chapter 22

), says that this death by lightning of Tullus Hostilius caused many among the population at large to revere that religion which their king had for so long a time neglected.]

VII, 7.--When Hostilius died, Marcius succeeded to the kingdom, receiving it as a voluntary gift from the Romans. And he was not perfect in his arm, for he was maimed at the joint (or bend), whence he got the title Ancus (bent arm). Though gentle he was compelled to [Sidenote: FRAG. 7] CHANGE HIS HABITS and he turned his attention to campaigns. For the rest of the Latins, on account of the destruction of Alba and in fear that they themselves might suffer some similar disaster, were angry at the Romans. As long as Tullus survived, they humbled themselves, dreading his reputation for warfare: but thinking that Marcius was easy to attack because of his peaceful disposition, they assailed his territory and pillaged it. He, [Sidenote: FRAG. 7] COMPREHENDING THAT PEACE COULD BE CAUSED BY WAR, attacked the attackers, defended his position, and captured their cities, one of which he razed to the ground, and treated many of the men taken as slaves and transferred many others to Rome. As the Romans grew and land was added to their domain, the neighboring peoples were displeased and set themselves at odds with the Romans. Hence the latter had to overcome the Fidenates by siege, and they damaged the Sabines by falling upon them while scattered and seizing their camp, and by terrifying others they got them to embrace peace even contrary to inclination. After this the life-stint of Marcius was exhausted, when he had ruled for twenty-four years, being a man that paid strict attention to religion according to the manner of his grandfather Numa.

VII, 8.--The sovereignty was now appropriated by Lucius Tarquinius, who was the son of Demaratus a Corinthian, borne to the latter by a native woman after he had been exiled and had taken up his abode in Tarquinii, an Etruscan city; the boy had been named Lucumo. And though he inherited much wealth from his father, yet, because as an immigrant he was not deemed worthy of the highest offices by the people of Tarquinii, he removed to Rome, changing his appellation along with his city; and he changed his name to Lucius Tarquinius,--from the city in which he dwelt. It is said that as he was journeying to his new home an eagle swooped down and snatched the cap which he had on his head, and after soaring aloft and screaming for some time placed it again exactly upon his head: wherefore he was inspired to hope for no small advancement and eagerly took up his residence in Rome. Hence not long after he was numbered among the foremost men. [Sidenote: FRAG. 8] FOR BY USING HIS WEALTH QUITE LAVISHLY AND BY WINNING OVER THE NOBLES THROUGH HIS INTELLIGENCE AND WIT HE WAS INCLUDED AMONG THE PATRICIANS AND IN THE SENATE BY MARCIUS, WAS APPOINTED PRAETOR, AND WAS ENTRUSTED WITH THE SUPERVISION OF THE KING'S CHILDREN AND OF THE KINGDOM. HE SHOWED HIMSELF AN EXCELLENT MAN, SHARING HIS MONEY WITH THOSE IN NEED AND BESTOWING HIS SERVICES READILY IF ANY ONE NEEDED HIM TO HELP. HE NEITHER DID NOR SAID ANYTHING MEAN TO ANY ONE. IF HE RECEIVED A KINDNESS FROM PERSONS HE MADE MUCH OF THE ATTENTION, WHEREAS IF ANY OFFENCE WAS OFFERED HIM, HE EITHER DISREGARDED THE INJURY OR MINIMIZED IT AND MADE LIGHT OF IT, AND FAR FROM MAKING REPRISALS UPON THE MAN THAT HAD DONE THE INJURY, HE WOULD EVEN BENEFIT HIM. THUS HE CAME TO DOMINATE BOTH MARCIUS HIMSELF AND HIS CIRCLE, AND ACQUIRED THE REPUTATION OF BEING A SENSIBLE AND UPRIGHT MAN.

But the aforesaid estimate of him did not continue permanently. For at the death of Marcius he behaved in a knavish way to the latter's two sons and made the kingdom his own. The senate and the people were intending to elect the children of Marcius, when Tarquinius made advances to the most influential of the senators;--he had first sent the fatherless boys to some distant point on a hunting expedition:--and by his talk and his efforts he got these men to vote him the kingdom on the understanding that he would restore it to the children when they had attained manhood. And after assuming control of affairs he so disposed the Romans that they should never wish to choose the children in preference to him: the lads he accustomed to indolence and ruined their souls and bodies by a kind of kindness. As he still felt afraid in spite of being so placed, he secured some extra strength for himself in the senate. Those of the populace who felt friendly towards him he enrolled (to the number of about two hundred) among the patricians and the senators, and thus he put both the senate and the people within his own control. He altered his raiment, likewise, to a more magnificent style. It consisted of toga and tunic, purple all over and shot with gold, of a crown of precious stones set in gold, and of ivory sceptre and chair, which were later used by various officials and especially by those that held sway as emperors. He also on the occasion of a triumph paraded with a four-horse chariot and kept twelve lictors for life.

He would certainly have introduced still other and more numerous innovations, had not Attus Navius prevented him, when he desired to rearrange the tribes: this man was an augur whose equal has never been seen. Tarquinius, angry at his opposition, took measures to abase him and to bring his art into contempt. So, putting into his bosom a whetstone and a razor, he went among the populace having in his mind that the whetstone should be cut by the razor,--a thing that is impossible. He said all that he wished, and when Attus vehemently opposed him, he said, still yielding not a particle: "If you are not opposing me out of quarrelsomeness, but are speaking the truth, answer me in the presence of all these witnesses whether what I have in mind to do shall be performed." Attus, having taken an augury on almost the very spot, replied immediately: "Verily, O King, what you intend shall be fulfilled." "Well, then," said the other, "take this whetstone and cut it through with this razor; this is what I have had in mind to come to pass." Attus at once took the stone and cut it through. Tarquinius, in admiration, heaped various honors upon him, accorded him the privilege of a bronze image, and did not again make any change in the established constitution, but employed Attus as a counselor on all matters.

He fought against the Latins who had revolted, and afterwards against the Sabines, who, aided by the Etruscans as allies, had invaded the Roman country; and he conquered them all. He discovered that one of the priestesses of Vesta, who are required by custom to remain virgins all their life, had been seduced by a man, whereupon he arranged a kind of underground chamber with a long passage, and after placing in it a bed, a light, and a table nearly full of foods, he brought thither the unchaste woman escorted by a procession and having introduced her alive into the room walled it up. From his institution this plan of punishing those of the priestesses that do not keep their virginity has continued to prevail. The men that outrage them have their necks inserted in cloven pillars in the Forum, and then are maltreated naked until they give up the ghost.

However, an attack was made upon Tarquinius by the children of Marcius because he would not yield the sovereignty to them, but instead placed a certain Tullius, borne to him by a slave woman, at the head of them all. This more than anything else displeased the patricians. The young men interested some of the latter class in their cause and formed a plot against the king. They arrayed two men like rustics, equipped with axes and scythes, and made them ready to attack him. So these two, when they did not find Tarquinius in the Forum, went to the royal court (pretending, of course, to have a dispute with each other) and asked for admission to his presence. Their request was granted and they began to make opposing arguments, and while Tarquinius was giving his attention to one of them pleading his cause, the other slew him.

VII, 9.--Such was the end that befell Tarquinius who had ruled for thirty-eight years. By the cooeperation of Tanaquil, wife of Tarquinius, Tullius succeeded to the kingdom of Rome. He was the child of a certain woman named Ocrisia, the wife of Spurius Tullius, a Latin; she had been captured in the war and chosen by Tarquinius: she had either become pregnant at home or conceived after her capture; both stories are current. When Tullius had reached boyhood he went to sleep on a chair once in the daytime and a quantity of fire seemed to leap from his head. Tarquinius, seeing it, took an active interest in the child and on his arriving at maturity had him enrolled among the patricians and in the senate.

The murderers of Tarquinius were arrested and his wife and Tullius learned the plan of the plot; but instead of making Tarquinius's death known at once, they took him up and tended him (pretending that he was still alive), and meantime exchanged mutual pledges that Tullius should take the sovereignty but surrender it to Tanaquil's sons when they became men. And when the multitude ran together and raised an outcry, Tanaquil, leaning out of an upper story, said: "Be not afraid. My husband both lives and shall be seen by you shortly. But in order that he may regain health at leisure and that no hindrance to business may arise from his being incapacitated, he entrusts the management of the public weal for the present to Tullius." These were her words and the people not unwillingly accepted Tullius: for he was thought to be an upright man.

So, having been granted the administration of public affairs, he managed them for the most part according to orders supposed to emanate from Tarquinius. [Sidenote: FRAG. 9] BUT WHEN HE SAW THE PEOPLE OBEYING HIM IN ALL POINTS, he brought the assassins of Tarquinius before the senate, though, to be sure, only because of their plot; for he was still pretending that the king was still alive. They were sentenced and put to death, and the sons of Marcius through fear took refuge among the Volsci. Then did Tullius reveal the death of Tarquinius and openly take possession of the kingdom. At first he put forward the children of Tarquinius as his excuse and caused it to be understood that he was the guardian of their royal office, but afterward he proceeded to pay court to the people, believing that he could secure control of the multitude very much more easily than of the patricians. He gave them money, assigned land to each individual, and made preparations to free the slaves and adopt them into tribes. As the nobles were irritated at this, he gave instructions that those liberated should perform some services, in requital, for the men that had liberated them. Now since the patricians were disaffected in the matter of his aspirations and circulated among other sayings one to the effect that no one had chosen him to hold the sovereignty, he gathered the people and harangued them. And by the use of many alluring statements he so disposed them toward himself that they at once voted the kingdom to him outright. He in return bestowed many gifts upon them and enrolled some of them in the senate. These originally in most matters were at a disadvantage as compared with the patricians, but as time went on they shared equally with the patricians in everything save the office of interrex and the priesthoods, and were distinguished from them in no respect except by their shoes. For the shoes of the patricians were made ornate by the addition of straps and the imprint of the letter, which were intended to signify that they were descended from the original hundred men that had been senators. The letter R, they say, either indicates the number of the hundred men referred to or else is used as the initial of the name of the Romans.

In this way Tullius gained control of the populace, but fearing that some rebellion might take place he delivered the greater number and the more important of the public positions to the care of the more powerful citizens. Thus they became harmonious in their views and transacted the public business in the best manner. He also conducted a few wars against the Veians and against all the Etruscans, in the course of which nothing was done worthy of record. Wishing to affiliate the Latins still more closely with the Romans he persuaded them to construct in Rome a temple out of common funds. This he devoted to Minerva. But differences arose in regard to its superintendence. Meantime a Sabine brought to Rome an exceedingly fine cow, intending to sacrifice her to Minerva in accordance with an oracle. The oracle said that he who should sacrifice her would enlarge his country. One of the Romans learning this went to the man and told him that it was requisite for the victim first to be purified in the river, and by his talk persuaded him. Having persuaded him he took the cow under the pretence of keeping her safe and having taken her he sacrificed her. When the Sabine made known the oracle the Latins both yielded the presidency of the shrine to the Romans and in other ways honored them as superior to themselves.

This was the course these matters took. Now Tullius joined his daughters in marriage with the Tarquins, and though he announced that he was going to restore the kingdom to them he kept putting it off, now on one excuse and now on another. And they were not at all disposed to be complaisant, but were indignant. The king paid no heed to them and urged the Romans to democracy and freedom. Then were the Tarquins all the more disquieted. But the younger one, however ill at ease he was, still endured it, until in the course of time he thought he could bear Tullius no longer. And when he found that his wife did not approve his attitude, nor did his brother, he put to death his own wife [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^1] AND COMPASSED HIS BROTHER'S DEATH BY POISON ADMINISTERED BY THE LATTER'S WIFE. Then, uniting his fortunes with his brother's spouse, he plotted with her help against Tullius. After persuading many of the senators and patricians whose reputations were under a cloud to cooeperate with him against Tullius he unexpectedly repaired with them to the senate, his wife Tullia also following him. He there spoke many words to remind them of his father's worth and uttered many jests at the expense of Tullius. When the latter on hearing of it hastily made his appearance and said a word or two, the pretender seized him, and thrusting him out cast him down the steps in front of the senate-house. So the king, bewildered by the audacity of Tarquin and surprised that no one came to his assistance, did not say or do anything more. Tarquin at once obtained the kingdom from the senate, and sent some men who despatched Tullius while he was on his way home. The latter's daughter, after embracing her husband in the senate-house and saluting him as king, departed to the palace and drove her chariot over the dead body of her father as he lay there.

VII, 10.--Thus ruled Tullius and thus he died after a reign of forty-four years. Tarquin, who succeeded to the kingdom, stationed body-guards around him after the manner of Romulus, and used them both night and day, at home and abroad. For, as a result of what he had done to his father-in-law, and his wife to her father, they in turn were afraid of other people. [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^2] AND WHEN HE HAD EQUIPPED HIMSELF TO RULE OVER THEM TYRANNICALLY HE ARRESTED AND PUT TO DEATH THE MOST POWERFUL MEMBERS OF THE SENATE AND OF THE REST, EXECUTING PUBLICLY THOSE AGAINST WHOM HE WAS ABLE TO BRING A CHARGE, AND OTHERS SECRETLY; SOME ALSO HE BANISHED. HE DESTROYED NOT MERELY THOSE WHO WERE ATTACHED TO THE PARTY OF TULLIUS, BUT IN ADDITION THOSE WHO HAD COOPERATED WITH HIM IN SECURING THE MONARCHY, AND THUS HE MADE AWAY WITH THE BEST PART OF THE SENATE AND OF THE KNIGHTS. HE UNDERSTOOD THAT HE WAS HATED BY THE ENTIRE POPULACE; HENCE HE DID NOT APPOINT ANY PERSONS WHATEVER TO TAKE THE PLACES OF THOSE WHO KEPT PERISHING, BUT UNDERTAKING TO ABOLISH THE SENATE ALTOGETHER HE DID NOT APPOINT A SINGLE NEW PERSON TO IT AND COMMUNICATED NO NEWS OF IMPORTANCE TO THOSE WHO STILL WERE MEMBERS. HE CALLED THE SENATORS TOGETHER NOT TO HELP HIM IN THE ADMINISTRATION OF ANY IMPORTANT MEASURES, BUT IN ORDER THAT THEIR FEWNESS MIGHT BE MADE EVIDENT TO ALL AND THEY BE CONSEQUENTLY DESPISED. MOST OF HIS BUSINESS HE CARRIED ON BY HIMSELF OR WITH THE AID OF HIS SONS. IT WAS HARD TO APPROACH AND HARD TO ACCOST HIM, AND HE SHOWED GREAT HAUGHTINESS AND BRUTALITY TOWARD ALL ALIKE, AND HE AS WELL AS HIS CHILDREN ADOPTED A MORE TYRANNICAL BEARING TOWARD ALL PERSONS. Hence he also cast eyes of suspicion upon the members of his guard and secured a new body-guard from the Latin nation, intermingling the Latins with Romans in the ranks. He intended that the Latins by obtaining equal privileges with the Romans should owe him gratitude therefor, and that the Romans should cause him less terror, since they no longer had a place of their own but bore arms only in association with the Latins.

He also joined battle with the people of Gabii and fared ill in the conflict, but by treachery overcame them; for he suggested to his son Sextus that he desert to their side. Sextus, in order to get some plausible pretext for the desertion, [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^3] REVILED HIS FATHER PUBLICLY AS A TYRANT AND FORESWORN, and the latter flogged his son and took measures of defence. Then, according to arrangement, the son made his treacherous desertion to the people of Gabii, taking along with him money and companions. The enemy believed the trick on account of the cruelty of Tarquin and because at this time the son spoke many words of truth in abusing his father and by his conduct seemed to have become thoroughly estranged from him. So they were very glad to receive him, and in his company made many incursions into Roman territory and did it no slight damage. For this reason and because he privately furnished some persons with money and spent it lavishly for public purposes he was chosen praetor by them and was entrusted with the management of the government among them. At that he secretly sent a man and acquainted his father with what had occurred, asking him for his intentions with regard to the future. The king made no answer to the emissary, in order that he might not, being equally informed, either willingly or unwillingly reveal something; but leading him into a garden where there were poppies he struck off with a rod the heads that were prominent and strewed the ground with them; hereupon he dismissed the message-bearer. The latter, without comprehending the affair, repeated the king's actions to Sextus, and he understood the sense of the suggestion. Therefore he destroyed the more eminent men of Gabii, some secretly by poison, others by robbers (supposedly), and still others he put to death after judicial trial by contriving against them false accusations of traitorous dealings with his father.

Thus did Sextus visit sorrow upon the men of Gabii and destroyed their superior citizens, distributing their money among the crowd. Later, when some had already perished and the rest had been cozened and thoroughly believed in him, assisted by the Roman captives and the deserters (many of whom he had gathered for his projects), he seized the city and surrendered it to his father. The king bestowed it upon his son, but himself made war upon other nations.

VII, 11.--The oracles of the Sibyl to the Romans he obtained even against his will. A woman whom they called Sibyl, gifted with divine inspiration, came to Rome bringing [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^4] THREE OR NINE books, offered these to Tarquin for purchase, and stated the value of the books. As he paid no attention to her, she burned one or three of the books. When again Tarquin scorned her, she destroyed part of the rest in a similar way. And she was about to burn up also those still left when the augurs compelled him to purchase the few that were intact. He bought these for the price for which he might have secured them all, and delivered them to two senators to keep. As they did not entirely understand the contents, they sent to Greece and hired two men to come from there to read and interpret these things. The dwellers in the vicinity, desiring to learn what was revealed by the books, [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^4] MANAGED TO BRIBE MARCUS ACILIUS,[6] ONE OF THE CUSTODIANS, AND HAD SOME STATEMENTS COPIED OUT. THE AFFAIR BECAME PUBLIC AND MARCUS AFTER BEING THROWN INTO TWO HIDES SEWN TOGETHER was drowned (and beginning with him this punishment has ever since prevailed in the case of parricides), in order that earth nor water nor sun might be defiled by his death.

[Footnote 6: Zonaras spells _Acillius_.]

The temple on the Tarpeian rock he constructed according to the vow of his father. And the earth having yawned even to the substructure of the foundations there appeared the head of a man freshly slain, still with blood in it. Accordingly the Romans sent to a soothsayer of Etruria to ask what was signified by the phenomenon. And he, desiring to make the portent apply to Etruria, made a diagram upon the ground and in it laid out the plan of Rome and the Tarpeian rock. He intended to ask the envoys: "Is this Rome? Is this the Rock? Was the head found here?" They would suspect nothing and agree in their assent, and so the efficacy of the portent would be transferred to the place where it had been shown in the diagram. This was his design, but the envoys learned from his son what his device was, and when the question was put to them, they answered: "The settlement of Rome is not here, but in Latium, and the hill is in the country of the Romans, and the head was found on that hill." Thus the design of the soothsayer was thwarted and they learned the whole truth and reported it to their fellow-citizens, to wit, that they should be very powerful and rule very many people. So this was another event that imbued them with hope. Then the hill was renamed by them "Capitolium": for _capita_ in the Roman speech means "the head."

Needing money for the building of the temple Tarquin waged war upon the inhabitants of Ardea; but from it he gained no money, and he was driven out of the kingdom. Signs also came in his way that indicated his expulsion. Out of his garden vultures drove the young of eagles, and in the men's hall, where he was having a banquet with his friends, a huge serpent appeared and caused him and his companions at table to decamp. In consequence of this he sent his sons Titus and Aruns to Delphi. But as Apollo declared that he should not be driven from his domain till a dog should use human speech, he was elated with hopes for the best, thinking that the oracle could never be fulfilled.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 10^5] NOW LUCIUS JUNIUS WAS A SON OF TARQUIN'S SISTER; HIS FATHER AND BROTHER TARQUIN HAD KILLED. SO HE, FEARING FOR HIS OWN PERSON, FEIGNED MADNESS, EMPLOYING THIS MEANS OF SAFETY AS A SCREEN FOR HIS LIFE. HENCE HE WAS DUBBED BRUTUS, FOR THIS IS THE NAME BY WHICH THE LATINS ARE ACCUSTOMED TO CALL IDIOTS. WHILE PRETENDING TO BE MAD HE WAS TAKEN ALONG AS A PLAYTHING BY THE CHILDREN OF TARQUIN, WHEN THEY JOURNEYED TO DELPHI. AND HE SAID THAT HE WAS CARRYING A VOTIVE OFFERING TO THE GOD; THIS WAS A STAFF, APPARENTLY POSSESSING NO POINT OF EXCELLENCE, so that he became a laughing stock for it all the more. It furnished a kind of image of the affliction that he feigned. For he had hollowed it out and had secretly poured in gold, indicating thereby that the disesteem which he suffered for his madness served to conceal a sound and estimable intelligence. [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^7] TO THE QUERY OF THE SONS OF TARQUIN AS TO WHO SHOULD SUCCEED TO THEIR FATHER'S SOVEREIGNTY THE GOD REPLIED THAT THE FIRST WHO KISSED HIS MOTHER SHOULD OBTAIN THE POWER. AND BRUTUS, COMPREHENDING, FELL DOWN AS IF ACCIDENTALLY AND COVERED THE EARTH WITH KISSES, RIGHTLY DEEMING HER TO BE THE MOTHER OF ALL.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 10^8] THIS BRUTUS OVERTHREW THE TARQUINS, taking as his justification the case of Lucretia, though these rulers were even without that hated by all for their tyrannous and violent characteristics. Lucretia was a daughter of Lucretius Spurius, a man that was a member of the senate, and she was wife of the distinguished Tarquinius Collatinus and was renowned, as it chanced, for her beauty and chastity. [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^8] SEXTUS, THE SON OF TARQUIN, SET HIS HEART UPON OUTRAGING HER, NOT SO MUCH BECAUSE HE WAS INSPIRED WITH PASSION BY HER BEAUTY AS BECAUSE HE CHOSE TO PLOT AGAINST HER CHASTE REPUTATION. SO, HAVING WATCHED FOR COLLATINUS TO BE AWAY FROM HOME, HE CAME BY NIGHT TO HER AND LODGED AT HER HOUSE, SINCE SHE WAS THE WIFE OF A RELATIVE. AND FIRST HE TRIED BY PERSUASION TO SECURE ILLICIT PLEASURE FROM HER AND THEN HE RESORTED TO VIOLENCE. AS HE COULD NOT SUCCEED, HE THREATENED TO CUT HER THROAT. BUT INASMUCH AS SHE DESPISED DEATH, HE THREATENED FURTHERMORE TO LAY A SLAVE BESIDE HER AND TO KILL THEM BOTH AND TO SPREAD THE REPORT THAT HE HAD FOUND THEM SLEEPING TOGETHER AND KILLED THEM. THIS RENDERED LUCRETIA DISTRAUGHT, AND IN FEAR THAT THIS MIGHT BE BELIEVED TO HAVE SO HAPPENED SHE SURRENDERED. AND AFTER THE ACT OF ADULTERY SHE PLACED A DAGGER BENEATH THE PILLOW AND SENT FOR HER HUSBAND AND HER FATHER. WHEN THEY CAME, ACCOMPANIED BY BRUTUS AND PUBLIUS VALERIUS, SHE SHED MANY TEARS AND WITH MOANS RELATED THE ENTIRE TRANSACTION. THEN SHE ADDED: "AND I WILL TREAT MY CASE AS BECOMES ME, BUT DO YOU, IF YOU ARE MEN, AVENGE ME, YOURSELVES, AND SHOW THE TYRANTS WHAT MANNER OF CREATURES YOU ARE AND WHAT MANNER OF WOMAN THEY HAVE OUTRAGED." HAVING SPOKEN TO THIS EFFECT SHE IMMEDIATELY DREW THE DAGGER FROM ITS HIDING PLACE AND KILLED HERSELF.

_(BOOK 4, BOISSEVAIN.)_

VII, 13.--The Sabines, however, because of wrath at their treatment, did not keep quiet even through the winter, but overran Roman territory and damaged the forces of Postumius when he was for the second time consul. And they would absolutely have captured him, had not Menenius Agrippa, his colleague, come to his aid. And assaulting them they killed a number, with the result that the rest withdrew. After this Spurius Cassius and Opiter Verginius as consuls made peace with the Sabines. And capturing the city of Camerium they executed most of the inhabitants; the remnant they took alive and sold, and razed the city to the ground.

Postumius Cominius and Titus Larcius arrested and put to death some slaves who were hatching a conspiracy to seize the Capitoline. Servius Sulpicius and Marcus Tullius in their turn anticipated a second conspiracy composed of slaves and some others that had joined them, for it was reported to the consuls by certain men privy to the plot. They surrounded and overpowered the conspirators and cut them down. To the informers citizenship and other rewards were given.

When a new war was stirred up on the part of the Latins against Rome, the people, demanding that a cancellation of debts be authorized, refused to take up arms. Therefore the nobles then for the first time established a new office to have jurisdiction over both classes. Dictator was the name given to the person entitled to the position, and he possessed all powers as much as had the kings. People hated the name of king on account of the Tarquins, but being anxious for the benefit to be derived from sole leadership (which seemed to exert a potent influence amid conditions of war and revolution), they chose it under another name. Hence the dictatorship was, as has been said, so far as its authority went, equivalent to kingship, except that the dictator might not ride on horseback unless he were about to start on a campaign, and was not permitted to make any expenditure from the public funds unless the right were specially voted. He might try men and put them to death at home and on campaigns, and not merely such as belonged to the populace, but also members of the knights and of the senate itself. No one had the power to make any complaint against him nor to take any action hostile to him,--no, not even the tribunes,--and no case could be appealed from him. The office of dictator extended for a period of not more than six months, to the end that no such official by spending much time in the midst of so much power and unhampered authority should become haughty and plunge headlong into a passion for sole leadership. This was what happened later to Julius Caesar, when contrary to lawful precedent he had been approved for the dictatorship.

VII, 14.--At this time, consequently, when Larcius became dictator, the populace made no uprising but presented themselves under arms. When, however, the Latins came to terms and were now in a quiescent state, the lenders proceeded to treat the debtors more harshly and the populace for this reason again rebelled and even came running in a throng into the senate. And all the senators would there have perished at the hands of the inrushing mob, had not some persons at this juncture reported that the Volsci had invaded the country. In the face of such news the populace became calm, not regarding this action, however, in the light of clemency to the senate, for they felt sure that that body would almost immediately be destroyed by the enemy. Hence they did not take the trouble to man the walls nor render any assistance until Servilius released the prisoners held for default of payments and decreed a suspension of taxes for as long as the campaign lasted and promised to reduce the debts. Then in consequence of these concessions they proceeded against the enemy and won the day. Inasmuch, however, as they were not relieved of their debts and in general could obtain no decent treatment, they again raised a clamor and grew full of wrath and made an uprising against both the senate and the praetors.

But at the approach of another war the praetors decreed a cancellation of debts: others opposed this measure: and so Marcus Valerius was named dictator. He was of the kindred of Poplicola and was beloved by the people. Then, indeed, so many gathered, animated with such zeal (for he had promised them prizes, too), that they overran not only the Sabines, but the Volsci and AEqui who were allied with them. As a sequel, the populace voted many honors to Valerius, one of which was their bestowal of the title Maximus. This name, translated into Greek, signifies "greatest." And he, wishing to do the populace some favors, made many addresses to the senate but could not get it to follow his guidance. Consequently he rushed out of the senatorial assembly in a rage, and after making to the populace a long speech against the senate resigned his command. [Sidenote: FRAG. 16^4] AND THE POPULACE WAS ALL THE MORE PROVOKED TO REVOLT. AS FOR THE MONEY-LENDERS, BY INSISTING IN THE CASE OF DEBTS UPON THE VERY LETTER OF THE AGREEMENT AND REFUSING TO MAKE ANY CONCESSION TO THOSE WHO OWED THEM THEY BOTH FAILED TO SECURE THE EXACT AMOUNT AND WERE DISAPPOINTED IN MANY OTHER HOPES. FOR POVERTY AND THE RESULTING DESPERATION IS A HEAVY CURSE, AND IS, IF IT SPREADS AMONG A LARGE NUMBER OF PEOPLE, VERY DIFFICULT TO COMBAT. NOW THE CAUSE OF MOST OF THE TROUBLES THAT BEFELL THE ROMANS LAY IN THE UNYIELDING ATTITUDE ADOPTED AT THIS TIME BY THE MORE POWERFUL TOWARD THEIR INFERIORS. For as the military contingent came to be hard pressed by dint of campaigns and was baffled out and out in frequent hopes frequently entertained, and the debtors were repeatedly abused and maltreated by the money-lenders, the people became inflamed to such a pitch of fury that many of the destitute abandoned the city, withdrew from the camp, [Sidenote: FRAG. 16^5] AND LIKE ENEMIES GATHERED THEIR SUBSISTENCE FROM THE COUNTRY.

WHEN THIS SITUATION HAD BEEN BROUGHT ABOUT, SINCE NUMBERS CAME FLOCKING TO THE SIDE OF THE REVOLUTIONISTS, THE SENATORS, DREADING THAT THE LATTER MIGHT BECOME MORE ESTRANGED AND THE NEIGHBORING TRIBES JOIN THEIR REBELLION FOR PURPOSES OF ATTACK, MADE PROPOSITIONS TO THEM IN WHICH THEY PROMISED EVERYTHING THAT THE SENATE WAS EMPOWERED TO DO FOR THEM. BUT WHEN THEY DISPLAYED THE UTMOST AUDACITY AND WOULD ACCEPT NO OFFER, ONE OF THE ENVOYS, AGRIPPA MENENIUS, BEGGED THEM TO HEARKEN TO A FABLE. HAVING OBTAINED THEIR CONSENT HE SPOKE AS FOLLOWS. ONCE ALL THE MEMBERS OF THE BODY BEGAN A CONTENTION AGAINST THE BELLY. AND THE EYES SAID: "WE GIVE THE HANDS THE POWER TO WORK AND THE FEET THE POWER TO GO." AND THE TONGUE AND THE LIPS: "THROUGH US THE COUNSELS OF THE HEART ARE MADE KNOWN." AND THEN THE EARS: "THROUGH US THE WORDS OF OTHERS ARE DESPATCHED TO THE MIND." AND THE HANDS: "WE ARE THE WORKERS AND LAY UP STORES OF WEALTH." AND FINALLY THE FEET: "WE TIRE OURSELVES OUT CARRYING THE WHOLE BODY IN JOURNEYS AND WHILE WORKING AND WHILE STANDING." AND ALL IN A CHORUS: "WHILE WE LABOR SO, THOU ALONE, FREE FROM CONTRIBUTION AND LABOR, LIKE A MISTRESS ART SERVED BY US ALL AND THE FRUIT OF ALL OUR LABORS THOU THYSELF ALONE DOST ENJOY." THE BELLY HERSELF ADMITTED THAT THIS WAS SO, AND SAID SHE: "IF YOU LIKE, LEAVE ME UNSUPPLIED AND MAKE ME NO PRESENTS." THIS PROPOSITION SUITED, AND THE MEMBERS VOTED NEVER MORE TO SUPPLY THE BELLY BY THEIR COMMON EFFORT. WHEN NO FOOD WAS PRESENTED TO HER, THE HANDS WERE NOT NIMBLE TO WORK, BEING RELAXED ON ACCOUNT OF THE FAILURE OF THE BELLY, NOR WERE THE FEET POSSESSED OF STRENGTH, NOR DID ANY OTHER OF THE LIMBS SHOW ITS NORMAL ACTIVITY UNINJURED, BUT ALL WERE INEFFICIENT, SLOW, OR COMPLETELY MOTIONLESS. AND THEN THEY COMPREHENDED THAT THE PRESENTS MADE TO THE BELLY HAD BEEN SUPPLIED NOT MORE TO HER THAN TO THEMSELVES AND THAT EACH ONE OF THEM INCIDENTALLY ENJOYS THE BENEFIT CONFERRED UPON HER.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 16^5] THROUGH THESE WORDS THE POPULACE WAS MADE TO COMPREHEND THAT THE ABUNDANCE OF THE PROSPEROUS TENDS ALSO TO THE ADVANTAGE OF THE POOR, AND THAT EVEN THOUGH THE FORMER BE ADVANTAGED BY THEIR LOANS AND SO INCREASE THEIR ABUNDANCE, THE OUTCOME OF THIS IS NOT HURTFUL TO THE INTERESTS OF THE MANY; SINCE, IF IT WERE NOT FOR THE WEALTHY OWNING PROPERTY, THE POOR WOULD NOT HAVE IN TIMES OF NEED PERSONS TO LEND TO THEM AND WOULD PERISH UNDER THE PRESSURE OF WANT. ACCORDINGLY THEY BECAME MILDER AND REACHED AN AGREEMENT, THE SENATE FOR ITS PART VOTING A REDUCTION IN THEIR DEBTS AND A RELEASE FROM SEIZURE OF PROPERTY.

VII, 15.--They feared, however, that when their society had been disbanded they might either find the agreements not effectual or might [Sidenote: FRAG. 16^6] BE HARMED ON ACCOUNT OF THEIR SEPARATION, ONE BEING PUNISHED ON ONE PRETEXT, ANOTHER ON ANOTHER, in constant succession. So they formed a compact to lend aid to one another in case any one of them should be wronged in any particular; and they took oaths to this effect and forthwith elected two representatives from their own number (and afterward still more) in order that by such a partnership arrangement they might have assistants and avengers. And this they did not only once, but the idea now conceived in this form kept growing, and they appointed their representatives for a year, as to some office. The men were called in the tongue of the Latins _tribunes_ (the commanders of thousands are also so named) but are styled _demarchoi_ in the Greek language. In order that the titles of the tribuni might be kept distinct they added to the name of the one class the phrase "of the soldiers" and to that of the other class the phrase "of the people." These _tribunes of the people_, then, or _demarchoi_ became responsible for great evils that befell Rome. For though they did not immediately secure the title of magistrates, they gained power beyond all the rest, defending every one that begged protection and rescuing every one that called upon them not only from private persons, but from the very magistrates, except the dictators. If any one ever invoked them when absent, he, too, was released from the person holding him prisoner and was either brought before the populace by them or was set free. And if ever they saw fit that anything should not be done, they prevented it, whether the person

## acting were a private citizen or an official: and if the people or the

senate were about to do or vote anything and a single tribune opposed it, the action or the vote became null and void. As time went on, they were allowed or allowed themselves to summon the senate, to punish whoever disobeyed them, to practice divination, and to hold court. And in case they were refused permission to do anything, they gained their point by their incontestable opposition to every project undertaken by others. For they introduced laws to the effect that whoever should obstruct them by deed or word, be he private citizen or magistrate, should be "hallowed" and incur pollution. This being "hallowed" meant destruction; for this was the name applied to everything (as, for instance, a victim) that was consecrated for slaughter. The tribunes themselves were termed by the multitude "sacrosanct", since they obtained sacred enclosures for the shelter of such as invoked them. For _sacra_ among the Romans means "walls", and _sancta_ "sacred". Many of their actions were unwarrantable, for they threw even consuls into prison and put men to death without granting them a hearing. Nobody ventured to oppose them; or, in case any one did, he became himself "hallowed." If, however, persons were condemned not by all the tribunes, they would call to their help those who had not concurred in the verdict, and so they went duly through the forms of court procedure before the tribunes themselves or before some arbiters or before the populace, and became the possession of the side that won. In the course of time the number of the tribunes was fixed at ten, [Sidenote: FRAG. 16^7] AND AS A RESULT OF THIS MOST OF THEIR POWER WAS OVERTHROWN. FOR AS THOUGH BY NATURE (BUT REALLY, OF COURSE, BY REASON OF JEALOUSY) FELLOW OFFICIALS INVARIABLY QUARREL; AND IT IS DIFFICULT FOR A NUMBER OF MEN, ESPECIALLY IN A POSITION OF INFLUENCE, TO ATTAIN HARMONY. No sooner did outsiders, planning to wreck their influence, raise factional issues to the end that dissension might make them weaker, than the tribunes actually attached themselves some to one party, some to another. [Sidenote: FRAG. 16^7] IF EVEN ONE OF THEM OPPOSED A MEASURE, he rendered the decisions of the rest null and void.

Now at first they did not enter the senate-house, but sitting at the entrance watched proceedings, and in case aught failed to please them, they would show resistance. Next they were invited inside. Later, however, the ex-tribunes were numbered with the senators, and finally some of the senators actually were permitted to be tribunes, unless a man chanced to be a patrician. Patricians the people would not accept: having chosen the tribunes to defend them against the patricians, and having advanced them to so great power, they dreaded lest one of them might turn his strength to contrary purposes and use it against them. But if a man abjured the rank given him by birth and changed his social standing to that of a common citizen, they received him gladly. Many of the patricians whose position was unquestioned renounced their nobility through desire for the immense influence possible, and so became tribunes.

Such was the growth of the domination of the tribunes. In addition to them the people chose two aediles, to be their assistants in the matter of documents. They took charge of everything that was submitted in writing to the plebs, to the populace, and to the senate, and kept it, so that nothing that was done escaped their notice. This and the trying of cases were the objects for which they were chosen anciently, but later they were charged with the supervision of buying and selling, whence they came to be called _agoranomoi_ ("clerks of the market") by those who put their name into Greek.

_(BOOK 5, BOISSEVAIN.)_

VII, 16.--The first revolution of the Romans, then, terminated as described. Many of the neighboring tribes had found in the revolution a hostile incentive, and the Romans with a unified purpose after their reconciliation conducted vigorously the wars which the latter waged, and conquered in all of them. It was at this time that in the siege of Corioli they came within an ace of being driven from their camp, but a patrician, Gnaeus Marcius, showed his prowess and repelled the assailants. For this he received various tokens of renown and was given the title of Coriolanus from the people which he had routed. [Sidenote: FRAG. 17^2] FOR THE TIME HE WAS THUS EXALTED BUT NOT LONG AFTERWARD HE WAS ANXIOUS TO BE MADE PRAETOR AND FAILED, AND THEREFORE GREW VEXED AT THE POPULACE AND EVINCED DISPLEASURE TOWARD THE TRIBUNES. HENCE THE TRIBUNES (WHOSE FUNCTIONS HE WAS ESPECIALLY EAGER TO ABOLISH) HEAPED UP ACCUSATIONS AGAINST HIM AND FIXED UPON HIM A CHARGE OF AIMING AT TYRANNY AND EXPELLED HIM FROM ROME. HAVING BEEN EXPELLED HE FORTHWITH BETOOK HIMSELF TO THE VOLSCI. The latter's leaders and those in authority over them were delighted at his arrival and again made ready for war; Attius Tullius urged this course upon them all, but the people showed lack of enthusiasm. So when the nobles neither by advice nor by intimidation could prevail upon them to take up arms, they concocted the following scheme. The Romans were conducting a horse-race, and the Volsci among other neighboring peoples had gathered in a large body to behold the spectacle. Tullius, as a pretended friend of the Romans, persuaded the Roman praetors that they should keep watch on the Volsci, since the latter had made ready to attack them unexpectedly in the midst of the horse-race. The praetors, after communicating the information to the others, made proclamation at once, before the contest, that all the Volsci must retire. The Volsci, indignant because they alone of all the spectators had been expelled, put themselves in readiness for battle. Setting at their head Coriolanus and Tullius, and with numbers swollen by the accession of the Latins, they advanced against Rome. The Romans, when informed of it, instead of making a vigorous use of arms fell into mutual recriminations, the popular party censuring the patricians because Coriolanus, who was campaigning against his country, happened to belong to their number, and the other party the populace because they had been unjust in expelling him and making him an enemy. Because of this contention they would have incurred some great injury, had not the women come to their aid. For when the senate voted restoration to Coriolanus and envoys had been despatched to him to this end, he demanded that the land of which the Volsci had been deprived in the previous wars be given back to them. But the people would not relinquish the land. Consequence: a second embassy. [Sidenote: FRAG. 17^8] AND HE WAS EXCEEDINGLY ANGRY THAT THEY, WHO WERE IN DANGER OF LOSING THEIR OWN COUNTRY, WOULD NOT EVEN UNDER THESE CONDITIONS WITHDRAW FROM THE POSSESSIONS OF OTHERS. WHEN THIS SITUATION WAS REPORTED TO THE DISPUTANTS, THEY STILL REFUSED TO BUDGE, NOR DID THE DANGERS CAUSE THE MEN, AT LEAST, TO DESIST FROM QUARRELING. BUT THE WOMEN, VOLUMNIA THE WIFE OF CORIOLANUS AND VETURIA[7] HIS MOTHER, GATHERING A COMPANY OF THE REMAINING MOST EMINENT LADIES VISITED HIM IN CAMP AND TOOK HIS CHILDREN ALONG WITH THEM. WHILE THE REST WEPT WITHOUT SPEAKING VETURIA BEGAN: "WE ARE NOT DESERTERS, MY SON, BUT THE COUNTRY HAS SENT US TO YOU TO BE, IF YOU SHOULD YIELD, YOUR MOTHER, WIFE AND CHILDREN, BUT OTHERWISE YOUR SPOIL. AND IF EVEN NOW YOU STILL ARE ANGRY, KILL US THE FIRST. BE RECONCILED AND HOLD NO LONGER YOUR ANGER AGAINST YOUR CITIZENS, FRIENDS, TEMPLES, TOMBS; DO NOT TAKE BY STORM YOUR NATIVE LAND IN WHICH YOU WERE BORN, WERE REARED, AND BECAME CORIOLANUS, BEARER OF THIS GREAT NAME. SEND ME NOT HENCE WITHOUT RESULT, UNLESS YOU WOULD BEHOLD ME DEAD BY MY OWN HAND." THEREUPON SHE SIGHED ALOUD AND SHOWED HER BREASTS AND TOUCHED HER ABDOMEN, EXCLAIMING: "THIS BROUGHT YOU FORTH, MY CHILD, THESE REARED YOU UP." SHE, THEN, SAID THIS, AND HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN AND THE REST OF THE WOMEN JOINED IN THE LAMENT, SO THAT HE TOO WAS MOVED TO GRIEF. RECOVERING HIMSELF WITH DIFFICULTY HE ENFOLDED HIS MOTHER IN HIS ARMS AND AT THE SAME TIME KISSING HER REPLIED: "SEE, MOTHER, I YIELD TO YOU. YOURS IS THE VICTORY, AND TO YOU LET ALL ASCRIBE THIS FAVOR. FOR I CANNOT ENDURE EVEN TO SEE THEM, WHO AFTER RECEIVING SUCH GREAT BENEFITS AT MY HANDS HAVE GIVEN ME SUCH A RECOMPENSE, NOR WILL I ENTER THE CITY. DO YOU KEEP THE COUNTRY INSTEAD OF ME, BECAUSE YOU HAVE SO WISHED IT, AND I WILL DEPART." HAVING SPOKEN THUS HE WITHDREW. AND HE DID NOT ACCEPT THE RESTORATION, BUT RETIRED AMONG THE VOLSCI AND THERE AT AN ADVANCED AGE DEPARTED THIS LIFE.

[Footnote 7: Zonaras spells it _Veturina_.]

VII, 17.--Now the tribunes demanded that some land acquired by the Romans from the enemy be apportioned among the people, and as a result of their action much damage was incurred by the citizens both from the enemy and from one another. [Sidenote: FRAG. 19^1] FOR THE NOBLES BEING UNABLE TO RESTRAIN THEM IN ANY OTHER WAY STIRRED UP PURPOSELY WARS AFTER WARS, IN ORDER THAT BEING BUSIED THEREWITH THEY MIGHT NOT DISTURB THEMSELVES ABOUT THE LAND. But after a time some persons began to suspect what was going on, and would not permit both of the consuls (or praetors) to be appointed by the nobles, but themselves desired to choose one of them from the patricians. Upon effecting this they selected Spurius Furius, and campaigning with him accomplished with enthusiasm all objects for which they had set out. But those who took the field with his colleague, Fabius Caeso, not only displayed no energy, but abandoned their camp, came to the city, and raised a tumult until the Etruscans, learning of the affair, assailed them. Even then, moreover, they did not leave the city until some of the tribunes came to an agreement with the nobles. Still, they fought vigorously and destroyed many of the enemy, and not a few of their own number also were killed. One of the consuls likewise fell,--Manlius[8]: the populace chose Manlius[9] praetor for the third time.

[Footnote 8: This was probably one of the Manlii Cincinnati.]

[Footnote 9: The second "Manlius" is evidently an error of Zonaras. The name should be _Fabius_.]

Again was a war waged against them by the Etruscans. And when the Romans were in dejection and at a loss to know how they should withstand the enemy, the Fabii came to their help. [Sidenote: FRAG. 20^1] THEY, THREE HUNDRED AND SIX IN NUMBER, WHEN THEY SAW THAT THE ROMANS WERE DEJECTED, were not following profitable counsels, and were on all points in desperation, took upon themselves the burden of the war against the Etruscans, exhibiting readiness to carry on the conflict by themselves with their persons and with their wealth. They occupied and fortified an advantageous position from which as a base they harried the entire hostile domain, since the Etruscans would not venture to engage in combat with them, or, if they ever did join issue, were decisively defeated. But, upon the accession of allies, the Etruscans laid an ambuscade in a wooded spot: the Fabii, being masters of the whole field, assailed them without [Sidenote: FRAG. 20^2] precaution, fell into the snare, were surrounded and all massacred. And their race would have entirely disappeared, had not one of them because of his youth been left at home, in whose descendants the family later attained renewed renown.

After the Fabii had been destroyed as related the Romans received rough treatment at the hands of the Etruscans. Subsequently they concluded a peace with the enemy, but turning against one another committed many deeds of outrage, the populace not even refraining from attack upon the praetors. They beat their assistants and shattered their fasces and made the praetors themselves submit to investigation on every pretext, great and small. They actually planned to throw Appius Claudius into prison in the very midst of his term of office, inasmuch as he persistently opposed them at every point and had decimated the partners of his campaign after their giving way before the Volsci in battle. Now decimation was the following sort of process. When the soldiers had committed any grave offence the leader told them off in groups of ten and taking one man of each ten (who had drawn the lot) he would punish him by death. At Claudius's retirement from office the popular party straightway brought him to trial; and though they failed to condemn him, they forced him, by postponing their vote, to commit suicide. And among the measures introduced by some of the tribunes to the prejudice of the patrician interests was one permitting the populace to convene separately, and without interference from the patricians to deliberate upon and transact as much business as they pleased. They also ordained that, if any one for any cause should have a penalty imposed upon him by the praetors, the populace might thereupon have the case appealed to them and decide it. And they increased the number of aediles and of tribunes, in order to have a large body of persons to act as their representatives.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 21^1] DURING THE PROGRESS OF THESE EVENTS THE PATRICIANS OPENLY TOOK SCARCELY ANY RETALIATORY MEASURES, EXCEPT IN A FEW CASES, BUT SECRETLY SLAUGHTERED A NUMBER OF THE BOLDEST SPIRITS. NEITHER THIS, HOWEVER, NOR THE FACT THAT ON ONE OCCASION NINE TRIBUNES WERE DELIVERED TO THE FLAMES BY THE POPULACE SEEMED TO RESTRAIN THE REST. NOT ONLY WERE THOSE WHO SUBSEQUENTLY HELD THE TRIBUNESHIP NOT CALMED, BUT ACTUALLY THEY WERE THE RATHER EMBOLDENED. [Sidenote: FRAG. 21^2] THIS WAS THE CONDITION INTO WHICH THE PATRICIANS BROUGHT THE POPULACE. AND THEY WOULD NOT OBEY THE SUMMONS TO GO ON A CAMPAIGN, THOUGH THE FOE ASSAILED, UNLESS THEY SECURED THE OBJECTS FOR WHICH THEY WERE STRIVING, AND IF THEY EVER DID TAKE THE FIELD, THEY FOUGHT LISTLESSLY, UNLESS THEY HAD ACCOMPLISHED ALL THAT THEY DESIRED. HENCE MANY OF THE TRIBES LIVING CLOSE TO THEM, RELYING ON EITHER THE DISSENSION OF THEIR FOES OR THEIR OWN STRENGTH, RAISED THE STANDARD OF REVOLT. [Sidenote: FRAG. 22^1] AMONG THESE WERE ALSO THE AEQUI, WHO, AFTER CONQUERING AT THIS TIME MARCUS MINUCIUS WHILE HE SERVED AS PRAETOR, BECAME PRESUMPTUOUS. [Sidenote: FRAG. 22^2] THOSE AT ROME, LEARNING THAT MINUCIUS HAD BEEN DEFEATED, CHOSE AS DICTATOR LUCIUS QUINCTIUS, WHO WAS A POOR MAN AND HAD DEVOTED HIS LIFE TO FARMING, BUT WAS DISTINGUISHED FOR HIS VALOR AND WISE MODERATION; AND HE LET HIS HAIR GROW IN CURLS, WHENCE HE WAS NAMED CINCINNATUS.[10] He, being selected as dictator, took the field that very day, used wariness as well as speed, and simultaneously with Minucius attacked the AEqui, killing very many of them and capturing the rest alive: the latter he led under the yoke and then released. This matter of the yoke I shall briefly describe. The Romans used to fix in the ground two poles (upright wooden beams, of course, with a space between them) and across them they would lay another transverse beam; through the frame thus formed they led the captives naked. This conferred great distinction upon the side that conducted the operation but vast dishonor upon the side that endured it, so that some preferred to die rather than submit to any such treatment. Cincinnatus also captured a city of theirs called Corvinum[11] and returned: he removed Minucius from his praetorship because of his defeat, and himself resigned his office.

[Footnote 10: Zonaras spells _Cicinatus_.]

[Footnote 11: The town is called _Corbio_ by Livy (II, 39, 4).]

VII, 18.--The Romans, however, now got another war on their hands at home, in which their adversaries were composed of slaves and some exiles who moved unexpectedly by night and secured possession of the Capitol. This time, too, the multitude did not arm themselves for the fray till they had wrung some further concessions from the patricians. Then they assailed the revolutionists and overcame them, but lost many of their own men.

For these reasons, accordingly, and because of certain portents the Romans became sobered and dismissed their mutual grievances and voted to establish the rights of citizenship on a fairer basis. And they sent three men to Greece with an eye to the laws and the customs of the people there. Upon the return of the commission they abolished all the political offices, including that of the tribunes, and chose instead eight of the foremost men, and [Sidenote: B.C. 451 (_a.u._ 303)] designated Appius Claudius and Titus Genucius praetors with dictatorial powers for that one year. They empowered them to compile laws and further voted that no case could be appealed from them,--a latitude granted previously to none of the magistrates save the dictators. These men held sway each for a day, assuming by turns the dignity of rulership. They compiled laws and exposed the same to view in the Forum. These statutes being found pleasing to all were put before the people, and after receiving their ratification were inscribed on ten tablets; for all records that were deemed worthy of safekeeping used to be preserved on tablets.

[Sidenote: B.C. 450 (_a.u._ 304)] The above mentioned magistrates at the expiration of the year surrendered their office, but ten more chosen anew (for the overthrow of the State, as it almost seemed) came to grief. They all held sway at once on equal terms and chose from among the patricians some most brazen youths, through whom, as their agents, they committed many acts of violence. At last, toward the end of the year, they compiled a few additional statutes written upon two tablets, all of which were the product of their own individual judgment. From these not harmony, but greater disputes, were destined to fall to the lot of the Romans.

The so-called twelve tablets were thus created at that time. But besides doing this the lawgivers in question, when their year of office had expired, still maintained control of affairs, occupying the city by force; and they would not convene the senate nor the people, lest, if they came together, they should depose them. And when the AEqui and the Sabines now stirred up war against the Romans, these officials by arrangement with their adherents gained their object of having the conduct of the wars entrusted to them. Of the decemvirate Servius Oppius and Appius Claudius remained at home: the other eight set out against the enemy.

Absolutely all [Sidenote: FRAG. 22^3] THE INTERESTS, however, OF STATE AND CAMP ALIKE WERE THROWN INTO CONFUSION, AND HENCE CONTENTION AGAIN AROSE. The leaders of the force had invaded the land of the Sabines and sent a certain Lucius Sicius, who was accounted a strong tower in warfare and likewise one of the most prominent representatives of the populace, with companions, avowedly to seize a certain position; but they had the man slain by the party that had been sent out with him. The report was brought into camp that the man with others had been killed by the foe, and the soldiers went out to gather up the dead bodies. They found not one corpse belonging to the enemy but many of their own race, whom Sicius had killed in his own defence when they attacked him. And when they saw that the dead were lying all around him and had their faces turned toward him, they suspected what had been done and furthermore raised a tumult.--There was still another incident that had a bearing on the situation.

Lucius Virginius, a man of the people, had a daughter of surpassing beauty whom he intended to bestow in marriage upon Lucius Icilius,[12] a person of similar rank in society. For this maiden Claudius conceived a passion, and not otherwise able to attain his ends he arranged with certain men to declare her a slave: he was to be the arbiter. The father of the girl accordingly came from the camp and pled his case. When Claudius had given sentence against her and the girl was delivered to those who had declared her a slave and no one came to the rescue, her father wild with grief took a cleaver and ended his daughter's life and, just as he was, rushed out to the soldiers. They, who had been previously far from tractable, were so wrought up that they straightway set out in haste against the city to find Claudius. And the rest, who had gone on a campaign against the Sabines, when they learned this abandoned their intrenchments, and, joining with the rest, set at their head twenty men, determined to accomplish something of importance. The remainder of the multitude in the city likewise espoused their cause and added to the tumult.

[Footnote 12: Zonaras spells _Icillius_.]

Meanwhile Claudius in terror had hidden himself and Oppius convened the senate; and sending to the populace he enquired what they wanted. They demanded that Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius, two of the senators who favored their cause, be sent to them, saying that through these men they would make their reply. Owing to the fear of the ten magistrates (for they were now all on the scene) that the people would employ the two as leaders against them they were not sent, whereupon the populace grew still more angry. As a consequence the senators were inspired with no slight fear and against the will of the magistrates they sent Valerius and Horatius to the people. By this means a reconciliation was effected: the rioters were granted immunity for their acts, and the decemvirate was abolished; the annual magistracies, including that of tribunes, were restored with the same privileges as they had formerly enjoyed. Virginius was one of the magistrates appointed; and they cast into prison Oppius and Claudius (who committed suicide before their cases were investigated), and indicted, convicted, and banished the remainder of the board.

[Sidenote: B.C. 449 (_a.u._ 305)] VII, 19.--Now the consuls--it is said that this is the first time they were known as consuls, being previously called praetors; and they were Valerius and Horatius--both then and thereafter showed favor to the populace and strengthened their cause rather than that of the patricians. The patricians, though subdued, would not readily convene and did not put matters entirely in the power of the lower class, but granted the tribunes the right of practicing augury in their assemblies: nominally this was an honor and dignity for them, since from very ancient times this privilege had been accorded the patricians alone, but really it was a hindrance. The nobles intended that the tribunes and the populace should not accomplish easily everything they pleased, but should sometimes be prevented under this plea of augury. The patricians as well as the senate were displeased at the consuls, whom they regarded as favorable to the popular cause, and so did not vote a triumph to them--though each had won a war--and did not assign to each a day as had been the custom. The populace, however, both held a festival for two days and voted triumphal honors to the consuls.

_(BOOK 6, BOISSEVAIN.)_

[Sidenote: B.C. 448 (_a.u._ 306)] When the Romans thus fell into discord their adversaries took courage and came against them. It was in the following year, when Marcus Genucius and Gaius Curtius were consuls, that they turned against each other. The popular leaders desired to be consuls, since the patricians were in the habit of becoming tribunes by transference to their order, and the patricians clung tenaciously to the consular office. They indulged in many words and acts of violence against each other. But in order to prevent the populace from proceeding to greater extremities the nobles yielded to them the substance of authority though they would not relinquish the name; and in place of the consuls they named military tribunes in order that the honor of the title might not be sullied by contact with the vulgar throng. It was agreed that three military tribunes be chosen from each of the classes in place of the two consuls. However, the name of consul was not lost entirely, but sometimes consuls were appointed and at other times military tribunes. This, at all events, is the tradition that has come down of what took place, with the additional detail that the consuls nominated dictators, though their own powers were far inferior to those appertaining to that office, and even that the military tribunes likewise did so sometimes. It is further said that none of the military tribunes, though many of them won many victories, ever celebrated a triumph.

[Sidenote: B.C. 447 (_a.u._ 307)] It was in this way, then, that military tribunes came to be chosen at that time: censors were appointed in the following year, during the consulship of Barbatus and Marcus Macrinus. Those chosen were Lucius Papirius and Lucius Sempronius. The reason for their election was that the consuls were unable, on account of the number of the people, to supervise them all; the duties now assigned to the censors had until that time been performed by the consuls as a part of their prerogatives. Two was the original number of the censors and they were taken from the patricians. They held office at first and at the last for five-year periods, but during the intervening time for three half-years; and they came to be greater than the consuls, though they had taken over only a part of their functions. They had the right to let the public revenues, to supervise roads and public buildings, to make complete records of each man's wealth, and to note and investigate the lives of the citizens, enrolling those deserving of praise in the tribes, in the equestrian order, or in the senate (as seemed to fit the case of each one), and similarly erasing from any class the names of those who were not right livers: this power was greater than all those now left to the consuls. They made declarations attested by oath, in regard to every one of their acts, that no such act was prompted by favor or by enmity but that their considerations and performances were both the result of an unbiased opinion of what was advantageous for the commonwealth. They convened the people when laws were to be introduced and for other purposes, and employed all the insignia of the greater offices save lictors. Such, at its inception, was the office of the censors. If any persons did not register their property and themselves in the census lists, the censors sold the property and the consuls the men. This arrangement held for a certain time, but later it was determined that a man once enrolled in the senate should be a senator for life and that his name should not be erased, unless one had been disgraced by being tried for the commission of a crime or was convicted of leading an evil life: the names of such persons were erased and others inscribed in their stead.

In the case of those who gave satisfaction in office principal honors were bestowed upon dictators, honors of the second rank upon censors, and third place was awarded to masters of horse. This system was followed without distinction, whether they were still in office or whether they had already laid it down. For if one descended from a greater office to an inferior one, he still kept the dignity of his former position intact. One particular man, whom they styled _principa_ of the senate (he would be called _prokritos_ by the Greeks) was preferred before all for the time that he was president (a person was not chosen for this position for life) and surpassed the rest in dignity, without wielding, however, any power.

VII, 20.--For a time they maintained peace with each other and with the adjacent tribes, but then a famine mastered them, so severe that some not able to endure the pangs of hunger threw themselves into the river, and they fell to quarreling. The one class blamed the prosperous as being at fault in the handling of the grain, and the other class blamed the poorer men for unwillingness to till the soil. [Sidenote: B.C. 439 (_a.u._ 315)] Spurius Maelius, a wealthy knight, seeing this attempted to set up a tyranny, and buying corn from the neighboring region he lowered the price of it for many and gave it free to many others. In this way he won the friendship of a great many and procured arms and guardsmen. And he would have gained control of the city, had not Minucius Augurinus, a patrician, appointed to have charge of the grain distribution and censured for the lack of grain, reported the proceeding to the senate. The senate on receiving the information nominated at once and at that very meeting Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus, though past his prime (he was eighty years old), to be dictator. They spent the whole day sitting there, as if engaged in some discussion, to prevent news of their action from traveling abroad. By night the dictator had the knights occupy in advance the Capitol and the remaining points of vantage, and at dawn he sent to Maelius Gaius Servilius, master of the horse, to summon him pretendedly on some other errand. But as Maelius had some suspicions and delayed, Servilius fearing that he might be rescued by the populace--for they were already running together--killed the man either on his own responsibility or because ordered to do so by the dictator. At this the populace broke into a riot, but Quinctius harangued them and by providing them with grain and refraining from punishing or accusing any one else he stopped the riot.

Wars with various nations now assailed the Romans, in some of which they were victorious within a few days; but with the Etruscans they waged a long continued contest. Postumius conquered the AEqui and had captured a large city of theirs, but the soldiers neither had had it turned over to them for pillage nor were awarded a share of the plunder when they requested it. Therefore they surrounded and slew the quaestor who was disposing of it, and when Postumius reprimanded them for this and strove to find the assassins, they killed him also. And they assigned to their own use not only the captive territory but all that at the time happened to be found in the public treasury. The uprising would have assumed even greater dimensions but for the fact that war against the Romans was renewed by the AEqui. Alarmed by this situation they became quiet, endured the punishment for the murders, which touched only a few, and took the field against their opponents, whom they engaged and conquered. For this achievement the nobles distributed the plunder among them, and voted pay first to the infantry and later also to the cavalry. Up to that time they were used to undertaking campaigns without pay and lived at their own expense; now for the first time they began to draw pay.

[Sidenote: B.C. 408 (_a.u._ 346)] A war arising between them and Veii, the Romans won frequent victories and reduced the foe to a state of siege as long as the latter fought with merely their own contingent: but when allies had been added to their force they came out against the Romans and defeated them. Meanwhile the lake situated close to the Alban Mount, which was shut in by the surrounding ridges and had no outlet, overflowed its banks during the siege of Veii to such an extent that it actually poured over the crests of the hills and went rushing down to the sea. The Romans deeming that something supernatural was certainly signified by this event sent to Delphi to consult the oracle about the matter. There was also among the population of Veii an Etruscan who was a soothsayer. The Pythian interpretation coincided with his; and both declared that the city would be captured when the overflowing water should not fall into the sea but be used up differently. The Romans consequently ordered several religious services to be performed. But the Pythian god did not specify to which of the divinities nor in what way they should offer these, and the Etruscan appeared to have the knowledge but would explain nothing. So the Romans who were stationed about the wall from which he was wont to issue to consort with them pretended friendliness toward him, permitted him to make himself at ease in every way, and allowed him to come to visit them without interference. Thus they succeeded in seizing him and forced him to give all the requisite information. According to the indications he furnished they offered sacrifices, tunneled the hill, and conducted the superfluous water by a secret canal into the plain, so that all of it was used up there and none ran down into the sea.

_(BOOK 7, BOISSEVAIN.)_

VII, 24.--A certain Marcus Fabius, a patrician, who chanced to be the father of two daughters, betrothed the elder to a Licinius Stolo, much inferior to him in rank, and married the younger to Sulpicius Rufus, who belonged to his own class. [Sidenote: FRAG. 27^1] NOW WHILE RUFUS WAS MILITARY TRIBUNE, ONCE WHEN HE WAS IN THE FORUM HIS WIFE HAD A VISIT FROM HER SISTER. AT THE ARRIVAL OF THE HUSBAND THE LICTOR, ACCORDING TO SOME ANCIENT CUSTOM, KNOCKED AT THE DOOR. THE CLATTER STARTLED THE WOMAN, WHO WAS NOT FAMILIAR WITH THIS PROCEDURE: THEREUPON BOTH HER SISTER AND THE OTHERS PRESENT BURST OUT LAUGHING AND SHE WAS MADE FUN OF AS A SIMPLETON. SHE TOOK THE MATTER AS A SERIOUS AFFRONT AND ROUSED HER HUSBAND TO CANVASS FOR OFFICE. Stolo, accordingly, incited by his wife, confided his intentions to Lucius Sextius, one of his peers, and both forced their way into the tribuneship; they thus overturned the good order of the State to such an extent that for four years the people had no rulers, since these men repeatedly obstructed the patrician elections. This state of affairs would have continued for a still longer time, had not news been brought that the Celtae were again marching upon Rome.

VII, 25.--It is related that after this a disaster befell Rome. The level land between the Palatine and the Capitoline is said to have become suddenly a yawning gulf, without any preceding earthquake or other phenomenon such as usually takes place in nature on the occasion of such developments. For a long time the chasm remained _in statu quo_, and neither closed up in the slightest degree nor was to be filled, albeit the Romans brought and cast into it masses of earth and stones and all sorts of other material. In the midst of the Romans' uncertainty an oracle was given them to the effect that the aperture could in no way be closed except they should throw into the chasm their best possession and that which was the chief source of their strength: then the thing would cease, and the city should command power inextinguishable. Still the uncertainty remained unresolved, for the oracle was obscure. But Marcus Curtius, a patrician, young in years, of a remarkably beautiful appearance, powerful physique, and courageous spirit, conspicuous also for intelligence, comprehended the meaning of the oracle. He came forward before them all and addressed them, saying: "Why, Romans, convict the revelation of obscurity or ourselves of ignorance? We are the thing sought and debated. For nothing lifeless may be counted better than what has life, nor shall that which has comprehension and prudence and the adornment of speech fail of preference before what is uncomprehending, speechless and senseless. What should any one deem superior to Man to be cast into the earth-fissure, that therewith we might contract it? [Sidenote: FRAG. 28^2] THERE IS NO MORTAL CREATURE EITHER BETTER OR STRONGER THAN MAN. FOR, IF ONE MAY SPEAK SOMEWHAT BOLDLY, MAN IS NAUGHT ELSE THAN A GOD WITH MORTAL BODY, AND A GOD NAUGHT ELSE THAN A MAN WITHOUT BODY AND THEREFORE IMMORTAL, and we are not far sundered from divine Power. This, to my mind, is the matter and I urge you also to adhere to this view. May no one think that I shall have recourse to the lot or bid maiden or lad lose a life. I myself willingly bestow myself upon you, that you may send me this very day as herald and envoy to the cthonian gods, to be your representative and helper forever." At the close of these words Curtius proceeded to put on his armor and then mounted his horse. The rest grew mad with grief and mad with joy; they came flocking with adornments, and some adorned the man himself with them as a hero, and others threw some of them into the chasm. Scarcely had Curtius sprung into it fully mounted, when the earth-fissure was closed and no one ever again beheld either the chasm or Curtius. This is the way the story is related by the Romans. Should any person judge it fabulous and not to be credited, he has the right to pay no attention to it.

And again wars were waged against the Romans both by Gauls and by other nations, but they repelled all invaders, voting now for consuls, now for dictators. Whereupon somewhat of the following nature took place. Lucius Camillus was named dictator, as the Gauls were overrunning the environs of Rome. He proceeded against the barbarians with the intention of using up time and not risking the issue in conflict with men animated by desperation: he expected to exhaust them more easily and securely by the failure of provisions. And a Gaul challenged the Romans to furnish a champion for a duel. His opponent, accordingly, was Marcus Valerius, a military tribune, a grandson of the famous Maximus. The course of the battle was brilliant on both sides: the Roman excelled in cleverness and an unusual mastery of his art, and the Gaul in strength and daring. It was regarded as still more marvelous that a crow lighted on the helmet of Valerius and cawing all the time made dashes at the barbarian, confusing his sight and impeding his onset until he finally received a finishing blow. The Gauls, consequently, indignant at being beaten by a bird, in a rage closed at once with the Romans and suffered a severe defeat. From the incident of the crow's assistance Valerius obtained the further name of Corvinus.

Thereafter, as the armies began to grow insubordinate and a civil war threatened to break out, the insurgents were brought to terms by the enactment of laws that no one's name should be erased from the lists against his will, that any person who had served as tribune of the soldiers should not be centurion, that both of the consuls might belong to and be appointed from the people, and that the same man should not hold two offices at the same time nor hold the same office twice within ten years.

VII, 26.--Now the Latins, although under treaty with the Romans, revolted and provoked a conflict. They were filled with pride for the reason that they had an abundance of youthful warriors and were practiced in the details of warfare as a result of the constant campaigning with the Romans. The other side, understanding the situation, chose Torquatus consul for the third time and likewise Decius, and came out to meet them. They fought a fierce battle, each party thinking that that day was a precise test of their fortune and of their valor. A certain event seemed to give the battle added distinction. The consuls, seeing that the Latins were equipped and spoke like the Romans, feared that some of the soldiers might make mistakes through not distinguishing their own and the hostile force with entire ease. Therefore they made proclamation to their men to observe instructions carefully and in no case to fight an isolated combat with any of the antagonists. Most observed this injunction, but the son of Torquatus, who was on the field among the cavalry and had been sent to reconnoitre the enemy's position, transgressed it not through wilfulness but rather through ambition. The leader of the Latin horse saw him approaching and challenged him to a championship contest; and when the youth would not accept the challenge on account of the notice that had been served, the other provoked him, saying: "Are you not the son of Torquatus? Do you not give yourself airs with your father's collar? Are you strong and courageous against those low-lived Gauls but fear us Latins? Where, then, do you find your right to rule? Why do you give orders to us as your inferiors?"--The Roman became frenzied with rage and readily forgot the injunction: he won the combat, and in high spirits conveyed the spoils to his father. The latter, after assembling the army, said: "Nobly you have fought, my child, and for this I will crown you. But because you did not observe the orders issued, though under obligation both as a son and as a soldier to yield obedience, [Sidenote: FRAG. 32^2] FOR THIS REASON I SHALL EXECUTE YOU, THAT YOU MAY OBTAIN BOTH THE PRIZE FOR YOUR PROWESS AND THE PENALTY FOR YOUR DISOBEDIENCE." Having spoken these words he at the same moment placed the garland on his head and cut off the very head that bore it.

Soon after, a dream that appeared to both consuls the same night, of identical import in each case, seemed to tell them that they should overcome the enemy, if one of the consuls should devote himself. Discussing the dream together in the daytime, they decided that it was of divine origin, and agreed that it must be obeyed. And they disputed with each other, not as to which should be saved, but as to which of them preferably should devote himself: they even presented their arguments before the foremost men in camp. Finally they settled it that one should station himself on the right wing and the other on the left, and that whichever of those two divisions should be defeated, the consul stationed there should give up his life. There was so much rivalry between them in regard to the self-devotion that each of the consuls prayed that he might be defeated, in order to obtain the right to devote himself and the consequent glory. After joining battle with the Latins they carried on a closely contested fight for a long time, but finally Decius's wing gave way before the Latins a little. On perceiving this Decius devoted himself. Slipping off his armor he put on his purple-bordered clothing. Some say that in this costume he sprang upon a horse and rode toward the enemy and met his death at their hands, others that he was slain by a fellow-soldier of his own race. A short time after Decius had perished a decisive victory fell to the lot of the Romans and the Latins were all routed, yet certainly not on account of the death of Decius. [Sidenote: FRAG. 32^4] FOR HOW CAN YOU BELIEVE THAT FROM SUCH A DEATH OF ONE MAN SO GREAT A MULTITUDE OF HUMAN BEINGS WAS DESTROYED ON THE ONE SIDE AND ON THE OTHER WAS SAVED AND WON A CONSPICUOUS VICTORY? So the Latins in this way were defeated, [Sidenote: FRAG. 32^6] AND TORQUATUS, THOUGH HE HAD KILLED HIS SON AND THOUGH HIS COLLEAGUE HAD LOST HIS LIFE, NEVERTHELESS CELEBRATED A TRIUMPH.

Once again did they subdue these very Latins, who had revolted, and they subjugated in battle other nations, employing now consuls and now dictators.

_(BOOK 8, BOISSEVAIN.)_

One of the latter was Lucius Papirius, also called Cursor from his physical condition (he was a very fleet runner) and on account of his practicing running. After this Papirius as dictator with Fabius Rullus as master of the horse was sent out against the Samnites and by defeating them compelled them to agree to such terms as he wished. But when he had resigned his leadership they again arose in arms. They were attacked anew by the dictator Aulus Cornelius, [Sidenote: FRAG. 33^3] AND BEING DEFEATED MADE PROPOSALS OF PEACE TO THE MEN AT ROME. THEY SENT THEM ALL THE CAPTIVES THAT THEY HAD, AND ASCRIBED THE RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE WAR TO RUTULUS, A MAN OF INFLUENCE AMONG THEM. HIS BONES, SINCE HE ANTICIPATED THEM IN COMMITTING SUICIDE, THEY SCATTERED ABROAD. YET THEY DID NOT OBTAIN THEIR PEACE, BEING ACCOUNTED UNTRUSTWORTHY; BUT THE VICTORS, THOUGH ACCEPTING THE PRISONERS, VOTED FOR RELENTLESS WAR AGAINST THEM. [Sidenote: FRAG. 33^4] THE ROMANS, THEN, EXPECTING IN THEIR EXTREME ARROGANCE THAT THEY SHOULD CAPTURE THEM ALL AT THE FIRST BLOW, SUCCUMBED TO A TERRIBLE DISASTER. THE SAMNITES, BEING BADLY FRIGHTENED AND THINKING THE REFUSAL TO MAKE PEACE A CALAMITY, FOUGHT WITH DESPERATION; AND BY PLANTING AN AMBUSCADE IN A NARROW SPOT RATHER CLOSELY HEMMED IN BY HILLS THEY BOTH CAPTURED THE CAMP AND SEIZED ALIVE THE WHOLE FORCE OF THE ROMANS, ALL OF WHOM THEY SENT UNDER THE YOKE.--What the operation of the yoke was has already been described by me above.[13]--However, they killed not a man but took away their arms and horses and everything else they had save one garment, and released them thus stripped of possessions under an agreement that they should leave Samnite territory and be their allies on an equal footing. In order to insure the articles of the agreement being ratified also by the senate, they retained six hundred of the knights to serve as hostages.

[Footnote 13: Near the end of VII, 17.]

The consuls Spurius Postumius and Tiberius Calvinus with their army immediately withdrew, and at night they and the most notable of the rest of the force entered Rome, while the remaining soldiers scattered through the country districts. [Sidenote: FRAG. 33^9] THE MEN IN THE CITY ON HEARING OF THE EVENT DID NOT FIND IT POSSIBLE EITHER TO BE PLEASED AT THE SURVIVAL OF THEIR SOLDIERS OR TO BE DISPLEASED. WHEN THEY THOUGHT OF THE CALAMITY THEIR GRIEF WAS EXTREME, AND THE FACT THAT THEY HAD SUFFERED SUCH A REVERSE AT THE HANDS OF THE SAMNITES INCREASED THEIR GRIEF; WHEN THEY STOPPED TO REFLECT, HOWEVER, THAT IF IT HAD COME TO PASS THAT ALL HAD PERISHED, ALL THEIR INTERESTS WOULD HAVE BEEN ENDANGERED, THEY WERE REALLY PLEASED AT THE SURVIVAL OF THEIR OWN MEN. But concealing for a time their pleasure they went into mourning and carried on no business in the everyday fashion either at once or subsequently, as long as they had control of affairs. The consuls they deposed forthwith, chose others in their stead, and took counsel about the situation. And they determined not to accept the arrangement; but since it was impossible to take this action without throwing the responsibility upon the men who had conducted the negotiations, they hesitated on the one hand to condemn the consuls and the rest who, associated with the latter in their capacity as holders of certain offices, had made the peace, and they hesitated on the other hand to acquit them, since by so doing they would bring the breach of faith home to themselves. Accordingly they made these very consuls participate in their deliberations and they asked Postumius first of all for his opinion, that he might state separately his sentiments touching his own case, and the shame of having disgrace attach to all of them be avoided. So he came forward and said that their acts ought not to be ratified by the senate and the people, [Sidenote: FRAG. 33^11] FOR THEY THEMSELVES HAD NOT ACTED OF THEIR OWN FREE WILL, BUT UNDER THE COMPULSION OF A NECESSITY which the enemy had brought upon them not through valor but through craft and ambuscade. Now men who had practiced deception could not, if they were deceived in turn, have any just complaint against those who turned the tables on them. When he had finished saying this and considerable more of the same nature, the senate found itself at a loss how to act: but as Postumius and Calvinus took the burden of responsibility upon their own shoulders, it was voted that the agreements should not be ratified and that these men should be delivered up.

Both the consuls, therefore, and the remaining officials who had been present when oaths were taken were conducted back to Samnium. [Sidenote: FRAG. 33^14] THE SAMNITES, HOWEVER, WOULD NOT ACCEPT THEM, BUT DEMANDED BACK ALL THE CAPTIVES, AND INVOKED THE GODS AND CONJURED THEM BY THE DIVINE POWER, AND FINALLY THEY DISMISSED THE MEN THAT HAD BEEN SURRENDERED. The Romans were glad enough to get them back, but were angry at the Samnites WHOM THEY ATTACKED IN BATTLE AND VANQUISHED, AFTER WHICH THEY ACCORDED THEM A SIMILAR TREATMENT, FOR THEY SENT THEM UNDER THE YOKE IN TURN AND RELEASED THEM without inflicting any other injury. They also got possession of their own knights, who were being held by the Samnites as hostages and were unharmed.

VIII, 1.--After a long interval the Romans under the leadership of Gaius Junius were again warring with the Samnites, when they met with disaster. While Junius was pillaging the hostile territory, the Samnites conveyed their possessions into the Avernian[14] woods, so-called from the fact that on account of the closeness of the trees no bird flies into them. Being there ensconced they set out some herds without herdsmen or guards and quietly sent some pretended deserters who guided the Romans to the booty apparently lying at their disposal. But when the latter had entered the wood, the Samnites surrounded them and did not cease from slaughter till they were completely tired out. And though the Samnites fought on many other occasions against the Romans and were defeated, they would not be quiet, but having acquired the Gauls, besides others, as allies, they made preparations to march upon Rome itself. The Romans, when they learned of it, fell into alarm, for their original inclination to do so was augmented by many portents. On the Capitol blood is reported to have issued for three days from the altar of Jupiter, together with honey on one day, and milk on a second--if anybody can believe it: and in the Forum a bronze statue of Victory set upon a stone pedestal was found standing upon the ground below, without any one's having moved it; and, as it happened, it was facing in that direction from which the Gauls were already approaching. This of itself was enough to terrify the populace, who were even more dismayed by ill-omened interpretations published by the seers. However, a certain Manius, by birth an Etruscan, encouraged them by declaring that Victory, even if she had descended, had gone forward, and being now settled more firmly on the ground indicated to them mastery in the war. Accordingly, many sacrifices, too, should be offered to the gods; for their altars, and

## particularly those on the Capitol, where they sacrifice

thank-offerings for victory, were regularly stained with blood in the midst of their successes and not in their disasters. From these developments, then, he persuaded them to expect some fortunate outcome, but from the honey to expect disease (because invalids crave it) and from the milk famine; for they should encounter so great a scarcity of provisions as to seek for food of native growth and pasturage.

[Footnote 14: In Greek, _Birdless_.]

Manius, then, interpreted the omens in this way, [Sidenote: FRAG. 33^22] AND AS HIS PROPHECY TURNED OUT TO BE CORRECT, HE GAINED THEREAFTER A REPUTATION FOR SKILL AND FOREKNOWLEDGE IN ALL MATTERS. Now Volumnius was ordered to make war upon the Samnites; Fabius Maximus Rullus and Publius Decius were chosen consuls and were sent to withstand the Gauls and the other warriors in the Gallic contingent. They, having come with speed to Etruria, saw the camp of Appius, which was fortified by a double palisade; and they pulled up the stakes and carried them off, instructing the soldiers to place their hope of safety in their weapons. So they joined battle with the enemy. Meanwhile a wolf in pursuit of a deer had invaded the space between the two armies and darting toward the Romans passed through their ranks. This encouraged them, for they regarded themselves as having a bond of union with him, since, according to tradition, a she-wolf had reared Romulus. But the deer ran to the other side and was struck down, thus leaving to _them_ fear and the issue of disaster. When the armies collided, Maximus quite easily conquered the foes opposed to him, but Decius was defeated. And recalling the self-devotion of his father, undertaken on account of the dream, he likewise devoted himself, though without giving anybody any information about his act. Scarcely had he let himself be slain, when the men ranged at his side,

## partly through shame at his deed (feeling that he had perished

voluntarily for them) and partly in the hopes of certain victory as a result of this occurrence, checked their flight and nobly withstood their pursuers. At this juncture Maximus, too, assailed the latter in the rear and slaughtered vast numbers. The survivors took to their heels and were annihilated. Fabius Maximus then burned the corpse of Decius together with the spoils and made a truce with such as asked for peace.

The following year Atilius Regulus again waged war with the Samnites. And for a time they carried on an evenly contested struggle, but eventually, after the Samnites had won a victory, the Romans conquered them in turn, took them captive, led them beneath the yoke, and so released them. [Sidenote: FRAG. 33^23] THE SAMNITES, ENRAGED AT WHAT HAD OCCURRED, RESORTED TO DESPERATE MEASURES WITH THE INTENTION OF EITHER CONQUERING OR BEING UTTERLY DESTROYED, THREATENING WITH DEATH HIM WHO SHOULD REMAIN AT HOME. So these invaded Campania: but the consuls ravaged Samnium, since it was destitute of soldiers, and captured a few cities. Therefore the Samnites abandoning Campania made haste to reach their own land; and having come into hostile collision with one of the consuls they were defeated by a trick and in their flight met with terrible reverses, losing their camp and in addition the fortress to the assistance of which they were advancing. The consul celebrated a triumph and devoted to public uses the goods gathered from the spoils. The other consul made a campaign against the Etruscans and reduced them in short order: he then levied upon them contributions of grain and money, of which he distributed a part to the soldiers and deposited the rest in the treasuries.

However, there befell a mighty pestilence, and the Samnites and Falisci began to bestir themselves; they entertained a contempt for the Romans both on account of the disease and because, since no war menaced, they had chosen the consuls not on grounds of excellence. The Romans, ascertaining the situation, sent out Carvilius along with Junius Brutus, and with Quintus Fabius his father Rullus Maximus, as subcommanders or lieutenants. Brutus worsted the Falisci and plundered their possessions as well as those of the other Etruscans: Fabius marched out of Rome before his father and pushed rapidly forward when he learned that the Samnites were plundering Campania. Falling in with some scouts of theirs and seeing them quickly retire he got the impression that all the enemy were at that point and believed they were in flight. Accordingly, in his hurry to come to blows with them before his father should arrive, in order that the success might appear to be his own and not his elder's, he went ahead with a careless formation. Thus he encountered a compact body of foes and would have been utterly destroyed, had not night intervened. Many of his men died also after that with no physician or relative to attend them, because they had hastened on far ahead of the baggage carriers in the expectation of immediate victory. Of a surety they would have perished on the following day but for the fact that the Samnites, thinking Fabius's father to be near, felt afraid and withdrew.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 33^24] THOSE IN THE CITY ON HEARING THIS BECAME TERRIBLY ANGRY, SUMMONED THE CONSUL, AND WANTED TO PUT HIM ON TRIAL. BUT THE OLD MAN HIS FATHER BY ENUMERATING HIS OWN AND HIS ANCESTORS' BRAVE DEEDS, BY PROMISING THAT HIS SON SHOULD MAKE NO RECORD THAT WAS UNWORTHY OF THEM, AND BY URGING HIS SON'S YOUTH TO ACCOUNT FOR THE MISFORTUNE, IMMEDIATELY ABATED THEIR WRATH. JOINING HIM IN THE CAMPAIGN HE CONQUERED THE SAMNITES IN BATTLE, CAPTURED THEIR CAMP, RAVAGED THEIR COUNTRY, AND DROVE AWAY GREAT BOOTY. A PART OF IT HE DEVOTED TO PUBLIC USES AND A PART HE ACCORDED TO THE SOLDIERS. FOR THESE REASONS THE ROMANS EXTOLLED HIM AND ORDERED THAT HIS SON ALSO SHOULD COMMAND FOR THE FUTURE WITH CONSULAR POWERS AND STILL EMPLOY HIS FATHER AS LIEUTENANT. THE LATTER MANAGED AND ARRANGED EVERYTHING FOR HIM, SPARING HIS OLD AGE NOT A WHIT, YET HE DID NOT LET IT BE SEEN THAT HE WAS EXECUTING THE BUSINESS ON HIS OWN RESPONSIBILITY, BUT MADE THE GLORY OF HIS EXPLOITS ATTACH TO HIS CHILD.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 37] VIII, 2.--AFTER THIS, WHEN THE TRIBUNES MOVED AN ANNULMENT OF DEBTS, THE PEOPLE, SINCE THIS WAS NOT YIELDED BY THE LENDERS AS WELL, FELL INTO TURMOIL: and their turbulent behavior was not quieted until foes came against the city.

_(BOOK 9, BOISSEVAIN.)_

Those to begin the wars were the Tarentini, [Sidenote: FRAG. 39^1] WHO HAD ASSOCIATED WITH THEMSELVES THE ETRUSCANS AND GAULS AND SAMNITES AND SEVERAL OTHER TRIBES. These allies the Romans engaged and defeated in various battles, with different consuls on different occasions, but the Tarentini, although they had themselves been the authors of the war, nevertheless did not yet openly present an imposing array in battle. [Sidenote: FRAG. 39^3] NOW LUCIUS VALERIUS WHILE ADMIRAL WANTED TO ANCHOR WITH HIS TRIREMES OFF TARENTUM (BEING ON HIS WAY TO A PLACE WHITHER HE HAD BEEN DESPATCHED WITH THEM), FOR HE DEEMED THE COUNTRY FRIENDLY. [Sidenote: FRAG. 39^4] BUT THE TARENTINI, OWING TO A GUILTY SENSE OF THEIR OWN OPERATIONS, SUSPECTED THAT VALERIUS WAS SAILING AGAINST THEM, AND IN A PASSION SET SAIL LIKEWISE AND ATTACKING HIM WHEN HE WAS EXPECTING NO HOSTILE ACT SENT HIM TO THE BOTTOM ALONG WITH MANY OTHERS. OF THE CAPTIVES THEY IMPRISONED SOME AND PUT OTHERS TO DEATH. WHEN THE ROMANS HEARD OF THIS, THEY WERE INDIGNANT, TO BE SURE, BUT NEVERTHELESS DESPATCHED ENVOYS UPBRAIDING THEM AND DEMANDING SATISFACTION. THE OFFENDERS NOT ONLY FAILED TO VOUCHSAFE THEM ANY DECENT ANSWER, BUT ACTUALLY JEERED AT THEM, GOING SO FAR AS TO SOIL THE CLOTHING OF LUCIUS POSTUMIUS, THE HEAD OF THE EMBASSY. AT THIS AN UPROAR AROSE AND THE TARENTINI INDULGED IN CONTINUED GUFFAWS. BUT POSTUMIUS CRIED: "LAUGH ON, LAUGH ON WHILE YOU MAY! FOR LONG WILL BE THE PERIOD OF YOUR WEEPING, WHEN YOU SHALL WASH THIS GARMENT CLEAN WITH YOUR BLOOD."

Upon the return of the envoys the Romans, learning what had been done, were grieved and voted that Lucius AEmilius the consul make a campaign against the Tarentini. He advanced close to Tarentum and sent them favorable propositions, thinking that they would choose peace on fair terms. Now they were at variance among themselves in their opinions. [Sidenote: FRAG. 39^6?] The elderly and well-to-do were anxious for peace, but those who were youthful and who had little or nothing were for war. The younger generation had its way. Being timid for all that they planned to invite Pyrrhus of Epirus to form an alliance, and sent to him envoys and gifts. AEmilius, learning this, proceeded to pillage and devastate their country. They made sorties but were routed, so that the Romans ravaged their country with impunity and got possession of some strongholds. AEmilius showed much consideration for those taken prisoners and liberated some of the more influential, and the Tarentini, accordingly, filled with admiration for his kindness, were led to hope for reconciliation and so chose as leader with full powers Agis, who was of kindred to the Romans. Scarcely had he been elected when Cineas, sent ahead by Pyrrhus, planted himself in the pathway of negotiations. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^1] FOR PYRRHUS, KING OF THE SO-CALLED EPIRUS, SURPASSED EVERYBODY THROUGH NATURAL CLEVERNESS AND THROUGH THE INFLUENCE AND EXPERIENCE BESTOWED BY EDUCATION; AND HE HAD MADE THE LARGER PART OF HELLAS HIS OWN, PARTLY BY BENEFITS AND PARTLY BY FEAR. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^2] ACCORDINGLY, CHANCE HAVING THROWN THE ENVOYS OF THE TARENTINI IN HIS WAY, HE DEEMED THE ALLIANCE A PIECE OF GOOD LUCK. FOR A CONSIDERABLE TIME HE HAD HAD HIS EYE ON SICILY AND CARTHAGE AND SARDINIA, BUT NEVERTHELESS HE SHRANK FROM PERSONALLY TAKING THE INITIATIVE IN HOSTILITIES AGAINST THE ROMANS. He announced that he would lead the Tarentini, but in order that the motive of his declaration might not be suspected (for reasons indicated) he stated that he should return home without delay, and insisted upon a clause being added to the agreement to the effect that he should not be detained by them in Italy further than actual need required. After settling this agreement he detained the majority of the envoys as hostages, giving out that he wanted them to help him get the armies ready: a few of them together with Cineas he sent in advance with troops. As soon as they arrived the Tarentini took courage, gave up their attempted reconciliation with the Romans, and deposing Agris from his leadership elected one of the envoys leader. Shortly afterward Milo, sent by Pyrrhus with a force, took charge of their acropolis and personally superintended the manning of their wall. The Tarentini were glad at this, feeling that they did not have to do guard duty or undergo any other troublesome labor, and they sent regular supplies of food to the men and consignments of money to Pyrrhus.

AEmilius for a time held his ground, but when he perceived that the Pyrrhic soldiers had come, and recognized his inability on account of the winter to maintain an opposition, he set out for Apulia. The Tarentini laid an ambush at a narrow passage through which he was obliged to go, and by their arrows, javelins and slingshots rendered progress impossible for him. But he put at the head of his line their captives whom he was conveying. Fear fell upon the Tarentini that they might destroy their own men instead of the Romans, and they ceased their efforts.

Now Pyrrhus set off, [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^4] NOT EVEN AWAITING THE COMING OF SPRING, taking a large, picked army, and twenty elephants, beasts never previously beheld by the Italians. Hence the latter were invariably filled with alarm and astonishment. While crossing the Ionian Sea he encountered a storm and lost many soldiers of his army: the remainder were scattered by the violent waters. Only with difficulty, then, and by land travel did he reach Tarentum. He at once impressed those in their prime into service alongside of his own soldiers so as to make sure that they should not be led, by having a separate company, to think of rebellion; he closed the theatre, presumably on account of the war and to prevent the people from gathering there and setting on foot any uprising; also he forbade them to assemble for banquets and revels, and ordered the youth to practice in arms instead of spending all day in the market-place. When some, indignant at this, left the ranks, he stationed guards from his own contingent so that no one could leave the city. The inhabitants, oppressed by these measures, and by supplying food, compelled as they were, too, to receive the guardsmen into their houses, repented, since they found in Pyrrhus only a master, not an ally. He, fearing for these reasons that they might lean to the Roman cause, took note of all the men who had any ability as politicians or could dominate the populace and sent them one after another to Epirus to his son on various excuses; occasionally, however, he would quietly assassinate them instead. A certain Aristarchus, who was accounted one of the noblest of the Tarentini and was a most persuasive speaker, he made his boon companion to the end that this man should be suspected by the people of having the interests of Pyrrhus at heart. When, however, he saw that he still had the confidence of the throng, he gave him an errand to Epirus. Aristarchus, not daring to dispute his behest, set sail, but went to Rome.

VIII, 3.--Such was the behavior of Pyrrhus toward the Tarentini. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^8] THOSE IN ROME LEARNING THAT PYRRHUS HAD COME TO TARENTUM WERE SMITTEN WITH TERROR BECAUSE THE ITALIAN STATES HAD BEEN SET AT ENMITY WITH THEM AND BECAUSE HE WAS REPORTED TO BE WITHOUT DOUBT A GOOD WARRIOR AND TO HAVE A FORCE THAT WAS BY NO MEANS DESPICABLE AS AN ADVERSARY. So they proceeded to enlist soldiers and to gather money and to distribute garrisons among the allied cities to prevent them from likewise revolting; and learning that some were already stirred with sedition they punished the principal men in them. A handful of those from Praeneste were brought to Rome late in the afternoon and thrown into the treasury for security. Thereby a certain oracle was fulfilled for the Romans. For an oracle had told them once that these people should occupy the Roman treasure-house. The oracle, then, resulted this way: the men lost their lives.

Valerius Lavinius was despatched against Pyrrhus, the Tarentini, and the rest of their associates, but a part of the army was retained in the city. As for Lavinius, he at once set out on his march so that he might carry on the war as far as possible from his own territory. He hoped to frighten Pyrrhus by showing the latter those men advancing against him of their own accord whom he had thought to besiege. In the course of his journey he seized a strong strategic point in the land of the Lucanians, and he left behind a force in Lucania to hinder the people from giving aid to his opponents.

Pyrrhus on learning of Lavinius's approach made a start before the latter came in sight, established a camp, and was desirous of using up time while waiting for allies to join. He sent a haughty letter to Lavinius with the design of overawing him. The writing was couched thus: "King Pyrrhus to Lavinius, Greeting. I learn that you are leading an army against Tarentum. Send it away, therefore, and come yourself to me with few attendants. For I will judge between you, if you have any blame to impute to each other, and I will compel the party at fault, however unwilling, to grant justice." Lavinius wrote the following reply to Pyrrhus: "You seem to me, Pyrrhus, to have been quite daft when you set yourself up as judge between the Tarentini and us before rendering to us an account of your crossing over into Italy at all. I will come, therefore, with all my army and will exact the appropriate recompense both from the Tarentini and from you. What use can I have for nonsense and palaver, when I can stand trial in the court of Mars, our progenitor?" After sending such an answering despatch he hurried on and pitched camp, leaving the stream of the river at that point between them. Having apprehended some scouts he showed them his troops and after telling them he had more of them, many times that number, he sent them back. Pyrrhus, struck with alarm by this, was not desirous of fighting because some of the allies had not yet joined his force, and he was constantly hoping that provisions would fail the Romans while they delayed on hostile soil. Lavinius, too, reckoned on this and was eager to join issue. As the soldiers had become terrified at the reputation of Pyrrhus and on account of the elephants, he called them together and delivered a speech containing many exhortations to courage; then he busily prepared to close with Pyrrhus, willing or unwilling. The latter had no heart to fight, but in order to avoid an appearance of fearing the Romans he also in person addressed his own men, inciting them to the conflict. Lavinius tried to cross the river opposite the camp, but was prevented. So he retired and himself remained in position with his infantry, but sent the cavalry off (apparently on some marauding expedition) with injunctions to march some distance and then make the attempt. In this way both they assailed the enemy unexpectedly in the rear, and Lavinius, in the midst of the foe's confusion, crossed the river and took part in the battle. Pyrrhus came to the aid of his own men, who were in flight, but lost his horse by a wound and was thought by them to have been killed. Then, the one side being dejected and the other scornfully elated, their actions were correspondingly altered. He became aware of this and gave his clothing, which was more striking than that of the rest, to Megacles, bidding him put it on and ride about in all directions to the end that thinking him safe his opponents might be brought to fear and his followers to feel encouragement. As for himself, he put on an ordinary uniform and encountered the Romans with his full army, save the elephants, and by bringing assistance to the contestants wherever they were in trouble he did his supporters a great deal of good. At first, then, for a large part of the day they fought evenly; but when a man killed Megacles, thinking to have killed Pyrrhus and creating this impression in the minds of the rest, the Romans gained vigor and their opponents began to give way. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^12] PYRRHUS, NOTING WHAT WAS TAKING PLACE, CAST OFF HIS CAP AND WENT ABOUT WITH HIS HEAD BARE; AND THE BATTLE TOOK AN OPPOSITE TURN. Seeing this, Lavinius, who had horsemen in hiding somewhere, outside the battle, ordered them to attack the enemy in the rear. In response to this Pyrrhus, as a device to meet it, raised the signal for the elephants. Then, indeed, at the sight of the animals, which was out of all common experience, at their bloodcurdling trumpeting, and at the clatter of arms which their riders, seated in the towers, made, both the Romans themselves became panic stricken and their horses, in a frenzy, either shook off their riders or bolted, carrying them away. Disheartened at this the Roman army was turned to flight and in their rout some soldiers were destroyed by the men in the towers on the elephants' backs, and others by the beasts themselves, which with their trunks and horns (or teeth?) took the lives of many and crushed and trampled under foot no less. The cavalry, following after, slew many; not one, indeed, would have been left, had not an elephant been wounded, and by its own struggles as a result of the wound as well as by its trumpeting thrown the rest into confusion. Only this restrained Pyrrhus from pursuit and only in this way did the Romans manage to cross the river and make their escape into an Apulian city. Many of Pyrrhus's soldiers and officers alike fell, so that [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^13] WHEN CERTAIN MEN CONGRATULATED HIM ON HIS VICTORY, HE SAID; "IF WE EVER CONQUER AGAIN IN LIKE FASHION, WE SHALL BE RUINED." THE ROMANS, HOWEVER, HE ADMIRED EVEN IN THEIR DEFEAT, DECLARING: "I SHOULD ALREADY HAVE MASTERED THE WHOLE INHABITED WORLD, WERE I KING OF THE ROMANS."

[Sidenote: FRAG. 40^14] PYRRHUS, ACCORDINGLY, ACQUIRED A GREAT REPUTATION FOR HIS VICTORY AND MANY CAME OVER TO HIS SIDE: THE ALLIES ALSO ESPOUSED HIS CAUSE. THESE HE REBUKED SOMEWHAT ON ACCOUNT OF THEIR TARDINESS, BUT GAVE THEM A SHARE OF THE SPOIL. VIII, 4.--The men of Rome felt grief at the defeat, but they sent an army to Lavinius; and they summoned Tiberius from Etruria and put the city under guard when they learned that Pyrrhus was hastening against it. Lavinius, however, as soon as he had cured his own followers of their wounds and had collected the scattered, the reinforcements from Rome now having arrived, followed on the track of Pyrrhus and harassed him. Finding out that the king was ambitious to capture Capua he occupied it in advance and guarded it. Disappointed there Pyrrhus set out for Neapolis. Since he developed no power to accomplish anything at this place either and was in haste to occupy Rome, he passed on through Etruria with the object of winning that people also to his cause. He learned that they had made a treaty with the Romans and that Tiberius was moving to meet him face to face. (Lavinius was dogging his footsteps.) [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^19] A DREAD SEIZED HIM OF BEING CUT OFF ON ALL SIDES BY THEM WHILE HE WAS IN UNFAMILIAR REGIONS and he would advance no farther. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^20] WHEN, AS HE WAS RETREATING AND HAD REACHED THE VICINITY OF CAMPANIA, LAVINIUS CONFRONTED HIM AND THE LATTER'S ARMY WAS MUCH LARGER THAN IT WAS BEFORE, HE DECLARED THAT THE ROMAN TROOPS WHEN CUT TO PIECES GREW WHOLE AGAIN, HYDRA-FASHION. AND HE MADE PREPARATIONS IN HIS TURN, BUT DID NOT COME TO THE ISSUE OF BATTLE. He had ordered his own soldiers before the shock of conflict, in order to terrify the Romans, to smite their shields with their spears and cry aloud while the trumpeters and the elephants raised a united blare. But when the other side raised a much greater shout, actually scaring the followers of Pyrrhus, he no longer wanted to come to close quarters, but retired, as if he found the omens bad. And he came to Tarentum. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^21] THITHER CAME ROMAN ENVOYS TO TREAT IN BEHALF OF THE CAPTIVES,--FABRICIUS AMONG OTHERS. THESE HE ENTERTAINED LAVISHLY AND SHOWED THEM HONOR, EXPECTING THAT THEY WOULD CONCLUDE A TRUCE AND MAKE TERMS AS THE DEFEATED PARTY. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^22] FABRICIUS ASKED THAT HE MIGHT GET BACK THE MEN CAPTURED IN BATTLE FOR SUCH RANSOM AS SHOULD BE PLEASING TO BOTH. PYRRHUS, QUITE DUMFOUNDED BECAUSE THE MAN DID NOT SAY THAT HE WAS ALSO COMMISSIONED TO TREAT ABOUT PEACE, TOOK COUNSEL PRIVATELY WITH HIS FRIENDS, AS WAS HIS WONT, ABOUT THE RETURN OF THE CAPTIVES, BUT ALSO ABOUT THE WAR AND HOW HE SHOULD CONDUCT IT. Milo advised neither returning the captives nor making a truce, but overcoming all remaining resistance by war, since the Romans were already defeated: Cineas, however, gave advice just the opposite of his; he approved of surrendering the captives without price and sending envoys and money to Rome for the purpose of obtaining an armistice and peace. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^23] TO HIS DECISION DID THE REST ALSO CLEAVE, AND PYRRHUS, TOO, CHANCED TO BE OF THIS MIND. HAVING CALLED THE AMBASSADORS, THEREFORE, HE SAID: "NOT WILLINGLY, ROMANS, DID I LATELY MAKE WAR UPON YOU, AND I HAVE NO WISH TO WAR AGAINST YOU NOW. IT WAS MY DESIRE TO BECOME YOUR FRIEND. WHEREFORE I RELEASE TO YOU THE CAPTIVES WITHOUT RANSOM AND ASK THE PRIVILEGE OF MAKING PEACE."

[Sidenote: FRAG. 40^24] THESE WORDS HE HAD SPOKEN TO THE ENVOYS AS A WHOLE AND HAD EITHER GIVEN OR FURNISHED THEM PROMISES OF MONEY, BUT IN CONVERSATION WITH FABRICIUS ALONE HE SAID: "I WOULD GLADLY BECOME A FRIEND TO ALL ROMANS, BUT MOST OF ALL TO YOU. I SEE THAT YOU ARE AN EXCELLENT MAN AND I ASK YOU TO HELP ME IN GETTING PEACE." WITH THESE WORDS HE ATTEMPTED TO BESTOW UPON HIM A NUMBER OF GIFTS. BUT FABRICIUS SAID: "I COMMEND YOU FOR DESIRING PEACE, AND I WILL EFFECT IT FOR YOU, IF IT SHALL PROVE TO OUR ADVANTAGE. FOR YOU WILL NOT ASK ME, A MAN WHO, AS YOU SAY, PRETENDS TO UPRIGHTNESS, TO DO ANYTHING AGAINST MY COUNTRY. NAY, I WOULD NOT EVEN ACCEPT ANY OF THESE THINGS WHICH YOU ARE FAIN TO GIVE. I ASK YOU, THEREFORE, WHETHER YOU IN VERY TRUTH REGARD ME AS A REPUTABLE MAN OR NOT. IF I AM A SCOUNDREL, HOW IS IT THAT YOU DEEM ME WORTHY OF GIFTS? IF, ON THE OTHER HAND, I AM A MAN OF HONOR, HOW CAN YOU BID ME ACCEPT THEM? BE THEN ASSURED THAT I HAVE VERY MANY POSSESSIONS, THAT I AM SATISFIED WITH WHAT I NOW HAVE AND FEEL NO NEED OF MORE. YOU, HOWEVER, EVEN IF YOU ARE EVER SO RICH, ARE IN UNSPEAKABLE POVERTY. FOR YOU WOULD NOT HAVE CROSSED OVER TO THIS LAND, LEAVING BEHIND EPIRUS AND THE REST OF YOUR POSSESSIONS, IF YOU HAD BEEN CONTENT WITH THEM AND WERE NOT REACHING OUT FOR MORE."

After this conversation had taken place as recounted, the envoys took the captives and departed. Pyrrhus despatched Cineas to Rome with a large amount of gold coin and women's apparel of every description, so that even if some of the men should resist, their wives, at least, won by the appeal of the finery, might make them share in the prostitution of principles. Cineas on coming to the city did not seek an audience with the senate, but lingered about, alleging now one reason, now another. He was visiting the houses of leading men and by his conversation and gifts was slowly extending his influence over them. When he had won the attachment of a number, he entered the senate-chamber and spoke, saying; "King Pyrrhus offers as his defence the fact that he came not to make war upon you, but to reconcile the Tarentini, and in answer to their entreaties. Indeed, he has released your prisoners, waiving ransom, and though he might have ravaged your country and assaulted your city, he requests to be enrolled among your friends and allies, hoping to gain much assistance from you and to render you still more and greater benefits in return."

Thereupon the greater part of the senators evinced pleasure because of the gifts and because of the captives: however, they made no reply, but went on deliberating for several days more as to the proper course to pursue. There was a deal of talk, but the disposition to accord a truce predominated. On learning this Appius the Blind was carried to the senate-house (for by reason of his age and his infirmity he was a stay-at-home) and declared that the _modus vivendi_ with Pyrrhus was not advantageous to the State. He urged them to dismiss Cineas at once from the city and to make known to Pyrrhus by his mouth that the king must first withdraw to his home country and from there make propositions to them about peace or about anything else he wanted. This was the advice Appius gave. The senate delayed no longer, but forthwith unanimously voted to send Cineas that very day across the borders and to wage an implacable war with Pyrrhus, so long as he should abide in Italy. They imposed upon the captives certain degradations in the campaigns and used them no longer against Pyrrhus nor for any other project as a unit (out of apprehension that if they were together they might rebel), but sent them to do garrison duty, a few here, a few there.

_(BOOK 10, BOISSEVAIN)._

[Sidenote: B.C. 279 (_a.u._ 475)] VIII, 5.--During the winter both sides busied themselves with preparations. When spring had now begun, Pyrrhus invaded Apulia and reduced many places by force, many also by capitulation. Finally the Romans came upon him near a city called Asculum and pitched camp opposite. For several days they lingered, rather avoiding each other. The Romans were not feeling confident against men who had once beaten them, and the others dreaded the Romans as persons animated by desperation. Meanwhile some were talking to the effect that Decius was getting ready to "devote himself" after the fashion of his father and grandfather, and by so doing they terribly alarmed the followers of Pyrrhus, who believed that through his death they would certainly be ruined. Pyrrhus then convened his soldiers and discussed this matter, advising them not to be disheartened nor scared out of their wits by such talk. One human being, he said, could not by dying prevail over many nor could any incantation or magic prove superior to arms and men. By making these remarks and confirming his words by arguments Pyrrhus encouraged the army under his lead. Also he enquired into the details of the costume which the Decii had used in devoting themselves, and sent injunctions to his men, if they should see anybody so arrayed, not to kill him, but seize him alive. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^28] AND HE SENT TO DECIUS AND TOLD HIM THAT HE WOULD NOT SUCCEED IN ACCOMPLISHING THIS, EVEN IF HE WISHED IT, AND THREATENED THAT IF HE WERE TAKEN ALIVE, HE SHOULD PERISH MISERABLY. TO THIS THE CONSULS ANSWERED THAT THEY WERE IN NO NEED OF HAVING RECOURSE TO SUCH A PROCEEDING AS THE ONE MENTIONED, SINCE THEY WERE SURE TO CONQUER HIM ANYWAY. There was a river not easy to ford running between the two camps, and they enquired whether he chose to cross unmolested himself, while they retired, or whether he would allow them to do it, the object being that the forces should encounter each other intact and so from a battle with conditions equal the test of valor might be made an accurate one. The Romans delivered this speech to overawe him, but Pyrrhus granted them permission to cross the river, since he placed great reliance upon his elephants. The Romans among their other preparations made ready, as a measure against the elephants, projecting beams on wagons, overlaid with iron and bristling in all directions. From these they intended to shoot and to withstand the animals with fire as well as by other means. When the conflict began, the Romans forced the Greeks back, slowly to be sure, but none the less effectually, until Pyrrhus, bringing his elephants to bear not opposite their chariots but at the other end of the line, routed their cavalry through fear of the beasts even before they had come close. Upon their infantry, however, he inflicted no great damage. Meantime some of the Apulians had started for the camp of the Epirots and by so doing brought about victory for the Romans. For when Pyrrhus sent some of his warriors against them, all the rest were thrown into disorder and suspecting that their tents had been captured and their companions were in flight they gave way. Numbers of them fell, Pyrrhus and many commanding officers besides were wounded, and later on account of the lack of food and of medical supplies they incurred great loss. Hence he retreated to Tarentum before the Romans were aware. As for the consuls, they crossed the river to fight, but when they ascertained that all had scattered, they withdrew to their own cities. They were unable to pursue after their foes on account of wounds among their own following. Then the Romans went into winter quarters in Apulia, whereas Pyrrhus sent for soldiers and money from home and went on with other preparations. But learning that Fabricius and Pappus had been chosen consuls and had arrived in camp, he was not constant in the same intention.

[Sidenote: B.C. 278 (_a.u._ 476)] The aforesaid consuls were now in the midst of their army, when a certain Nicias, one of those believed to be loyal to Pyrrhus, came to Fabricius and offered to murder him treacherously. Fabricius, indignant at this (for he wanted to overcome the enemy by valor and main force, like Camillus), informed Pyrrhus of the plot. This action of his moved the king so strongly that he again released the Roman captives without price and sent envoys once more in regard to peace. But when the Romans made no reply about peace, but as before bade him depart from Italy and only in that event make propositions to them, and since they kept overrunning and capturing the cities in alliance with him, [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^29] HE FELL INTO PERPLEXITY; till at length some Syracusans called on him for aid--they had been quarreling, as it chanced, ever since the death of Agathocles--and surrendered to him both themselves and their city. Hereupon he again breathed freely, hoping to subjugate all of Sicily. Leaving Milo behind in Italy to keep guard over Tarentum and the other positions, he himself sailed away after letting it be understood that he would soon return. The Syracusans welcomed him and laid everything at his feet, so that in brief time he had again become great and the Carthaginians in fright secured additional mercenaries from Italy. But presently his prospects fell to the other extreme of fortune [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^30] BY REASON OF THE FACT THAT HE EITHER EXPELLED OR SLEW MANY WHO HELD OFFICE AND HAD INCURRED HIS SUSPICIONS. Then the Carthaginians, seeing that he was not strong in private forces and did not possess the devotion of the natives, took up the war vigorously. They harbored any Syracusans who were exiled and rendered his position so uncomfortable that he abandoned not only Syracuse, but Sicily as well.

[Sidenote: B.C. 277 (_a.u._ 477)] VIII, 6.--The Romans on finding out his absence took courage and turned their attention to requiting those who had invited him. Postponing till another occasion the case of the Tarentini they invaded Samnium with their consuls Rufinus and Junius, devastated the country as they went along, and took several deserted forts. The Samnites had conveyed their dearest and most valuable treasures into the hills called the _Cranita_, because they bear a large growth of cornel-wood (_crania_). The Romans in contempt for them dared to begin the ascent of the aforementioned hills. As the region was tangled with shrubbery and difficult of access many were killed and many, too, were taken prisoners.

The consuls now no longer carried on the war together, since each blamed the other for the disaster, but Junius went on ravaging a portion of Samnium, while Rufinus inflicted injury upon Lucanians and Bruttians. He then started against Croton, which had revolted from Rome. His friends had sent for him, but the other party got ahead of them by bringing a garrison from Milo, of which Nicomachus was commander. Ignorant of this fact he approached the walls carelessly, supposing that his friends controlled affairs, and suffered a setback by a sudden sortie made against him. Then, bethinking himself of a trick, he captured the city. He sent two captives as pretended deserters into Croton; one at once, declaring that he had despaired of capturing the place and was about to set out into Locris, which was being betrayed to him; the other later, corroborating the report with the further detail that he was on his way. That the story might gain credence he packed up the baggage and affected to be in haste. Nicomachus trusted this news (for his scouts made the same report), and leaving Croton set off with speed into Locrian territory by a somewhat shorter road. When he had got well into Locris, Rufinus turned back to Croton, and escaping observation because he was not expected and because of a mist that then prevailed he captured the city. Nicomachus learning this went back to Tarentum, and encountering Rufinus on the way lost many men. The Locrians came over to the Roman side.

[Sidenote: B.C. 276 (_a.u._ 478)] The next year the Romans made expeditions into Samnium and into Lucania and fought with the Bruttians. Pyrrhus, who had been driven out of Sicily and had returned, was now troubling them grievously. He got back the Locrians (by their killing the Roman garrison and changing their rulers), but in a campaign against Rhegium was repulsed, was himself wounded, and lost great numbers. He then retired into Locris and after executing a few who opposed his cause he got food and money from the rest and made his way back to Tarentum. The Samnites, hard pressed by the Romans, caused him to leave the shelter of that town: [Sidenote: B.C. 275 (_a.u._ 479)] but on coming to their assistance he was put to flight. A young elephant was wounded, and shaking off its riders wandered about in search of its mother; the latter thereupon became unmanageable, and as all the rest of the elephants raised a din everything was thrown into dire confusion. Finally the Romans won the day, killing many men and capturing eight elephants, and occupied the enemy's entrenchments. Pyrrhus accompanied by a few horsemen made his escape to Tarentum, and from there sailed back to Epirus, leaving Milo behind with a garrison to take care of Tarentum because he expected to come back again. He also gave them a chair fastened with straps made from the skin of Nicias, whom he put to death for treachery. This was the vengeance, then, that he took upon Nicias, [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^32] AND HE WAS INTENDING TO EXACT VENGEANCE FROM SOME YOUTHS WHO HAD RIDICULED HIM AT A BANQUET; BUT HE ASKED THEM WHY THEY WERE RIDICULING HIM, AND WHEN THEY ANSWERED: "WE SHOULD HAVE SAID A LOT MORE THINGS A GOOD DEAL WORSE, IF THE WINE HADN'T FAILED US", HE LAUGHED AND LET THEM GO.

Now Pyrrhus, who had made a most distinguished record among generals, who had inspired the Romans with great fear and left Italy in the fifth year to make a campaign against Greece, not long afterward met his death in Argos. A woman, as the story runs, being eager to catch a sight of him from the roof as he passed by, made a misstep and falling upon him killed him. The same year Fabricius and Pappus became censors; and among others whose names they erased from the lists of the knights and the senators was Rufinus, though he had served as dictator and had twice been consul. The reason was that he had in his possession silver plate of ten pounds' weight. This shows how the Romans regarded poverty as consisting not in the failure to possess many things but in wanting many things. Accordingly, their officials who went abroad and others who set out on any business of importance to the State received besides other necessary allowances a seal-ring as a public gift.

Some of the Tarentini who had been abused by Milo attacked him, with Nico at their head. Not accomplishing anything they occupied a section of their own wall, and with that as headquarters kept making assaults upon Milo. When they found out that the Romans were disposed to make war upon them, they despatched envoys to Rome and obtained peace.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 41] [Sidenote: B.C. 273 (_a.u._ 481)] AND PTOLEMY PHILADELPHUS, KING OF EGYPT, WHEN HE LEARNED THAT PYRRHUS HAD FARED POORLY AND THAT THE ROMANS WERE GROWING, SENT GIFTS TO THEM AND MADE A COMPACT. AND THE ROMANS, PLEASED WITH THIS, DESPATCHED AMBASSADORS TO HIM IN TURN. THE LATTER RECEIVED MAGNIFICENT GIFTS FROM HIM, WHICH THEY WANTED TO PUT INTO THE TREASURY; THE SENATE, HOWEVER, WOULD NOT ACCEPT THEM, BUT ALLOWED THEM TO KEEP THEM.

[Sidenote: B.C. 272 (_a.u._ 482)] After this, by the activity of Carvilius they subdued the Samnites, and overcame the Lucanians and Bruttians by the hands of Papirius. The same Papirius quelled the Tarentini. The latter, angry at Milo and subjected to abuse by their own men, who, as has been told, made the attack on Milo, called in the Carthaginians to their aid when they learned that Pyrrhus was dead. Milo, seeing that his chances had been contracted to narrow limits, as the Romans beset him on the land side and the Carthaginians on the water front, surrendered the citadel to Papirius on condition of being permitted to depart unharmed with his immediate followers and his money. Then the Carthaginians, as representatives of a nation friendly to the Romans, sailed away, and the city made terms with Papirius. They delivered to him their arms and their ships, demolished their walls, and agreed to pay tribute.

The Romans, having thus secured control of the Tarentini, turned their attention to Rhegium, whose inhabitants after taking Croton by treachery had razed the city to the ground and had slain the Romans there. They averted the danger that was threatening them from the Mamertines holding Messana (whom the people of Rhegium wanted to get as allies), by coming to an agreement with them; but in the siege of Rhegium they suffered hardships through a scarcity of food and some other causes until Hiero by sending from Sicily grain and soldiers to the Romans strengthened their hands and materially aided them in capturing the city. [Sidenote: B.C. 270 (_a.u._ 484)] The place was restored to the survivors among the original inhabitants: those who had plotted against it were punished.

Hiero, who was not of distinguished family on his father's side and on his mother's was akin to the slave class, ruled almost the whole of Sicily and was deemed a friend and ally of the Romans. After the flight of Pyrrhus he became master of Syracuse, and having a cautious eye upon the Carthaginians who were encroaching upon Sicily he was inclined to favor the Romans; and the first mark of favor that he showed them was the alliance and the forwarding of grain already narrated.

After this came a winter so severe that the Tiber was frozen to a great depth and trees were killed. The people of Rome suffered hardships and the hay gave out, causing the cattle to perish.

[Sidenote: B.C. 269 (_a.u._ 485)] VIII, 7.--The next year a Samnite named Lolius living in Rome as a hostage made his escape, gathered a band and seized a strong position in his native country from which he carried on brigandage. Quintus Gallus and Gaius Fabius made a campaign against him. Him and the rabblement with him, most of them unarmed, they suppressed; on proceeding, however, against the Carcini in whose keeping the robbers had deposited their booty, they encountered trouble. Finally one night, led by deserters, they scaled the wall at a certain point and came dangerously near perishing on account of the darkness,--not that it was a moonless night but because it was snowing fiercely. But the moon shone out and they made themselves absolute masters of the position.

A great deal of money fell to the share of Rome in those days, so that they actually used silver denarii.

[Sidenote: B.C. 267 (_a.u._ 487)] Next they made a campaign into the district now called Calabria. Their excuse was that the people had harbored Pyrrhus and had been overrunning their allied territory, but as a fact they wanted to gain sole possession of Brundusium, since there was a fine harbor and for the traffic with Illyricum and Greece the town had an approach and landing-place of such a character that vessels would sometimes come to land and put out to sea wafted by the same wind. [Sidenote: B.C. 266 (_a.u._ 488)] They captured it and sent colonists to it and to other settlements as well. While the accomplishment of these exploits [Sidenote: FRAG. 42] RAISED THEM TO A HIGHER PLANE OF PROSPERITY, THEY SHOWED NO HAUGHTINESS: ON THE CONTRARY THEY SURRENDERED TO THE APOLLONIATIANS ON THE IONIAN GULF QUINTUS FABIUS, A SENATOR, BECAUSE HE HAD INSULTED THEIR AMBASSADORS. BUT THESE ON RECEIVING HIM SENT HIM BACK HOME AGAIN UNHARMED.

[Sidenote: B.C. 265 (_a.u._ 489)] In the year of the consulship of Quintus Fabius and AEmilius they went on a campaign to the Volsinii to secure the freedom of the latter, for they were under treaty obligations to them. These people were originally a branch of the Etruscans, and they gathered power and erected an extremely strong rampart; they enjoyed also a government guided by good laws. For these reasons once, when they were involved in war with the Romans, they offered resistance for a very long time. When they had been subdued, they deteriorated into a state of effeminacy, left the management of the city to their servants and let those servants, as a rule, also carry on their campaigns. Finally they encouraged them to such an extent that the servants possessed both spirit and power, and thought they had a right to freedom. In the course of time their efforts to obtain it were crowned with success. After that they were accustomed to wed their mistresses, to inherit their masters, to be enrolled in the senate, to secure the offices, and to hold the entire authority themselves. Indeed, it was usual, when insults were offered them by their masters, for them to requite the authors of them with rather unbecoming speed. Hence the old-fashioned citizens, not being able to endure them and yet possessing no power of their own to repress them, despatched envoys by stealth to Rome. The envoys urged the senate to convene with secrecy at night in a private house, so that no report might get abroad, and they obtained their request. The meeting accordingly deliberated under the idea that no one was listening: but a sick Samnite, who was being entertained as a guest of the master of the house, kept his bed unnoticed, learned what was voted, and gave information to those against whom charges were preferred. The latter seized and tortured the envoys on their return; when they found out what was on foot they killed the messengers and also some of the foremost men.

The above were the causes which led the Romans to send Fabius against them. He routed the body of the foe that met him, destroyed many in their flight, shut up the remainder within the wall, and made an assault upon the city. In that action he was wounded and killed, whereupon gaining confidence the enemy made a sortie. They were again defeated, retired, and had to submit to siege. When they began to feel the pangs of hunger, they surrendered. The consul delivered to outrage and death the men who had appropriated the honors of the ruling class and he razed the city to the ground; the native inhabitants, however, and many servants who had rendered valuable service to their masters he settled on another site.

_(BOOK 11, BOISSEVAIN.)_

VIII, 8.--From that time the Romans began struggles oversea: they had previously had no experience at all in naval matters. They now became seamen and crossed over to the islands and to other divisions of the mainland. The first people they fought against were the Carthaginians. These Carthaginians were no whit inferior to them in wealth or in the excellence of their land; they were trained in naval operations to a great degree of accuracy, were equipped with cavalry forces, with infantry and elephants, ruled the Libyans, and held possession of both Sardinia and the greater part of Sicily: as a result they had cherished hopes of subjugating Italy. Various factors contributed to increase their self-conceit. They were especially delighted with their position of independence: their king they elected under the title of a yearly office and not for permanent sovereignty. Animated by these considerations they were at the point of most zealous eagerness.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 43^1] THE REASONS ALLEGED FOR THE WAR WERE--ON THE PART OF THE ROMANS THAT THE CARTHAGINIANS HAD ASSISTED THE TARENTINI, ON THE PART OF THE CARTHAGINIANS THAT THE ROMANS HAD MADE A TREATY OF FRIENDSHIP WITH HIERO. THE FACT WAS, HOWEVER, THAT THEY VIEWED EACH OTHER WITH JEALOUSY AND THOUGHT THAT THE ONLY SALVATION FOR THEIR OWN POSSESSIONS LAY IN THE POSSIBILITY OF OBTAINING WHAT THE OTHER HELD. AT A TIME WHEN THEIR ATTITUDE TOWARD EACH OTHER WAS OF THIS NATURE A SLIGHT ACCIDENT THAT BEFELL BROKE THE TRUCE AND PROVOKED A CONFLICT BETWEEN THEM. This is what happened.

The Mamertines, who had once conducted a colony from Campania to Messana, were now being besieged by Hiero, and they called upon the Romans as a nation of kindred blood. The latter readily voted to aid them, knowing that in case the Mamertines should not secure an alliance with them, they would have recourse to the Carthaginians; and then the Carthaginians would sweep all Sicily and from there cross over into Italy. For this island is such a short distance away from the mainland that the story goes that it was itself once a part of the mainland. [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^2] SO THE ISLAND THUS LYING OFF ITALY SEEMED TO INVITE THE CARTHAGINIANS, AND IT APPEARED AS IF THEY MIGHT LAY CLAIM TO THE LAND OVER OPPOSITE, COULD THEY BUT OCCUPY IT. AND THE POSSESSION OF MESSANA GAVE TO ITS MASTERS THE RIGHT TO BE LORDS OF THE STRAIT ALSO.

Though the Romans voted to assist the Mamertines, they did not quickly come to their aid because of various hindrances that occurred. Hence the Mamertines, under the spur of necessity, called upon the Carthaginians. These brought about peace with Hiero both for themselves and for the party that had invoked their help, so as to prevent the Romans from crossing into the island; and under the leadership of Hanno they retained the guardianship of strait and city. [Sidenote: B.C. 264 (_a.u._ 490)] Meantime Gaius Claudius, military tribune, sent in advance with a few ships by Appius Claudius, had arrived at Rhegium. But to sail across was more than he dared, for he saw that the Carthaginian fleet was far larger. So he embarked in a skiff and approached Messana, where he held a conversation, as extended as the case permitted, with the party in possession. When the Carthaginians had made reply, he returned without accomplishing anything. Subsequently he ascertained that the Mamertines were at odds (they did not want to submit to the Romans, and yet they felt uneasy about the Carthaginians), and he sailed over again. [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^3] AMONG OTHER REMARKS WHICH HE MADE TO TEMPT THEM HE DECLARED THAT THE OBJECT OF HIS PRESENCE WAS TO FREE THE CITY, AND AS SOON AS HE COULD SET THEIR AFFAIRS IN ORDER, HE SHOULD SAIL AWAY. HE BADE THE CARTHAGINIANS ALSO EITHER TO WITHDRAW, OR, IF THEY HAD ANY JUST PLEA, TO OFFER IT. NOW WHEN NOT ONE OF THE MAMERTINES (BY REASON OF FEAR) OPENED HIS LIPS, AND THE CARTHAGINIANS SINCE THEY WERE OCCUPYING THE CITY BY FORCE OF ARMS PAID NO HEED TO HIM, HE SAID: "THE SILENCE ON BOTH SIDES AFFORDS SUFFICIENT EVIDENCE. IT SHOWS THAT THE ONE SIDE IS IN THE WRONG, FOR THEY WOULD HAVE JUSTIFIED THEMSELVES IF THEIR PURPOSES WERE AT ALL HONEST; AND THAT THE OTHER SIDE COVETS FREEDOM, FOR THEY WOULD HAVE BEEN QUITE FREE TO SPEAK, IF THEY HAD ESPOUSED THE CAUSE OF THE CARTHAGINIANS." AND HE VOLUNTEERED TO AID THEM. At this a tumult of praise arose from the Mamertines. He then sailed back to Rhegium and a little later with his entire fleet forced his passage across. However, partly because of the numbers and skill of the Carthaginians, but chiefly because of the difficulty of sailing and a storm that suddenly broke [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^4] HE LOST SOME OF HIS TRIREMES AND WITH THE REMAINDER BARELY SUCCEEDED IN GETTING BACK TO RHEGIUM.

VIII, 9.--HOWEVER, THE ROMANS DID NOT SHUN THE SEA BECAUSE OF THEIR DEFEAT. Claudius proceeded to repair his ships, [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^5] WHILE HANNO, WISHING TO THROW THE RESPONSIBILITY FOR BREAKING THE TRUCE UPON THE ROMANS, SENT TO CLAUDIUS THE CAPTURED TRIREMES AND RESTORED THE CAPTIVES, URGING HIM TO AGREE TO PEACE. [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^6] BUT WHEN THE OTHER WOULD ACCEPT NOTHING, HE THREATENED THAT HE WOULD NEVER PERMIT THE ROMANS EVEN TO WASH THEIR HANDS IN THE SEA. Claudius now having become acquainted with the strait watched for a time when the current and the wind both carried from Italy toward Sicily, and under those circumstances sailed to the island, encountering no opposition. [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^7] HE DISCOVERED THE MAMERTINES AT THE HARBOR: HANNO HAD BEFORE BECOME SUSPICIOUS OF THEIR MOVEMENTS AND HAD ESTABLISHED HIMSELF IN THE ACROPOLIS, WHICH HE WAS GUARDING. THE ROMAN LEADER ACCORDINGLY CONVENED AN ASSEMBLY AND AFTER SOME CONVERSATION WITH THEM PERSUADED THEM TO SEND FOR HANNO. THE LATTER REFUSED TO COME DOWN, but filled with a subsequent fear that the Mamertines might allege injustice on his part and revolt he did enter the assembly. After many words had been spoken to no purpose by both sides, one of the Romans seized him and, with the approval of the Mamertines, threw him into prison.

Thus, under compulsion, Hanno left Messana entirely. The Carthaginians disciplined him and sent a herald to the Romans bidding them leave Messana and depart from all of Sicily by a given day; they also set an army in motion. Since the Romans paid no heed, they put to death the mercenaries serving with them who were from Italy, and made an assault upon Messana, Hiero accompanying them. Then for a season they besieged the city and kept guard over the strait, to prevent any troops or provisions being conveyed to the foe. The consul was informed of this when he was already quite close at hand, and found a number of Carthaginians disposed at various points in and about the harbor under pretence of carrying on trade. In order to get safe across the strait he resorted to deception and did succeed in anchoring off Sicily by night. His point of approach was not far from the camp of Hiero and he joined battle without delay, thinking that his appearance in force would be most likely to inspire the enemy with fear. When they came out to withstand the attack, the Roman cavalry was worsted but the heavy-armed infantry prevailed. Hiero retired temporarily to the mountains and later to Syracuse.

When Hiero had retired, the Mamertines took courage because of the presence of Claudius. He therefore assailed the Carthaginians, who were now isolated, and their rampart, which was situated on a kind of peninsula. For on the one side the sea enclosed it and on the other some marshes, difficult to traverse. At the neck of this peninsula, the only entrance and a very narrow one, a cross wall had been built. In an attempt to carry this point by force the Romans fared badly and withdrew under a shower of weapons. [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^9] THE LIBYANS THEN TOOK COURAGE AND SALLIED OUT, PURSUING THE FUGITIVES, AS THEY THOUGHT THEM, BEYOND THE NARROW STRIP OF LAND. THEREUPON THE ROMANS WHEELED, ROUTED THEM, AND KILLED A NUMBER, SO THAT THEY DID NOT ISSUE FROM THE CAMP AGAIN,--AT LEAST SO LONG AS CLAUDIUS WAS IN MESSANA. He, however, not daring to attack the approach in force, left a detachment behind in Messana and turned his steps toward Syracuse and Hiero. He personally superintended the assault upon the city, and now and then the inhabitants would come out to battle. Each side would sometimes be victorious and sometimes incur defeat. One day the consul got into a confined position and would have been caught, had he not, before being surrounded, sent to Hiero an invitation to agree to some terms. When the representative came with whom he was to conclude the terms, he kept falling back unobtrusively, while he conversed with him, until he had retired to safety. But the city could not easily be taken, and a siege, on account of scarcity of food supplies and disease in the army, was impracticable. Claudius accordingly withdrew; and the Syracusans following held discussions with his scattered followers and would have made a truce, if Hiero also had been willing to agree to terms. The consul left behind a garrison in Messana and sailed back to Rhegium.

[Sidenote: B.C. 263 (_a.u._ 491)] As Etruscan unrest had come to a standstill and affairs in Italy were perfectly peaceful, whereas the Carthaginian state was becoming ever greater, the Romans ordered both the consuls to make an expedition into Sicily. Valerius Maximus and Otacilius Crassus consequently crossed over and in their progress through the island together and separately they won over many towns by capitulation. When they had made the majority of places their own, they set out for Syracuse. Hiero in terror sent a herald to them with offers: he expressed a readiness to restore the cities of which they had been deprived, promised money, and liberated the prisoners. On these terms he obtained peace, for the consuls thought they could subjugate the Carthaginians more easily with his help. After reaching an agreement with him, then, they turned their attention to the remaining cities garrisoned by Carthaginians. They were repulsed from all of them except Segesta, which they took without resistance. Its inhabitants because of their relationship with the Romans (they declare they are descended from AEneas) slew the Carthaginians and joined the Roman alliance.

VIII, 10.--On account of the winter the consuls embarked again for Rhegium. The Carthaginians conveyed most of their army to Sardinia in the intention of attacking Rome from that quarter. They would thus either rout them out of Sicily altogether or would render them weaker after they had crossed. Yet they achieved neither the one object nor the other. The Romans both kept guard over their own land and sent a respectable force to Sicily with Postumius Albinus and Quintus AEmilius.[15] [Sidenote: B.C. 262 (_a.u._ 492)] On arriving in Sicily the consuls set out for Agrigentum and there besieged Hannibal the son of Gisco. The people of Carthage, when apprised of it, sent Hanno, with a powerful support, to aid him in the warfare. This leader arrived at Heraclea, not far from Agrigentum, and was soon engaged in war. A number of battles, but not great ones, took place. At first Hanno challenged the consuls to fight, then later on the Romans challenged him. For as long as the Romans had an abundance of food, they did not venture to contend against a superior force, and were hoping to get possession of the city by famine; when, however, they encountered a permanent shortage of grain, they displayed a zeal for taking risks, but Hanno showed hesitation; their eagerness led him to suspect that he might be ambushed. Everybody therefore was satisfied to revere the Romans as easy conquerors, and Hiero, who once cooeperated with them sulkily, now sent them grain, so that even the consuls took heart.

[Footnote 15: In Roman records these persons are known respectively as L. Postumius L. F. L. N. Megellus and Q. Mamilius Q. F. M. N. Vitulus.]

Hanno now undertook to bring on a battle, expecting that Hannibal would fall upon the Romans in the rear, assailing them from the wall. The consuls learned his plan but remained inactive, and Hanno in scorn approached their intrenchments. They also sent some men to lie in ambush behind him. When toward evening he fearlessly and contemptuously led a charge, the Romans joined battle with him from ambush and from palisade and wrought a great slaughter of the enemy and of the elephants besides. Hannibal had in the meantime assailed the Roman tents, but was hurled back by the men guarding them. Hanno abandoned his camp and made good his escape to Heraclea. Hannibal then formed a plan to escape as runaways from Agrigentum by night, and himself eluded observation; the rest, however, were recognized and were killed, some by the Romans and many by the Agrigentinians. For all that the people of Agrigentum did not obtain pardon, but their wealth was plundered and they themselves were all sold into servitude.

On account of the winter the consuls retired to Messana. The Carthaginians were angry with Hanno and despatched Hamilcar the son of Barca in his stead, a man superior in generalship to all his countrymen save only Hannibal his son. [Sidenote: B.C. 261 (_a.u._ 493)] Hamilcar himself guarded Sicily and sent Hannibal as admiral to damage the coast sections of Italy and so draw the consuls to his vicinity. Yet he did not accomplish his aim, for they posted guards along both shores and then went to Sicily. They effected nothing worthy of record, however. And Hamilcar, becoming afraid that his Gallic mercenaries (who were offended because he had not given them full pay) might go over to the Romans, brought about their destruction. He sent them to take charge of one of the cities under Roman sway, assuring them that it was in course of being betrayed and giving them permission to plunder it: he then sent to the consuls pretended deserters to give them advance information of the coming of the Gauls. Hence all the Gauls were ambuscaded and destroyed; many of the Romans also perished.

After the consuls had departed home Hamilcar sailed to Italy and ravaged the land and won over some cities in Sicily. On receipt of this information the Romans [Sidenote: B.C. 260 (_a.u._ 494)] gathered a fleet and put one of the consuls, Gaius Duillius, in command of it, while they sent his colleague, Gaius[16] Cornelius, to Sicily. He, neglecting the war on land which had fallen to his lot, sailed with the ships that belonged to him to Lipara, on the understanding that it was to be betrayed to him. Through treachery it had fallen into the hands of the Carthaginians. When, therefore, he put into Lipara, Bodes the lieutenant of Hannibal closed in upon him. As Gaius[17] made preparations to defend himself, Bodes fearing the Romans' desperation invited them to discuss terms. Having persuaded them to do so he took the consul and military tribunes, who supposed they were to meet the admiral, on board his own trireme. These men he sent to Carthage: the rest he captured without their so much as lifting a weapon.

[Footnote 16: This name should in both cases be Gnaeus.]

[Footnote 17: [See previous footnote.]]

VIII, 11.--Then Hannibal continued the ravaging of Italy, while Hamilcar made a campaign against Segesta, where the Romans had most of their infantry force. Gaius Caecilius, a military tribune, wanted to assist them, but Hamilcar waylaid him and slaughtered many of his followers. The people of Rome learning this at once sent out the praetor urbanus and incited Duillius to haste. On coming to Sicily he learned the fact that the ships of the Carthaginians were inferior to his own in stoutness and size, but excelled in the quickness of their rowing and variety of movement. Therefore he fitted out his triremes with mechanical devices,--anchors and grappling irons with long spikes and other such things,--in order that by laying hold of the hostile ships with these they might pin them fast to their own vessels; then by crossing over into them they might have a hand to hand conflict with the Carthaginians and engage them just as in an infantry battle. When the Carthaginians began the fight with the Roman ships, they sailed round and round them using the oars rapidly and would make sudden dashes. So for the time the conflict was an evenly matched one: later the Romans got the upper hand and sank numbers of crews, retaining possession also of large numbers. Hannibal conducted the fight on a boat of seven banks, but when his own ship became entangled with a trireme, he feared capture, hastily left the seven banked affair, and transferring to another ship effected his escape.

This was the way, then, that the naval battle resulted, and much spoil was taken. [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^13] THE CARTHAGINIANS WOULD HAVE PUT HANNIBAL TO DEATH ON ACCOUNT OF THE DEFEAT, IF HE HAD NOT IMMEDIATELY ENQUIRED OF THEM WHETHER, GRANTED THAT THE BUSINESS WERE STILL UNTOUCHED, THEY WOULD BID HIM RISK A SEA-FIGHT OR NOT. THEY AGREED THAT HE OUGHT TO FIGHT, FOR THEY PRIDED THEMSELVES UPON HAVING A SUPERIOR NAVY. HE THEN ADDED: "I, THEN, HAVE DONE NO WRONG, FOR I WENT INTO THE ENGAGEMENT WITH THE SAME HOPES AS YOU. IT WAS THE DECISION, BUT NOT THE FORTUNE OF THE BATTLE THAT HAPPENED TO BE WITHIN MY POWER." So he saved his life, but was deprived of his command.--Duillius after securing a reinforcement of infantry rescued the people of Segesta, and Hamilcar would not venture to come into close conflict with him. He strengthened the loyalty of the other friendly settlements and returned to Rome at the close of autumn. Upon his departure Hamilcar took forcible possession of the place called Drepanum (it is a convenient roadstead), deposited there the objects of greatest value and transferred to it all the people of Eryx. The city of the latter, because it was a strong point, he razed to the ground to prevent the Romans from seizing it and making it a base of operations for the war. He captured some cities, too, some by force, some by betrayal; and if Gaius Florus who wintered there had not restrained him, he would have subjugated Sicily entire.

[Sidenote: B.C. 259 (_a.u._ 495)] Lucius Scipio, his colleague, made a campaign against Sardinia and against Corsica. These islands are situated in the Tyrrhenian sea only a short distance apart,--so short a distance, in fact, that from a little way off they seem to be one. His first landing place was Corsica. There he captured by force Valeria, its largest city, and subdued the remainder of the region without effort. As he was sailing toward Sardinia he descried a Carthaginian fleet and directed his course to it. The enemy fled before a battle could be joined and he came to the city of Olbia. There the Carthaginians put in an appearance along with their ships, and Scipio being frightened (for he had no infantry worthy the mention) set sail for home.

These were the days when the Samnites with the cooeperation of other captives and slaves in the city came to an agreement to form a conspiracy against Rome. Numbers of them had been brought there with a view to their utilization in the equipment of the fleet. Herius Potilius, the leader of the auxiliary force, found it out and pretended to be of like mind with them, in order that he might fully inform himself in regard to what they had determined. As he was not able to give knowledge of the affair,--for all those about him were Samnites,--he persuaded them to gather in the Forum at a time when a senate meeting was being convened and denounce him with declarations that they were being wronged in the matter of the grain which they were receiving. They did this and he was sent for as being the cause of the tumult; and he then laid bare to the Romans the plot. For the moment they merely dismissed the protestants (after they had become quiet) but by night all of those who held slaves arrested some of them. And in this way the entire conspiracy was overthrown.

[Sidenote: B.C. 253 (_a.u._ 496)] The following summer the Romans and the Carthaginians fought in Sicily and Sardinia at once. Somewhat later Atilius Latinus[18] went to Sicily and finding a city named Mytistratus being besieged by Florus he made use of the latter's support. He made assaults upon the circuit of the wall which the natives with the help of the Carthaginians at first withstood vigorously, but when the women and children were moved to tears and laments they abandoned resistance. The Carthaginians passed out secretly by night and at daybreak the natives voluntarily swung the gates wide open. The Romans went in and proceeded to slaughter them all till Atilius made proclamation that the remainder of the booty and the human beings belonged to him who might take them. Forthwith they spared the lives of the remaining captives and after pillaging the city burned it to the ground.

[Footnote 18: A. Atilius Calatinus is meant.]

VIII, 12.--Thence they proceeded heedlessly against Camarina and came into a region where an ambuscade had already been set. They would have perished utterly, had not Marcus Calpurnius, serving as military tribune, matched the catastrophe by his cleverness. He saw that one and one only of the surrounding hills had by reason of its steepness not been occupied and he asked of the consul three hundred heavy-armed men and with them he set out for that point. His purpose was to make the enemy turn their attention to his detachment so that then the rest of the Romans might make their escape. And so it happened; for when the adversaries saw his project, they were thunderstruck and left the consul and his followers as men already captured in order to make a united rush upon Calpurnius. A fierce battle ensued in which many of the opposing side and all the three hundred fell. Calpurnius alone survived. He had been wounded and lay unnoticed among the heaps of slain, being as good as dead by reason of his wounds; afterward he was found alive and his life was saved. While the three hundred were fighting, the consul got away; and after this escape he reduced Camarina and other cities, some by force and some by capitulation. Next Atilius set out against Lipara. But Hamilcar at night by stealth occupied it in advance and by making a sudden sally killed many Romans.

Gaius Sulpicius overran the most of Sardinia and filled with arrogance as a result he set out for Libya. The Carthaginians, alarmed for the safety of their home population, also set sail with Hannibal, [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^14] BUT AS A CONTRARY WIND WAS ENCOUNTERED BOTH LEADERS TURNED BACK. SUBSEQUENTLY ATILIUS[19] BROUGHT ABOUT HANNIBAL'S DEFEAT THROUGH SOME FALSE DESERTERS who pretended that Atilius[20] was going to sail to Libya again. Hannibal weighed anchor and came out with speed, whereupon Sulpicius sailed to meet him and sank the majority of his vessels, which, because of a mist, did not know for a long time what was taking place and were thrown into confusion; all that made their escape to land he seized, though minus their crews, for Hannibal who saw that the harbor was unsafe abandoned them and retired to the city of Sulci. There the Carthaginians engaged in mutiny against their leader and he came forth before them alone and was slain. The Romans in consequence overran the country with greater ease, but were defeated by Hanno. This is what took place that year. Also stones in great quantities at once, and in appearance something like hail, fell from heaven upon Rome continually. It likewise came to pass that stones descended upon Albanum and elsewhere.

[Footnote 19: Apparently a mistake for _Sulpicius_.]

[Footnote 20: [See previous footnote.]]

[Sidenote: B.C. 257 (_a.u._ 497)] The consuls on coming to Sicily made a campaign against Lipara. Perceiving the Carthaginians lying in the harbor below the height called Tyndaris they divided their expedition in two. One of the consuls with half the fleet surrounded the promontory, and Hamilcar thinking them an isolated force set sail. When the rest came up, he turned to flight and lost most of his fleet. The Romans were elated, and feeling that Sicily was already theirs they left it and ventured to make an attempt on Libya and Carthage. [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^16] THEIR LEADERS WERE MARCUS REGULUS AND LUCIUS MANLIUS, PREFERRED BEFORE OTHERS FOR THEIR EXCELLENCE. [Sidenote: B.C. 256 (_a.u._ 498)] These two sailed to Sicily, settled affairs there, and made ready for the voyage to Libya: the Carthaginians did not wait for their hostile voyage to begin, but after due preparation hastened toward Sicily. Off Heracleotis the opposing forces met. The contest was for a long time evenly balanced but in the end the Romans got the best of it. Hamilcar did not dare to withstand their progress, [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^17] BUT SENT HANNO TO THEM PRETENDEDLY IN BEHALF OF PEACE, WHEREAS HE REALLY WISHED TO USE UP TIME; HE WAS IN HOPES THAT AN ARMY WOULD BE SENT TO HIM FROM HOME. WHEN SOME CLAMORED FOR HANNO'S ARREST, BECAUSE THE CARTHAGINIANS HAD ALSO TREACHEROUSLY ARRESTED CORNELIUS, the envoy said: "If you do this, you will be no longer any better than Libyans." He, therefore, by flattering them most opportunely escaped any kind of molestation: the Romans, however, again took up the war. And the consuls sailed from Messana, while Hamilcar and Hanno separated and studied how to enclose them from both sides. Hanno, however, would not stand before them when they approached, but sailed away betimes to the harbor of Carthage and kept constant guard of the city. Hamilcar, apprised of this, stayed where he was. The Romans disembarked on land and marched against the city Aspis, whose inhabitants, seeing them approaching, slipped out quietly and in good season. The Romans thus occupied it without striking a blow and made it a base in the war. From it they ravaged the country and acquired cities, some of their own free will and others by intimidation. They also kept securing great booty, receiving vast numbers of deserters, and getting back many of their own men who had been captured in the previous wars.

VIII, 13.--Winter came on and Manlius sailed back to Rome with the booty, whereas Regulus remained behind in Libya. The Carthaginians found themselves in the depths of woe, since their country was being pillaged and their vassals alienated; but cooped up in their fortifications they remained inactive. [Sidenote: (FRAG. 43^18?)] WHILE REGULUS WAS BESIDE THE BAGRADAS RIVER A SERPENT OF HUGE BULK APPEARED TO HIM, THE LENGTH OF WHICH IS SAID TO HAVE BEEN ONE HUNDRED AND TWENTY FEET. ITS SLOUGH WAS CARRIED TO ROME FOR EXHIBITION PURPOSES. AND THE REST OF ITS BODY CORRESPONDED IN SIZE. It destroyed many of the soldiers that approached it and some also who were drinking from the river. Regulus overcame it by a crowd of soldiers and hurling-engines. After thus destroying it he gave battle by night to Hamilcar, who was encamped upon a high, woody spot; and he slew many in their beds as well as many who had just risen. Any who escaped fell in with Romans guarding the roads, who despatched them. In this way a large division of Carthaginians was blotted out and numerous cities went over to the Romans. [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^19] THOSE IN THE TOWN BEING IN FEAR OF CAPTURE SENT HERALDS TO THE CONSUL TO THE END THAT HAVING BY SOME SATISFACTORY ARRANGEMENT INDUCED HIM TO GO AWAY THEY MIGHT AVOID THE DANGER OF THE MOMENT AND SO ESCAPE. BUT WHEN MANY UNREASONABLE DEMANDS WERE MADE OF THEM, THEY DECIDED THAT THE TRUCE WOULD MEAN THEIR UTTER SUBJUGATION AND PREPARED RATHER TO FIGHT.

[Sidenote: B.C. 255 (_a.u._ 499)] Regulus, however, who up to that time was fortunate, became filled with boastfulness and conceit, so much so that he even wrote to Rome that he had sealed up the gates of Carthage with fear. His followers and the people of Rome thought the same way, and this caused their undoing. Allies of various sorts came to the Carthaginians, among them Xanthippus from Sparta. He assumed the general superintendence of the Carthaginians, for the populace was eager to entrust matters to his charge and Hamilcar together with the other officials stepped aside voluntarily. The new leader, then, disposed things excellently in every way, and particularly he brought the Carthaginians down from the heights, where they were staying through fear, into the level country, where their horses and elephants were sure to develop greatest power. For some time he remained inactive until at length he found the Romans encamped in a way that betokened their contempt. They were very haughty over their victorious progress and looked down upon Xanthippus as a "Graecus" (this is a name they give to Hellenes and they use this epithet as a reproach to them for their mean birth); [Sidenote: B.C. 255 (_a.u._ 499)] consequently they had constructed their camp in a heedless fashion. While the Romans were in this situation, Xanthippus assailed them, routed their cavalry with his elephants, cut down many and captured many alive, among them Regulus himself. This put the Carthaginians in high spirits. They saved the lives of the captives in order that their own citizens previously taken captive by the Romans might not be killed. All the Roman prisoners were treated with consideration except Regulus, whom they kept in a state of utter misery; they offered him only just food enough to maintain existence and they would repeatedly lead an elephant close up to him to frighten him, so that he might have peace in neither body nor mind. After afflicting him in this way for a good while they placed him in prison.

The manner in which the Carthaginians dealt with their allies forms a chapter of great ruthlessness in this story. They were not supplied with sufficient wealth to pay them what they had originally promised, and dismissed them with the understanding that they would pay them their wages before very long. To the men who escorted the allies, however, they issued orders to put them ashore on a desert island and quietly sail away. As to Xanthippus, one story is that they drowned him, attacking him in boats after his boat had departed: the other is that they gave him an old ship which was in no wise seaworthy but had been newly covered over with pitch outside, that it might sink quite of itself; and that he, aware of the fact, got aboard a different ship and so was saved. Their reason for doing this was to avoid seeming to have been preserved by his ability; for they thought that once he had perished the renown of his deeds would also perish.

VIII, 14.--The people of Rome were grieved at the turn of events and more especially because they were looking for the Carthaginians to sail against Rome itself. For this reason they carefully guarded Italy and hastily sent to the Romans in Sicily and Libya the consuls Marcus AEmilius and Fulvius Paetinus.[21] They after sailing to Sicily and garrisoning the positions there started for Libya, but were overtaken by a storm and carried to Cossura. They ravaged the island and put it in charge of a garrison, then sailed onward again. Meanwhile a fierce naval battle with the Carthaginians had taken place. The latter were struggling to eject the Romans entirely from their native land, and the Romans to save the remnants of their soldiers who had been left in hostile territory. In the midst of a close battle the Romans in Aspis suddenly attacked the Carthaginians in ships from the rear, and by getting them between two forces overcame them. Later the Romans also won an infantry engagement and took many prisoners, whose lives they saved because of Regulus and those captured with him. They made several raids and then sailed to Sicily. After encountering a storm, however, and losing many of their number, they sailed for home with the ships that remained.

[Footnote 21: Zonaras spells _Plaetinus_.]

[Sidenote: B.C. 254 (_a.u._ 500)] The Carthaginians took Cossura and crossed over to Sicily; and had they not learned that Collatinus[22] and Gnaeus Cornelius were approaching with a large fleet, they would have subjugated the whole of it. The Romans had quickly fitted out a first-class fleet, had made levies of their best men, and had become so strong that in the third month they returned to Sicily. It was the five hundredth year from the founding of Rome. The lower city of Panhormus they took without trouble, but in the siege of the citadel they fared badly until food failed those in it. Then they came to terms with the consuls. [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^20] THE CARTHAGINIANS KEPT WATCH FOR THEIR SHIPS HOMEWARD BOUND AND CAPTURED SEVERAL THAT WERE FULL OF MONEY.

[Footnote 22: This is A. Atilius Calatinus again.]

[Sidenote: B.C. 253 (_a.u._ 501)] The next event was that Servilius Caepio and Gaius Sempronius, consuls, made an attempt upon Lilybaeum (from which they were repulsed) and crossing over to Libya ravaged the coast districts. As they were returning homeward they encountered a storm and incurred damage. Hence the people, thinking that the damage was due to their inexperience in naval affairs, voted that they should keep away from the sea in general but with a few ships should guard Italy.

[Sidenote: B.C. 252 (_a.u._ 502)] In the succeeding year Publius Gaius[23] and Aurelius Servilius[24] came to Sicily and subdued Himera besides some other places. However, they did not get possession of any of its inhabitants, for the Carthaginians conveyed them away by night. After this Aurelius secured some ships from Hiero and adding to his contingent all the Romans that were there he sailed to Lipara. Here he left the tribune Quintus Cassius,[25] who was to keep a lookout but avoid a battle, and set sail for home. Quintus, disregarding orders, made an attack upon the city and lost many men. Aurelius, however, subsequently took the place, killed all the inhabitants, and deposed Cassius from his command.

[Footnote 23: A mistake for Gaius Aurelius and Publius Servilius, as at the beginning of