of the earth, birds out of the air.
In a word, there could be no such imif ormity in the
world as there very certainly is. Again, for a like reason,
it is plain that nothing can turn into nothing ; for in
that case objects might suddenly disappear, without
any external force destroying them. But this, it is
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26 LUCRETIUS.
yerj certain, they neyer do. And again, if things ocmid
ever turn into nothing, everything would by this time
have yaniflhed, '' eaten un by the infinite time gone
by." And " any amount of force must of course undo
the texture of things in which no parts at all WBie
of an eyerlasting body."
He has thus settled that the universe he has to
account for is made up of a matter thai^ in obedience
to fixed laws, is perpetually changing its appearance,
and yet is never destroyed. To what is this matter
reducible in its last analysis 1 Lucretius answers, to
two things — empty space, and atoms. These atoms
are particles of an inconceivable minuteness, and are
alike in the absence of all attributes or qualities,
except solidity, indestructibility, weight, and figure.
They are far too small for sight to take any account
of; but this need not make us doubtful of their
material reality. We can neither, see the wind, or
smells, or sounds, or heat, or cold ; and '' yet^" says
Lucretius, " all these things must be material, because
they touch the senses." Equally necessary, too, is the
existence of empty space. For if it were not for this
there could be no motion; everything would be a
single solid mass. But as a matter of iajA we may see
that even things that seem solid are not solid really —
stones, for instance, through which water often oozes.
Further, bodies of equal bulk weigh differently, — ^from
which it is plain that some have more void than others.
But though empty space seems thus to enter into every-
thing, there are some bodies that are absolutely solid;
and such are the atoms themselves, the first beginnings
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ANALYSIS OF MATTER, 27
of things. For unless these were solid, there would -^
be no matter at alL The universe would be empty-
space. Equally necessaij, too, is it that the atoms
should be indivisible ; because, Lucietius aptly argues,
if l^ature had set no limits to the breaking of things,
bodies of matter would have been by this time so y
pulverised that nothing could within a fixed time be
conceived out of them, and ''reach its utmost growth
of being."
Lucretius contrasts this analysis of matter with
those of the former speculatois, of whcan we have
ahready spoken, and shows how inadequate these were
to explain the facts oi the casa Fire — ^he asks, how
can itjgossibly be true to analyse all things into fire,
and say that they were farmed out of it) " How," he
asks, " can things be so various if they are formed out
of fire, one and unmixed ? It would avail nothing for
hot fire to be condensed and rarefied. The heat would
only become more intense by the compression of parts,
more faint by their dispersion." No diversity of things
could arise in this way ; in addition to which, fires can
be condensed and rarefied only if there be void, the
existence of which those who held that everything was
fire necessarily denied. Indeed, says Lucretius, it
needs but httle exertion of thought to show us that, if
we take void away, everything must become solid.>^
Supposing, however, he goes on, that these philo-
sophers think that fire generates various bodies in
some other way, not by condensation and rarefaction.
This, for other reasons, i^ equally impossible For
fire, if it ceases altogether to be fiery, ceases to exist.
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28 LUCRETIUS,
Fire, according to the hypothesis now in question, is
the essence of all matter — ^is matter in its simplest
state. To say, then, that matter, in this its simplest
state, is robbed of all its properties, is just the same
as saying that it ceases to exist. And in the majority
of things about us there are none of the properties
of fire. If, therefore, fire was the primal element, it
must have first been turned to nothing; and out of
that nothing all these other things must have emerged.
"Again," Lucretius goes on, "to say that all things
are fire, and no real thing but fire exists, appears sheer
dotage. For those who maintain this take their stand
on the senses to fight against the senses, which appears
to me to be as false as it is foolish. For what surer
test can we have than the senses of truth and falsehood '<
It would be just as wise to deny the reality of fire, and
affirm the reality x)f aU other things."
For similar reasons they are wrong who take for a
first principle water, or earth, or air ; or air and ^iq ;
or earth and water together ; or, as did Empedocles,
fire, water, earth, and air. These speculators were all
alike wrong, because they denied the existence of void,
and because they supposed matter to be infinitely
divisible.
Again, if all things are produced from four things,
and again broken up into four things, there is no
more meaning in this statement than there would
be in its converse — ^viz., that the various objects and
substances about us were the first beginnings of these
elements, not these elements the first beginnings of
them. Whilst if, to escape this, it be supposed that
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ANALYSIS OF MATTER, 29
these four elements meet in such a way that none of
them in the union changes its nature, nothing what-
ever will be able to be produced out of them.
The first beginnings of things must be of a kind
quite different from these. They must be of them-
selves below the reach of sense ; their nature must be
unseen and latent, and thus capable of infinite conver-
sion and change by means of various combinations.
Anaxagoras made a step in the right direction; but
then he too denied the existence of void, and he too
taught matter was infinitely divisible. His system
was therefore as radically faulty as the others. The
sort of approach to atomism which he made is likewise
evidently unsuccessful, and will not explain the facts
of nature. For, according to Anaxagoras, our bodies
are made' up of an aggregate of flesh-particles, blood-
particles, bone-particles, and so on. If this were the
case, food could not nourish them, unless it contained
in itseK small bodies of blood, bone, and flesh. Then,
too, if all bodies grow out of -the earth, or are nourished
by what does so, earth itself must be an aggregate of
all these bodies. "Wood, when ignited, yields smoke,
flame, and ash. On the hypothesis of Anaxagoras,
therefore, it must be composed of particles that are
foreign to itself. Anaxagoras felt this difficulty, and
tried to escape it by saying that all things to some ex-
tent are latent in aU things, and that each thing is what
it is in virtue of those particles of which it has tht*
largest nimiber. But this, says Lucretius, is plainly not
the case ; for if it were so, we should get blood out of
stones, milk out of grass, and fire out of wood without
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30 LUCRETIUS.
ignitisg it People say that the lubbing of boughs in
a forest produces fire ; and this, Lucretius admits, is
quite true. But that is not because fire, ready made,
is latent in the wood, but because the arrangement of
atoms is changed, and, like the rearrangement of the
letters of a word, produces a new result
Atoms and 7oid, then-*-to these two things every-
thing that is, is reducible. These are the substance of
everything, the only things that really exist What-
^ever can be named, is either a property or an accident
• of these two things. The properties of atoms are such
things as their shape and weight, which they cannot
lose unless they lose their own existence. All things
else, such as "slavery, poverty, riches, war, concord,"
— these are but accidents, one and all, of atoms and of
void. " Time, alse," adds Lucretius, ^ exists not by
itself; but simply from the things which happen, the
sense apprehends what has been done in time past, as
well as what is present, and what is to follow after."
s^ Further, atoms and void^are both infinite in quantity;
because, in the first place, it is inconceivable that they
should not be so ; and, in the second place, unless they
were so, it is plain for many reasons that they would
not have produced the results they have dona The
first of these arguments is simple enough. Let us
make the bounds of things as vast as we will, there
must still be somethiag or other outside them. The
second set of arguments will appear presently.
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FORMATION OF THE UNIVERSE, 31
SECTION 11.
THE FORMATION OF THD UNIVEBSE.
The origmal state of things -was, according to
Lucretius, not unlike an infinite snowstorm. Infinite
atoms were continually falling and falling through an
infinite space. They fell thus in virtue of one of
their inalienable properties, namely weight, which for
ever bears them downwards. Though of different
sizes, the velocity of. their downward motion was still
the same, for they f eU through an unresisting medium.
With* us heavy things fell faster than very light ones,
simply because of the resistance of the air, which they
have to overcome. The universe was formed by the
-/•collision and coherence of these falling bodies. But
how did this collision first take place ? All the bodies
were falling at an equal, velocity, and so they could
not overtake each other; and if they fell straight
downwards — t.tf., in parallel courses — they could not
jostle against each othec Evidently therefore, in
their downward course, says Lucretius, they must
tend at uncertain times, and at uncertain points, to
-^swerve a little, but only a very little — ^not enough to
be called a lateral movement. It was owing to this
slight and incalculable swerving that the first collision
of atoms took place. This collision at once produced
^fa rebound, and this rebound agaia produced fresh
collisions ; and there was thus begun an ever-extend-
ing clashing and confusion amongst them, like that of
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32 LUCRETIUS.
motes in sunbeams, which we may see, says Lucretius,
''in never-ending conflict, skirmish and give battle,
contending in troops, and never halting, driven about
in frequent meetings and partings ; so that you may
guess from this what it is for first beginnings of
things to be ever tossing about in the great void."
In this war of atoms, some, when they clashed,
bounded off each other, so as to leave large spaces
between them ; others bounded off so as only to leave
small spaces, — the former kind producing such things
as air and sunlight, the latter such things as stone
and iron.
This different behaviour of the different atoms is duo
to their various shapes, some being round and smooth,
' «ome round and rough, some forked or pointed, — and
so on. The denser substances are formed of forked
f atoms, which cannot touch without becoming entan-
gled with each other, and are so unable to bound back
to any great distance. The rarer and more subtle
substances are formed of ^nooth and fine atoms.
And this same atomic movement which was the
beginning of things, still continues to keep them what
they are. It is a movement that has gone on from
everlasting, and will always continue. Every object
about us is in motion within itself, though we see
it as a whole to be entirely still; for this atomic
movement is infinitely far beneath the ken of the
senses. "We may conceive its nature, however, and
its possibility, by the analogy of a distant flock of
sheep, or the evolutions of two distant armies. The
sheep, though in reality frisking, and butting each
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FORMATION OF THE UNIVERSE. 33
other, seem to us but a stationary spot of \(rhiteness ;
the two armies, though engaged in combat, appear to
us but a stationary glitter. The tendency, too, of every-
thing is still downwards, ever downwards; and the
upward tendency of certain things arises only, in some
cases, from a rebound ; in others, as in the case of flame,
from the substance in question being squeezed upwards
by the pressure of other substances.
It will now be apparent yet farther, that matter and
empty space must both be infinite. For if space were
not infinite, the atoms, always falling, would be by
this time lying in a solid mass on the floor of space y
and if matter were not infinite, that infinity of combi-
nations could not have been produced, of which the
existing order of things is a survival of the fittest.
And it is partly from this conclusion that Lucretius
disproves a doctrine that was current amongst some
thinkers in his time, — a doctrine which nearly ap-
proaches the modem theory of gravitation, and was
aUied also with a conception of the sphericity of the
earth, and the existence of life all roimd it. " Some
teach," Lucretius says, " that all things press to the
centre of the sum ; that heavy bodies under the earth
press upwards and are at rest on the earth, turned
topsy-turvy, like the images of things in water ; and
that living things walk head downwards, and cannot
tumble out of the earth into those parts of heaven
below them." This theory of things he thus dismisses.
Ilie universe being infinite, there can be no centre to ^
it. Secondly, even were there a centre, still space
everywhere would yield to heavy bodies, and they^
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Si LUCRETIUS,
could never come to rest upon void, be that void centre
or no centre.
We have abeady seen that the atoms are conceived
of as having different shapes. It is further demon-
strable, according to Lucretius, that the number of
their shapes is finite. For if there were an infinite
variety of shapes, some atoms would have to be of an
infinite bulk, since limited bodies do not afford room
for an infinite variety of detail in their form. Also,
were the number of shapes of atoms infinite, there
-icould be no fixed order in nature, but it would go on
either infinitely improving or infinitely degenerating.
But though the difference of forms is finite, of atoms
of each form there is an infinite number; for the
e sum being infinite, and the number of parts finite,
\ there must be an infinite variety of each kind, else
the sum would be finite.
Here then we have an infinity of atoms of a finite
variety of shapes ; which, though they are thus far
qualified, and are possessed also of gravity, have yet
no properties individually that can appeal to the
human sense. They have, for instance, no colour;
and this statement Lucretius takes great pains to
verify. Objects, he says, change their colour, but
none of the properties of atoms changes; therefore
colour cannot belong to the atoms. Nor can such
colours as change into others be the product of a
number of atoms of various colours. Look at blue
bright sea-water, he says, and you will see that its
changes of colour are evidently not such as could be
produced by any mixture of variously-coloured particles.
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FORMATION OF THE UNIVERSE. 35
Further — and he here comes to a deeper kind of reason-
ing — colours cannot exist without light, — nay, colours
change with the way in which light falls on them,
as in the case of the down on a dove's neck. He
then goes on to analyse colour into a particular kind
of blow given to the pupil of the eye, the nature of
which varied with the shapes of the atoms that com-
posed the coloured objects. Thus the sense of colour
is but a particular form of the sense of touch, and is
no quality in the atoms themselves, but is an accident
of their shape. It is curious to find that Lucretius
having given this explanation, in which there is really
implied a profound truth, supplements it by the shal-
low and untrue observation that colour can be further
proved not to reside in atoms, because the more you
tear up a thing the fainter does the colour appear. At
any rate, having thus established the fact that atoms
have no colour, he goes on more summarily to show
that they are without all other sensible qualities as
well. All bodies are not vocal, all bodies are not
odorous, all bodies do not possess cold or heat; and
therefore atoms can have in themselves neither sound
nor smell nor temperature. It is only by a series
of infinitely complex combinations that the primal
materials of things "step by step issue forth to the
senses."
The exact stages in this evolution of the universe
Lucretius does not profess to describe accurately, but
he gives a general sketch of them which, in some
points, is very like what is given us by the most
advanced modem speculators. It was a long time,
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36 LUCRETIUS.
he says, before the war of atoms produced anything
like what we see now. As imagination penetrates
hack to the first conceivably visible state of things,
it discerns nothing but a "strange and stormy med-
ley" — the cosmic vapour of our modem theorists —
in perpetual movement, massing itself together now
in some parts, now in others, and leaving and filling
up various shifting interspaces. At last "the parts
began to fly asunder, and like to join to like, and
mark off the members of the world, and every one of
its mighty parts — i.e., to separate high heaven from
earth, and let the sea spread itself out apart, and
also let the fires of the ether spread apart, pure and
unmixed."
This process began as soon as the heavy bodies of
earth " first met together, and took up the lowest posi- i
tiona." Having thus met, in virtue of their special I
shape they went on binding themselves together in a |
closer union, and forming a denser mass. In this pro- i
cess a large quantity of smoother particles were squeezed
out of the earth, and these formed the sea, the sun, j
the stars, and the vault of heaven. First of all there
issued out a fiery ether, which went up as we see
mists going up now, and this formed itself into a
vast cohering film, which encompasses and bounds
our universe, and which we call the heavens. After
this, squeezed out in like manner from the solidify-
ing earth, followed the rudiments of the sun and
moon, which gradually formed themselves into their
present shapes, and turn round in air, midway between
earth and heaven, because "they were neither heavy
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FORMATION OF THE UNIVERSE. 37
enough to sink, nor light enough to glide along
to the uppermost borders." Considering Lucretius's
notions of the inherent weight, and consequent down-
ward tendency, of all atoms, this at first sounds a
little strange. He apparently means, however, that
they were of such weight that the squeezing power of
the earth could only avail to project them to a certain
height.
When the material of the heavens and the heavenly
bodies was thus withdrawn, an immediate change
took place upon the earth's surface, which was at this
time completely covered with water. In consequence
of the amount of matter that had gone from it, there
was in various places a sudden subsidence of the
ground. In the hoUows and depressions thus formed,
the waters were at once collected, and ^Jhe dry land
appeared. The same sort of process still continued,
but now with an added agency. " The heat of ether,
and the rays of the sun, ever more and more by
repeated blows compressed and buffeted the earth;"
its softer parts were beaten down into plains, and
its harder parts, which could not be thus beaten
down, remained as hills ] and thus the earth's surface
assumed its present form.
Lucretius, it will thus be seen, conceived our tmi-
verse as a kind of azure bubble, thrown off by the
earth, and beaded with stars, the earth itself being the
centre, and occupying probably far the larger part of
the space enclosed by it; whilst the sun and moon
swam, as it were, in the air, which filled aJl the inter-
vening space between the earth and heaven. It is this
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38 LUCRETIUS.
entire system which Lucretius called the world. He
conceived the number of such worlds to be infinite,
and he held that they were all falling for ever down-
wards, in much the same way as the atoms did in the
beginning.
His knowledge of a large part of this universe he
confesses to be far from exact. Of the movements of
the heavenly bodies, especially, he can only give con-
jectural explanations; but one or other of those he
offers, he feels certain must be the true one — for prac-
tical purposes, it does not much matter which. On
one point, however, he professes that he has attained
exactitude. His science has revealed to him the true
size of the heavenly bodies. This, he says, is almost
identical with that which it appears to us to be. This
statement, absurd and indeed unmeaning as it is, if we
were to consider it seriously, Lucretius yet arrived at by
what may be called a shadow of true scientific method.
He could not measure the size of the heavenly bodies
directly, but there were other bright bodies whose
size he^ could measure. He observed a variety of
flames, noticing their size close at hand; he then
retired to various distances, and noted them from
thence; and the result of these observations, he
fancied, was, that however far he retired from a lumi-
nous object its size never seemed to diminish. Thus,
to produce the effect they do upon us, the actual size
of the sun and moon need be no greater than what we
see it to be. At the same time, however, he seems to
think that extreme distance may have some very small
effect in such cases ; and thus, with respect to the size
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FORMATION OF THE UNIVERSE, 39
of the stars, our vision may mislead us somewhat,
" but only to a very small degree."
The sun, small as it is, may give the light and heat
it does, from being, as it were, a well-head, whence
light and heat gush out ; or the heat may not dwell
directly in itself, but it may inflame the air when in
a susceptible state, as branches make a conflagration ;
or the sun may have about him a quantity of invisible
heat, unaccompanied by Are, and this heat may increase
the stroke of his rays.
Night is caused either by the sun, "when he
strikes the uttermost part of heaven," having " blown
out all his fires," or because "the same force which
has carried his orb above the earth, compels it to pass
below the eartL"
Morning is caused either by the reappearance of
the same sun, or "because fires meet together, and
many seeds of heat are accustomed to stream together
at a fixed time, which cause new sunlight to be bom
every day." Strange to say, he seems to think this
singular theory, if anything, more probable than the
former one. He gravely says that "from the sum-
mits of Ida it is reported that scattered fires are
seen to appear at daybreak, and gradually collect
themselves into an orb." And if, he adds, this is
really what does happen, it is only in strict analogy
with many of the most familiar phenomena of nature.
Trees blossom at fixed times ; rain and lightning are
not very irregular; and at fixed times bovs change
their teetL
In the same way, a new moon may be bom every
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40 LUCRETIUS,
day, figured according to its various phases. Or the
moon may revolve like a spherical ball, of which one
half is self-luminous and one half dark. Or it may
he luminous all over, either of itself or by the light of
the sun ; and its phases may he caused by its carrying
with it an invisible satellite that is perpetually eclips-
ing it. The eclipses of the sun, too, may be accounted
for in the same way ; or " the sun may be able, quite
exhausted, to lose his fires at certain fixed times."
Such in broad outline is the Lucretian universe — ^the
outcome of atoms that have in themselves no sensible
qualities. Let us see now, more in detail, how Lucre-
tius accounts for all the variety of substances into
which we find they have combined themselves.
This variety, and the results of it, are due to the
various shapes and sizes of the atoms, and their various
ways of mixing. " There is nothing," says Lucretius,
'^ which is apparent to sense that consists of one kind
of first beginnings. There is nothing which is not
formed by a mixing of seed," As an obvious instance
and proof of this, we have the earth, which must con-
tain within itself the seeds of all the things that
spring out of it, such as water, fire, and vegetation.
For each thing is what it is in virtue of being a com-
bination, a mixture, a clinging together of atoms of
certain various shapes, in certain various proportions.
It is these various combinations of various atoms that
give to things their different textures and properties ;
for " since seeds differ, there must be a difference in
the spaces between the passages, the connections, the
weights, the blows."
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FORMATION OF THE UNIVERSE. 41
This hypothesis, says Lucretius, will explain all the
facts of nature, and will be verified by thenL Light,
for instance, passes through horn ; but rain is thrown
off. Why 1 The atoms comprising horn leave in that
substance spaces of a certain size and shape. The
atoms that compose light are very small, and can pass
through these spaces. The atoms that compose water
are larger, and cannot. Again, wines flow through a
strainer, but oil will not. This is because the elements
of oil are larger, or more hooked and tangled, and so
cannot be so easily separated. To put the matter
generally, hard substances, such as diamonds and iron,
are composed mainly of atoms that have many hooks,
by which, the instant they touch each other, they are
held together; fluid substances, such as water, are
composed mainly of atoms without hooks, which can
move with more or less freedom about each other ; and
gaseous substances are composed entirely of atoms of
a finer and smaller nature stilL
The various tastes, smells, sounds, and temperatures
of things are due, too, to the various shapes of the
atoms that compose them. Harsh tastes come from
substances made up of rough, pointed, or hooked
atoms; pleasant tastes, from substances made up of
smooth atoms. The atoms of honey and milk, for
instance, are smooth ; those of wormwood rough. The
creaking of a saw is made of rough atoms; beauti-
ful music of small atoms ; and so on.
More light will be thrown on this conception of
things, when we come to see farther what is Lucretius's
theory of sensation, and how he reduces all our percep-
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42 LUCRETIUS,
tions to modes of toucL In the foregoing analysis
of matter, the inconsistencies and incompleteness are
of course obvious. It wiU be enough, in passing, to
mention the two most striking of these. One is, that
though it is one of his great points that the atoms are
far below the reach of sense, he seems continually to
speak of them as though they could individually by
their shape affect, or be detected, by the senses. The
other is, that this application of the atomic theory
quite fails to explain one of the chief phenomena of
nature — that is, the change of qualities that takes place
in a single substance, hot things becoming cold, sweet
things rancid, and gaseous and fluid things solid.
This, however, by the way. What we have now to
do is to examine the theory of Lucretius, not to
criticise it.
SECTION III.
THE INTERACTION OP MATERIAL SUBSTANCES.
We have thus far seen how the universe as it is, was
evolved out of its original elements, and the few simple
laws of which this evolution was the result. We have
next to consider the more complex question of how it
is maintained in its present state, with all its various
movements and innumerable changes, and the constant
imif orm relation of its larger parts.
We have seen how atoms behaved in forming sub-
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INTERACTION OF MATERIAL SUBSTANCES. 43
stances ; we must now see why substances behave as
they do when formed. Lucretius explains this by a
doctrine we have aheady mentioned, — that nothing,
however much appearances may say the contrary to us,
is really at rest. "We are to conceive of everything in
constant motion — solids, fluids, and gases, — in motion
within themselves, even when they are at rest rela-
tively to other objects. It is in this way that the
heavens are sustained above us from falling on the
earth, and the earth sustained from falling on the
heavens below ; for the entire space between the two
is pervaded by air in ceaseless motion, the particles of
which are perpetually bounding and rebounding, strik-
ing against the earth on the one hand and the heavens
on the other, and thus keeping the whole in place.
It might, Lucretius seems to think, appear doubtful
how, according to his theory of the downward ten--
dency of everything, air could sustain the earth. He
therefore takes pains to emphasise especially the power
that is in air, fine though its atoms be. Life, which, as
we shall see soon, he considers to be atomic, can hold
the body together, he says; and the living body does
not feel the weight of its separate members. Our feet,
for instance, are conscious of no pressure from above.
In the same way air prevents the earth from having
any weight with reference to the universe.
But we must not only conceive of all bodies as
having within themselves this perpetual motion of their
particles ; we must also conceive all substances as being,
as it were, in a perpetual state of evaporation. Minute
particles of themselves are for ever streaming off their
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44 LUCRETIUS,
surface. That this is so, we can tell in many cases hy
practical experiments ; and we may thus infer that it
is so in every case. We can tell that water is per-
petually giving off a certain part of its own elements,
by observing how clothes, stretched out to dry on the
sea-shore, get saturated with a salt moisture. As we
walk by the sea, too, a salt taste comes into our
mouths. Scents, likewise, are instances of the same
perpetual streaming off of atoms ; and so also is colour,
as we may see plainly where the sun shines through
red or blue canvas, and shows us those colours pro-
jected on whatever objects the light falls on.
Thus there is throughout nature a variety of wholly
unperceived agencies at work, secretly affecting what-
ever we can observe to happen, and, as we shall see
presently, enabling us to observe and be conscious of
it. An illustration of what Lucretius means by this
doctrine, and of the use he made of it in explaining
nature, is to be found in his account of the magnet,
which he says attracts iron for this reason. From the
magnet there proceeds perpetually a stream of atoms
stronger and more violent than from most other
bodies. This stream is perpetually creating a vacuum
about the magnet. As soon as iron is placed in the
neighbourhood of this vacuum, the air which is in
the pores of the iron tries to rush to the vacuum,
and fin it up. The iron, however, is of so tough and
hard a nature, that the air cannot escape from it, and
therefore carries the iron into the vacuum along with
it. The magnet does not attract gold, because gold is
too heavy for the air to move it; nor again does it
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ORIGIN OF LIFE AND SPECIES, 45
attract wood, because wood is so porous that the air
rushing to the vacuum can escape of itself, without
taking the wood with it.
Thus the whole universe is what it is, in virtue of
this occult movement of everything. All matter is
more or less porous, and every substance is ever being
permeated and filtered through by emanations from
other substances. " One thing," says Lucretius, " is
seen to stream through stones, another through gold,
another still to go out through silver and brass.
Form is seen to stream through this passage, heat
through that ; and one thing is seen to pass through
by the same way more quickly than other things.
The nature of the passages compels it to be so, vary-
ing in manifold wise, owing to the imlike natures and
textures of things."
SECTION IV.
THE ORIGIN OF LIFE AND SPECIES.
Nature, as we have considered it thus far, has been
simply inorganic unconscious nature. We must now
see the relation that life bears to this. Life and
consciousness, according to Lucretius, are the products
of a certain combination of substances, interacting on
each other by a certain infinitely complex process of
atomic movement. "Whatever things we perceive
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46 LUCRETIUS.
to have sense," he says, "you must admit to be all
composed of senseless first beginnings." This fact he
seems to consider evident on the very face of things.
We can see instances of it daily before our eyes.
" Living worms spring out of dung. Rivers, leaves,
and glad pastures change into cattle, cattle change their
substance into our bodies, and often our bodies are
converted into the energy of wild beasts and vultures.
Therefore, by a process similar to- that by which dry
woods are dissolved into flames, does nature change
all foods into living bodies, and engender out of tbem
all the senses of living creatures." '
But this change of inorganic into organic substances
does not take place suddenly. It has to be brought
about through a number of advancing stages, and it is
only certain substances that are capable of this change.
And yet Lucretius seems to think, on the whole, that
under favourable circumstances almost everything
might develop the qualities of protoplasm. These
qualities depend on the minuteness and the shape of the
atoms, and also on their motions, their arrangements,
and their positions. " None of which requisites," he
says, " we find in woods and clods, and yet even these
things, when they have become rotten with rain, bring
forth worms, because bodies of matter driven from
their ancient arrangements by a new condition are
combined in the same way as when living creatures
are to be begottem" Further, if this observation of
the facts of nature be not sufficient to convince us
that life is evolved out of things that are not living,
the following argument will put the matter beyond a
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ORIGIN OF LIFE AND SPECIES, 47
doubt. If the atoms that compose conscious bodies
were themselves conscious, then the atoms that men
are made of woidd have the qualities of men, and
would, amongst their other capabilities, be able to
laugh, and to prosecute scientific inquiries, which is
manifestly absurd. It is therefore perfectly evident,
even in starting, that life is merely a mode of matter ;
and when we come to consider the nature of life more
in detail, it will be more apparent still.
Such, then, being the nature of life, what was the
history of its gradual appearance upon the earth ? The
answer of Lucretius to this is curious in two ways —
in its anticipation of the most modem views, and in
the unconscious survival in it of the most ancient.
Lucretius in this connection seems to conceive of the
earth in something the same way as Thales did — as
a large animal. No sooner, he says, had the earth
assumed its present shape, with its seas and lands,
its level plains and its mountains, than there began
to grow out of its surface herbage, flowers, and trees,
in the same way as feathers and bristles grow out of
the skins of birds and beasts. Then — though why the
events followed each other in this order is not ex-
plained — the earth put forth substances which de-
veloped into living beings. First came eggs, which,
lying in various places all over the ground, were
hatched by the growing warmth of spring. Then,
under the joint action of heat and moisture, the earth
developed wombs, which lay on its surface, as the eggs
did, and were attached to the soil by roots. Within
these — how i^ not stated — ^infants developed them-
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48 LUCRETIUS.
selves ; " and when," says Lucretius, " the wannth of
these infants, flying the wet and craving the air, had
opened them in the f uLiess of time, nature woidd turn
to that spot the pores of the earth, and constrain it to
yield from its open veins a liquid most like to milk."
Such were the first beginnings of animal life. AH
kinds of creatures, without any act of sexual genera-
tion, sprang direct from the earth; and so, indeed,
says Lucretius, they still continue to do, but not in
such numbers as formerly. For the earth grows old
as a woman does; and, like a woman's, her bearing
powers get gradually worn out. Once the earth of
herself produced "the huge bodies of wild beasts,"
complete and ready-made. Now, of herself, she can
only bring forth such little creatures as worms and
the like.
Once, too, of herself, she brought forth corn-
crops, and vines, and fruit-trees, which we can now
only get by sowing the ground and tilling it; and
as far as the earth's productions go, things get
worse and worse every year, and to wring the
same results out of her requires year by year more
toilsome labour.
To return to the question of animal life : the
earth in her prime, in her early period of exuberant
fecundity, gave birth at random to every conceivable
kind of creature, perfect and imperfect. Some were
blind, some were dumb, some were mere trunks without
limbs, some were sexless. A large number of these, for
a variety of reasons, could not propagate themselves.
Single or few specimens were produced, and forthwith
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ORIGIN OF LIFE AND SPECIES, 49
perisl^ed. Amongst those that were able to propagate
themselves, a struggle for existence set in as they in-
creased and multiplied; and in this struggle those
animals were eliminated that were not able to defend
themselves. " For," says Lucretius, " in the case of
all things which go on breathing the breath of life,
either craft or courage, or else speed, has from the
beginning of its existence protected and preserved
each particular race." The only exception is in the
case of domestic animals, which, though they may
in some ways be weakly themselves, have survived
through man's protection.
This theory of the origin of species, it will be seen,
is in one of its main features identical with the Dar-
winian. It attributes exactly the same results to the
struggle for existence. But in another point it is en-
tirely and expressly opposed to it. According to the
Darwinian theory, all life began in a single simple
form, which slowly differentiated itself, through an
unexplained tendency of each organism, not only to
reproduce its own likeness in its offspring, but also to
reproduce this likeness with slight incalculable varia-
tions. In this way varieties of organisms kept in-
creasing, all having sprung from the same parent stem,
and spreading out into separate branches, which would,
if left to themselves, be for ever branching out anew.
The rigours of climate, the difficulty of obtaining food,
and so on, acted like a force that stripped from such
a tree aU its weakly twigs, and broke its unsound
branches, leaving those only growing that were strong
enough to withstand it. In various places this force
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50 LUCRETIUS.
varied, and various textures and forms of branches'
were thus in various places left growing, and destroyed
by it. The innate tendency to variation in animals,
which the Darwinian theory thus postulates, was con-
ceived of dimly by some of the earliest Greek philoso-
phers, who held that animals only developed legs, and
various other parts of their bodies, when the waters
dried up that originally covered the earth, and they
were thus forced to adapt themselves to a life on land.
But all tendency to variation in species is what Lucre-
tiiis expressly denies. " AU living things," he says, " go
on after their own fashion, and all preserve their dis-
tinctive differences according to a fixed law of nature."
It will thus be seen that the Darwinian theory is
an advance on, and differs from, the Lucretian mainly
and essentially in this — ^the way in which the variety
is produced which is the subject of the selecting pro-
cess common to both systems.
SECTION V.
THE NATUKB OP LIFE AND CONSCIOUSNESS.
The vital principle, though not identical with the body,
is demonstrably itself as truly material as the body.
The close connection of the two is a proof of this. For
the mind moves the limbs, rouses the body from sleep,
and alters the countenance. The mind, too, suffers
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NATURE OF LIFE AND CONSCIOUSNESS. 51
with the body. A wound will often cause loss of
consciousness, for instance; and that thing must be
material which is thus affected by material blows.
The vital principle, according to Lucretius, consists of
two kinds of ether of surpassing subtlety, diffused
through the entire body, and closely connected with
each other. Considering how quick are all our
thoughts and impulses, the atoms of which these
ethers are composed must be perfectly spherical and
smooth, and exceedingly smaU. The entire volume
of it must also weigh very little, as after life has left
the body, the body does not perceptibly weigh less,
any more than wine does when it has lost its flavour
or its bouquet.
We are not, however, to suppose that the nature of ,
this ether is single, says Lucretius. It can, on the
contrary, be readily analysed into four parts. " For "
— so his words run — "a certain subtle spirit mixed
with heat quits men at death, and then the heat
draws air along with it, — ^there being no heat which
has not air too mixed with it; for since the nature
of heat is rare, many first beginnings of air must
move about through it." Thus the nature of the
vital principle is found to be threefold [L e., there is
the certain 'subtle spirit,' heat, and air). And yet
these things all tog4ther are not sufiicient to produce
sense, since the fact of the case does not admit that any
of these can produce sense -giving motions, and the
thoughts which a man turns over in his mind. Thus
some fourth nature must be added to these. This is
altogether without a name. There is nothing exists
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62 LUCRETIUS,
more nimble or more fine, or of smaller or smoother
elements. It first transmits the sense-giving motions
through the frame, — for it is first stirred, made up as it
is of small particles. Kext, the heat, and the unseen
force of the spirit, receive the motions ; then the air ;
then all things are set in motion, the blood is stirred,
and every part of the flesh is filled with sensation.
The mutual connection of these four elements of
the vital principle, Lucretius admits that it is very
hard to explain. All he says he can do is to illustrate
it by an analogy. "As in the flesh of any living
creature there is a smell and a heat and a savour,
and yet out of these there is made up one single
bulk of body, so the heat and the air, and the unseen
forces of the spirit, mixed together, produce a single
nature, together with that nimble force, which trans-
mits to them from itself the origin of motion, by
means of which sense-giving motion first takes its
rise through the fleshy frame."
The effects of these various elements are perpetually
being visible in the actions and the characters of living
things. An angry fire flashes from the eyes in virtue
of the elements of heat. Fear is due to the opera-
tion of a spirit, which is of a low temperature. A
calm cheerfulness is due to a preponderance of the
element of still air. Thus passionate animals, such
as lions, have in them more oi the heat principle.
Shuddering, fearful animals, like stags, have more of
the chilly principle. Oxen have more of still air.
Men have all these elements more equally mixed in
them. It is true that they inherit various tendencies
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NATURE OF LIFE AND CONSCIOUSNESS. 63
which they cannot utterly eradicate; but the bent
given us by our 'parents is so small, that practically
we may overcome it
Such is the vital principle, and though dwelling in the
body and permeating the body, it is not, says Lucretius,
as some contend, a mere harmonious working together
of the body. For the body is often sick, whilst the
mind is enjoying pleasure : often the reverse is the case.
Then, too, whilst the body is lying senseless in sleep,
our mind is often awake, and is feeling joy and sorrow.
Farther, life still stays in the body when many limbs
have been lopped off; "and yet the same life, when
a few bodies of heat have been dispersed abroad, and
some air has been forced out through the mouth,
abandons at once the veins, and quits the bones.
And thus we see that aU bodies do not alike uphold
existence, but rather that those seeds which constitute
wind and heat cause life to stay in the limbs."
This vital ether, which has been analysed into four
constituent elements, from another point of view di-
vides itself into two — viz., the Mind and Soul, which,
however, do but "make up a single nature." The
mind is the directing principle, and has its seat in
the heart. "All the rest of the soul disseminated
throughout the body obeys and moves at the beck
and movement of the mind.
" The mind has more to do with holding the fast
nesses of life, and has more sovereign sway over it,
than the power of the souL For without the under-
standing and the mind, no part of the soul can main-
tain itself in the frame for the smallest fraction of
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54 LUCRETIUS.
time. The mind alone, itself, knows for itself, and
rejoices for itself, at times when the impression does
not move either the soul or the body together with it.
But when the mind is excited by some vehement
apprehension, we see the whole soul feel in unison
through the limbs; the cheeks turn pale, the skin
sweats, and often the whole body faints away."
It will thus be seen that Lucretius, though he does
not seem to have elaborated his entire conception of
the matter into perfect clearness, conceives of the vital
principle as a kind of ether, pervading the body, with
a nucleus of a special and peculiar sensitiveness, which
had its special seat in the breast. This nucleus was
extremely sensitive to any appulse from without; it
was capable also of spontaneous movement. Its move-
ments, when not violent, it could confine to itself ; but
if they passed a certain limit, they at once communi-
cated themselves to the rest of the ether, and this in
its turn aflfected the parts of the body through which
it was diffused. We shall, however, understand the
matter better when we have examined more in detail
the way in which Lucretius conceives the outer world
to reach this ether, and produce in it the sensation of
consciousness.
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HIS THEORY OF VISION, 55
SECTION VL
LUCRBTIUS'S THEORY OP VISION.
We have seen clearly that Lucretius reduces all tho
senses to modes of toucL Taste, smell, and sound
are touches more or less violent of particles of matter,
driven in various ways against our bodies, and pene-
trating in various places into them. We have seen
also in what a perpetual war and turmoil he conceives
all material things to be ; so that it is impossible for
ufi to move anywhere, or in any direction, without
walking, as it were, through a cloud of dust, that beats
perpetually on us from every side. Sounds, smells,
and tastes are therefore ever beating on us, and find-
ing' their way into us, each at its appointed door.
This is easy enough to comprehend. That vision
is produced in an exactly similar way, may not at
first be comprehended quite so easily. Such, how-
ever, is the theory of Lucretius. Just as smells
stream off some bodies, and tastes off others, or as from
some smells and tastes sti^eam off together, so from
all bodies alike there is yet another kind of emana-
tion that is perpetually proceeding. Nothing visible
exists that is not perpetually shedding off from its
surface a picture or image of itself. Such pictures
''are like films, and may each be named a rind."
These films are perpetually being shot forward, in
every direction, following one after another with ex-
traordinary rapidity,, each film being a complete pic-
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56 LUCRETIUS.
tare in itself, and inflicting a separate blow on any
object in its way. They are of extreme thinness and
fineness of texture, and as soon as ever they touch any
rough substance, such as stone or wood, they are in-
stantly dashed to pieces. This is the reason why such
substances are opaque. There are other substances,
such as glass, whose vacant spaces are of such a shape
that the films can pass unbroken through them ; and
this is the reason why such substances are transparent.
There are, again, other substances at once very
smooth and very hard, such as mirrors, through which
the films cannot pass, and which yet cannot break
them up and destroy them. By a sort of rebound,
therefore, they are sent back again. This is the ex-
planation of the phenomenon of reflection.
As to the laws by which these films move, there seems
to have been some confusion in the mind of Lucretius.
The obvious fact that we cannot see round comers,
must have led him to conceive of their general move-
ment being only in a straight line ; and he had studied
the matter with sufiicient accuracy to show him that
"nature," as he expresses it, "constrains all things,
when they are carried back and recoil from things, to
be given back at angles equal to that at which they
impinged." But, in spite of this, he imagines there
are certain films that wander about in tortuous courses,
apparently under the control of no law, straying far
away from the objects from which they originally pro-
ceeded ; and other films, he imagines, which have no
corresponding objects at all, and which have not eman-
ated from the surface of anything.
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BIS THEORY OF VISION. 57
The movement of all these fihns is extremely rapid,
as one may prove in a moment by observing how, " as
soon as the brightness of water is set down in the
open air, if the heaven is starry, in a moment the clear
radiant constellations of ether imaged in the. water
correspond to those in heaven." It is the breaking of
these films against the eye that produce vision. They
are driven against it one after another, packed together
as though they were the pages of a picture-book. Did
they merely come one at a time, they are so fine that
no one could see them ; but when " thrown off con-
stantly and repeatedly, they yield a visible image."
As to the structure of the eye, and the way these
films are received by it, Lucretius says nothing. He
treats the eye as he treats the palate. The two organs
each sufficiently explain and illustrate the other. As
it is the nature of the one to taste, it is the nature of
the other to see.
Between, however, what the eyes really show us, and -
what we may fancy they show us, he distinguishes with
an accuracy and acuteness that in later times the world
was long in recovering. The eyes, he says, do not
see distance. All they show us are certain shapes and
colours, as though they were all painted on a flat sheet
of .paper, and thus without solidity. The perception of
distance is an act not of sight but of unconscious infer-
ence. It is produced in this way. Every film, as it
is shot along through the air, drives a certain amount
of air before it ; and the greater the distance that a film
has travelled before reaching the eyes, the greater are
the power and the volume of this air. This air, says
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68 LUCRETIUS,
Lucretius, " brushes the eyes as it enters them, and so
passes through. The consequence is, that we see how
far distant each thing is. And the greater the quantity
of air that is driven on before it, and the larger the
current that brushes our eyes, the more distant each
different thing is seen to be." Nor must we wonder
that we only see a single object when the sight of it is
produced by a continuous number of films striking our
eyes. " For thus when wind too beats us with suc-
cessive strokes, and when piercing cold streams, we are
not wont to feel each single particle of the wind or
cold, but rather the whole result ; and then we perceive
blows take effect upon our body, just as if something
or other were beating it, and giving us a sensation of
its body outside."
We shall realise this whole theory more vividly if we
examine the way in which Lucretius uses it to explain
the phenomena of reflection, and in especial the reason
why we seem to see objects inside mirrors or reflecting
surfaces. " The case," he says, " is really merely the
same as when we see things in their reality beyond a
door." That vision, as wiU be plain enough, is caused
by two separate airs, the air inside the doorway and
the air outside it. Supposing there is a doorway
twenty feet from us, and through the doorway we
see a man standing twenty feet beyond it. The films,
or images of the doorway, and the leaves of the
door, carry to our eyes in reaching us the intervening
air that is within the room; and from the volume
of that, we infer instinctively that the doorway is at
its actual distance from us. The films, or images of
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HIS THEORY OF VISION, 59
the man beyond the doorway, carry to our eyes also
a similar amount of the air that is within the room ;
but, in addition to this, they carry also an equal amount
of the air from out of doors, and from this we infer
instinctively that the man is at as great a distance
from the door as the door is from ourselves. In the
same way, two airs of different volume make us see
reflected objects as though they were inside the sur-
face that reflects them. It happens thus : Suppose a
mirror to be twenty feet from us, the image of the
mirror carries an air to our eyes, from the volume of
which we at once infer the distance. The instant
after we have felt this air, our pupil receives the image.
"We see the mirror, and we know how far off it is.
Meanwhile an image of ourselves has been carried to the
surface of the mirror, and in another instant rebounds
back again to ourselves, and is received by the eyes.
This image carries with it, as the image of the mirror
did, another air, and an air of exactly the same volume,
which follows the former air so closely, that the sensa-
tions produced by the two are practically united ; and
our first inference that the mirror was twenty feet
from us, is supplemented now by the inference that
our own form reflected in it is forty feet from us, — in
other words, that it is as far inside the mirror as we are
outside it.
" And now," says Lucretius, " to explain the other phe-
nomena of reflection. The right side of our bodies is seen
in mirrors to be on the left, because when the image comes
and strikes on the plane of the mirror, it is not turned
back imaltered, but is beaten out in aright line backwards.
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60 LUCRETIUS.
just as if you were to take a plaster mask before it is dry
and dash it over a pillar or beam, and it forthwith were to
preserve the lines of its features undisturbed in front, and
were to strike out an exact copy of itself straight back-
wards. The result will be, that the eye which was right
will now be left, and conversely the left become the right.
An image may also be so transmitted from one mirror to
another that five or six images are often produced. And
thus all the things that bask in the dimmest comers of a
house may yet all be brought out through winding passages
by the aid of a number of mirrors, so unfailingly does the
image reflect itself from mirror to mirror ; and when the
left side is reflected it becomes the right side in the new
image ; then it is changed back again, and turns round to
what it was. Moreover, all mirrors which form little sides
possessing a curvature resembling our sides, send back to
us images with their right, corresponding to our right, for
one or other of two reasons ; either because the image is
transmitted from one side to another, and then, after it
has been twice struck out, flies to us ; or, it may be, because
the image, when it has come to the mirror, wheels round,
because the 'curved slope of the mirror teaches it to turn
itself as we are turned. Again, you would think images
step out and put down their feet at the same time with us,
and mimic our actions. This happens because, from before
whatever part of a mirror you move away, horn that part
forthwith no images can be reflected, since nature con-
strains all things, when they are carried back and recoil
from things, to be given back as angles equal to those at
which they impinged."
The sun, Lucretius says, blinds the eyes, because
the images of it " are borne through the clear air with
great downward force from on high, and strike the
eyes, and disorder their fastenings.''
We can see light things out of the dark, because
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HIS THEORY OF VISIOy. 61
" when the black air first has taken possession of the
eyes, the light air enters in afterwards, and cleanses
the black shadows of the other air ; for this is a great
deal more nimble and subtle and efficacious." We
cannot, however, see dark things out of the light,
''because the grosser air of darkness follows behind
and quite fills aU the openings, and blocks up the pas-
sages of the eyes, not letting the images of any things
at all be thrown into the eyes to move them."
When " all looks yellow to the jaundiced eye," this
is because " greenish - yellow seeds stream from the
man's body, and meet the images of things ; and many,
too, are mixed up in the eyes."
When distant objects look blurred and hazy to us
— ^when square towers, for instance, seem to be round,
and to lose all their angles — " this is because, while the
images are borne in through much air, the air by
repeated collisions blunts the stroke."
In spite, however, of these, and many other optical
delusions, we must not admit that the eyes can in any
way deceive us. The deception is due to another
cause.
A few familiar instances will explain to us the real
nature of the case. When we are sailing, the coasts
seem to move away from us, not we from them.
The stars, which are really in constant movement,
seem, if we watch them on a clear night, to be com-
pletely at rest ; and again, if we watch them on a
cloudy night, through the driving rack, they seem to
be moving far faster than they do. But in these cases
it is not the eyes that cheat us ; it is the mind that
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62 LUCRETIUS.
makes wrong inferences from the data given by sight.
" It is the province of the eyes," says Lucretius, " to
observe in what spot soever light and shade are ; but
whether the lights are still the same or not, and
whether it is the same shadow which was in this spot
that is now passing to that, th^s the reason of the
mind, and only it, has to determine ; nor can the eyes
know the nature of things." Light and shade — ^it is
this, and this alone, we can be really said to see. Dis-
tance and solidity — in a word, the real figure and the
real position of anything — ^this we do not see, but we
infer. And if we would seek for the source of optical
delusions, we must seek it only in " the mental sup-
positions which we add of ourselves, taking those
things as seen which the senses do not see. For
nothing is harder than to separate manifest facts from
doubtfuly which the mind straightway adds on of
itself,"
SECTION VIL
THE MIND AND SENSE.
Closely connected with his theory of vision is
Lucretius's explanation of the chief phenomena of
the mind, and especially the will and the imagination.
Images of things, as we have seen, he conceives to be
wandering about everywhere ; and these, as has been
observed before, are of various kinds. Those we have
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THE MIND AND SENSE, 63
been just considering are apparently conceived of as
discharged exclusively in straight lines, and gradually
dissolving after they have travelled a certain distance.
But besides these, there are others of " a far thinner
texture than those that take possession of the eyes."
Of such thin images the air is full. They are floating
hither and thither in incalculable courses ; and when
they meet, they continually get entangled with each
other, " like cobwebs, or pieces of gold-leaf." Hence
they are each made up of countless actual things ; but
taking each as a whole, it is usually a thing with no
existing counterpart. Some of these composite images
are forms of possible though not of actual things;
others of things that are in their very nature impos-
sible, such as centaurs, or satyrs, or chimasras, which
are formed from the chance combinations of images of
men, and horses, and goats, and other animals. "That
this' must be so," says Lucretius, " it is easy enough
to see. For so far as one result is like another, that
which we see with the mind and with the eyes must
be produced in a like way. And since I have shown
that we perceive a line, for instance, by means of films
or images thrown off its surface, you may see that the .
mind is moved by a precisely similar cause, with only
this one difference, that it perceives much thinner
images." Here we have the explanation of dreams.
In sleep the mind only wakes ; and, undisturbed by
those thicker images to which the eyes are sensitive,
it is beset by wandering multitudes of the thinner
kind that has been just described — images, for the
most part, probably, fantastic and composite, but
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64 LUCRETIUS.
sometimes intact, and corresponding with actual
tilings, as when our dead seem to come back to us
and visit us.
These images, too, seem to move and act like living
creatures. Whyl The explanation Lucretius gives
of this is very curious. This appearance of movement
is produced in much the same way as is that of the
figures in a zoetrope. We have ah'eady seen that
Lucretius seems never to conceive of these images as
wandering about, or being discharged singly, but as
closely following each other, or as being packed closely
together like the leaves of a picture-book. And the
apparent movements of the dream -images are pro-
duced by a succession of such images of a single object,
each in a slightly different position.
Lucretius's theory of dreams will help us at once to
understand his theory of the imagination. Imagin-
ation, according to him, is little else than a selected
dreaming. When we are asleep the dream-images have
us at their mercy, and assail and excite our minds
without explicable law. But when we are awake, and
our body is sensitive to all external influences, the
mind is more fenced about : and just as the bodily
eyes practically see only those things that they pay
attention to (for, be they never so plain, if we do not
attend to them, '* it is just the same as if they were
far away and distant"), so the mind, unless it pays
attention to these thin images, can in our waking mo-
ments perceive none of them. When, however, the
mind wishes to imagine a certain thing, what happens
is this : it strains its powers to see images of a certain
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MIND AND SENSE. 65
kind ; and such images are, according to the Lucretian
theory, always about us in innumerable multitudes.
If we want to imagine a lion, for instance, there are
always lion-images in our neighbourhood. Our mind
need but attend to them, and it will at once see
them. This is the reason why, "when the will has
occurred to any one to think of a thing, the mind does
on the instant think of that yery thing."
** And now," says Lucretius, " I will explain how it comes
to pass that we are able to step out when we please, and
how it is given us to move about our limbs, and, what
cause is wont to send forward the great load of our body.
I say that images of walking first present ti^emselves to
our mindy aT wesaid before. Then the will arises ; for no
one wills to do anything until his mind has first deter-
mined what it wills. From the veiy fact that it first de-
termines such a thing, there is an image of that thing.
When, therefore, the iQJfid bestirs itself in such a way as
to will to walk and step out, it s^tokfi? ftt the same moment
the force d ike souL which is spread over the whole body,
throughout the limbs and frame ; and this is easily done,
since the whole is held in close union with the mind.
Next, the soul in its turn stxik^a the bgd^ and thus the
whole mass by degrees is set in motion. Brides this the
body becomes rarefied, and the air enters in, in great quan-
tities, through the opened pores, and is thus distributed
into the most minute parts of the body. In this way, then,
by these two causes acting in two different ways, the body
after the fashion of ships is carried on by sails and wind.
And herein it need not excite any surprise that such very
minute bodies can steer bodies that are so heavy, and turn
them about ; for wind, though of a fine and subtle body,
can pusK on a large ship, and one hand can direct it to
any point you like."
A.C.S.S. voL viL E
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6& LUCRETIUS.
It will be seen from the above passage that the
entue theoiy of Lucietius on these points betrays a
certiain confusion of thought Will, he says, arises
in the mind on a certain image beii^ presented to the
imagination. But he holds it to be also equally true
that each act of imagination must be preceded by wilL
What is the cause, then, of that initial act )
The answer to this question is one of the most
curious things in his whole system. Though in treat-
ii^ of the will and the imagination he seems to con-
ceive of the latter as solely the producer of the former,
yet in another place he fully recognises the fact that
the former is also the producer of the latter ; and he
ascribes to it, in this capacity, all the attributes of
absolute and undetermined freedom. The human will
is self -determining ; it is the producer of succeedmg
circumst^c es ; bu t, to a gr^tTexten tT'^t least, it" is not
tne product of preceiling circumst^mces. It is a " man's
o wn will,'' he says7 " thatmiates for each a beginning.''
And again, "The power hasbeen wrested from the Fates,
by which we go forward whltherthe'wiineads each.'*
^hus eager hofseslm the race-cburseTcannot leap for-
ward^o quickly as~the mSnd desires: Here the first
c^is ejs the^ md. It is from the mind that the'mo-
fion is tranimitted thfoligh"TKe"bodyi Suet cases as
fliese are~plainly~quite distinct fibm those in which we
are propelled onwards by a blow from without. " For
do you not perceive," he says, " that though in this case
there is an outward force that pushes men on, there is
yet something in our breast sufficient to struggle against
and resist it ? And when this something chooses, the
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MIND AND SENSE. 67
store of matter is impelled sometimes to change its
course through the frame, and after it has been forced
forward is reined in.'' Hence, Lucretius argues, it is
evident that all "motion cannot be linked together,
nor a new motion always spring from another in fixed
order." The mind is atomic, and therefore this free-
dom of the mind is the result of a certain freedoi^ from
conditions in atomic movement. " There must, besides
blows and weights, be another cause of motion, from
which this power of free action has been begotten
in us." This cause is none other than that tendency
of the atoms, which in the very beginning he was
obliged to postulate, to deflect continually a little,
here and there, from their downward course ; without
which, as we have seen, they would never have jostled
against each other, but would have gone on falling
to all eternity in parallel lines, and at their original
distances.
It certainly seems at first sight that, according to
this theory, not the mind only would be delivered
from natural law, but that there would be no unifor-
mity in nature anywhere. And Lucretius nowhere
offers any direct explanation of this difficulty. It
seems not improbable, however, that could we get to
the bottom of his conception, we should find that, the
mind being according to him the subtlest and most
mobile of all material things, the atoms composing it
were able to retain the whole of their original free-
dom; whilst in the case of all other substances, it
had been overcome by their weight and their coarser
texture.
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68 LUCRETIUS,
SECTION VIII.
THE MORTALITY OP MIND AND SOUL.
We have seen how closely mind and soul are in the
Lncretian theory connected with the body. From this
theory Lucretius deduces further, that mind and soul
cannot live as soon as that connection is severed.
The vital principle is not the body, but it is held by
the body, and it grows and changes with the body's
capacities for holding it. Under some of its aspects,
though he never says as much, Lucretius seems to have
conceived of this principle as a kind of subtle and
powerful secretion of the body, — a sort of potent gas
or ether, generated by the flesh and blood, and react-
ing on it.
The following are the various arguments by which
he seeks to demonstrate that, if the mind and soul are
essential to the life of the body, the body is also essen-
tial to the life of mind and soul, and that all conse-
quently perish and are dissolved together. In the first
place, mind and soul being, as has been shown, made
up of the smallest atoms, they will be spilt abroad as
water is when the body — ^the vessel that contains them
— ^is broken. Also, we see mind makes its first appear^
ance when the body does ; it grows with the body, it
declines with the body, and therefore, according to all
analogy, it will perish with it. The mind is subject
to pain as the body is ; therefore, according to all anal-
ogy, it will be subject to death also. Diseases of the
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M0RTAUT7 OF MIND AND SOUL, 69
body, drink, and other excesses, disorder the mind,
and the mind is often healed by medicine as the body
is. Here is another symptom of the mind's mortality.
Further, we see men die piecemeal, — ^the vital soul
leaving the limbs one by one. Were the soul im-
mortal, it wonld mass itself in the unaffected parts.
This, however, it evidently does not do ; for, if it did,
such parts would manifest a greater amount of sense.
The mind has its seat in a particular part of a man's
body, just as hearing has its seat in the ear. But if
the ear be cut off, it mortifies ; and so, in like manner,
when the body goes will the mind decay.
At death, if the mind was immortal, '' it would not
80 much complain of dissolution as of getting rid of it&
vesture, like a snake, or of being turned out of doors."
Again, if the sotd be immortal, '^ and can feel when
separated from the body, we must suppose it to b^
provided with five senses. But neither eyes, nor nose^
nor hand, nor tongue, nor ears, can exist for the soul by
themselves, or perceive anything apart from the body.'*
Here is another fact to notice. Men in various!
ways — in fighting, for instance — ^lose their limbs, and
go on with their occupation, if violently excited, with-
out perceiving their loss. Meanwhile the limbs lie
on the ground quivering. Because they quiver, it is
evident that they retain something in them of vital
principle. But it is impossible to think that in each
piece there is remaining an entire soul, for in that case
a man would have many souls. The soul or vital
principle has therefore been cut up and divided ; but
that which can be cut up cannot be immortal
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70 LUCRETIUS.
Again, if the soul is immortal, and comes into onr
body at birth, as some hold it does, why cannot we
remember our former existence t If between our two
existences there has been such a break of conscious-
ness, this is equal to death, and in no sense can the
two existences be called the same. So we must admit
that the soul which was before has perished.
Again, if the mind were waitii^ ready-made to join
our bodies at the instant of birth, it would not be dis-
persed, as it is, oyer all the body, " so that even our
very teeth seem to have life in them, but it would be
in a den apart by itself." Or if, on the other hand,
it oozes in from without, and so blends itself with all
the limbs in that way, much more will it be mortal ;
for, says Lucretius, '* whatever oozes in through another
thing is dissolved, and therefore dies."
Again, we observe that living creatures, such as
worms, spring out of dead bodies. It is plain from
this that fragments of the soul are left in the body
after death, therefore the soul is not immortal For it
is impossible to believe that these worms have each of
them a separate and newly-made soul, that builds for
itself a place to dwell in.
We must consider this also. The character of the
various species of aniTnals could not remain constant as
it does, if ready-made souls could at random find their
way into bodies. Some meet this by saying that souls
are altered by the bodies they live in. But this, says
Lucretius, is false, for this reason, '' that whatever is
changed is dissolved, and therefore dies." But if men
say that human souls always cling to human bodies,
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IMPERFECTION OF THE UNIVERSE, 71
and so on, ''how is it that a soul can change from wise
to foolish, and that a child has no discretion?'' Men
will say that a soul grows weakly in a weakly body.
Eut even if this be so, it must, from this very fact,
be all the more admitted that the soul is mortal, since
'' changed so completely through the frame, it loses its
former life and sense."
Again, what can be more ridiculous than the picture
which the mind will have to present to itself if it con-
ceives souls to have separate existences, before their
respective bodies are prepared to receive them, than a
throng of souls crowding about each body, as soon as
it is completed, and struggling to get admission into iti
Finally, the analogy of all nature tells us that
nothing can live but in its own especial element, or
surrounded by its own special conditions. Trees can-
not live in the sky, nor fish in fields, nor can we find
blood in stones. '' In like manner the nature of mind
cannot come into being alone without body, nor exist
far away from the sinews and blood."
SECTION IX.
THB mPBRFECTION AND MORTALITY OP THE
UNIVERSE.
Such, then, is the Lucretian conception of the
universe of mind and matter, or rather of matter
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72 LUCRMT1U8.
organic and inorganic, animate and inanimate — ^the
joint work of chance and of necessity, without pur-
pose, without a mind to guide it.
Even without any scientific knowledge of the origin
of things, says Lucretius, the manifold and manifest
defects of this universe would at once make it clear to
us that it was the work of no divine creator. Much
of the earth, for instance, is wastefully occupied by
mountains and forests and seas. Extremes of climate
make many regions unfit for human habitation. What-
ever of the land is left for tillage, only yields its fruit
grudgingly, when compelled by incessant toil and
labour. And then, even when the fruits of the earth
have sprung up, heat and storm and frost often cast
them down imtimely. Much of the earth is also
infested by wild beasts, whose existence can fulfil no
possible end. Children, too — ^the young of the noblest
and chief of living creatures — are bom miserable,
wailing, and helpless ; whilst the young of the lower
animals grow up without any of the care that is needed
by us, and nature yields to them aU their food un-
grudgingly.
What the beginning of this universe was we have
alreMy seen. As it is clear that it had a beginning,
so, says Lucretius, it is equally clear that it will also
have an end. Everything, in his eye, points to this
conclusion. Eire, water, earth, and air, " out of which
this simi of things is seen to be formed, do all consist
of a body that had a birth, and is mortal The whole
world, therefore, must be reckoned of a like body.
I see that the chief est members and parts of the world
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IMPERFECTION OF THE UNIVERSE. 73
are begotten and destroyed anew ; I may accordingly
be sure that for heaven and earth as well there has
been a time of beginning, and there will be a time
of destruction." Let us consider the four elements
separately. Earth is visibly mortal, because it is
broken by the tread of men into dust, which is carried
off by the winds ; and water also eats away and dis-
solves it. Water is visibly mortal, because, though
seas and rivers are always full, they are yet always
losing their waters by evaporation, and also by absorp-
tion into the earth. Air is visibly mortal, because
"it is changed over its whole body every hour, in
countless ways. For whatever ebbs from things, is
always borne into the great sea of air ; and imless it
in return were ever in many places ceasing to be air,
and were also in return giving back bodies to things,
all things would now have been dissolved and changed
into air." The same, too, is the case with light and
fire, which is for ever being supplied, and for ever
wasted. All luminous things, the sun and the stars
in heaven and the lamps and fires of earth, are always
losing their substance by each fresh emission of light,
and are consequently being recruited from some other
element. iJ^Tor is any substance so solid that it does
not waste away. Stone towers gradually waste and
crumble. Eocks tumble off the tops of mountains.
Even iron and brass are corroded, and gradually
cease to be. They resolve themselves into some other
form. All the elements, in fact, are tit strife with
one another, each preying upon and eating into the
other. The sun, for instance, is always trying to drink
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74 LUCRETIUS.
up the waters; but hitherto, says Lucretiufiy he has
failed, so abundant are the fresh supplies of water;
^'though once, there is a tradition, that fixe got the
upper hand ; and once, as the story goes, water leigned
dominant in the fields."
From all this, we may coigecture the way in which
the final disruption will take place. Nor, according
to the theory of Lucretius, can there be wanting the
chance of the catastrophe happening in yet another
way. . This universe which we call ours, is, as we have
seen, a kind of azure bubble, with the earth in the
middle of it. It is one only of an infinite number of
similar worlds, which are all for ever falling downwards
through the infinite void. It must be possible, there-
fore, according to the Lucretian theory, that between
two or more uliiverses there may at any moment be
a collision.
It is, however, to causes from within that Lucretius
seems chiefly to look for t£e final dissolution of things.
Kor does he seem to think that this dissolution is
an event that promises to be very distant. He con-
ceives the world to have taken not many centuries
in bringing itself to its present condition; and he
bases this opinion on the fact that he knows of no
history that goes farther back than the Theban war
and the destruction of Troy. "Therefore," he says,
" the truth, I think, is, that the whole has but a recent
date, and the nature of the world is new, and has but
lately had its beginning." But if, he concludes, there
have been, as some men hold, other races and other
civilisations, of whom all record has perished in some
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HISTORY OF HUMAN PROGRESS. 75
great flood or earthquake, all the more must we admit
the entire future destruction of the eartih and heaven.
*^ And in no other way are we ourselves proved to be
mortals, except because we all alike in turn fall sick of
the same disease with those whom nature has with-
drawn from life."
SECTION X.
THE mSTOBY OF HUICAN PBOGBBSS.
Having now seen what was the Lucretian conception
of man's dwelling-place, and also of his origin and
nature, it remains to consider the account given of his
progress from his earliest to his latest stage ; the history
of society, of art, of manufactures ; and, lastly, of reli-
gion. And here, as has been observed already, we
shall find Lucretius, in a rough and general way, in
singular accordance with the most modem speculation,
and entirely opposed to a number of fanciful theories,
such as that of the state of nature, and so forth, which
have been current in later times.
Men at first, sa3rs Lucretius, were savage, hardy
creatures, scarcely to be distinguished from the lower
animals, whom indeed they had not yet learnt to sub-
jugate or use for food. They had neither fire, nor
clothing, nor shelter, neither laws nor religion. They
felt no wonder and no awe at nature. They acquiesced
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76 LUCRETIUS,
quietly in her courses. Their struggle for food, and to
protect themselves against the wild animals, occupied
all their time and thoughts. Having no leisure for
reflection, they neither imagined gods nor feared them.
In time they took a step forward. They learnt the
use of fire, probably from the ignition of wood in
forests, through the rubbing together of the branches.
Having thus discovered fire, they learnt to apply it to
cooking, from observing how the heat of the sun mel-
lowed fruits, and improved the taste of them. Then by
chance they discovered the use of metals, and how to
use and work them, in the following way. When large
forests caught fire, either from lightning or from some
other cause, streams of various metals would often gush
out of the veins of the heated eartL "And when
men saw them afterwards cool into lumps, and glitter on
the earth with a brilliant gleam, they would lift them
up, attracted by the light and polished lustre, and
would see them to be moulded in a shape the same as
the outline of the cavities in which ecush lay. Then it
would strike them that these might be moulded by
heat, and cast in any shape soever." Gradually also
they leamt to subdue and slay the wild animals, and
use their skins for clothing ; and they also made huts
for themselves.
They now entered on a new stage of existence, of
which the most important feature was monogamy.
Here, says Lucretius, we have the source of all subse*
quent improvement — indeed, of the real humanisation
of himianity. For now it was that the family affections
sprang up round separate homes and firesides.
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HISTORY OF HUMAN PROGRESS. 77
'^ The fire made their chilled bodies leas able to bear the
frost beneath the canopy of heaven^ and Yenus impaired
their strength, and children with their caresses soon broke
down the hanghty temper of parents. Then, too, neighbours
began to join in a league of friendship, mntually desiring
neither to do nor to suffer harm ; and asked for indulgence
to children and womankind, when, with cries and gestures,
they declared in stammering speech that meet it is for all
to have mercy on the weak. And though harmony could
not be established without exception, yet a veiy large por-
tion observed their agreements with good faith, or else the
race of man would then have been wholly cut off, nor would
the breed have continued their generations to this day."
Most of this gradual progress was due, especially so
far as material improvement went, to the special genius
of individuals ; and accordingly, for some time know-
ledge was power, and men of intellect ruled the rest.
For it was only gradually and with difficulty that mind
obtained any mastery over matter. At first men used
all the metals promiscuously. They made axes and
tools out of gold and silver, and only by long experi-
ence found out that these were not so serviceable as
the harder metals. At last they made this discovery;
and then the harder metals — such as copper, and, lastly,
iron — ^were for a time looked upon as more precious
than gold,
In the same gradual way did men learn all the
other arts and ordinances of life. The art of weav-
ing followed on the discovery of iron, "because the
loom is fitted with iron, and in no other way can
such finely polished things as the detaib of the loom's
machinery be made. And nature impelled men to
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78 LUCRETIUS.
work up the wool before womankind, — for the male sex
in general far excels the other in skill, and is far more
ingenious ; until the rugged countrymen so upbraided
them with it, that they were glad to give it over into
the hands of women, and take their share in support-
ing hard toiL"
Thus gradually, through repeated struggles and re-
peated failures, did the civilisation of man grow — the
work of the industry and labour of the many directed
by the sagacity of the few.
Whilst all this was going on, Lucretius conceives an
important change to have taken place at one distinct
stage. "Kings began to build towns and lay out a
citadel as a place of refuge for themselves, and divided
cattle and lands, and gave to each man in proportion
to his personal beauty and strength of intellect." After-
wards riches began to get more unequal The few
contrived to centre in themselves most of the goods of
the many ; gold too — ^though how, Lucretius does not
say — ^grew to be looked on both as a sign and a con-
stituent of riches, sought after by all, and amassed by
some. Thus a new factor, a new power, was intro-
duced into life — ^the source of half life's present misery.
Biches — ^a false aim — ^had now arisen to lure men on ;
and the possession of riches now gave more power than
the possession of intellect Thus all things were turned
upside down — ^the criterion of personal merit, and the
general idea of what is happy or desirable in life.
Two things now remain for us to consider — ^the rise
of language, and the rise of religion, both of which
were wanting to the earliest races of men«
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HISTORY OF HUMAN PROGRESS. 79
As to language, says Lncretius, the popular notion
that it was invented by some particular man, who at a
certain time invented a name for everything, is nothing
but sheer folly. For "why," he asks, "should this
particular man be able to denote all things by words,
and to utter the various sounds of the tongue, and yet
at the same time others be supposed not to have been
able to do so) Again, if others, as well as he, had not
made use of words amongst themselves, whence was
implanted in this man the previous conception of its
use ? or how could one man constrain and force many
to learn the names of things, or, when learnt^ to use
them?" F^ from having been taught in this way,
language shaped itself slowly, and in the most ordinary
course of nature. " JS'ature impelled men to alter the
various sounds of the tongue, and use struck out the
names of things, much in the same way as the inability
to speak is seen to drive some children to the use of
gestures, when it forces them to point with the finger
at the things that are before them." l^or is there any-
thing strange in this, " since dumb brutes," says Lucre-
tius, "and wild beasts, are accustomed to give forth
distinct and varied sounds, when they have fears and
pains, and when joys are rife." Thus dogs give quite
distinct barks, when enraged, or when feeding their
whelps, or when giving an alarm at the approach of
thieves. The same is the case, too, with all other
animals. "Therefore, if different sensations compel
creatures^ dumb though they be, to utter different
sounds, how much more natural is it that men in those
times should have been able to denote dissimilar things
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80 LUCRETIUS.
by many different words 9 Whilst as for music and
poetry, and every kind of musical modulation, this
they learnt from the birds ; '' whilst the whistlings of
the zephyrs through the hollow reeds first taught pea-
sants to blow into hollow stalks."
And now, in conclusion, let us see what the Lucre-
tian account is of the rise of religion. Man at first,
as has been observed already, he says explicitly, had
no trace of it. Modem theorists seek its origin in the
wonder of early man at the phenomena of nature, and
first amongst these, at the movements and effects of
the sun. This, strangely enough, Lucretius seems to
anticipate, and contradicts explicitly. "Never," he
says, " would the early race of man with loud wailing
call for the daylight and the sun, wandering terror-
stricken over the fields in the shadows of night, but
silent and buried in sleep would they wait till the suu
with rosy touch had carried light into heaven ; for, ac-
customed as they had been from childhood always to
see darkness and light begotten in succession, never
would any wonder come over them, nor any misgiving
that never-ending night would cover the earth, and the
light of the sun be withdrawn for evermore." Reli-
gion was the result, Lucretius thinks, of a deliberate
and a later-developed kind of reflection, — ^though he
hardly distinguishes this with sufficient clearness from
the sort of wonder he here denies man to have ex-
perienced. In time, he says, men observing that the
system of heaven and the seasons came round in
regular succession, tried and failed to find out by what
causes this was brought about; and at length were
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HISTORY OF HUMAN PROGRESS. 81
compelled to postulate the existence of gods, to whose
action these phenomena were to be attributed.
But besides this, religion had another origin yet.
" Men would see in waking mind glorious forms, and
they would see them in sleep of yet more marvellous
size of body. To these then they would attribute
sense, because they seemed to move their limbs and
to utter lofty words suitable to their glorious aspect
and surpassing powers. And they would give them
life everlasting, because their face would ever appear
before them, and their form abide ; and because they
could not believe that beings possessed of such powers
would lightly be overcome by any force; and they
would be pre-eminent in bliss, because none of them
was ever troubled with the fear of death, and because
at the same time, in sleep, they would see them per-
form many miracles, yet feel, on their part, no fatigue
from the effort."
The meaning of this singular passage will be ex-
plained il we remember the theory of wandering films,
or images, which has been described abeady, and wiU
lead us up to Lucretius's theology, with which we may
fitly close our account of his scientific system.
The glorious forms just alluded to are nothing but
wandering films, — some of the finer sort, only per-
ceived by the mind; some of the coarser sort, that
excite vision. What, then, was their origin 1 They
are not things that have no such counterpart. They
have been thrown off by actual bodies. But by what
bodies 1 By the bodies of a certain race of beings
which, with a certain amount of fitness, may be called
A.C.8.S. voL vii p
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82 LUCRETIUS.
gods, as being superior in happiness and in beauty to
ourselves, but who have no care or power over us
or over the universe ; and who are just as much a
^product of the collision of atoms as it or we. These
beings dwell in the spaces between the various worlds
or universes, — ^though how they can breathe there,
or what they can rest on, or subsist on, or do to
promote their supposed enjoyment, or what shape the
world can be that they inhabit, Lucretius does not
teU us. There, however, he suffers them to exist, —
a gratuitous superstition it must seem to us — a sur-
viving rudiment of a former system, answering no
purpose in his own, and only introducing into it in-
congruity and difficulty. And not only does he suffer
these gods to exist, but some of the films thrown off
by their bodies to wander hither into this world of
ours, and to delude those that see them into supposing
them to be the actual personal presence of powers that
guide and have formed the universe.
We have now ended our survey of the scientific
system that Lucretius wished to expound, and to en-
force upon the world. We will now go on to take a
survey of the poem itself, which he thought the fittest
form in which to embody it ; and we shall then see
not only how he handled in verse a thing so refractory
as his main subject, but what were the sort of uses
he designed the explanation of it to subserve, and his
views of that human life and nature which he was so
anxious that his discoveries should illuminate.
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CHAPTEE IV',
THE POBM OF LUCRETIUS.
' Ay, bnt I meant not thee ; I meant not her.
Whom all the pines of Ida shook to see
Slide from that quiet heaven of hers, and tempt
The Trojan, while his neat-herds were abroad ;
Nor her that o'er her wounded hnnter wept
Her Deity false in hmnan-amoroas tears ;
Nor whom her beardless apple-arbiter
Decided furest Bather, O ye Gods,
Poet-like, as the great SicUian called
Calliope to grace his golden verse —
Ay, and this Eypris also— did I take
That popular name of thine to shadow forth
The all-generating powers and genial heat
Of Nature, when she strikes through the thick blood
Of cattle, and light is large, and lambs are glad
Nosing the mother's udder, and the bird
Makes his heart voice amid the blaze of flowers :
Which things appear the work of mighty Gods."
— Tenkyson, "Lucretius.'*
BOOK I.
The poem thus begins : —
" Mother and mistress of the Roman race,
Pleasure of gods and men, fostering
Venus, whose presence breathes in every place,
Peopling all soils whence fruits and grasses spring.
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84 LUCRETIUS,
And all the watei^s navigable ways.
Water and earth and air and everything,
Since by thy power alone their life is given
To all beneath the sliding signs of heaven ;
Goddess, thou comest, and the clouds before thee
Melt, and the ruffian blasts take flight and fly ;
The dsodal lands, they know thee and adore thee,
And clothe themselves with sweet flowers instantly;
Whilst pouring down its largest radiance o'er thee.
In azure calm subsides the rounded sky,
To overarch thine advent ; and for thee
A livelier sunlight laughs along the sea.
For lo, no sooner come the soft and glowing
Days of the spring, and all the air is stirred
With amorous breaths of zephyr freshly blowing.
Than the first prelude of thy power is heard
On all sides, in aerial music flowing
Out of the bill of every pairing bird ;
And every songster feels, on every tree,
Its small heart pulsing with the power of thee.
Next the herds feel thee ; and the wild fleet races
Bound o'er the fields, that smile in the bright weather.
And swim the streaming floods in fordless places,
Led by thy chain, and captive in thy tether.
At last through seas and hills, thine influence passes.
Through field and flood and all the world together,
And the birds' leafy homes ; and thou dost fire
Each to renew his kind with sweet desire.
Wherefore, since thou, lady, only thou
Art she who guides the world upon its way ;
Nor can aught rise without thee anyhow
Up into the clear borders of the day.
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THE POEM: BOOK 1. 85
Neither can aught without thee ever grow
Lovely and sweet — ^to thee, to thee I pray —
Aid and be near thy suppliant as he sings
Of nature and the secret ways of things."
For I have set myself, he goes on, to expound these
as best I may to my dear friend, the son of the Memmii,
in this very poem ; and for my affection to him, I would
have every charm given to my verses. And do thou,
my Memmius, so far as thou canst in these present
troublous times, give an attentive ear to me, for I am
going to explain to you the whole system of things ;
and out of what first elements the world, and men,
and gods have all alike arisen. I have a teacher —
Epicurus — ^who has explained all these things to me ;
and his teachings when first given to men made a
new era in their history.
'^ When human life, a shame to human eyes.
Lay sprawling in the mire in foul estate,
A cowering thii^ without the strength to rise,
Held down by fell Keligion's heavy weight —
Religion scowling downward from the skies.
With hideous head, and vigilant eyes of hate —
First did a man of Greece presume to raise
His browsy and give the monster gaze for gaze.
Him not the tales of all the gods in heaven.
Nor the heaven's lightnings, nor the menacing roar
Of thunder daunted. He wa& only driven.
By these vain vauntings, to desire the more
To burst through Nature's gates, and rive the unriven
Bars. And he gained the day ; and, conqueror.
His spirit broke beyond our world, and past
Its flaming walls, and fathomed all the vast.
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86 LUCRETIUS,
And back returning, crowned with victory, he
Divulged of things the hidden mysteries,
Laying quite bare what can and cannot be.
How to each force is set strong boundaries,
How no power raves unchained, and nought is free.
So the times change ; and now religion lies
Trampled by us ; and unto us 'tis given
Fearless with level gaze to scan the heaven.
Yet fear I lest thou haply deem that thus
We sin, and enter wicked ways of reason.
Whereas 'gainst all things good and beauteous
'Tis oft religion does the foulest treason.
Has not the tale of Aulis come to us,
And those great chiefs who, in the windless season,
Bade young Iphianassa's form be laid
Upon the altar of the Trivian maidf
Soon as the fillet round her virgin hair
Fell in its equal lengths down either cheek, —
Soon as she saw her father standing there,
Sad, by the altar, without power to speak.
And at his side the murderous minister,
Hiding the knife, and many a faithful Greek
Weeping — her knees grew weak, aijid with no sound
She sank, in speechless terror^ on the ground.
But nought availed it in that hour accurst
To save the maid from such a doom as this.
That her lips were the baby lips that first
Called the king father with their cries and kiss.
For round her came the strong men, and none durst
Refuse to do what cruel part was his ;
So silently they raised her up, and bore her.
All quivering, to the deadly shrine before her.
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THE POEM: BOOK L 87
And as they bore her, ne'er a golden lyre
Bang round her coming with a bridal strain ;
But in the very season of desire,
A stainless maiden, amid bloody stain,
She died — a yictim felled by its own sire —
That so the ships the wished-for wind might gain.
And air puff out their canvas. Learn thou, then,
To what damned deeds religion urges men."
Yes (Lucretius continues), and you too, Memmius,
even you, will some time or other* seek to fall away,
and cower under the terrors of this false religion.
And, indeed, what safeguard have youl How will
you steel yourself against the terrors of the priests,
who have ever a life to come with which to threaten
you, and in which torments everlasting may, as they
say, be yours 1 Did you know that death was death
indeed, then you might keep a stout heart, and brave
them. But now what do men know of the soul]
They know neither its nature nor its origin — ^neither
whence it came nor whither it is going. How shall
they know, then, what may not be in store for it]
What shall we do then? Our only hope is in this.
Let us grasp first the principles of things ; let tis learn
by what laws the stars and the sun move ; how the
earth was formed, and how all things live and grow
upon it. And above all, let us find out by reason
what the soul and mind consists of, and what are the
laws of those things whence all our fears arise — ^ima-
gination, and dreams, and madness.
Hard it is in Latin verses to expound the teachings
of the Greeks. Our tonijue is poor and wanting. No
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88 LVCRETIUS.
one Las used it yet to treat such themes as these. And
yet for your sake, and the pleasure of your sweet
friendship, I will not be daunted. I will essay to do
my best.
Tlus darkness, then, this terrible darkness, in which
the human race is at present cowermg, can be dis-
pelled, not by any sunlight, nor the lucid darts of day,
but by the aspect and the law of Nature —
'' For fear takes hold upon the human breast,
When we see many things by Nature done.
Whereof the ways and means are known to none."
And accordingly we ascribe these phenomena to the
gods. One thing, therefore, at starting,* I will tell
you first — ^how that nothing can be produced from
nothing. And when you are once made certain of
that, you shall see clearly how all thmgs can be pro-
duced and done without the hand of gods.
Lucretius then goes on, in the next two hundred
verses, to explain that the elements of all things are
atoms and void, supporting his theory by arguments
that have been described already. Atoms and void
are both alike eternal All composite things may pass
away, but these remain from everlasting. Nothing
can be bom from nothing ; and nothing, when bom,
can go back to nothing : —
" Things seem to die, but die not. The spring showers
Die on the bosom of the motherly earth,
But rise again in fruits and leaves and flowers.
And every death is nothing but a birth."
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THE POEM: BOOK J. 89
Atoms, then, and empty space, lie goes on — ^these,
my friends, ore all that really is. You can name
nothing that Is not a property of these, or else an
accident : —
'^ That is a property which cannot be
Disjoined from a thing and separate
Without the said thing's death. Fluidity
Is thus a property of water ; weight ^
Is of a stone. Whilst riches, poverty,
Slavery, freedom, concord, war and hate.
Which change, and not inhere in things of sense.
We name not properties, but accidents."
The Tiojan war, for instance, was simply an accident
of atoms and empty space ; nor, but for these, would it
ever have come to i
^' For had things no material substance thus.
Nor void to move in, never had the fire
Out of the fairest child of Tyndarus
Lit in the Phrygian's breast the fell desire,
And put the torch to war ; nor Pergamos
Had seen the dumb and lifeless steed draw nigh her.
Out of whose flanks the midnight warriors came.
Who ended all, and wrapt the towers in flame.''
Eemember then, I again tell you, that here are the
two things that alone really are, infinite space and
atoms — atoms indivisible, indestructible, that have
endured, and that will endure for ever. Wherefore,
they who held fire to be the one substance of things,
and the sum to have been formed out of fire alone, are,
of all philosophers, furthest from the truth. Chief of
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90 LUCRETIUS.
this band is Heraclitos, a declarer of dark sentences,
and a juggler with words.
" More famous he with babbling men and vain,
Amongst the Greeks, than those that strive to know
The truth indeed. For fools are always fain
To measure meanings by the gaudy show
Of twisted words that hide them. And a strain
That fills their ears with honeyed overflow
Of phrase and mnsic, is at once decreed
Surely to hold the very truth indeed."
Lucretius then goes on to give the reasons why the
theory of Heraclitus is untenable, and how it contra-
dicts the very premises that he himself starts witL
IS'or any wiser are those who hold that things have
four first beginnings, though some of those who have
taught this, have been wise — ^wise above measure in
other ways.
"Chief of these
Is he of Agrigent, Empedocles.
Him in its three-shored bounds that isle of yore
Reared, which the wild Ionian water laves,
Bound curving bays and headlands, evermore
Splashing the brine up out of its green waves.
Here does the racing sea withhold the shore
Of Italy ; and here Charybdis raves ;
And here does rumbling ^tna moan and strain
For strength to lighten at the skies again.
Fair is that land, and all men hold it £edr ;
Its sons who guard its soil are fierce and free,
And all rich things, and gladsome things are there ;
Yet nothing ever was there, nor shall be.
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THE POEM: BOOK I. 91
More glorious than tluB great philosopher —
More holy, marvellous, and dear than he :
Yea, and with such a strength hia mighty line
Shouts through the earth-^he seems a voice divine."
And yet, says Lucretius, in spite of aU this, he has
gone astray about the first beginnings of things, as did
also Anaxagoras and all the rest, partly from their
wrong conceptions of matter, partly because they
denied the reality of empty space. And all these
faults of theirs he points out in a way that we have
already analysed.
And now mark (he goes on) what remains to be
known, and hear it more distinctly. For my mind
does not fail to perceive how dark these things are ;
but yet, despite all difficulties —
** Yet my heart smarting with desire for praise,
Me urges on to sing of themes like these,
And that great longing to pour forth my lays
Constrains me, and the loved Pierides,
Whose pathless mountain-haunts I now explore.
And glades where no man's foot has fallen before.
Ah sweet, ah sweet, to approach the untainted springs.
And quaflf the virgin waters cool and clear.
And cull the flowers that have been unknown things
To all men heretofore ! and yet more dear
When mine shall be the adventurous hand that brings
A crown for mine own brows, from places where
The Muse has deigned to grant a crown for none,
Save for my fiivoured brows, and mine alone.*'
N'or am I vain, Memmius, in such vaunts as these ; for
I am struggling to teach great things, and to release
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92 LUCRETIUS.
the human mind from the fetters of religious fear ; and
dark as my subject is, my song is clear and lucid, and
over the crabbed things I teach, I lay the Muses*
charm.
And now thus far I have taught you how solid
bodies of matter fly about ever unvanquished through
all time. I have next another thing to teach you. I
must show you there is no limit to the sum of these
atoms, and likewise that there is no limit to the space
they move in. As to space, I need but ask you, how
can that be bounded ? For whatever bounds it, that
thing must itself be bounded likewise; and to this
bounding thing there must be a bound again, and so on
for ever and ever throughout all immensity. Suppose,
however, for a moment, all existing space to be bounded,
and that a man runs forward to the uttermost borders,
and stands upon the last verge of things, and then
hurls forward a winged javelin, — suppose you that the
dart, when hurled by the vivid force, shall take its
way to the point the darter aimed at, or that some-
thing will take its stand in the path of its flight, and
arrest it 1 For one or other of these things must hap-
pen. There is a dilemma here that you never can
escape from. Place your limit of things as far away as
it shall please you, I will dog your steps till you have
come to the utmost borders, and I wiU ask you what
then becomes of your javelin. Surely you must see
what the end of this must be : —
'* The air bounds off the hills, the hills the air ;
Earth bounds the ocean, ocean bounds the lands ;
But the unbounded All is everywhere."
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THE POEM: BOOK I. 93
Lucretius here adds various other proofs of the in-
finity of empty space, and the infinite number of the
atoms, all of which have been already stated. Such
then, he exclaims, again reiterating his teaching —
** Such is the nature then of empty space,
The void above, beneath us, and around,
That not the thunderbolt with pauseless pace,
Hurtling for ever through the uuplumbed profound
Of time, would find an ending to its race.
Or e'er grown nearer to the boundless bound.
So huge a room around, beneath, above.
Yawns, in which all things being, are and move."
The chance to which our world owes itself needed in-
finite atoms for its production, infinite trials, and
infinite failures, before the present combination of
things arose.
** For blindly, blindly, and without design,
Did these first atoms their first meetings try;
No ordering thought was there, no will divine
To guide them ; but through infinite time gone by
Tossed and tormented they essayed to join,
And clashed through the void space tempestuously.
Until at last that certain whirl began,
Which slowly formed the earth and heaven and man."
And now my Memmius, Lucretius goes on, be far from
trusting those that say all things press towards the
centre, and that there are men beneath the earth, walking
with their heads downwards. For the universe being
infinite, how can there be any centre to it ? And even
grant that it had a centre, no heavy body could abide
there; for everything that has weight must be for
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94 LUCRETIUS,
ever and for ever falling, unless some rebound send it
upwards.
Space, then, I have already proved to be infinite ;
and space being infinite, matter must be infinite also ;
lest, after the winged fashion of flame, the walls of the
world break up suddenly, and fly along the mighty
void, and the heavens fall upon the earthy and the
earth break up from beneath the heaven, and the
whole great universe in a single moment
'^ Melt and be gone, and nothing take its place
But viewless atoms and deserted space."
BOOK II.
The second book opens thus :—
" 'Tis sweet when tempests roar upon the sea
To watch from land another's deep distress
Amongst the waves — his toil and misery :
Not that his sorrow makes our happiness,
But that some sweetness there must ever be
Watching what sorrows we do not possess ;
So, too, 'tis sweet to safely view from far
Gleam o*er the plains the savage ways of war.
But sweeter far to look with purg^ eyes
Down from the battlements and topmost towers
Of learning, those high bastions of the wise,
And for below us see this world of ours,
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THE POEM: BOOK 11. 95
The vain crowds waDdering blindly^ led by lies.
Spending in pride and wrangling all their powers,
So far below — the pigmy toil and strife,
The pain and piteous rivalries of life,
peoples miserable ! fools and blind !
What night you cast o'er all the days of man !
And in that night before you and behind
What perils prowl 1 But you nor will nor can
See that the treasure of a tranquil mind
Is all that Nature pleads for, for this span,
So that between our birth and grave we gain.
Some quiet pleasures, and a pause from pain.
Wherefore we see that for the body's need
A pause &om pain almost itself suffices.
For only let our life from pain be freed.
It oft itself with its own smile entices.
And fills our healthy hearts with joys indeed.
That leave us small desire for art's devices.
Nor do we sigh for more in hours like these,
Rich in our wealth of sweet simplicities.
What though about the halls no silent band
Of golden boys on many a pedestal
Dangle their hanging lamps from outstretched hand.
To flare along the midnight festival —
Though on our board no priceless vessels stand,
Nor gold nor silver fret the dazzling wall,
Nor does the soft voluptuous air resound
From gilded ceilings with the cithern's sound ;
The grass is ours, and sweeter sounds than these,
As down we couch us by the babbling spring,
And overhead we hear the branching trees
That shade us, whisper ; and for food we bring
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96 LUCRETIVS,
Only the country's simple luxuries.
iLh, sweet is this, and sweetest in the spring,
When the sun goes through all the balmy hours,
And all the green earth's lap \a filled with flowers ! '*
These, Memmius, these are this life's true enjoy-
ments ; not the seducing pleasures given by wealth and
art Will you get rid of a fever more quickly if you
toss under a purple coverlet than under the blanket of
a poor man 1 Just then as treasures, and high birth,
and the pomp of kingly power, minister nothing to
the body's health, push thy thought but a small step
further, and you will see they minister nothing to the
mind also: unless, indeed, you find that looking on
the proud array of war, and the strength of obedient
legions, your mind grows and swells with a haughtier
strength also, and the scruples of religion are at once
scared away from it, and the fears of death grow
faint, as you realise your own power and greatness.
But if we see that to talk like this is folly, and that
the fear of death cares nothing for human arms and
armies, but that it and all other sorrows stalk menacing
and unabashed through coiuts and palaces, and flinch
nothing at the glitter of gold and purple, how can you
doubt but that reason alone can daunt themi For
what is all this life of ours ? It is a struggle in the
dark, and in this dark men are as children. They
quake and quiver at they know not what, and start
aside at objects which in the daylight they would
only laugh at. Light then, more light, — ^tlus is the
thing we need for the liberation of man ; but it is not
outer light, it is the inner light of reason —
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THE POEM: BOOK IL 97
' Of reason Bearching Nature's secret way,
And not the sun, nor ladd darts of day.**
And now mark, and I will explain to you the
motions of the bodies of matter : how things are
begotten and broken up again, and with what speed
they go moving through the great void. For verily in
movement all things about us are, perpetually wear-
ing away, perpetually le-begotten. Some nations wax,
others wane, and in a brief space the races of living
things are changed, and, like runners, hand over the
lamp of life.
Here Lucretius goes on to explain more in detail
the everlasting motion of the atoms, the way they
strike, the way they rebound, and the ways in which
tbey become intertangled. They move, he says, as the
motes move in a sunbeam, which you may see stream-
ing through a dark chamber, and in the apparent void
mingle in the light of the rays, and, as in never-end-
ing conflict, skimush and give battle, combating in
troops and never halting, driven about in frequent
meetings and partings, so that you may guess from
this what it is for first beginnings of things to be
for ever tossing about in the great void. So far as it
goes, a small thing may give an illustration of a great
thing, and put you on the track of knowledge,
Now how swiftly these atoms move, Memmius, you
may learn from this : —
'^ When first the morning sprinkles earth with lights
And in the foresfs lone heart everywhere
The birds awaken, and with fluttering flight
Pour out their flutings on the tender air ; "
A.G.8.S. voL vii G
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98 LUCRETIUS,
— ^at such a time wej^e how in a moment, in a single
moment, the sun, far off though he be, darts his light
through the whole creation, and clothes everything
with his brightness. But the sun's rays have to travel
through air, and the air retards their course ; and there-
fore they move slowly when compared with the atoms,
which move only through pure and empty space, and
which hurry on and on, not held back by anything.
But some, ignorant of the nature of matter, say that
without the providence of the gods the world could
not have come to be what it has, nor the seasons vary
in such nice conformity to- the ways of men. Wan-
derers they from the true course of reason. For even
if I did not know what first beginnings were, I could
still maintain that the earth and heaven were never
the work of any divine intelligence, — so great are
the defects with which they stand encumbered. All
which, Memmius, I will by-and-by make clear to you ;
but we will now go on to explain what is yet to be
told of motions.
Lucretius now goes on to deal with the primary
downward tendency of atoms, and to account for the
upward courses they take, through blows and rebound-
ings, and being squeezed upwards out of solidifying
substances. Next he explains that uncertain sideways
movement, which is tho one respect in which the
imiformity of atomic movement is broken, and which
he here proclaims to be the origin, and the only pos-
sible origin, of the free-will of living beings.
Then he goes on to explain that the laws of matter
have been the same for ever ; that it is the nature of
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THE POEM: BOOK II, 99
matter to be for ever moving ; and that though things
seem to be now at rest, their atoms are still as unresting
as they were at the beginning. Nor need you wonder
at this, he says ; for when mighty legions fill in their
courses all the places of the plains, in the mimicry of
war, the glitter of them lifts itself up to the sky, and
the whole earth about glitters with brass, and a noise
is made beneath by the trampling of the mighty
ones, and the mountains smitten by the shouting hurl
the voices upward to the stars of heaven, and all the
wheeling horsemen scour the plains, and make them
tremble with the charge : —
^ Yet some place is there in the far-off hills
Whence all this storm of chargers seems to rest,
A still light brooding on the broad plain's breasf
Lucretius now goes on to show that the atoms must
be of various shapes, the kinds of things produced by
them are so different, — fluids, solids, and airs, tastes
and smells. Were not the seeds of different shapes,
and each special sij.bstance made of special seeds,
how could the species of animals remain alike, and
never vary 1 or how could parent transmit to child
that special something by which the two mutually
recognise each other % For this we see that even the
beasts can do ; and they are just as well known to each
other as human beings are.
'^ Thus oft before our pUlared sanctuaries.
When the lit altars lift their fragrant blaze,
A calf pours forth its warm life's blood, and dies ;
But she, the mother, in her lone amaze
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100 LUCRETIUS,
Goes through the fields, and stiU can recognise
Her own one's cloven footfalls in the ways,
And looks to find it, and her eyes grow wild
With wondering for her unretumiag child.
Then from her mouth breaks forth the desolate moan
Through all the leafy groves, and she gives o'er
Her search, only she oft goes back alone
To that bleak stall her child shall know no more ;
Nor tender willows, nor lush grasses grown
Sweet with the dew-Ml, nor dear streams that pour
With brimming lips their waves along the plain,
Can tempt her mouth, nor ease her breast of pain."
Eemember then, says Lucretius, that the atoms have
various shapes; but the number of such shapes is
finite, though of atoms of each shape the number
must be infinite : for since the difference of shape is
finite, those which are like are infinite, or the sum of
matter will be finite. All this he draws out at length,
urging all the arguments that have been described
already.
And thus, he says, out of infinite matter, and
through infinite space, things as they are continue, for
ever being destroyed and for ever again renewed ; nor
can death-dealing motions keep the mastery always,
nor entomb existence for evermore, nor, on the other
hand, can the birth and increase-giving motions of
things preserve them always after they are bom.
" Thus from the depths of all eternity
The unwearying atoms wage a dubious war;
And now with surging life doth victory lie,
And now anon is death the conq[ueror;
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THE POEM: BOOK II. 101
And with the funeral wail, the baby's cry
Blends, as it opes its eyes on daylight's shore : '
Nor ever morning broke that feuled to hear
The infant's bleatings and the moumef s tear/
And herein, Menunius, it is most fit you should re-
member that there is nothing that is known by sense
that consists of one kind of seed ; aU is formed by a
mixture of divers atoms. And when a thing has many
properties, you must know it is a compound of seeds of
many shapes. Such a compound is the great earth we
live on, for her properties, as we can all see, are many.
For she brings forth fires, and the great seas, and
crops, and joyous trees, and the bodies of living things.
Wherefore, of gods, and men, and beasts, she alone has
been named the mother. Of her the Greek poets
sang, that, borne on her towering chariot, she comes
driving a yoke of lions. They have yoked to her car
the beasts, to show that nature, however savage, should
be softened by the care of parents. They have crowned
her head with a mural crown, because, fortified in
strong positions, she sustains cities. Phrygian bands
escort her, for in Phrygia the story is that the first com
grew ; and Galli, too, are her guardians, to show that
they who have done violence to the divinity of the
mother, are unworthy to bring a living oflfspring to the
daylight.
" The tight-stretched timbrels thunder round her way,
The sounding cymbals clash, and cry Prepare !
The threatening horns with hoarser music bray,
And hollow pipes are loud upon the air ;
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102 LUCRETIUS
And swords are borne before her, sharp to sla^r —
Emblems of zage to thflnlrlftftfl souls that dare
Neglect the Qneen ; till holy fear has birth
Of the great Mother over all the earth.
Therefore when first she slowly comes progressing
Through mighty cities, and with soundless tongue
Breathes over men the dumb unworded blessing,
Down in her path are brass and silver flung, .
A bounteous laigess, mortal thanks expressing ;
And flowers are showered by all the adoring throng,
Till on the Mother and her train there falls
A snowstorm of soft-settling rose-petals."
But all this escort and progress are only symbolisuL
It is beautifully told and well set forth, but it is very
far removed from true reason. For the nature of the
gods must enjoy supreme repose, and know neither
care nor labour ; for no pain mars it, nor can aught
we do appease it or make it angry. And if any one
choose to call the sea Neptune, and com Geres, and
would rather use the word Bacchus than the word
wine, let us suffer him to say in this sense that the
earth is mother of gods, if be only forbears in earnest
to sully his soul with the stain of foul religion.
'' For all this while the earth is blind and dumb,
It neither knows, nor thinks, nor hears, nor feels,
But blindly in it various seeds unite,
And blindly these break forth, and reach the light "
But though all things, Lucretius goes on, are com-
posed of many seeds, it is evident that these combina-
tions foUow some laws, and only certain set combi-
nations are possible by the nature of things. The
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THE POEM: BOOK IL 103
unifoimity of nature shows us this; and you may
learn it» too, from considering what the atoms are them-
selves. You must know, too, that first beginnings have
themselves no sensible qualities. In especial, you must
remember that they are without colour. Lucretius
gives many reasons for this, — ^more particularly, that
colour cannot exist without light, and that it varies
according to what way the light faUs upon it
" After this fashion does the ringdove's down
Change in the sun, and shift its plumy sheen ;
Now all a poppy's dark vermilion,
Now coral, glimmering over emerald green.
So too the peacock, saturate with sun
O'er all its sweep of trailing tail, is seen
To quiver in the light with varying dyes.
And all the hues inconstant in its eyes.''
And now Lucretius goes on with his reasons why
atoms cannot have either voice, or smell, or sense,
or any sensible qualities whatsoever. Life has arisen
out of the lifeless, as we see even now worms arising
out of clods, though in the case of the higher animals
the lifeless matter has to go through many stages ; and
only through special combinations of circumstances can
it at last break forth into Life and consciousness. But
if any one shall say that sense may be so far begotten
out of no-sensation, by a process of change, or by a
kind of birth, all we have to show to such a man is,
that this change and birth can only happen in obedi-
ence to fixed laws, and under fixed conditions. Above
all, the senses cannot exist in any body, till the living
nature of that body has been begotten ; for till then.
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104 LUCRETIUS.
the atoms that will make up the principles of life and
feeling are wandering far and wide — ^in air and earth,
in flowers and trees and rivers. Common-sense will
tell you that all this must be so. For did the atoms
live, what theni Think of the picture you would
have to form of them.
" Sure, had they life, these seeds of things, why then
Each separate particle would laugh and cry
By its small self, and speculate like men —
* What were my own first seeds, and whence am I ? * **
Wherefore be assured, Memmius, that we have all
arisen out of lifeless things —
"And learn
That what of us was taken from the dust
Will surely one day to the dust return ;
And what the air has lent us, heaven will bear
Away, and render back its own to air."
For death is not an extinction of matter, — it is a
change and a dissolution only. The atoms are like
the letters of an alphabet, for ever shifting their
places, and clustering into new words, and these
words again clustering into new verses.
And now, we entreat you,* apply your mind to
reason. For a new matter struggles earnestly to gain
your ears ; and remember this, that the simplest thing,
if new, is at first hard to be realised ; and the hardest
thing grows easy when we have known it long enougL
" Lift up your eyes, consider the blue sky,
And all the multitudes of wandering signs
It holds within its hollows ; mark on high
How shines the sun, and how the clear moon shines.
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THE POEM: BOOK II. 105
Supposing tliiB great vision suddenly
Broke on the gaze of man, my soul divines
That to the astonied nations it would seem
A mist, a fancy, a desire, a dream."
And yet how little, it is so familiar, do we now heed
it 1 Wonder not, therefore, if I lead your spirit on a
farther and a more adventurous voyage, and carry you
past the walls of heaven and the bounding blue, and
show you what is there, far yonder, in the bottomless
xmplumbed depths, to which the spirit ever yearns
to look forward, and to which the mind's inner self
reaches in free and unhindered flight. There then, in
the space beyond, where the atoms are for ever flying,
are other worlds than ours, woven as ours was out of
flying atoms, and the blind clash of them. Our uni-
verse is but one out of a countless nxunber. As a man
is but one amongst many men, so is our universe but
one amongst many universes. And through all these
runs a single law. They have risen in the same way,
they are sustained in the same way; and in the. same
way, and by a like necessity, they will all one day
perish. Do but realise this, and the whole scheme of
things will grow clearer to you, and you will see how —
" Hid of her haughty masters, straight with ease
Does nature work, and willingly sustains
Her frame, and asks no aid of deities.
For of those holy gods who haunt the plains
Of Ether, and for aye abide in peace,
I ask, could such as they are hold the reins
Of all the worlds, or in their courses keep
The forces of the immeasurable deep ?
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106 LUCRETIUS,
Whose are the hands could make the stars to roll
Through all their courses, and the fruitful clod
Foster the while with sunlight, always whole,
A multiplied but undivided god;
And strike with bellowing thunders from the pole,
Now his own temples, now the unbending sod ;
And now in deserts those vain lightnings try
That strike the pure, and pass the guilty by ? "
And this too, Memmius, you must know as welL Each
of these countless universes has grown from small to
greater, and the bulk of them has been added to by
seeds dropped down upon them out of the boundless
space ; and, in like manner, they are diminished and
divided, for their seeds get loose, and the boundless
space receives them back again. And as plants and
animals are bom, increase in stature and in strength,
and then wax old and die, so is it with the worlds also.
And this world of ours, as many a sign shows us, is now
well stricken in years, and the time of its dissolution
is drawing nigL With each return of its seasons its
strength gets more feeble. Once goodly crops and
grasses sprang from the teeming soil without labour.
Kow, labour as we will, but a scant reward is yielded.
And now the aged ploughman shakes his head, and
sighs to think of the earth's exuberance in the days
when he was young. And the sorrowful planter com-
plains of his shrivelled vines, and wearies heaven with
his prayers, and comprehends not that all things are
gradually wasting away, and passing to the grave, quite
worn out by age and length of days.
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THE POEM, 107
BOOK III.
Lucretius opens this book with an invocation to
Epicurus, his revered master ; —
" Thou who wert first in drowning depths of night
To lift aloft so clear a lamp, whose rays
Strike along life, and put the shades to flight —
Thee, thee, chief glory of the Grecian race,
I strive to follow, humbly and aright,
And my feet in thy very footprints place ;
Not that thy rival I would dare to be,
But that I love, and loving follow thee.
Thy rival! Nay; can swallows rival swans ?
Or thunder-footed steeds competitors
Find 'mongst the she-goat's gambling little ones ?
Oh, first and best of all discoverers.
We are but bees along the flowery lawns,
Who rifle for our food thy fields of verse.
And on thy golden mayims pause and prey —
All-gold, and worthy to endure for aye.
For lo ! no sooner does thy powerful line
Loud through the world the scheme of Nature sing.
Than the mind hears, and at that note of thine
Its flocks of phantom terrors take to wing.
The world's walls roll apart, and I divine
With opened eyes the ways of everything.
And how through Nature's void immensity
Things were not, were, and are, and cease to be.
And lo ! the gods appear, the immortal races,
Visible in the lucent windless air
That fills their quiet blest abiding-places,
Which never noisy storm nor storm-clouds dare
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108 LUCRETIUS.
To trouble, where the frost's tooth leaves no traces.
And downwards no white falling snowflakes fare,
But on their lips the laughters never cease,
Nor want nor pain invades their ageless peace.
But on the other hand we search in vain,
For those swart forms, the fearful deities
Of HelL Our vision roams the whole inane.
But aught like Acheron it nowhere sees.
And I, when I to this high view attain,
Feel on my soul a maddening rapture seize,
And next a trembling, that thy hand should dare
Thus to the quick to lay all Nature bare."
And now, says Lucretius, since I have shown what
atoms are, their number, their shape, and their motions,
and how all things can be produced out of them, I will
next reveal the nature of the mind and soul, that the
dream of Acheron may be once and for all dispelled,
which at present troubles life to its inmost depth, casts
a chill and deathly shade over our whole existence,
and leaves a taint and a bitterness in every pleasure.
True it is that we often hear men vaunt that they have
no fear of death, and that the ills and hardships of life
are all they really flinch from. But these aBB merely
boasters. Bring them into any trouble or danger, and
you will see how they betake themselves to their knees,
whining to their gods, and forgetful of all their bravery.
Such fearless firmness as these men feign to have, can
be given only by knowledge and calm reason. Listen
to me, then, and I will lead you to it : —
" First, then, I say the mind, which often we
Call also understanding, wherein dwells
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THE POEM: BOOK IlL 109
The power that rules our whole vitality,
Is part of man, as is whatever else
Goes to make up his frame, as hands, feet, knees ;
Nor is it, as a foolish Greek school tells,
A harmony of all the members, spread
As health is, everywhere from feet to head."
But it resides in one particular place, just as sight,
hearing, and smell do. Lucretius here goes on in
detail to explain the nature of the mind, how it is
connected with the vital soul, and how the two are
connected with the body, how they govern it and are
contained by it, how the former is seated in the heart,
and how the latter pervades the whole frame. He then
describes how the mind touches the soul and moves
it, and how the soul in its turn touches the body; and
from this he argues that they must of necessity be
corporeal, for where there is no corporeality, there is
no touch. With first beginnings, then, he says, inter-
laced from their earliest birth, are mind and body
fashioned, and gifted with a life of joint partnership ;
and it is plain that the faculty of the body and of the
mind cannot feel separately, each alone without the
power of the other, but sense is kindled throughout
our flesh and blown into a flame between the two, by
joint motions on the part of both.
And now (he goes on) I will show you that mind
and soul are mortal ; and in what I have now to say,
remember that I still use the words mind and soul in-
differently, and that what I say of the one will apply
in the same way to the other, since both make up
one thing, and are one single substance. First of all,
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110 LUCRETIUS,
then, remember of how fine a substance I have shoTni
the soul to be, and how far more sensitive than any-
other thing, —
" More than a drifting smoke, or ductile river;
For even shapes of mists and smoke in dreams.
Soon as they touch the mind will make it quiver,
As when in sleep the votive altar steams
Before our sight ; for even d;reams like these
Come from the touch of films and images."
Well, then, since you see that water is scattered when
the vessel that held it is broken, and the mists melt
away into the air, how can you doubt that the soul
will one day do likewise when its body goes to pieces ?
Again, we see that the mind is bom with the body,
grows strong with the body, and also with the body
once more grows frail and feeble: —
" It follows then that when this life is past,
It goes an outcast from the body's door.
And dies like smoke along the driving blast.
We with the flesh beheld it bom and rise
To strength ; and with the flesh it fades and dies.''
And now consider this too. The body is subject to
many diseases, and with many of these the soul is
aflfected also. Often the reason wanders, often the
reason is for a time quite slain. Such loss of reason
comes from the powers of the mind and soul being
dissevered, and riven and forced asunder by the same
baneful malady as the body is. What shall we think
,then?-r-
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THE POEM: BOOK III. Ill
" Even in the body thus the sonl is trouMed,
And scarce can hold its fluttering frame together ;
How should it live then, when, with force redoubled,
Naked it feels the air and angry weather ? "
Again, Lucretius goes on (after having added a number
of other arguments which have been already given in a
former chapter), seeds of the soul are evidently left in
the body after death, because worms and living things
are bred out of it. And a soul that can be thus divided
cannot be immortal For it is impossible to think that
each of these worms has an immortal soul of its own,
that immediately at the birth of its body makes its
way into it, and that thus many thousands of souls
meet together in a place from which one has been with-
drawn, and either find bodies ready made for them, or
set each about making a body for itself. This is glar-
ingly absurd : —
" For why should souls, if they can cast away
Their mortal carcasses, and still live on.
Thus toil to bmld themselves a den of clay ?
Since when with bodies they are clothed upon
They strdght grow heirs to sickness and decay,
Ajid through them all the body's grief has gone.
Nor for themselves could souls contrive to build
Such prison-pens, how much soe'er they willed."
Lucretius here brings forward several other arguments,
and then he once more thus returns to this one : —
" Again, when creatures' bodies are preparing,
Sure we should laugh to see the souls stand by —
Bands of immortals at each other glaring
About that mortal house in rivalry,
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112 LUCRETIUS,
Each longing he may be the first to fare in,
And each braced up to pudh his best and try.
Unless they settle it on this condition.
That who comes first shall have the first admission."
Again, if more arguments are still needed, for every-
thing there is a fixed place appointed ; nor do fishes
live in the land, trees in the clouds, nor the sap of trees
in stones. And thus the nature of mind cannot come
into being without the body, nor exist away from it.
And therefore, when the body has died, we must ad-
mit that the soul is perished. Every argument points
to this conclusion. We cannot doubt it ; we cannot
escape from it. Analogy, observation, and common-
sense, all point the same way, and confirm us in a
complete certitude: —
" Death is for us then but a noise and name.
Since the mind dies, and hurts us not a jot ;
And as in bygone times when Carthage came
To battle, we and ours were troubled not,
Nor heeded though the whole earth's shuddering frame
Beeled with the stamp of armies, and the lot
Of things was doubtful, to which lords should fall
The land and seas and aU the rule of all ;
So, too, when we and ours shall be no more,
And there has come the eternal separation
Of flesh and spirit, which, conjoined before.
Made us ourselves, there will be no sensation;
We should not hear were all the world at war;
Nor shall we, in its last dilapidation,
When the heavens fall, and earth's foundations flee.
We shall nor feel, nor hear, nor know, nor see.**
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THE POEM: BOOK III. 113
And even — ^if for a moment we may imagine the
impossible — even should the soul still survive the body,
what is that to us ? For we are neither soul nor body,
but we are a single being fashioned out of the wedlock
of the two. l^or, again, if time should gather up our
matter after death, and again remould it into the very
beings we now are, that is nothing to us, when once
the chain of our consciousness has been snapped
asunder. Perhaps we may have existed before : that
gives us no sorrow. Suppose we can exist again : this
need give us no more trouble than that.
Therefore, when you see a man bemoaning his hard
case, that after death his body will either rot in the
grave, or be consumed by fire, or be torn by wild
beasts, the sound his mouth gives forth betrays a flaw
somewhere. He does not really grant the conclusion
he professes to grant. He has not with his whole
mind realised that he will wholly die. The inveterate
fancy still clings to him that there will still be a sur-
viving something, that living will lament about its
own death : —
•" Perplexed he argues, from the fallacy
Of that surviving self not wholly freed.
Hence he bewails his bitter doom — to die ;
Nor does he see that when he dies indeed,
No second he will still remain to cry,
Watching its own cold body bum or bleed.
O fool ! to ifear the wild-beast's ravening claw,
Or that torn burial of its mouth and maw.
For lo ! if this be fearful, let me learn
Is it more fearful than if friends should place
A.o.8.8. voL vil H
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114 LUCRETIITS,
Thy decent limbs upon the pyre and bnm
Sweet frankincense ? or smother np thy face
With honey in the balm-containing urn \
Or if you merely lay beneath the rays
Of heaven on some cold rock ? or damp and cold
II on thine eyelids lay a load of mould ?
' Thou not again shalt see thy dear home's door,
Nor thy dear wife and children come to throw
Their arms round thee, and ask for kisses more,
And through thy heart make quiet comfort go :
Out of thy hands hath slipped the precious store
Thou hoardedst for thine own/ men say, ' and lo,
All thou desired is gone ! ' but never say,
' All the desire as well hath passed away.'
Ah ! could they only see this, and could borrow
True words, to teU what things in death abide thee !
*Thou shalt lie soothed in sleep that knows no
morrow,
Nor ever cark nor care again betide thee :
Friend, thou wilt say thy long good-bye to sorrow,
And ours will be the pangs, who weep beside thee,
And watch thy dear familiar body bum,
And leave us but the ashes and the urn.'"
Often, too, at feasts men say, as they drink, and
wreathe their garlands round them, " Miserable crea-
tures that we are 1 our joys are short ; they will soon
be part and parcel of the past, and the past never
gives its own back again." As if after death they
would ever know thirst, and be pining for the wine-
cup that will never more be allowed them !
Once more, could Nature only speak to us, how
would she deride us foolish mortals and reprove us !
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THE POEM: BOOK UL 115
" Fools," she would say, " and sickly soirowers I why
bemoan and wail for death in this wise? For say
thy past life has been welcome to thee, and all its joys
have not been given in vain, passing through thee like
a leaky vessel that refuses to be filled — say thou hast
had thy will and thy fill of living : —
" Why not rise up then, like a sated guest.
And enter, fool, upon thy dreamless rest ?"
But if, on the contrary, life has been a sorrow to
thee, and all the blessings that have been thine thou
hast squandered, why seek to re-begin the weary round,
and to gather what again thou wilt waste and squander
as before 1 For hope not to find anything new. There
is no other pleasure that I can contrive or discover for
thee.
" For though thy life be fresh within thy frame.
Nor years have yet thy bodily streiqgth abated,
You would find aU things alway still the same,
Nor e*er discover one thing new created —
Not shouldst thou live till all men's lives be done,
For there b no new thing beneath the sun."
Think, too, of the bygone antiquity of the everlast-
ing time before our birth, how that was nothing to
us. For nature holds up to us the time that was be-
fore us, as a vision of the future time that is to come
after us.
" Look in the glass then. Say what shape is there ?
Appears there aught of terrible or sad 1
Does not the image that you gaze at seem
Even gentler than a sleep without a dream."
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116 LUCRETIUS,
Sure enougli, however, the terrors men dread after
death are not all vain imaginings. Birds truly eat a
way into Tityos ; Sisyphus rolls his stone up-hill for
ever. But he is a Tityos, who, as he grovels in lust,
is eaten up hy anguish like a vulture; and he is a
Sisyphus who is for ever asking honours of the people,
and is for ever going back disappointed. The tor-
ments that we dreamed of in the future have their
real being here, and men inflict them on themselves,
in this very life around us.
Ah ! might men only see the real cause of their
sorrows, how salvation would then dawn on them!
The man who is sick of home hurries forth from his
lordly porticos, and then, again, hurries back, finding
he is no better off abroad. In the town he says. Ah,
would I were in the country ! and in the country. Ah,
would I were in the town ! and to and fro between
the two he goes hurrying in his chariot, and at each
end of his journey he can do nothing but yawn for
weariness. In this way each man flies from himself,
but can never for a moment escape; and he hates
himself, being sick with an unknown malady. But
could he only see the matter rightly, leaving all else,
he would study the nature of things; and leamiug
that certain extinction and death is the end of all,
would learn so to order his life accordingly.
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THE POEM. 117
BOOK IV.
. And now, says Lucretius, since I have shown you
what mind and soul is, and how life is bom with this
body, and dies with the body's death, I will go on to
explain to you a matter of the utmost moment ; I will
show you how we see, and feel, and taste, and how
our life is connected with and knows the external
world. And hard though the subject be, I will make
it sweet to you, overlaying all its bitterness with the
sweet honey of the Muses.
He now goes on to explain how films and images
are perpetually streaming off the surface of things,
and illustrates this by many analogies. For without
doubt, he says, we see many things freely giving
such discharge, not from the centre only, but from the
outer surface itself.
" This daily happens, when the sunlight gleams
Through those broad awnings, yellow, red, and blue,
Which flap and flutter on their poles and beams
Over great theatres : for there you view
How from their surface down their colour streams,
And how they make to flicker with their hue
The curving crowd, and all the scene's recesses.
And the grave fathers in their stately dresses.
And all the more the narrowing walls around
Make of the theatre a well of night,
So much more gaily do the colours bound,
And every object laughs with wayward light."
And therefore, he says, since sheets of canvas dis-
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118 LUCRETIUS.
charge colour from their surface, all things will natu-
rally discharge their pictures too — since, in each case
alike they are sent forth from the surface. Nor are
you to suppose that only those images are going
through the air, which are thus sent off the surface of
things. There are other images, with no counterparts,
which spontaneously heget and fashion themselves, as
clouds do, and wander along as clouds do, with ever-
varying and inconstant shape. For the clouds in this
way we can see continually
''Fanning the air, and, gathering form on high,
Blot out the blue, and violate the sky;
Then through the air in shifting shapes are bom :
Now see we monstrous giants hurrying past,
Who trail behind them lengths of shade forlorn;
And now great mountains move along the bla^^
And crags and boulders from the mountains torn.
By which the sun's dinmied face is overcast ;
And now some mighty beast comes on amain
With packs of other storm-clouds in its train.*'
And now I will go on to show with what ease and
celerity the images or idols that I spoke of are be-
gotten, and how incessantly they flow and fall away
from things. Hereupon he explains more miuutely
the nature of these emanations, how fine their sub-
stance is, and consequently with what swiftness they
are capable of moving: —
" For we observe that things of little weight
Are ever swift to move, of the which kind
The sunlight is, which does not hesitate,
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THE POEM: BOOK IV, 119
Ever pressed on by fresh light from behind,
To force its way, and nimbly penetrate
Through aU the space of air."
And these idols or images of things are in their move-
ments as swift as sunlight, and can pass through air
as readily, — ^nay, they must be even swifter ; for the
stars are farther from us than the sun, and yet
" No sooner is the shine of water spread
In the night air, beneath heaven's glittering plain,
Than instantly to every star o'erhead
A star within the wave responds again."
Therefore, again and again, I repeat, you must admit
that bodies, capable of striking the eyes and provoking
vision, are constantly travelling through the air with
a marvellous velocity. But because we can see with
the eyes alone, the consequence is, that to whatever
point we turn our sight, then all the same things meet
and strike us with their shape and colour. Lucretius
now goes on to explain the manner in which we infer
the distance of things, and then the action of mirrors,
and the real nature of the reflection in them. He
then passes to optical delusions, and the various ways
in which it seems that our eyes deceive us : —
" Now for this cause the far towers of a town
Beach us as round, when they indeed are square ;
The angles of their films axe quite worn down
In drifting towards us through the length of air ;
And when they meet us, those strong things of stone
Seem smooth and circular, as though they were
Turned in a lathe ; but vaguely thus appear,
And like a shadowy sketch of round things near."
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120 LUCRETIUS.
And there are numberless other like cases as well, but
they can be all explained satisfactorily, and we must
never for a moment admit that our eyes deceive us.
The frailty, the sense of deception, is really in the
mind. Do but think of the following instances, and
you will see that this is so : —
'* The ship in which we sail seems standing still.
The ship that tides at anchor drifting by ;
And, as we hold to seaward, field and hiU
Seem to drop far astern ; and in the sky
The stars we steer by seem immovable,
And yet go moving on assiduously,
Since each clear body has its hour to rise,
And its long road to rest across the skies.
And as we watch the sim and moon, their light
Seems also fixed, yet still moves on we know :
And when on deck we watch with straim'ng sight.
Up from the sea-line shadowy mountains go,
Into one solid isle their shapes unite,
And yet we know huge straits between them flow.
And ways for fleets. And giddy children view.
When they stop turning, aU things turning too."
So, too, the sun seems near us when it rises, and yet
illimitable lands and seas and unknown people lie be-
tween. A puddle of not a fiLuger's depth seems to con-
tain the whole great heaven. As we pause on horse-
back in a river-ford, the river seems to be standing
still, and ourselves to be carried violently up the
stream. A portico is supported on equal pillars, and
yet as we look through it their height seems to be
dwindling, and the floor seems to be rising, till they
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THE POEM: BOOK IV. 12X
meet in a Yanishing - point. Oars we know to be
straight; and yet dip them in the water, and their
submerged part will seem to be bent and broken : —
" So, too, we seem when chained in sleep profound
To move in daylight, footing field and hill,
Sailing new seas, and treading alien ground ;
And when the earnest night is deep and still,
Our ears are loud with many a fancied sound."
And many other marvellous things are there, which
would seek to shake the credit of the senses : but in
vain ; for it is not the senses that deceive us, but we
who deceive ourselves, by wrongly interpreting what
they rightly tell us. Again —
'' If a man hold that nothing can be known.
He knows not whether he can know this even.
Since he admits the things he knows are none.
He stands with head on earth, and feet in heaven.
And I decline to talk with such an one."
iNo— such scepticism as this is utterly suicidal The
senses are all we can take our stand on, and they are
imerring guides.
And now, says Lucretius, I will explain the action
of the other senses. Sounds, in the first place, are
streams of atoms, whose shape varies with the quality
of the sound : —
" Nor are the first beginnings of like form
Which pierce the ears in crabbed sounds and sweet.
As when in air the braying trumpets storm
Which rouse barbarian nations to their feet.
And when its carol comes from the wild swan
Over the headlong floods of Helicon."
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122 LUCRETIUS.
When we speak, we force our voices out of the
depth of our bodies, and the tongue gives their shape
to them just as they are leaving our lips. Words
travel a certain distance keeping their clear shape ;
gradually this becomes obliterated. No sooner is a
voice uttered, than it starts asunder iato many voices ;
and this is the way in which a whole assembly hears
the words of a single speaker. Voices which do not
strike directly on the ear are carried away and lost,
or else striking on something solid are thrown back
.again : —
" Which knowing, you may to yourself explain,
And to your friends the explanation tell.
How it is that the rocks give back again
Our syllables in many a lonely dell ;
And how, when in the dusk we call in vain
For our strayed friends, the hills grow voluble,
And their familiar names are tossed about
From slope to slope in many a lipless shout
1 have seen places where to one such call.
Straight six or seven voices would reply.
In such a wise did every rocky wall
One to the other make our utterance f y ;
And then the others, likewise, one and all
Would toss them back in answer presently.
In spots like these, the village people tell
That the shy nymphs and goat-foot satyrs dwell.
And there, too, say they, lurk the haunting fauns,
Who make strange noises through the night pro-
found.
Playing quaint pranks amongst the shadowy lawns,
With twangling lyres, and pipes of plaintive sound.
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THE POEM: BOOK IV. 123
Also, they hear god Pan, when spring-time dawns,
Come, that wild head of his with pine-boughs bound,
To touch the reeds with crooked mouth, and fling
Their song of sylvan music to the spring.
Now, to proceed, you need not wonder how
It is that voices come and beat the ears
Through things through which the eyesight cannot go.
Because of this the reason plain appears —
Full many a thing that lets the voice go through,
The visual film to thousand pieces tears,
'Tis of so fine a texture."
Lucretius now proceeda to give that account of the
remaining senses, of dreams, of the imagination, and
of the way in which external things act as a stimulus
to the mind, and the mind again acts as a stimulus to
the body, which has been already explained at length.
He then goes on to describe the nature of love, which
he treats of simply as a form of physical excitement.
This pleasure, he says, is for us Venus; from that
desire is the Latin name of love — ^from that desire
has first trickled into the heart yon drop of Venus's
honeyed joy, destined to be followed soon by chilly
care. For though that which you yearn for is away,
yet images of it are at hand, and its sweet name is
present to the ears. But it is meet to fly such images,
and scare away all that feeds love, and not keep your
thoughts set upon one object, and so lay up for your-
self care and unfailing pain. For the sore gathers
strength, and becomes inveterate by feeding. For
love, says Lucretius, is a fierce madness, a hungry
bnging, that will never be satiated, and will always
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124 LUCRETIUS.
leave you craving. For its sake young men waste
their strength and ruin themselves, and their whole
life is passed at the beck of another : —
" Meanwhile their substance wastes and runs away
Turned into coverlets from Babylon ;
Their duties are neglected day by day,
And all their noble name is quite undone.
Meanwhile upon her brow green emeralds play.
Glancing in gold, and shoes from Sicyon
Deck her elastic feet ; and tears and traces
Are on her crumpled robe of love's embraces.
And all the wealth their good sires toiled to gain
Changes to head-gear, and rich anadem.
And Cean robes with trailing sweep of train,
And feasts, and goblets thick with many a gem.
And unguents, games, and garlands. All in vain !
They have their canker in the heart of them.
A bitter something, in the midmost hours
Of joy, starts up, and stings amongst the f owers.
Either because they bum to see how they
In foal embraces and effeminate
Slay their own selves, and waste their strength away;
Or else the dainty lips, on whom their fate
Hangs, some slight word of doubtful meaning say,
Which stings their heart like fire ; or soon or late
They think her eyes are roaming, to beguile
Others, and catch the footprints of a smile."
And these evils are the evils of love when it is suc-
cessful. How much greater are those of love that
is crossed and hopeless ! So that it is best to watch
beforehand, that you be never entangled in the snare.
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THE POEM: BOOK IV. 125
And yet even when you are entangled you may escape,
unless you stand in your own way, and refuse reso-
lutely to observe all those vices of mind and body
which you may be quite sure will abound in her, woo
whom you wilL For this is what men do for the
most part, blinded by passion, and attribute to their
loved ones beauties that are not really theirs.
*^ Muddy complexions have a dusky spell,
A lover says. A slut's a natural creature,
A romping hoyden seems a slim gazelle ;
A sharp-tongued spitfire dazzles like a meteor.
See, in yon slow and cumbrous movements dwell
A queenly pride ; that face, without a feature.
Is strangely touching ; and this fat plump chit
Is, top to toe, the very soul of wit "
Lucretius goes on, something in the temper of Pope,
to describe how different is
*' Cynthia at her toilef s greasy task,
To Cynthia fragrant at an evening masque."
And draws a humorous contrast between the scene at
the toilet indoors, when the lady is putting the last
delicate stroke to her charms, with her maid behind
her tittering at the whole process, and the lover out-
side at the threshold full of yearning for the adored one,
and thinking sacred for her sake the very house that
holds her.
And yet, says Lucretius in conclusion, it is not all
love that is thus vain and deluding : some women
have a genuine passion for their lovers or their hus-
bands ; and often a wife, though of but small beauty,
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126 LUCRETIUS.
will by her gentle manners win the heart of a man,
and custom will habituate him to pass his life with
her, and love will set its mark on his heart at last, as
dripping water will at last make a hole in a stone.
BOOK V.
Here again the book opens with the praises of
Epicurus : —
^ Where is the bard whose verse avails to tell
Of themes like these— of Nature's ways BubUme ?
Or who shall so the power of verse compel
As fitly to resound his praise in rhyme,
Who all those spoils, that to his own hand fell,
Hath left us as an heirloom for all time,
Making us wise for ever ] Truly none,
Unless indeed it be a god alone.
For Memmius, if 'tis pleasing in thine eyes
To speak the plain unvarnished truth of things,
The author of these great discoveries —
He was a god of gods, a king of kings.
For first through him men grew what men call wise.
And from him every rule of prudence springs,
Who towed our life out of the storms and night,
And moored us in the tranquil calm and lighf
What, compared to his discoveries, are those of other
discoverers) Ceres, it is said, gave com to ns, and
Bacchus wine. But we could have lived on happily
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THE POEM: BOOK V. 127
without either of these, and many a nation does so
even now. But unless the bresist is clear, no^ life can
be happy ; and hence he, Epicurus our mighty master,
is rightly held a god by us, since from him come those
sweet mental solaces which are even now spreading
in the world, and soothing the hearts of men.
" Yea, and our master therefore did far more
Than vaunted Hercules. For how should we
Fear the Nemean lion's rage and roar.
Or that great bxdl in Crete beyond the sea,
Or all the bristles of the Arcadian boar,
Or what to us could snaky hydras be ]
Or how would Gorgon fight us from his gloom.
Or those Stymphalian birds with brazen plume ?
Or that great dragon which for ever keeps
The shining fruitage of the Hesperides^
With fierce and vigilant eye that never sleeps,
Couched *neath the shadow of the charmed trees.
Whilst round the midmost stem his huge coil creeps —
How should he harm us by his far-off seas,
The Atlantic shore, and the abhorred waves
Which even the wild barbarian never braves? "
And all the other monsters of like kind that have been
conquered, what harm, I ask, could they do us were
they even now living? None, methinks — neither
these, nor the like of these. But unless the breast is
cleared, it itself is f uU of monsters ; rather let us be
afraid of them, and honour and glorify him who put
them first to rout.
Wherefore, walking in his footsteps, I will tell you
in order how the world arose, and what laws it obeyed
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128 LUCRETIUS.
in rising. I will show you that it had a birth, and
that death is also in store for it. I will tell you how
the heaven is formed, and the earth also, the moon and
stars, and how living creatures emerged out of lifeless
matter ; and I will show you how all things are held
and fettered by immutable laws and boundaries : —
^ Well, not to dally more with things unproven,
Look roimd you, on the heaven, the earth, the sea.
The triple thread of which the world is woven,
Three bodies, Memmius, such a different three.
A day shall come when these shall all be cloven.
And all the things that are shall cease to be,
And blown like dust upon a stormy wind,
The whole world melt, nor leave a wrack behind."
If you doubt how this can be, consider the power of
earthquakes, and how in a few moments all things near
are shattered by them : —
" But these may fortune banish from our path,
Nor with such signs see fit to assure our faith."
But bef OBe I go on to sing you the sure oracle, the
doom and the destruction that await this whole uni-
verse, I will again pause a moment and sustain your
trembling mind, lest religion should still make you
think that the world will endure for ever, and that all
who should seek to prove otherwise shall suffer punish-
ment, like a fresh race of Titans labouring to under-
mine the world. For what life or sense is there in tho
sea, the sun, the moon, that they should heed or hear
what men say about them? How can they possibly
have any life or passions in them 1 For we have seen
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THE POEM: BOOK V. 12?
what life is. It cannot exist without a fleshly body ;
and even in that body it can live only in a certain part.
Then, too, you cannot possibly believe that the gods
exist in any parts of the world. Their fine nature is
far withdrawn from our senses ; the mind itself hardly
sees them. We cannot touch them ; and how then, I
ask you, shall they touch us 1 What folly, too, to say
that the gods have made the world, and set it in
order, and arranged it for the use of mani Iii the
first place, what could possibly induce them to take
such trouble ? —
^ What could they gain &om such a race as ours ?
Or what aavantage could our gratitude
Yield these immortal and most blessed powers,
That they in aught should labour for our good ] "
Or what new incident eould have broken in upon
them, and made them desirous to change their former
lifel Or even if they wanted to make a world, where
did they find any pattern to work by, and how did
they set about the business 1 or how, again, did they
ascertain the world-making capabilities of the atoms,
unless Nature herself, mother of the gods, had shown .
the gods all that she herself could do )
" But even had the science ne'er been mine
Of first beginnings, and how all began,
I could show clearly that no power divine
Helped at the work, and made the world for man ;
So great the blunders in the vast design,
So palpably is all without a plan.
For if 'twere made for us, its structure halts
In every member, full of flaws and faults.
A.as.s. voL vii, i
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130 LUCRETIUS.
Look at the earth ; mark then, in the first place.
Of all the giound the rounded sky bends over.
Forests and mountains fill a mighty space^
And even more do wasteful waters cover,
And sundering seas ; then the 8un*s deadly rays
Scorch part, and over part the hard forests hover ;
And Nature all the rest with weeds would spoil.
Unless man thwarted her with wearying toil
Mark, too, the babe, how fitdl and helpless, quite
Naked it comes out of its mother^s womb,
A waif cast hither on the shores of light,
like some poor sailor, by the fierce sea's foam
"Washed upon land ; it lies in piteous plight.
Nor speaks, but soon, as it beholds its home.
Bleats forth a bitter cry — oh meet presage
Of its life here, its wof ul heritage !
But the small younglings of the herds and flocks
Are strong, and batten on the grass and dew.
They need no playthings, none their cradle rocks.
Nor ask they with the seasons garments new.
They have no need of walls^ and bars, and locks
To guard their treasures ; but for ever true
To them, the earth her constant bounty pours
Forth at their feet, and never stints her stores."
Lucretius now goes on to point out in detail the
continual waste of everything that is visibly going on
in the world around us, and to argue from this that
of the whole there must be one day a like dissolution.
Eai-th is for ever being dissolved in water, or broken
into dust and being whirled away in air ; water in its
turn is being for ever drunk up by the sun ; and the
sun itself is for ever wasting its substance in swift
emission of rays.
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THE POEM: BOOK V. 131
" So yon may see at night such earthly fire.
As hanging lamps, and torches blazing bright,
Darting their flames out, as with keen desire, —
Desire, I say, to feed the wasting light,
Which travelling, still doth on its path expire,
And would if not renewed be broken quite ;
But to the dying rays succeed fresh rays.
And on the wall the light unpausing plays."
Again, too, you may see that even stones are con-
quered by time, high towers moulder and fall down
crashing, and even the mountaia-summits crumble to
decay.
Think of this, too, — if the world was ever bom, s^
surely will it perish. And it must have had a birth-
day — it cannot have been from everlasting, or else
some record would have come to us of times before
the Theban war and the fall of Pergamus.
Again, as I have shown that nothing is solid but
the atoms, and that void is mixed up with all things,
and that void and atoms alone can resist all force and
are indestructible, you may be certain, you surely can
no longer doubt, that the grave and gate of death is
gaping for the whole universe.
Again, I have just shown you how all the elements
of the world are engaged continually in a fierce in-
testine war; and to this struggle there must some
day be an end,— either water, fire, or air will one day
get the mastery, and then there will be the beginning
of the end. Twice, indeed, even already, they feign
that the battle has been weUnigh ended, and that
water once was all but master ; and once again that
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132 LUCRETIUS.
fire was, when Phaethon was whirled aloft in the sun s
chariot —
^ And the boy's hands let go the dangling reins.
And the team tore across the ethereal plains.
But the almighty father, seized with ire,
Laimched at the boy the all-dreaded thonderstone ;
And as he fell, the Sun, the Sun his sire,
With rapid hand, from headlong Phaethon
Snatched the world's lamp of ever-burning fire.
And gathered up the reins, and one by one
He tamed the trembling steeds, and once again
Moimted his car, and gave new life to men."
And now, says Lucretius, I will teU you in what
order the present world evolved itself. And he goes
on to describe the first chaotic atom-storm, and the
gradual massing together of the earth, and how it cast
off from itself the blue heaven, as a kind of husk or
covering, and then threw out the fires that make the
moon, and stars, and all the other lights that are in
the firmanent. First an igneous ether, he says, went
up from the earth's surface, which, sweeping round as
fire, gradually formed the heavens.
'^ And this same ether rising, in its wake
Full many a seed of vivid fire up-drew.
Thus when we see the low red morning break
Along the grasses rough and gemmed with dew.
Does a grey mist go up from off the lake.
And from the clear perennial river too ;
And even at times the very meadows seem
From their green breast to breathe a silvery stream."
He now adds a number of details as to the formation
of the earth's surface, which have been described
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THE POEM: BOOK V. 133
already; and again refers to the onward changeless
sweep of the ether, which keeps on its even way,
unheeding all the turmoil and the storms in the lower
air, between the earth and it.
" Onward it ever drives in changeless sweep ;
And how it still can so hold on and on
The Pontic sea may teach you, which doth keep
Ever due on, nor turns, for any force,
Its icy current and compulsiye course."
Upon this follows a long series of speculations on
the motions of the sun and moon, the rest of the
heavenly bodies, and the laws which govern the
regular recurrence of the seasons, and the changing
duration of the hours of light and darkness.
And now, he says, since I have explained in what
way everything might go on throughout the blue vault
of heaven, I will go back to the infancy of the world,
and the tender age of the fields, and show what,
in their first attempts at child-bearing, they tried
to raise
" Up to the shores of light, and gave them there
Into the keeping of the wandering air.
In the beginning, then, the clods gave forth
All kinds of herbage, and a verdant sheen
Was glossy on the hills ; and flowery earth
Laughed over all her meadows glad and green :
Then bushes next, and trees of greater girth,
Orderly rising into air were seen ;
Which things came forth spontaneous everywhere,
Like a bird's feathers or a horse's hair."
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134 LUCRETIUS.
Then gradually, in the manner that has been described
already, the earth gave birth to men, and animals, of
the kinds that are now with us : —
" But hardier far than we were those first races
Of men, since earth herself did them produce,
And braced them with a firmer frame than braces
Us now, and strung their arms with mightier thews.
Nor sun nor rain on them left any traces.
Nor sickness. And they neyer learned the use
Of arts, for ages : but like beasts they ran
"Wild in the woods — ^the early race of man.
Their strong arms knew not how to guide the plough.
Or how to plunge the spade and till the plain.
Or from the trees to lop the failing bough.
But what the sun had given them, and the rain,
They took, and deemed it luxury enow.
Nor knew they yet the fatal greed of gain.
But in the woods they sought their simple store.
And stripped the trees, and never asked for more.
For thick the acorns in the forest gifew,
And arbute-trees would yield the berried prize,
Which in the winter wears a scarlet hue;
And the earth bore these then of larger size ;
And many another suchlike berry too,
It, from its yet unminished granaries,
Gave gladly forth, more than sufficing then
To appease the dawning wants of those poor men.
And like wild herds they clustered to the sound
Of Mling waters, loud in many a dell,
To slake their thirst ; and as they roamed, they found
The nymphs' green haunts, and there began to dwell ;
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THE POEM: BOOK V, 135
For there sweet waters gushed from oat the ground
In living streams, and on the damp rocks fell —
The damp rocks, green with many a mossy stain —
Then slipt away, and babbled to the plain.
And they knew nought of fire, nor thought to fling
The skins of beasts about their nakedness ;
But the wild wood's roof was their covering,
Or rugged mountain cave ; and they would press
Into the brushwood, from the buffeting
Of rain and storm, and all the weather's stress.
And nothing yet of rule or law they knew.
Nor how to keep the weal of all in view.
Whatever fortune threw in each man's way,
That each bore off and hoarded as his own.
To grasp and clutch it as his proper prey,
Aloof, and living for himself alone.
And naked in the woods the lovers lay ,
And by her lust or his each girl was won ;
Or else by force ; or bribed, she heard his suit.
By little gifts of acorns or ripe fruit.
And trusting in their strength of hands and feet.
They would outstrip the wild beasts in the wood ;
And some to death with ponderous dubs would beat,
And hide from fiercer ones, who sought their blood :
And just where night, with noiseless step and fleet.
Overtook them, like the dull sow's bristly brood,
Down on the ground without a thought they lay.
And burrowing in the leaves slept sound till day.
And never waking in the dark, with fright
Would they cry out, amazed for all the shade.
And beg the sun to bring them back the light.
But stolid they would sleep, and undismayed.
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136 lUCRETIDS,
Till rosy morning pleased to climb the height
Of heaven ; for they, who from their birth surveyed
The light and dark alternate rise and fall.
Trusted the world, nor feared the end of alL"
But this state of things did not last for ever. Pro-
gress began, and Lucretius here at length describes its
advancing stages — ^the gradual discoveries of fire, of
the use of the metals, of houses, of law, of monogamy,
and all the other elements and influences of civilisa-
tion. And he then goes on to account for the rise of
religion, attributing it, as has been already said, to
two different causes — ^the sight of the wandering images
of the gods' forms, and also to ignorance of the hidden
forces of nature. Then when once this conception of
the gods was formed —
** They gave them dwellings in the heavenly light.
Far off and calm ; because for aye appear
Through the high heaven to roll the moon and night,
Moon, day, and night, and all night's stars austere,
And trailing meteors, vagrant things of light.
And flying fires that wander far and near ;
And because snows and hail and wind are there,
And the hoarse threats that thunder through the air."
O hapless race of men, exclaims Lucretius, when
first they taxed the gods with having anything to
do with this world of ours and its management!
Little knew they the terror of the chains they were
binding about themselves; what wounds, what tears
they were preparing for their children's children i
For still as we gaze at the vast world around us, the
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THE POEM: BOOK V. 137
importunate fear will at times steal into our soul, that
the power of the gods may be unlimited ; and religion
begins to raise its reawakening head.
Having made this digression, Lucretius again re-
turns to his account of human progress, describing the
rude, simple pleasures of our earliest ancestors, and
warning us that luxuries, though inevitably found
out one after one, and inevitably making us discon-
tented with what went before, have made us no better
pleased with the present, though they have made us
displeased with the past, and that with splendour
and refinement have come envy and discontent, from
which the simple savage early world was free. Man-
kind, he says, therefore, ever toils vainly and to no
purpose, and wastes life in groundless cares, because
men have never learnt what is the true end of getting,
and up to what point true pleasure waxes. This by
slow degrees has carried life out into the deep sea, and
stirred up from their lowest depth the mighty billows
of war.
And now all has been told, — ^how time by degrees
brings each several thing before men's eyes, and reason
raises it up into the borders of the light ; for things in
their due order must be thus advanced and brought
forward, until they have arrived at the summit beyond
which they can go no further.
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138 LUCRETIUS.
BOOK VL
We now come to the last book of the poem ; and
this, again, opens with another celebration of Epi-
curus : —
'* Athens it was, Athens, most fEonous name.
Who first gave com to us, sick sons of earth ;
And taught us countless arts, and how to frame
Laws ; but she gave her gift of chiefest worth,
When into life she sent that man of fame
Out of whose mouth the words of truth welled forth
Wherefore his glory through the world is spread.
And still he speaks though dumb, and lives beiug dea(L
For when he saw that each most sore distress
And craving of the flesh was satisfied.
And men forbore from wrong and lawlessness.
And life became secure, and pomp and pride
And pleasures multiplied, yet none the less
Each heart in secret ached, and each breast sighed,
And that for ever in the mind's despite
Were tears and pain our guests from mom to night ;
He plainly saw "that not the honeyed draught
Of life itself did all this teen afford ;
But 'twas the vessel out of which 'twas quaffed
That spoiled whatever into it was poured ;
Partly that through the potter's careless craft
It leaked ; in part, that in its depths were stored
Some bitter dregs, that sent a taint through all
The sweets it held, of wormwood and of gall."
He therefore cleansed men's hearts with his trath-
telling precepts, and placed a limit to lust and fear,
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THE POEM: BOOK VI, 139
and showed the chief good we should aU strive to
leach, and the narrow track that led to it. And he
showed that the ills that plagne men in this mortal life
were ills that came from nature — ^from a blind chance
or force, call it what we will. For the terror that
heretofore had held men in bondage, and indeed still
holds very many of them, is to be dispelled by reason,
and by reason only : —
^ And now, since I have shown the ethereal plains
Of heaven are mortal, and the earth below,
And of all things that heaven or earth contains
The life and movement I have striven to show,
The goal draws near. But something yet remains
To tell. 1 have another mile to go :
And in the Muse's car must mount on high,
'Mid storms and winds^ and tell you how they fly.
For foolish mortals, one and all together,
Say that the calm high gods, by each caprice
Of fretful temper swayed, ordain the weather,
Venting their rage in storms ; and when they cease
From rage, relenting with a cloudless ether."
But in order that reason may drive from us the very
remembrance of such old-wives' tales as these, and the
unmanning and senseless fear that they would still, if
they could, beget* in us, I will sing to you of the law
and aspect of heaven, and of the birth of the storms
and thunders, and of the bright lightnings, that you
may see how all goes on by a fixed unbending law,
that has no thought of man, nor any care about him ;
and that you may spare your pains, and never look to
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UO LUCRETIUS.
the skies for omens, nor heed a jot from what quarter
the volant fire has fallen.
Thunder, in the first place, is the produce of clash-
ing clouds, which either flap in the wind like canyas
stretched and tossing over theatres, or, filled full of
wind inside, burst suddenly as a distended bladder
does.
It lightens, too, when the clouds have struck out by
their collisions many seeds of fire; but we hear the
thunder after we have seen the lightning, because,
though the two are really simultaneous, the sound
travels more slowly than the light does. There are
also other ways in which the clouds
" Dye 'all the landscape with their wingfed light.
And with a rapid quivering flashes out
The sailing storm."
For sometimes the fire is caused, not by the clouds
themselves, but by the wind working its way into
them, and growing hot by its own velocity. This
takes place, you must know, when the clouds are very
dense, and are piled up into the heaven to an unima-
ginable height : —
'' For do but note what time the storm-wind wild
Comes carrying clouds like mountains through the air.
Or on the mountain's selves the clouds are piled
Motionless, and each wind is in its lair»
Then may you mark those mountain-masses proud,
And huge caves built of hanging rocks of cloud."
Well, it is through these cloud-mountains that the
storm raves and prowls, and pent amongst the caves
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THE POEM: BOOK VL Ul
and precipices, howls like a pack of wild beasts, and,
seeking a waj out, rolls together seeds of fire, and at
last conies bursting out in f orky flashes.
And now I will tell you another thing ; — ^I will tell
you by what law
" The mighty thunderbolt
Goes through the walls of houses like a shout ; "
piercing things that no earthly fire can pierce — nay,
not even the fire of the sun in heaven. Lucretius ful-
fils his promise at great length, and devotes nearly two
hundred lines, of no great interest, to his account of
these thunderbolts; asking in the middle, not with-
out pertinence, why, if they were hurled, as was said
commonly, by the gods, to execute their vengeance,
so many of them fell in the seas and deserts, and why
the rest so rarely hit the only people for whom they
possibly could have been intended.
From these subjects he passes on to the laws of
earthquakes, the way in which the sea is still supplied
with water, although so much is being constantly evap-
orated off its surface, the action of volcanoes, the rise
and fall of the Nile, and a variety of other minor phe-
nomena. He then at great length gives his explana-
tion of the action of the magnet ; and then suddenly
leaps from this to a very short passage on the laws of
the propagation of disease, which he traces to various
conditions of climate, and the perpetual flying about
in the air of particles that are hurtful to life, when
attacking it under certain conditions. And it makes,
he says, no diflference whether we travel to places un-
favourable to us, and change the atmosphere which
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142 LUCRETIUS
wraps us round, or whether nature without our choice
brings to us an atmosphere unsuited to us, or something
to the use of which we have not been accustomed, and
which is able to attack us on its first arriyaL
He then, without more preface, at once plunges into
a description of the great plague at Athens, borrowed
from the celebrated account given by Thucydides.
Such a form of disease, he says, and a death-fraught
miasma, once within the borders of Cecrops defiled
the whole land with dead, and unpeopled the streets,
and drained the city of its citizens. Eising first and
starting from the innermost borders of Egypt, having
travelled through long reaches of air and over floating
fields of sea, the plague pitched at last on the whole
people of Athens : —
" The pestilence would first the head assail,
And then the bloodshot eyes, wherein there stood
A dull set fire ; and next the throat grew pale
Inside, and all its passage blotched with blood.
Then ulcers formed, anon the voice would fail;
The tongue, the spirit's spokesman, would exude
Blood also, and relaxed in every string,
Lolled ia the mouth a parched and listless thing.
Next down the throat the insidious pest would glide,
And through the breast assault the heart's own door;
Then slowly would the vital power subside.
And through the mouth a stench begin to pour
With the decaying breath.**
And so the description goes on for about a hundred
and twenty lines, adding detail of this kind to detail,
touching by the way on the agony and despair of the
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THE POEM: BOOK VL 143
sufferers — ^how no remedy could be found anywhere —
and at the appalling spectacle —
" How medicine muttered low with voiceless fear."
And this above all, says Lucretius, heaped death on
death; — whenever any refused to attend their own
sick, killing neglect soon after would punish them for
their too great love of life, by visiting them in their
turn with as foul an end, abandoned in their turn,
and forlorn of help.
" They too who stayed to tend the beds of death,
Themselves anon were seen to dioop and die,
Drawing contagion from the tainted breath
That thanked them for their kindness piteously."
And at length so great was the mortality, so many
were the bodies in vain crying for burial^ that the old
rites of sepulture continued no more in the city, with
which pious folk of old had been always wont to be
buried : for everything was confusion and dismay, and
each man would sorrowfully bury his own, in any way
the present moment allowed.
^' And many a direful deed did men do then^
Urged on by sudden want and poverty;
For on the funeral pyres of other men
They thrust their own poor kin uproariously j
And wranglings rose, and oft their blood they'd shed,
Dogged, and dying ere they'd leave their dead."
And with these lines the poem of Lucretius ends.
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CHAPTER Y.
liUCRKTIUS AS A POBT.
SoMBTHiNa has now been seen of what Lucretius did,
under both its aspects. We have examined each of
the two things he gave to the world, and for which
the world remembers him — his system of natural
science, and the poem in which he set that system
forth. It now remains to us to glance back over both
of these, and to take some general view of them, that
we may form some estimate of the place their author
held both as a poet and a man of science ; and also—
which is a matter of deeper interest — how he stands,
when compared with us, in relation to the deeper and
the more perplexed questions of life.
We will consider him first in the character under
which he is most generally known and spoken of, — ^the
character simply of a poet.
And here the first and most obvious remark to make
is, that though Lucretius was by his genius most un-
doubtedly a great poet, yet, judging of his work as a
whole, he has very certainly not written a great poenu
We must say in this case, as Ottilia's tutor says in
Goethe's novel, " We presume capabilities ; we require
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LUCRETIUS AS A POET. 145
accomplishments." And the " Essay on the Nature of
Things " is not an accomplished poem. The very sub-
ject itself, and still more the sort of treatment that,
for his own purposes, Lucretius thought essential to it,
shut out aU possibility of its ever being this. By far
the larger number of his verses are devoted to explain-
ing facts which not only afford naturally no material
for poetry, but which can only be approached fitly in
the absence of all poetical excitation. Instead, there-
fore, of putting poetry into the phenomena he has to
deal with, Lucretius has, in the bulk of his work, to
root out all that man has already put there. Man,
and man's passions, and the human sense of beauty
— ^without these there can be no poetry. Nature is
poetical only as connected with these. And when
Lucretius deals with nature, it is his great aim to lull
passion, fancy, and all emotion to rest, and coldly and
calmly to see things as they really are. Much poetry,
as we all know, has been written about the moon,
and we know well enough the sort of moods of which
most of this poetry is the outcome. But when Lucre-
tius writes of the moon, no such moods are his. The
moon to him is simply a phenomenon, to be observed
coldly, and with no passion, till the secret of its move-
ments is explained, and every trace of mystery stolen
from it. So, too, with all the rest of nature — ^the sun,
the stars, the lightning, the thunder, the storm, the
clouds, light, vision, and finally human life, and human
passion itself — ^all is to be treated coldly and dispas-
sionately ; interrogated and cross -questioned in the
pure spirit of prose, though committed afterwards into
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H6 LVCRETIVa
a foim of verse. But it is a form only — ^a form that
camiot deceive us. The voice is still Jacob's voice,
though the hands are the hands of Esau. But it is
enough to say that Lucretius, in the hulk of his work,
writes as a man of science ; and in that is said conclu-
sively that he cannot he writing as a poet. The poet
and the man of science may both be dealing with the
same object ; but the poet, when he deals with nature,
tries to raise the commonplace into the region of the
mysterious ; the man of science tries to bring down
the mysterious to the level of the commonplace. And
even when the two come to the same conclusion about
the same thing, they would no more speak the same
words or think the same thoughts about it, than would
a lover and a physician who were watching the same
girl dying.
Considering, therefore, that a good four-fifths of the
work of Lucretius is intentionally, and in its very
essence, nothing but pure prose — only prose versified
— it is hardly to be expected that it will, as a whole,
give us the pleasure of a poem, or indeed leave us with
the impression that we have been reading one. Poetry,
however, runs everywhere through it, like metallic
veins in an ore ; and this poetry is of a very high and
a very varied quality, though the scattered state in
which it has thus been given to us has done much to
hinder its popularity, and apparently made its author
merely a poet's poet amongst the ancients, as it has left
him a scholar's poet amongst the modems.
For many reasons this is much to be regretted, so
great and powerful, as a poet's, his genius was; and
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AS A POET, 147
not this only, but so versatile. Few poets of antiquity
^how such a range of power and feeling, such a com-
bination of humour with gravity, and of tenderness
with indignation. Of all these qualities specimens
have been given ; and though little justice can be done
to them in translation, something of their nature will
be sufficiently obvious to the reader. There are one
or two others that it may be less superfluous to dwell
upon. First of these is the rude fierce vigour of his
imagination, which will not be content with a hazy
presentation of anything, but will have it dragged close
before us solid, bare, and naked, — as when, in dis-
cussing whether the universe be infinite, he bids us
picture its bound, if any bound there be to it, and
asks what will happen then if we were to hurl a javelin
into the space beyond. In this quality of keen ex-
ternal observation, this attention to the material aspect '
of things, this habit of conceiving everything in some
imaginable or picturable form, he seems to have sur-
passed aU the ancient poets, and not imfrequently puts
us in mind of Dante. And he has in virtue of this a
quality which makes him, in one particular way, seem
to us not so much an ancient as a modem, — that is,
his manner of describing scenery, and all the changing
aspects of the outer world. Of all ancient poets, in-
deed, he is perhaps the most picturesque. The early
/aspect of morning, the low sunlight striking along the
dewy grasses, the grey mist going up from the lakes and
rivers — ^these, and things like these, he describes almost
as "Wordsworth might have described them. There are
other pictures, too, equally vivid — such as that of the
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148 LUCRETIUS
square towers of a town, which, as we approach them,
look rounded in the haze of distance ; or that of the
coloured awnings flapping above the crowded theatre,
with the bright-coloured sunlight pouring down through
theuL Then, again, there are descriptions of storms
and storm-clouds, their shapes, their movements, their
slow weird changes, which are not unlike the verse
of Shelley or the pictures of Turner, and to which
no counterpart can be found in ancient literature.
There are, too, a number of lesser touches — such as
his mention of the way in which, as we walk at morn-
ing, our faces are brushed by the dewy threads of the
gossamers, or by floating balls of thistle-down. Whilst
to heighten the effect of these, and to fill it in, we
have perpetual allusion to the way in which our other
senses, besides that of sight, are touched by the outer
things of nature; how our nostrils, for instance, are
met with a pungent smell as soon as a night-Hght is
extinguished suddenly; or how the air by the sea-
shore breathes on our faces salt, with the moist brine.
In fact, Lucretius, more than any other of the great
ancient poets^ seems to bring back to us the atmosphere
of the past. We seem, as we read him, to be actually
breathing the air that he breathed, to be smelling the
same smells, and hearing the same noises, and to see
the skies, and seas, and hills, through the same liquid
distance.
We must be careful, however, not to read our own
sentiments into Lucretius ; nor to think that, though
he gives us all the pictures of storm, and cloud, and
sunshine, of sea and valley, as accurately, and with as
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AS A POET. 149
much care, as a modem poet might, that he was like a
modem poet in his feeling about them. The case is
quite otherwise. In his descriptions of nature, Lu-
cretius is a utilitarian, not a sentimentalist. His de-
scriptions are not pictures to be looked at for them-
selves ; they are diagrams to illustrate the text of his
scientific discourses. Some pleasure, no doubt, even
as pictures, they did give to him; but this pleasure
was secondary, and in many cases he would seem to
be hardly conscious of it. Only dimly, and in the
shape of the animal quickening of the spirits brought
about in the spring-time, or in the sensuous pleasure of
lying on green grass and feeling the cool shelter of
trees, does he seem to have realised what joy a man
may have in the world's outer beauty. And in this he
was like aU the other ancient, as contrasted with the
modem poets. But the ancient poets as a rule not
only felt less for nature than we do, biit they also said
less about it, and therefore the contrast between them
and us is less striking.
. But though Lucretius did not, as Wordsworth or
Shelley did, nor even as Ausonius, Claudian, and the
later Latin poets, feel the beauty of nature as a spec-
tacle, moving them by its varied outlines and its ever-
changing shades and colours, he did feel to the full the
sublimity of it, as a vast immeasurable force, revealing
itself indiscriminately now in this way, now in that —
in the earthquake, in the thunderstorm, or the power
of turbulent waters. This feeling, however, we must
remember is very different ttom that which prompted
such lines as these : —
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150 LUCRETIUS
" There are two voices— one is of the sea.
And one is of the mountains — ^both divine ;
They were thy chosen music, Liberty."
l^atuie is the hero of the poem of Lucretius ; but it is
not a hero that has any sympathy with man, or can be
anything to man, excepting in so far as man can use it.
For^ the rest it is celebrated as a thing of boundless
power, and, as such, a thing sublime and awful, but a
thing as well of boundless impotence, that is exalted
by the poet, only to be again dragged down by him,
and which he would teach man to look at with fearless
and equal eyes. Lucretius has no desire to worship
l^ature, sublime as, in its power, he feels it to be. He
feels rather a sense of still greater sublimity in achiev-
ing the splendid victory over his own impulse to wor-
ship it, and the same impulse in other men, by which
he knows that they too are tormented.
This is the one notion that runs through his whole
poem ; he is man's champion, as against sdl other forces.
He tilts like a knight-errant against every form of
terror, one by one unhorsing them, and leaving them
disarmed and prostrate ; charging first at the most im-
portunate and the most formidable, and then, having
cleared the ground about him, demolishing at his
leisure the lighter and more scattered squadrons.
And thus though his poem, as we have said, is com-
posed so largely of what is properly speaking pure
prose, if we look at it by the light of the writer's in-
tention, instead of what he has actually accomplished,
we shall come to see in it the outlines of a true poetic
whole. We shall see that there is in it something
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AS A POET, 161
epic ; we shall see in it one single purpose being worked
out to its end without pause — and this purpose an
heroic one — the destruction by a mortal man of all the
terrible immortals, and the robbing the whole frame of
things of their immemorial menace. We shall see that
in the arrangement of the argument there is poetic art
also, as it gradually rises in the middle to the demoli<
tion of that stronghold of religion, the immortality of
the soul, and then slowly brings us to confront lighter
difficulties, as though a storm were slowly drifting
away from us, and letting a gradual sunlight in on us
through the clearing skies.
Of course, in view of this, it may be contended by
some that the *^ Essay on the Nature of Things " must
take rank, as a whole, as a great complete poem. To
a certain extent disputes of this kind are disputes of
words merely, and there is little good in pursuing
them. Perhaps we shall gain the best notion of the
true poetic character of the poem of Lucretius as a
whole by comparing it to the history of Herodotus,
which has, as a whole, a fully equal title to be con-
sidered poetry. There is in Herodotus the same epic
treatment, the same qium artistic massing of materials,
the same constant presence of potential poetry, the same
constant presence of actual prose. But in the fate of
the two writers there has been this difference, that
whereas the poetry of Herodotus has been as wings to his
prose, the prose of Lucretius has been a dead weight
on his poetry; and in addition to this, there is yet
another misfortune to be mentioned — that the poetry
of Lucretius has been also a dead weight on his science.
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CHAPTER yi
LUCRETIUS AND MODERN THOUGHT.
A DEEPER consideration now remains for us. "We have
seen what Lucretius was as a man of science. We
have seen also what he was as a poet. In his first
capacity, if he is judged on his own merits, his work
will seem to us but an antique curiosity — a piece of
scientific bric-a-brac. Judged of as a poet, we may each
give him what place we wilL But the special tastes,
neither of the antiquary nor of the literary critic,
are tastes of the first importance, or of any universal
interest. Books were made for men, not men for
books. Art and poetry are valuable only if they can be
absorbed into life : life is not valuable because it, can be
absorbed into art and poetry. And though Lucretius,
as a distinct subject of study, may afford keen pleasure
to some of us, and seem a matter of really very grave
moment, we should recollect, to the world in general,
how trivial such mere student's interests are. Looking
on Lucretius, however, in another light, not as scholars,
or as critics, or as literary epicures, it is possible to
connect him with other interests that are of really vital
moment — ^interests to the house of which science, and
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LUCRETIUS AND MODERN THOUGHT. 163
art> and literature, are properly only doorkeepers. And
yet, even looked upon in this way, lie will suggest
thought, rather than dictate it To many of us, how-
ever, he can hardly &il of being very suggestive.
To begin then. We have already seen in some
detail what his science was. Let us now briefly oom*
pare that science, and the methods it was founded on,
■with the science of our own day. If we consider the
various details of his theory of things, and judge of
these by the exact form which he gave to them, it is,
of course, plain at a glance how remote they are from
what we now hold to be true. It will be seen, to a
certain extent, that this could not be otherwise, if we
merely consider what his conception was of the size
and shape of the imiverse — a conception which he
seems to have adopted with but small reflection, and
the truth of which he took but small pains to verify.
But his science differs from ours in a deeper way
than in any such superficial grotesqueness of detail
The entire foundation of his system is essentially
defective and insecure. His first principles are crude,
loose, and puerile. Such, for instance, is his concep-
tion of gravity, and this conception is the comer-stone
of his whole edifice. "Weight, as he explains it (weight
with him being the one motor power in the universe),
and the tendency of every substance to be for ever
falling downwardsj is, strictly speaking, unthinkable.
How, in infinity, can there be either an up or dovm ?
Starting with a premiss like this, it is clearly impos-
sible that he can know anything scientifically of the
laws of motion. It is evident then, even if we go on
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154 LUCRETIUS.
farther, from the very nature of the case, what a want
there will be in any explanation he can possibly hare
to offer US.
And there are many more wants of a like kind — an
absence of many conceptions which we now see to be
essential to a true understanding of almost anything.
Chief amongst these is his incapacity to co^cei'va of
the propagation of energy without the propagation of
matter. Of how things can interact on each other
from a distance by means of waves, of tremors, of
vibrations, he knows nothing, he dreams nothing. All
material interaction is conceived of by him in the crude
form of material projection. A word, for instance, is
a body with a definite shape, which strikes our ears as
a stone might. Our sight of a door is produced by
the whole of that door's surface striking our eyes, as
a stone might. And all kindred phenomena are ex-
plained in a like way.
With so narrow and incomplete a conception of the
powers that matter might possess, and of the aspects
under which it was necessary to study and observe
it, it is evident that under no circumstances could
he have arrived at any real truth about things. And
even on his own showing, his own first principles
are quite inadequate, and he is perpetually mak-
ing to them certain vague and unacknowledged addi-
tions. To take, for instance, his theory of vision, and
the perpetual emanation of films from the surface
of things, he makes no attempts to explain why this
emanation takes place. Matter, according to him,
tends to always fall, unless forced upwards by other
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LUCRETIUS AND MODERN THOUGHT. Ibb
matter, or imless rebounding off it. If this be the
only tendency' of matter, it is clearly inexplicable why
the surface of everything should be for ever flying off
from it, at an incalculable velocity, — ^not downwards
only, but upwards and sideways also.
Again, he seems often to have a momentary glimpse of
laws, with which, as if by accident, he explains some
single phenomenon, and then forgets and never again
recurs to them. Thus he seems to have some notion
that the velocity of falling bodies will be in some pro-
portion to the distance they have to falL It is in this
way he explains the extreme heat of the mid-day sun^
The films of the sun, he says, have so far to fall that
when they reach us they strike us very forcibly. But
of the property of bodies that this explanation really
implies, he takes no further notice whatsoever.
Again, many of his explanations are actually no ex-
planations at alL In his theory of vision, for instance,
he makes no attempt of any kind to explain why the
eyes are sensitive, and they alone, to the action of the
visual films of things. In his account of the birth of
the first human beings from the earth itself, he simply
states a number of facts which, even had they been
true, would have need of explanation themselves, just
as much as the thing they purported to explain ; and
again, there are a number of other cases in which he
only becomes more definite by deserting altogether
his own first principles, and supplanting them, for
the time being, with those of the earlier physicists,
and attributing to inanimate matter the qualities of a
living organism. He thus, as an explanation of the
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156 LUCRETIUS,
moYements of some of the heavenly bodies, says that
they possibly wander pasturing through the fields of
heaven, each one seeking after its own proper food.
And he thinks likewise that he has explained the
appearance of vegetation on the earth's surface, by
saying that it grew from it as hairs do from the
skins of some animals, and feathers from the skins
of others.
This is a subject that can only be touched on
here in the briefest and most cursory way. That
Lucretius did little to explain the actual truth of
things is evident enough, without any comment at
alL And enough has now been said to show that even
had he possessed far better means for investigating
the facts of nature, he would have been still unable
to explain them, from his confused and limited notion
of the ways in which that explanation was to be
sought.
The aim of science is to simplify as far as possible
the multiplicity of phenomena, — to trace in them the
actions of common laws and principles, and thus to
reduce the mystery of existence to a miniTnum, if not
to do away with it altogether. And this Lucretius
does not do. He states his principles clearly, and he
continually employs them. But they are never really
adequate; and there are also many cases in which
he does not employ them at all; and many others
in which, though they are employed, they are sup-
plemented l)y him unconsciously by additional prin-
ciples, with which he makes no attempt to bring
them into any connection. And thus his whole sys-
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LUCRETIUS AND MODERN THOUQUt, 157
tern, in the form he gave it, is utterly unsound and
xuistable ; and even though it could not be disproved
from without, it would have the principles of its own
confutation within.
Partly a cause and partly a result of this was the
imperfect method which Lucretius for the most part
followed. The method on which his conclusions rested
was for the most part that of analogy, not of induction.
These two methods are not opposed to each other, nor
are they mutually exclusive. The first is properly the
supplement of the second ; the second is the critic of
the first. Analogy suggests explanations ; induction
chooses between those suggested. To modem science
this choice is all-important. Lucretius seems to think
it comparatively immaterial Modem science interro-
gates Natyre with a view to showing how things are
accomplished. The science of Lucretius interrogated
If ature with a view to showing how things migM he
accomplished. And thus it is that such science as his
was in its very nature not progressive, and could give
men no additional mastery over matter.
Nor, indeed, did it even aim at doing so. The spirit
that inspired it, and the spirit that inspires modem
science, are different things. Ejiowledge, for its own
sake, IS the first thing desired by the latter. Know-
ledge, for the safee of discrediting supernatural agency,
is the first thing desired by the former. So far as his
mere analysis of matter goes, it is tme that Lucretius
employs a more accurate method of reasoning than that
of mere analogy^ He gives us t^ere instances of genu-
ine, if of somewhat cmde, induction. But from that
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158 - LUCRETIUS,
point forward' his main concern is to suggest the possi-
ble, rather than discern the actual The skeleton of his
argument is as follows : " We see a number of things
happen day by day, which we all of us admit to be
natural, and which we attribute to no divine agency.
Every event that men say the gods accomplish, I can
show, by strict analogy, is no more supernatural than
these are, and is no jot more wonderful" Thus, when
he says that thunder is often caused by the bursting
of a doud distent with wind, as a bladder bursts, his
aim is not so much to show that such is the actual
cause of thunder, as that thunder, whatever its cause,
is really as homely a phenomenon as one of the most
trivial events of life, that we all admit has nothing
divine about it. This will account, too, for his fancy-
ing he has explained the action of lifeless matter, by
comparing it to the action or the growth of an animal.
The suppressed premiss is, the animal is not divine.
It seeks its food, or its feathers grow, without the
intervention of the gods. The aid of the gods is no
more needful to explain why the stars roam through
heaven, or why living things grow from the lifeless
eartL
But great as are the differences between this science
of Lucretius and that of modem times, we must not
forget how much they have, in common. His very
method is but a part of the modem method, or rather
it may be said that it is the modem method in its
infancy. Both start with the same fundamental no- '
tion, that for the sum of things there may be found
a natural explanation; that everything is part of a-
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LUCRETIUS AND MODERN TBOCaST. 159
single order; that this order is to be understood bj
observation, not by asBoniption ; that the only organs
of observation are the senses ; and that the unknown,
which the senses cannot reach directly, they ean reach
indirectly through the known that is immediately
before them. Thus one of the most grotesque of the
doctrines of Lucretius — ^that of the size of the sun,
moon, and stars — is founded, as has been observed
already, on an approach to the true method.
But not only in many places does he approach the
true method, but in his more general views of things
he all but arrives at what are now held to be the true
conclusions. His general forecast of what the order
of things must be is the same as that of our modem
speculators. His scientific prescience is the same as
theirs ; only he is like a Moses, who may merely see
the promised land afar. He cannot go over Jordan and
make it really his own, see what are the actual grapes
that grow there, and enter into the cities walled up to
heaven. He has planned a conquest, but he has not
really made it
How insecure his structure was, how easily injured
l)y the very arguments by which it was supported —
what a contrast it presents in this way to the struc-
ture of modem science — ^must be apparent to any one
who examines it There is hardly a detail in it that
does not exemplify this. For instance, it will be re-
membered that he explains the phenomenon of re-
flection, by saying that images rebound from things
that are smooth and hard. An antagonist might at
once ask him how he accounted for the reflections
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160 LUCRETIUS,
in water. He lays it down in speaking of the
soul entering the body, that " whatever oozes in
through another thing is dissolved, and therefore
dies." An antagonist might ask him how, were this
true, images could pass through glass. Again, as to
these same images, it might be asked of him how
things so fine, as he conceives them to be, could carry-
air before them, as he says they do j or how this air
could pass, as on his principle it must, through trans-
parent things, which are evidently air-proof. In
another place he says that, " if the mind be immortal,
it must have five senses. But there can be no senses
apart from the body." And yet he attributes to the
mind one of the most important of all the senses —
namely, sight It sees, he says, just as the eyes do,
only its vision is provoked by finer images. In his
account of the voice, and the way in which we hear
it, he says that a word as soon as it is. uttered splits
up into a number of words, and can thus be heard
by a number of people at the same time. His own
manner of reasoning might be used against him hera
Words being material, cannot be infinitely divisible.
If they split into any great number, they will become
inaudible. But it may be said that when we hear a
word, a number of such words enter our ears. "Were
that so, the more people there were within reach of a
voice, the weaker to each one would that voice sound,
83 there would be fewer of these wandering words to
enter the ears of each ; and thus, suppose a room were
filled with a thousand people, each of these would
hear worse than if it were only filled with a hundred
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LUCRETIUS AND MODERN THOUUUT, 161
people. These are but a few instances out of many,
of the way in which Lucretius can be confuted by .
his own reasoning.
Eut if we consider the general result of his teaching
— ^his first principles and his last conclusions — ^if we
consider these as he taught them, and not the ways b;*
which he arrived at and supported them, we shall se^
that, as far as these go, his message to the world and
that of modem science is practically identical. Human
life, in both systems, is the same momentary pheno-
menon in the great and ever-changing evolution of
things. It is the result of a power that knew not what
it did in creating it. A little while it is, and again a
little while and it is not It is but a bubble on the
surface of the great flux of matter. It is an isolated
thing, connected with no interests beyond itself. It
is to be judged o| and ordered with reference to itself
solely. It is to be valued solely on account of its
present resources, and all these resources are to be
expressed in terms of conscious and of realised happi-
ness. Lucretius says this as distinctly, and thought
he could prove it as surely, as Professor Huxley or
Auguste Comte. In relation to human life then — ^in
relation, that is, to the thing that alone gives any-
thing any interest for us — ^the materialism of Lucretius
and the materialism of our own day are in exactly the
same position.
But this leads us on to the consideration of another
and a deeper difTerence than any we have before been
dwelling on. This is, that life itself is not the same
thing for us as it was for Lucretius. Men's eyes have
A.c.s.a. vol. vii. l
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162 LUCRETIUS.
been opened since his day, and they have become
conscious of new difficulties ; they have had new ex-
periences of which he knew little or nothing. Since
he lived, religion and philosophy have transmuted the
face of life, and have unfolded in human nature ca-
pacities that were before not baigained for.
To begin with what is commonly called philosophy,
it can hardly fail to strike any one who is in the least
acquainted with metaphysical speculation how strangely
confused Lucretius is in his treatment of mind and
matter ; how little he sees the difficulty of tracing the
connection between the universe we are conscious of,
and the mind that is conscious of itj how little he
sees what sensation really is ; how completely he con-
founds it with the external cause that produces it.
To say that without a mind to conceive what we call
the universe, no universe is conceivable, — ^to say that
mind creates matter just as truly as matter creates
mind, — ^is, to any one at all trained in exact thinking, a
commonplace. But to the whole side of the question
here indicated Lucretius seems an entire stranger.
Many of our most eminent modem physicists are prac-
tically much in Ins case, it is true ; and remind us, to
quote the words of one of themselves, " what drivellers
even men of strenuous intellect may become, through
exclusively dwelling and dealing with,'' not, as this
writer says, "theological chimeras," but with the
physical side of things merely, to the exclusion of the
metaphysical. But they, though they practically lose
sight of the other side of the question, yet theoretically
acknowledge, for the most part, that the other side
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LUCRETIUS AND MODERN TUOUQHT, 163
exists; and is only not a subject for study, because
it is so great a mystery that no study can unravel it.
The following are the words of Professor Tyndall :-^
" The passage from the physics of the brain to the corre-
sponding facts of consciousness is unthinkable. Granted
that a definite thought and a definite molecular action in
the brain occur simultaneously ; we do not possess the in-
tellectual organ, nor apparently any rudiment of the organ,
which would enable us to pass by a process of reasoning from
the one to the other. They appear together, but we do
not know why. Were our mind and senses so expanded
as to see and feel the very molecules of the brain, — were
we capable of following all their motions, all their group-
ings, all their electric discharges, if such there be ; and
were we intimately acquainted with the corresponding
state of thought and feeling, — ^we should be as far as ever
from the solution of the problem, * How are these physical
processes connected with the facts of consciousness ] ' The
chasm between the two classes of phenomena would remain
intellectually impassable."
But of this difficulty Lucretius knows nothing. He
does not see that two classes of phenomena exist at all,
and how closely each is dependent upon the other.
As a suggestive illustration of the gulf between his
mind and the modem mind with regard to this ques-
tion, we may compare his words with the words of a
modem poet, where the two are contemplating the
same event, and expressing it in almost the same
language. A passage in which Lucretius speaks of
the destraction of the existing imiverse has been
already quoted, describing how one day it shall all
crumble, melt, and utterly pass away, and leave no-
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164 LUCRETIUS,
thing behind it but invisible atoms and deserted space.
Exactly the same thing has been said in words which
we all know far better.
'^ Like the baseless fabric of this vision,
The cloud-capt towers, the gorgeous palaces,
The solemn temples, the great globe itself.
Yea, all which it inherit, shall dissolve,
And, like this insubstantial pageant faded.
Leave not a rack behind. We are such 8tu£?
As dreams are mad/pj^^d our little life
Is roimded with a sleep.''
But how differently do Lucretius and Shakespeare con-
ceive of the same catastrophe that is predicted in the
verse of both of them ! Lucretius simply means that
the world which is made up of atoms will be one day
shattered, and become atoms again ; it will, in short,
be pulverised and reduced to the dust that it was made
of. But Shakespeare means far more than this. To
him the atoms and the dust are no more lasting than
the universe that has been built, or that has built
itself, out of them. They, too, are an insubstantial
pageant likewise ; they, too, have no existence but in
dreams — the dreams the stuff of which we ourselves
are made of. The language of Shakespeare may not
be strictly philosophical, but it expresses a meaning
that is at the root of all pbilosophy; it expresses a
meaning which Lucretius seems to have had no
glimpse of.
But not only is his position with regard to philo-
sophy so different to what ours is ; his position with
regard to the worth of life, and religion as connected
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LUCRETIUS AND MODERN THOUGHT. 165
with life, is even more different. The crude and
puerile theology with which he had to combat, it was
easy enough to prove a useless factor in any theory of
the conduct or existence of life. Starting with his
empty space and atoms, as the raw material of every-
thing, he could show easily enough that no such gods
as the world, he knew, believed in, could be of any as-
sistance in explaiuing how the imiverse was manufac-
tured. But the God which modem science encounters,
and whose aid it is endeavouring to dispense with, is
a very different God from these ; He is a God to whom
time and space are nothiag, and who is behind the
atoms themselves, making them what they are, and
being the one cause of their existence. The ways in
which modern theists have expressed the connection
of God with the world, and the creation of the world,
have been very various both in form and meaning.
But — ^to take as an iustance such a phrase as this,
" The imiverse is a thought of God," — ^they one and all
show us how different a thing is the theism we are
calling in question now, to that which was called in
question in the ancient world. And that theism has
thus grown a prof ounder thing, shows us also how the
world has grown more and more to see the profundity
of the enigma of existence for which it has held
theism to be the only solution.
The mere enigma of existence, however, is not the
only one that now confronts ns. "We find ourselves
perplexed by problems that are yet more importunate,
and yet more difficult to deal with — problems not con-
cerning the origin of the world, and of life and con-
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166 LUCRETIUS.
sciousness, but with the use to be made of life and
consciousness when originated. Men during the last
two thousand years have been growing more and more
conscious of a worth, a solemnity, and a purpose in
human life. They have felt more and more that it
must have some important end ; they have been
troubled more and more with aspirations towards
things they have named holy, and hi^h, and sacred.
They have become convinced that these are the things
they ought to live for, and that life is something
worse than worthless if they fail to do so. And all
this inward consciousness has associated itself, and
been absorbed into, their conception of God, — a God
to whom they felt that they were rising, and who on
his part was, they felt, condescending to thenu
Whilst, however, the ideal of life has been thus grow-
ing, thus taking a grander and more august shape, and
been catching brighter colours and a purer light, the
actual facts of life have remained much the same. And
thus the contrast between what ought to be and what is
has grown more marked, more painful, and more per-
plexing, and men have come to be tortured with a new
set of doubts and questions. Is the moral life only a
dream 1 If it be not — if it be the real end of man — ^how
is it that it seems so few can attain to it 1 If justice
be the thing that in some moods we feel it to be, how is
it that injustice seems everywhere to have the mastery?
Germs of this view of life are doubtless to be traced
in Lucretius ; but they were not distinct enough in
his mind, or often enough present with him, to perplex
his view of things, and his facile explanation of the
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LUCRETIUS AND MODERN THOUGHT. 167
universe. How easily, for instance, and with what
slipshod ingenuity, does he dispose of the problem of
free-will I How little does he see how niuch, at least
to some men's reason, may seem to hang on a denial
of it 1 The contrast between his ^.ttitude and that of
men in later ages, in the presence of the same facts,
and traiued in the Tsame school of reasoning, is illus-
trated very forcibly by a comparison between him and
the Persian philosopher-poet, Omar Khayydm, now so
weU known to English readers through the translation
of Mr Fitzgerald. Omar, like Lucretius, was a materi-
alist ; and like Lucretius, by virtue of his materialism,
was a disbeliever in all theology. But to Lucretius
this disbelief was pure gain. For the Persian, it raises
as many problems as it solves. Both say alike that
there is no God, and no lif^ hereafter. But Lucretius
says this with an earnest and grave content. Omar
says it with a fierce despair, and would reason and ob-
servation let him, he would gladly embrace the faith
that he is thrusting from him ; and this gives to his
language a passionate bitterness that in Lucretius is
quite wanting. The presence of a mindless uniformity
everywhere, that takes no heed of man, and knows
nothing of him, Lucretius contemplates with com-
placency. Omar discerns in such a spectacle food for
another temper. He sees that not only is nature thus
"rid of her haughty lords," which is aU that Lucretius
sees, but that the soul of man is rid also of its desire,
and its comforter. He does not congratulate men upon
this discovery; he commiserates them. There is no
help anywhere, — this is what he says to them : there
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168 LUCRETIUS,
is no help anywhere, and who will show us any
good]
" And that inverted bowl they call the sky,
"Whereunder crawling, cooped, we live and die,
lift not your hands to It for help— for It
As impotently rules as you or I.
With earth's first clay they did the last man knead,
And there of the last harvest sowed the seed ;
And the first morning of creation wrote
What the last dawn of reckoning shall read.
Yesterday This day's madness did prepare,
To-morrow's silence, triumph, or despair :
Drink ! for you know not whence you icome, nor why :
Drink ! for you know not why you go, nor where."
And here again, when urging every argument he can
think of to prove how self-contradictory is the very
conception of a God, there is the same note of despair
audible at the discovery that these contradictions
exist : —
" What ! out of senseless Nothing to provoke
A conscious Something, to resent the yoke
Of impermitted pleasure, under pain
Of everlasting penalties if broke !
What ! from his helpless creature be repaid,
Pure gold for what he lent us dross allayed —
Sue for a debt we never did contract.
And cannot answer— oh, the sorry trade !
Oh Thou who didst with pitfall and with gin
Beset the road I was to wander in,
Thou wilt not with predestined evil round
Emesh, and then impute my fall to sin !
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LUCRETWS AND MODERN TUOUOHT. 169
Oh Thou who man of baser earth didst make,
And even with Paradise devise the snake^
For all the sin wherewith the face of Man
Is blackened, Man's forgiveness give — ^and take ! "
And the same painful and unsatisfied cry, — the same
confession that the burden of the problem of life,
-whether interpreted by faith or science, is a burden
too great for him to bear, — ^bursts out in these verses
with yet more distinctness : —
** Would but the desert of the fountain yield
One glimpse — ^if dimly, yet indeed revealed,
To which the fainting traveller can spring,
As springs the trampled herbage of the field !
Would but some winged Angel, ere too late,
Arrest the yet imfolded roll of Fate,
And make the stem recorder otherwise
Enregister, or quite obliterate !
Ah Love ! could you and I with Him conspire
To grasp this sorry scheme of things entire.
Would we not shatter it to bits — and then
Bemould it nearer to the heart's desire ! ''
Of language like this there is scarcely a trace in
Lucretius. Life, it is true, he looks upon as in many
ways a gloomy thing. Even at its best he does not
seem to set a high value on it. But were it freed
from the evils which men themselves make for them-
selves, it would be, he thinks, a desirable possession,
yielding us, while it lasted, a tranquil and sufficient
pleasure, though not pleasure various or great enough
to make us wish for its prolongation beyond its usual
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170 LUCRETIUS.
term. At all events, however mucli he values it, or
however little he values it, there is nothing in it to
him of that painful mystery by which the heart of the
modern world has been tortured, and before which the
modern world is now standing with a fresh paag of
amazement.
If, then, we would seek in Lucretius for any
thoughts or considerations beyond those valued only by
the student, the bookworm, and the critic, we shall find
that they lie in this — in the way in which he brings
home to us the advance which the world has made,
not so much in the means for solving the riddle of
things, as in the knowledge of how hard and how com-
plicated the riddle is. We have, it is true, ampler
means for discovering true answers ; but the question
grows before us far more rapidly than the answer does.
Farther and farther, certainly and more certainly, are
men pushing their conquests into regions that were
once mysterious, and yet the mystery that has not
been conquered remains more formidable than ever ;
or else, if we would fain have nothing of mystery at
all, a choice confronts us more momentous than was
over offered to the ancient world. Either man's life
is a mystery to be solved by no scientific method, a
mystery which no scientific method so much as sheds
a glimmer of light on, — either there is an order of
things which the proofs and verifications of the
physicists cannot touch, or even go near to, things
supernatural, supersensual, and essentially unmaterial,
whose ways are not the ways of matter, nor the laws
of matter its laws ; and if this be so, in this region is
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LUCRETIUS AND MODERN THOUGHT. 171
to be sought by faith a reconciliation of all the con-
tradictions that torment us: or else, if all this be
untrue, then there are really in things no contra-
dictions at all, except those of our own making.
Man's moral and spiritual life is a dream. Justice
is nothing but a name. It is not a power, and there
is no reason why we should look for its supremacy.
Men are nothing but machines, — forces of nature,
"by some means or other become self-conscious; but
their lives are without any significance whatsoever.
They are but a brief series of so many sensations of
pleasure and of pain. If we give hfe so little meaning
as this, we shall of course have less to do to explain it.
And yet even if we look upon it in this way, we shall,
as has been said before, not have explained it. The
perplexity, however, which besets the modem world, is
not the inability to explain how physical processes are
related to the facts of consciousness, as to determine
what, if that relation be what many think it is, the
facts of consciousness may be worth, and if they have
any significance at all beyond themselves.
On the whole, if we compare the state of men's
minds now with the state of men's minds as exempli-
fied by Lucretius, it will be hard to say that we have
arrived at a clearer or more satisfactory view of thiugs.
"We have grown wiser, it is true ; but we have (so far
as mere human intellect goes) grown wiser only by
having come to recognise what a very short way our
greatest wisdom carries us. Modem science, as a mat-
ter of fact, leaves us in greater perplexity than did
ancient science. In some ways it may simplify the
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