Part 7

[1] Tagalog characters are said to be similar to old Javanese, Ignacio Villamot, _La Antigua Escritura Filipina_, Manila, 1922, p. 30. They were replaced under the Spanish occupation by roman letters, and are not now used. The best definitive grammar is Frank R. Blake's _A Grammar of the Tagalog Language_, New Haven, 1925, where, p. 1, he defines the language as follows: "Tagálog is the principal language of Luzon, the largest island of the Philippine Archipelago. It is spoken in Manila and in the middle region of Luzon. Tagálog, like all the Philippine languages about which anything is known, belongs to the Malayo-Polynesian family of speech, which embraces the idioms spoken on the islands of Polynesia, Melanesia, and Malaysia, on the Malay peninsula, and on the island of Madagascar."

[2] The woodcut, showing St. Dominic beneath a star holding a lily and a book, the usual symbols of this saint, and clad in the white habit and black cloak of his order, seems to be of oriental workmanship, differing vastly from contemporary Spanish and Mexican cuts of the same type. The clouds, for instance, are characteristically Chinese, and the buildings in the background more reminiscent of eastern temples than European churches.

[3] T.H. Pardo de Tavera, _Noticias sobre La Imprenta y el Grabado en Filipinas_, Madrid, 1893, pp. 9-10. Dard Hunter in _Papermaking through Eighteen Centuries_, New York, 1930, pp. 109-16, describes papermaking in China, and mentions the use of "makaso" or "takaso," both species of the paper mulberry, as material for the making of paper. The paper mulberry's scientific name is _Broussonetia papyrifera_. Later, on p. 141, he speaks of the use by the Chinese of gypsum, lichen, starch, rice flour and animal glue for sizing.

[4] The best short summaries in English of the beginnings of printing in Mexico are Henry R. Wagner's introduction to the exhibition catalogue of _Mexican Imprints 1544-1600 In the Huntington Library_, San Marino, 1939, pp. 3-10; and Lawrence C. Wroth, _Some Reflections on the Book Arts in Early Mexico_, Cambridge (Mass.), 1945.

[5] J.B. Primrose, _The First Press in India and Its Printers_, The Library, 4th Series, 1939, XX, pp. 244-5.

[6] José Toribio Medina, _La Imprenta en Lima_, Santiago de Chile, 1904-17, no. 1, p. 3.

[7] A contemporary copy of this letter--the original is not known--lay forgotten and unnoticed in the Archives of the Indies (1-1-3/25, no. 52), Torres, III, no. 4151, p. 83, until discovered there by Pascual de Gayangos, who called it to the attention of W.E. Retana, who first printed it in _La Politica de Espana en Filipinas_, no. 97, Oct. 23, 1894. It was later rediscovered independently by Medina who also printed it in his _La Imprenta en Manila_, p. xix. Gómez Pérez Dasmariñas, formerly corregidor of Murcia and Cartagena in Spain, was appointed governor of the Philippines in 1589, landed at Manila in May 1590, and remained in office until his death in October 1593.

[8] _Relacion de lo que se ha escrito y escribe en las Filipinas fecho este año de 1593_, an apparently inedited MS. in the A. of I., Index 9, no. 81, from which the passage was quoted by Retana in his edition of Antonio de Morga's _Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas_, Madrid, 1909, p. 425, and Manuel Artigas y Cuerva, _La Primera Imprenta en Filipinas_, Manila, 1910, p. xi. This may be the MS. listed by Torres, III, no. 4229, p. 91, as _Breve sumario y memorial de apuntamientos de lo que se ha escrito y escribe en las Islas Filipinas_, undated but probably 1593.

[9] _Recopilacion de las Leyes de los Reynos de las Indias_, Madrid, 1681, I, ff. 123v-124r, where they are Laws 1 and 3, Title XXIV,

## Book I.

[10] Medina, p. xxviii, from. _Libro de provisiones reales_, Madrid, 1596, I, p. 231.

[11] Inflation in the Philippines was discussed in a report sent by Bishop Salazar to the King in 1583, B. & R., V, pp. 210-11, translated from Retana, _Archivo del bibliófilo filipino_, Madrid, 1895-97, III. no 1.

[12] Henry R. Wagner, _The House of Cromberger_, in _To Doctor R[osenbach]_, Philadelphia, 1946, pp. 234 & 238, where he gives some interesting comparative figures: in 1542 the Casa de Cromberger could charge 17 maravedís a sheet; in Spain in 1552 Lopez de Gómara's _Historia de las Indias_ was appraised at 2 maravedís a sheet; and in Mexico Vasco de Puga's _Provisiones_ of 1563 was permitted to sell at the tremendous figure of one real or 34 maravedís a sheet.

[13] Juan de Cuellar was mentioned in the Letter of Instruction given by Philip II to Gómez Pérez Dasmariñas on August 9, 1589, as among those "who are men of worth and account" in the Philippines and who should be provided for and rewarded accordingly, B. & R., VII, p. 151, translated from the original MS. in the A. of I. (105-2-11), Torres, III, no. 3567, p. 17. Cuellar received a commission from Dasmariñas and signed various documents during his administration as secretary and notary. Antonio de Morga, _Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas_, Mexico, 1609, f. 13v, reports that Cuellar was one of two survivors of the ship on which Dasmariñas sailed in October 1593 as part of an expedition to conquer the fort of Terrenate in Maluco. On the second day out, while the ship was weather-bound at Punta del Acufre, the Chinese rowers mutinied, and only Cuellar, there described as the governor's secretary, and the Franciscan father, Francisco de Montilla, survived the ensuing massacre. They were set ashore on the coast of Ylocos, and made their way back to Manila. A similar account appears in Chapter XVI of Leonardo de Argensola's, _Conqvista delas Islas Malvcas_, Madrid, 1609. We have been able to find no subsequent record of Cuellar.

[14] Colín, I, pp. 501, 507-14, 561-6.

[15] Pedro Chirino, _Primera parte de la Historia de la provincia de Philipinas de la Compañia de Ihs_, unpublished MS. of 1610, from which the present passage was quoted by Retana, col. 25. For an account of the MS. see Santiago Vela, VI, p. 435n. Schilling, p. 214, demonstrates that according to the original punctuation the meaning is that the first printers were Villanueva and Blancas de San José, but with the shifting of a semi-colon it could be read to mean that the first printers were of the Order of St. Augustine. We can see no reason to shift the semi-colon, and have retained it in its original place.

[16] Retana, col. 26, said that he was able to find no information regarding Villanueva except for the listing of his name by Cano, p. 43, as having arrived in the Philippines at an unknown date. The destruction of the early records of the Augustinians when the English sacked Manila in 1762 accounts for the paucity of information, but there are a few references which throw some little light on the two Villanuevas. San Agustin, p. 212, says that when Herrara sailed for Mexico in 1569 he left in Cebú only "P. Fr. Martin de Rada and two virtuous clerics, the one named Juan de Vivero, and the other Juan de Villanueva, who had come with Felipe de Salcedo." Salcedo had come back to Cebú in 1566. Francisco Moreno, _Historia de la Santa Iglesia Metropolitana de Filipinas hasta 1650_, Manila, 1877, p. 226, states that Villanueva came in 1566, and died shortly after 1569. San Antonio, I, p. 173, writes, "Another cleric was the Licentiate Don Juan de Villanueva, of whom the only thing known is that he was a churchman and lived but a short time--and that after the erection of the church." This refers to the foundation of the church in Manila in 1571. Of the other Villanueva our information comes from Perez, p. 63.

[17] Alonso Fernández, _Historia Eclesiastica de Nvestros Tiempos_, Toledo, 1611, pp. 303-4. The book referred to here is called _De los mysterios del Rosario de nuestra Señora_ by Jacques Quétif and Jacques Echard, _Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum_, Paris, 1719, II, p. 390; and _Devotion del Santisimo Rosario de la Bienaventurada Virgen_ by Vicente Maria Fontana, _Monvmenta Dominicana_, Rome, 1675, p. 586.

[18] Fernández, _Historia de los insignes Milagros qve la Magestad Diuina ha obrado por el Rosario santissimo de la Virgen soberana, su Madre_, Madrid, 1613, f. 216. I have been unable to locate a copy of this book in the United States, but the passage is printed in Retana, _Aparato Bibliográfico de la Historia General de Filipinas_, Madrid, 1906, I, pp. 64-5. It was first cited in modern times by Pedro Vindel, _Catálogo_, Madrid, 1903, III, no. 2631.

[19] A sketch of the life of Aduarte was added to his history by Gonçalez, II, pp. 376-81, and a notice also appears in Ramon Martínez-Vigil, _La Orden de Predicadores ... seguidas del Ensayo de una Bibliotheca de Dominicos Españoles_, Madrid, 1884, p. 229.

[20] Aduarte, II, pp. 15-18.

[21] Artigas, _op. cit._, pp. 3-22, stresses the part played by him in establishing printing and gives much information regarding this father. There, referring to the _Acta Capitulorum Provincialium provinciae Sanctissimi Rosarii Philippinarum_, Manila, 1874-77, Artigas traces the career of Blancas de San José as follows: in Abucay from May 24, 1598 until April 27, 1602; at San Gabriel in Binondo from April 27, 1602 until May 4, 1604; as Preacher-General of the order at the Convent of Santo Domingo in Manila from 1604 to 1608; back at Abucay from April 26, 1608 until May 8, 1610; and at San Gabriel again from May 8, 1610 until May 4, 1614.

[22] Medina, no. 8, p. 7. A copy of this book and an unique copy of the recently discovered _Ordinationes_ of 1604, see note 127, are in the Library of Congress. Both books are entirely typographical, and the Tagalog in the 1610 volume has been transliterated. These two and the present Doctrina are, so far as I have been able to find out, the only Philippine imprints before 1613 in the United States.

[23] Medina, no. 14, p. 11. The text was written by Thomas Pinpin, who appears as the printer of the former book, and a confessionary by Blancas de San José, who probably edited the volume, is included.

[24] Juan Lopez, _Quinta Parte de la Historia de San Domingo_, Valladolid, 1621, ff. 246-51.

[25] Quétif and Echard, _op. cit._, II, p. 390. This same statement was made in Antonio de León Pinelo, _Epitome de la Biblioteca Oriental y Occidental, Nautica, y Geografica_ (ed. Antonio González de Barcia), Madrid, 1737-38, col. 737, and was reprinted almost word for word by José Mariano Beristain y Sousa, _Bibliotheca Hispano-Americana Septentrional_, Mexico, 1883-97, I, p. 177.

[26] A fairly complete biography is given by Viñaza, pp. 112-7, where he points out that several of the major Jesuit biographers have erroneously stated that Hervas went to America some time before 1767.

[27] Lorenzo Hervas y Panduro, _Origine, formazione, meccanismo, ed armonia degli' idiomi_, Cesena, 1785, p. 88.

[28] Hervas, _Saggio Pratico delle lingue, Con prolegomeni, e una raccolta di orazioni Dominicali in più di trecento lingue, e dialetti_, Cesena, 1787, pp. 128-9. Although Schilling, p. 208, says that Hervas had a copy of the 1593 Doctrina before him, which "had been lent or given" by Bernardo de la Fuente, Hervas merely says that he took his information "from the best documents, which showed the grammar; and the Tagalog and Visayan dictionary were given me by Messrs. D. Antonio Tornos and D. Bernardo de la Fuente." There is no doubt, however, but that Hervas had a copy of the Doctrina, or accurate and extensive transcripts from a copy known to one of his friends.

[29] Franz Carl Alter, _Ueber die Tagalische Sprache_, Vienna, 1803, p. vii. Alter speaks of having had extensive correspondence with Hervas.

[30] Johann Christoph Adelung, _Mithridates oder allgemeine Sprachenkunde mit dem Vater Unser als Sprach probe in beynahe fünfhundert Sprachen und Mundarten_, Berlin, 1806, I, pp. 608-9.

[31] Beristain, _op. cit._, II, p. 464. The first edition was published in 1819-21, but we have used the second for our quotations.

[32] Juan de Grijalva, _Cronica de la orden de N.P.S. Augustin de Nueva Espana_, Mexico, 1624, f. 199v.

[33] Nicolás Antonio, _Bibliotheca Hispana Nova_, Madrid, 1783, I, p. 764. The first edition was Rome, 1672, but I could locate no copy in this country.

[34] San Agustin, p. 352. On pp. 443-4 referring to Grijalva and Herrera, he says merely that Quiñones "was very learned in the Tagalog language, and wrote a grammar and dictionary of it."

[35] "He succeeded in learning that language with such perfection that he composed a treatise, as a light and guide for the new missionaries, and a vocabulary, with which in a short time they could instruct those islanders in the mysteries of the faith," Medina, p. xxvii, assumed that this referred to José Sicardo, _La Cristiandad del Japon_, Madrid, 1698, where he could find nothing about Quiñones, but Beristain cited specifically his _Historias de Filipinas y Japon_, which Santiago Vela, VI, p. 441, thinks must be his additions to Grijalva, including a life of Quiñones, which San Agustin used and quoted from. The quotation here is from San Agustin, p. 442, where Sicardo is given as the source.

[36] Tomas de Herrera, _Alphabetvm Avgvstinianvm_, Madrid, 1644, I, p. 406, according to P. & G., p. xxiv.

[37] Schilling, p. 204.

[38] Pedro Bello, _Noticia de los escritores y sus obras impresas y manuscritas en diferentes idiomas por los religiosos agustinos calzados hasta 1801_, unpublished MS., from which the citation is given by Santiago Vela, VI, p. 441.

[39] P. & G., pp. xxv-xxvi.

[40] Medina, p. xxviii, who gives as source the A. of I. and _Libro de provisiones reales_, Madrid, 1596, I, p. 231. In his note Medina says that this cedula was not in the _Recopilacion_, but referring back to the note on p. xxiv, we find that he there prints a law of the same content and date, cited as Law 3, Title XXIV, Book 1 of the _Recopilacion_, where we have seen it, with the extremely significant addition, "it shall not be published, _or printed_, or used." If this phrase was not included in the original cedula sent to Manila, but added when printed as applying to all the Indies, it is important evidence that the King felt an admonition against printing unnecessary where no facilities for printing existed.

[41] Retana, col. 10, cited from the original MS. in the A. of I. (68-1-42), Torres, II, no. 3211, p. 150.

[42] San Antonio, II, p. 297. This work, treated at length by San Antonio, is proof of the high esteem in which Plasencia was held as a Tagalist. It was incorporated in a document of Governor Francisco Tello, dated July 13, 1599, now in the A. of I. (67-6-18), and first printed in the appendix to Santa Inés, II, pp. 592-603, and translated in B. & R., VII, pp. 173-96.

[43] Santiago Vela, VI, pp. 442-3. His study of the questionable _Arte_ of 1581 is the most thorough and detailed yet written.

[44] Schilling, p. 205.

[45] Pardo de Tavera, _op. cit._, pp. 8-9. After quoting the latter part of this passage, Medina, p. xviii, adds a quizzical note, "I want to cite the opinion of so distinguished a student of the Philippines because it shows how tangled and confused is the information concerning the primitive Philippine press, even among men best informed on the subject."

[46] Medina, nos. 1 and 2, p. [3].

[47] Medina, p. xix.

[48] Retana had published many of his findings in _La Politico de España en Filipinas_, Madrid, 1891-98; in his edition of Joaquín Martínez de Zuñiga, _Estadismo de las Islas Filipinas_, Madrid, 1893; and in the _Archivo del Bibliófilo Filipino_, Madrid, 1895-97.

[49] Retana, cols. 7-8. We shall speak of Juan de Vera later.

[50] Thomas Cooke Middleton, _Some Notes on the Bibliography of the Philippines_, Philadelphia, 1900, pp. 32-33.

[51] Pardo de Tavera, _Biblioteca Filipina_, Washington, 1903, pp. 9-10.

[52] Medina, _La Imprenta en Manila desde sus Orígenes hasta 1810 Adiciones y Ampliacones_, Santiago de Chile, 1904.

[53] P. & G., pp. xxi-xxvi.

[54] B. & R., LIII, p. 11.

[55] Artigas, _op. cit._ He admitted that the celebration should have been held in 1902.

[56] Retana, _Orígenes de la Imprenta Filipina_, Madrid, 1911. Retana had also published between 1897 and 1911 several other books which contained some information about the early Philippine press, the _Aparato Bibliográfico_ in 1906 and his edition of Morga in 1909, both of which have already been cited.

[57] Antonio Palau y Dulcet, _Manuel del Librero Hispano-Americano_, Barcelona, 1923-37, III, p. 72.

[58] Schilling, _op. cit._

[59] Chirino, p. 3, writes that he was "the first who made converts to Christianity in the Philippines, preaching to them of Jesus Christ in their own tongue--of which he made the first vocabulary, which I have seen and studied;" and Juan de Medina (who originally wrote his history in 1630), p. 54, says that in visiting Cebú in 1612 he "saw a lexicon there, compiled by Father Fray Martin de Rada, which contained a great number of words." Grijalva, _op. cit._, f. 124V, writes that Rada "by the force of his imaginative and excellent ability learned the Visayan language, as he had learned the Otomi in this land [Mexico], so that he could preach in it in five months."

[60] Pérez, p. 5.

[61] Juan González de Mendoza, _The Historie of the great and mightie kingdom of China ... Translated out of Spanish by R. Parke_, London, 1588, p. 138. The original edition of 1585 said he made an "arte y vocabulario." We must take the phrase "in few daies" in a comparative sense, but that an Augustinian, probably Rada, knew some Chinese as early as July 30, 1574 is shown by a letter from Governor Lavezaris to the King from Manila, sending him "a map of the whole land of China, with an explanation which I had some Chinese interpreters make through the aid of an Augustinian religious who is acquainted with the elements of the Chinese language," B. & R., III, p. 284, from the original MS. in the A. of I. (67-6-6), Torres, II, no. 1868, p. 10-11. Antonio de León Pinelo, _Epitome de la Biblioteca Oriental i Occidental, Nautica i Geographica_, Madrid, 1629, p. 31, also records Rada's Chinese grammar and dictionary. Santiago Vela, VI, pp. 444-60, gives a full history of Rada and his writings. He went to China a second time in May 1576, and in 1578 accompanied La Sande on his expedition to Borneo, dying on the way back to Manila in June of that year.

[62] González de Mendoza, _op. cit._, pp. 103-5.

[63] Diego Ordoñez Vivar came to the Philippines in 1570, filled various ministries there, and according to Agustin Maria de Castro was in Japan in 1597, where he witnessed the martyrdom of the Franciscans; he died in 1603, Pérez, p. 10. Juan de Medina, p. 74, says, "Father Diego de Ordoñez learned this language [Tagalog] very quickly." Alonso Alvatado had been on the unsuccessful 1542 expedition of Villalobos, and returned to the Philippines in 1571. Pérez, p. 11, records that he became familiar with the Tagalog language, was the first prior of Tondo, ministered to the Chinese there, and was the first Spaniard to learn the Mandarin dialect. He was elected provincial in 1575, and died at Manila the following year. Jéronimo Marín came to the islands with Alvarado, acquired skill in the Visayan, Tagalog and Chinese languages, accompanied Rada on his first expedition to China, was in Tondo in 1578, and later returned to Spain to recruit new missionaries for the province, dying in Mexico in 1606, Pérez, pp. 11-12.

[64] Cano, p. 12. Santiago Vela, I, p. 85, expresses the opinion that Cano's statement was an overenthusiasm, and is not valid.

[65] Retana, col. 9.

[66] Juan de Medina, p. 156.

[67] Santiago Vela, I, p. 85, where he cites the first book of the _Gobierno_ of the Augustinian province.

[68] Santiago Vela, I, pp. 84-6 treats of the whole question in detail.

[69] A Doctrina in Tagalog, attributed to Alburquerque by Agustin Maria de Castro in his unpublished _Osario_, is said by Santiago Vela, I, p. 85, to have been arranged and perfected by Quiñones, and was probably that presented by him to the Synod of 1582, if indeed he did present such a work then. For an account of the MS. _Osario_, see Schilling, p. 205n.

[70] Pérez, p. 20n, quotes Vicente Barrantes, _El teatro tagalo_, Madrid, 1890, p. 170, as saying that "according to the Augustinian writers" Alburquerque compiled an _Arte de la Lengua Tagala_ between 1570 and 1580, the manuscript of which disappeared when the English sacked Manila in 1762. It may be that Barrantes referred to Cano or possibly Castro, but it must be emphasized that no contemporary historian, as far as has been discovered up to this time, has made such a statement.

[71] Quiñones came to the Philippines in 1577 and spent his time in missions in and about Manila. He was named prior of Manila in 1586, and provincial vicar in 1587 in which year he died, Pérez, p. 19, and Santiago Vela, VI, pp. 433-4.

[72] Again Castro, as cited by Santiago Vela, VI, p. 435, is the only authority for this, although San Agustin, p. 391, lists Quiñones' name among those present at the Synod.

[73] San Agustin, p. 381. It should be noted that this statement is in direct contradiction to those we shall cite later in connection with the controversy between the Augustinians and Dominicans over the Chinese ministry. The convent at Tondo had been founded in 1571, so San Agustin here must refer specifically to the Chinese mission.

[74] Pérez, p. 22.

[75] Pérez, p. 29.

[76] Huerta, pp. 443 & 500-01. In 1580, under the influence of Plasencia, Talavera took the habit of the Franciscan order and preached throughout the Philippines until his death in 1616. Huerta lists six works in Tagalog by him, all of them devotionary tracts, the last of which he notes was printed at Manila in 1617, and is listed by Medina, no. 20, pp. 14-5. His works are also recorded by Leon Pinelo, _op. cit._, 1737-38, II, f. 919r.

[77] Santa Inés (written originally in 1676), p. 211. Virtually the same information is given by San Antonio, I, pp. 532-3 & 563.