VII.

Water of the west, become less and less. Less, less, water of the west. Spring of Palawang overflow. Overflow, overflow, be like the overflow. Spring of Langiden flow fast. (Literally "like lightning".) Flow, flow, spring of Langiden. Spring of Ka-ba-lang, flow like a chain. Chain, chain, flow like a chain. Water of Padangitah be knee deep to the rooster. Rooster, rooster, knee deep to the rooster. Spring of Layogan flow on. Flow, flow, flow on. Water of Abang (?) ? Water of Abas, become dry. Become dry, become dry, water of Abas. Water of Ba-ay has three branches. Branches, branches, has three branches. Water of the East shaped like a ball. Ball, ball, shaped like a ball. Water from above the anito holds (stops). Anito, anito, the anito holds. Water of the uninhabited place the ghost holds. Ghost, ghost, the ghost holds. Water of Ayeng the bamboo tube holds. Bamboo tube, bamboo tube, the bamboo tube holds. Do not be jealous, pretty spring. Spring, spring, pretty spring.

_Da-Eng_. Boys' part.

Record A. Sung while dancing in a religious ceremony.

There are at least two voices in this record. Possibly there were three or more singers taking part, though it is not possible to distinguish more than two.

The song is cast in the pentatonic scale of A major. The notes G-natural and D-flat do not belong to this scale. At those places where they are put down in the notation, they are used to better define the glissandos. The singers pass over them rapidly, sliding from the topmost note of the group to the lowest with no perceptible dwelling on any of the intermediate tones. The glissandos are indicated by straight lines drawn obliquely underneath such groups (see _Definition of Qualities_, p. 478).

In each of measures 2 and 6 of verses 1, 2, and 3; and in measure 6 of verse 4, is shown a group of three notes with an asterisk above. These groups, as shown in the notation, are B, A, G; but in measure 2 of verse 4, the corresponding group is C, B, A. In those measures marked *, the singers are very plainly striving to reach the tones C, B, A. There is that quality of tension in the voices with the accompanying forcing of tone which is peculiar to untrained singers striving for a tone near the limit of their highest range. As the tones actually sounded are neither B, A, G, nor C, B, A, but are instead a sort of compromise between the two, it is quite evident that the succession intended in each of the seven measures is the same as in the eighth or odd one, viz. C, B, A. If we assume this to be the case, it eliminates seven of the foreign G naturals shown in the notation. If, however, this conjecture is wrong, and the performers really feel that the groups in question all start on B, then the G naturals are eliminated by the glissandos. The only other G-natural is shown in measure 7 of verse 4. By comparing this measure with the corresponding measure in each of the other three verses, it will be seen that the singers have taken great pains in those verses to avoid this note which does not belong to the pentatonic scale which they are using,--evidence that they do not sense the tone in the fourth verse, where it is taken glissando. The D-flat, also foreign to the scale, occurs but once. It is in measure 3 of the top line. The glissando here eliminates this tone also, but, by comparing this measure with the corresponding measure of each of the other verses, we find the same avoidance as in the case of the G-natural,--evidence that the performers do not sense this other foreign tone. The song is therefore very markedly pentatonic in character.

The assumption that the seven groups marked with asterisks do not represent the real intent of the singers, is based entirely on the "stress" heard in the record. This "stress" cannot be represented in notation. Relying on the notation alone, one would be warranted in drawing a contrary conclusion and assuming that the odd measure should be made to conform to the other seven and all read, B, A, G; or, from the phonographic record, one might assume that the compromise, previously mentioned, was the intonation really intended. Primitive peoples frequently do sing and play, quite intentionally, tones out of conformity with scale tones of present-day concert music. Such tones cannot be represented by our musical notation without resort to special signs. This is not necessary in the present case, as the falling short of true intonation does not appear to be from deliberate intent on the part of the singers, but seems to be due to lack of ability.

In eight of the measures, at least one of the voices departs from the melody proper, producing the harmony-intervals so frequently heard in the music of primitive peoples, namely, that of a 5th without the 3rd to complete the triad, and that of a 4th without the 6th to complete the chord. Such thirdless 5ths are found in measures 5 (verse 1), 1 and 8 (verse 2), 5 (verse 3), and 1 and 5 (verse 4); and the interval of a 4th without the 6th is found in measures 3 and 8 of verse 4. In the last measure of the notation, however, the interval of a 4th there shown is caused by the leader's voice departing from the regular melodic succession instead of the accompanying voice or voices, as is the case in each of the other measures mentioned.

In measures 1 and 5 of each of the four verses of the song, and also in measure 3 of the second verse, the sign, "....." (mezzo staccato marks), is used to indicate the pulsating of the voice of one of the singers, probably the leader, marking the rhythm of the song.

The metronome tempo is mostly 88, but varies at times and runs as-high as 92 per minute in the last half of the 4th verse.

Between verses 2 and 3 the phonograph shows that the singers paused eight beats (two whole measures), and between verses 3 and 4 there was a similar, though shorter, pause of two beats (one-half measure). These pauses are not shown in the notation.

There was no special change in dynamics throughout the song except as indicated by the sforzando marks in measures 1, 2, 5, 6, 7, and 8 of verse 4.

In general character this song resembles most the _Dang-dang-ay_ (Record M).

_Diwas_

Record B. Sung at night by the friends of a sick man.

There are two singers on this record, both men with bass voices. One seems to be the leader, the accompanying singer dragging along behind. As the tempo is very slow and many of the tones long drawn out, this uncertainty on the part of the second performer is not so noticeable, except on the quick runs as the leader passes to another principal tone.

The song is cast in the natural minor scale of D. The E-flat near the beginning of the second line does not belong to the scale. It is not well defined on the record, and so is indicated in the transcription with an interrogation-mark beneath.

Although not confined to the intervals of the pentatonic scale, the number is distinctly pentatonic in character. It is made up mostly of the tones A, C, D, and E. These tones belong to the pentatonic scales of C major and its relative minor A. In tonality, the song cannot be considered as belonging to either of these keys, as there is a very distinct feeling of B-flat in it, notwithstanding that the tone is seldom dwelt upon, but passed over quickly, almost glissando, in nearly every place where it occurs.

The song ends on A. This is not the key note, however, but is the fifth of the key.

The song is like a mournful chant. Throughout there is a peculiar wailing which leaves a strange, haunting impression. The music admirably suits the hour when it is used. It would be decidedly incongruous given in broad daylight. These untutored savages could hardly have conjured up a more typical tone-picture of the "shadowy valley" than the song heard on this record.

The peculiarly weird character is due in large part to the swelling out and dying away of the tones on certain syllables. (For comparison to effects found in Igorot music, see "Swelled Tones" under _Definition of Qualities_, p. 479).

_Sang-Sangit_

Record C. Sung during the evening following a funeral.

In this record we hear but one voice--a man's. The song is cast in the minor scale of G, but whether the natural minor or the harmonic, cannot be determined, as the singer does not use the 7th of the scale. It is not pentatonic in character.

The song is given in the recitative style. There are several verses which vary but little in the music, except for the changes in the reiterated staccato tones which are made greater or less in number to accommodate the difference in number of syllables. With the exception of those starting the glissandos or trills, the repeated tones were given with a very decided staccato punch.

Much of the intonation is vague. In taking the glissandos shown near the middle of the top line, the upper tone is sung about half way between B-flat and B-natural. There is some abandon in the rhythm also.

The group of six notes marked with an asterisk are trilled on the semitone interval.

_Dawak_

Record D. The song of a medium when calling spirits into her (his) body.

This song is doubtless the invention of the singer. It has that abandon which usually characterizes the songs of workers in the occult among primitive folk.

The song is cast mostly in the relative minor (G-sharp) of the pentatonic scale of B-natural major. A-sharp does not belong to this scale. There are five measures, where this note appears, but in each instance the tonality of the phrase momentarily rests in D-sharp minor, the relative of the pentatonic major of F-sharp. A-sharp belongs to this scale, but B-natural does not. The singer, with his instinct for the five-note scale, avoids the B-natural until the tonality shifts back to the original key. The song is therefore classed as pentatonic in character.

The melody is distinctly harmonic in structure, as nearly all of the successions are made up of triad intervals.

Though the song runs but a minute and a half, the tempo changes eight times. The performer takes nearly every new tempo with a well-defined rhythm. There is considerable freedom shown in the first movement when the tremolos between B-natural and the G-sharp below are taken.

The singer shows quite remarkable flexibility of voice, excellent breath control, and a rather surprising quality of tone and accuracy of intonation. As a demonstration of flexibility, about the middle of the first movement, he takes the quarter note B-natural in falsetto and immediately drops into the waver a tenth below, at the same time assuming his natural voice. The falsetto tone is indicated in the transcription by a tiny circle above the note. All of the wavered tones, as well as the falsetto at the beginning and the turn at the end are sung with one breath to a single syllable. This is quite a remarkable performance considering that the singer had no voice training.

Near the opening of the first 2/4 movement is shown a group of five notes given in the time of four,--a rhythmic effect few trained musicians can execute well.

Of the various performers who took part in making the fourteen records, this singer shows the best voice technic and control.

The fact that the singer scarcely repeats a single motive throughout the extent of the song, but is constantly introducing new tonal ideas argues an extempore performance. It would be interesting to have for comparison another record of the same song made at another time.

_Song of a Spirit_

Record E. Sung by a medium when possessed by a spirit.

Melodically this song is quite in contrast with the _Dawak_. This one is distinctly melodic in structure, though there are suggested harmonies. These harmonies are mostly tonic and dominant alternating one with the other.

Using a two-measure motive, which he announces at the very start, the singer works the material over and over, first in one harmonic mode and then in the other, frequently changing the form of the motive through embellishments or altered metric values, but always leaving an impression which harks back to the original motive.

Arrange the various tones of this melody in any order that we will, we cannot make them conform to any diatonic scale used in modern music. If, however, we ignore the C-flat, which occurs twice in the song, it gives us an incomplete ascending melodic-minor scale in D-flat. But the song is not minor in mode. It is distinctly major in tonality. It is formed mostly of the four tones D-flat, E-flat, A-flat, and B-flat. All of these belong to the pentatonic major scale of D-flat. This gives a very marked pentatonic flavor, yet the song is not in the pentatonic scale, for the singer introduces half steps, and there are no such intervals in the pentatonic scale.

Casting about among the scales used by various peoples, the nearest approach I find to the tonal succession of this song is one of the numerous scales or "tunings" used by the Japanese. It is that known as the "Hirajoshi." To make comparison easy, I have transposed this Japanese koto-tuning into the same key as that of the song. Along with it I show the tonal material of the Tinguian song arranged in corresponding sequence.

It will be seen that every note in the Japanese scale is found also in the Tinguian, though not always in the same octave. All of the Tinguian tones are found in the Japanese scale except the C-flat and D-flat. These exceptions are shown with their stems turned down. The notes shown in white in the Tinguian scale are not sung at the pitch indicated, but occur in the song as octaves of these tones. The black notes therefore show the actual tones sung. It will be noticed that in the arrangement of the notes the opening tone is repeated a few notes later on. This is because the Japanese usually tune the koto with the first and fifth strings in unison to facilitate the execution of certain passages in their music.

The "Jog," heard so frequently in the Igorot songs, occurs eight times in this number. It is not quite so well defined here, however, as in the _Dang-dang-ay,_ being modified in this song either by syncopation, by phrasing, or by lack of accent. It is interesting to note however, that it is always given on the tonic or the dominant, and also that it is repeated in true Igorot style.

The unconcern and skill with which the performer of this song unravels the mixed up duplet and triplet groups, is evidence of his inherent sense of rhythm, as it pertains to the symetry of note groups and their embodiment as beat-units into larger, varying measure-units; but his indifference, as he juggles his metric values of 2/4, 3/8, and 3/4 time, shows an entire absence of appreciation for form as revealed in even-measured sections, phrases, and periods of modern music.

Considered in the light of an oracle from the spirit himself speaking through the medium, the music would indicate that the spectre is not one of the gentle and kind disposition, but on the contrary is very domineering. He is of frightful mien, and tries to terrorize all who come under his sway.

_Song of a Spirit_

Record F. Sung by a medium when possessed by a spirit.

This song is very similar in general character to the _Dawak_, and many qualities in it indicate that it is given by the same performer. It has the same general formation as the _Dawak_. It is harmonic in construction. Nearly all of its tones follow the triad intervals of either the minor or its relative major tonic chords or the minor dominant chord. There is no well-marked motive development but instead a succession of tones first from one triad, then from another, and so on, grouped in ever varying fashion.

The key is G minor, but closes in the relative major B. While singing in the minor, the performer follows modern methods and raises his seventh or "leading tone," when the progression is upwards into the tonic (see measures 10, 13, 25, and 27).

The tempo is mostly 108, but at the tenth measure the movement slows down to 80. At this point is shown a note with a large circle above. This tone was taken with a very wide open mouth quite in contrast with the one preceeding. The next measure following shows two tones taken falsetto.

Like the Dawak, this song is probably the composition of the singer. Although very primitive in its general aspect, it has absorbed from some source a bit of modern influence.

If the surmise is correct that the performer of this song is the same as the one who made the record of the _Dawak_, and if the two songs were made at distinct times with a considerable period elapsing in which other records were made, it would indicate, as is frequently the case among primitive singers, that this performer almost invariably sings at the same pitch. In other words, he has to some degree the sense of absolute pitch.

_Bagoyas_

Record G. A song of praise and compliment sung by a guest at a feast or party. Words are extempore, but music constant.

The singer is a tenor with considerable dramatic quality in his voice. The words of the song must be extemporized to suit each new occasion; so also, must the elemental tonal forms be extemporaneously combined, for the music must fit the words, and these will vary in rhythm and meter with each performance. The music may be considered constant, however, in that the form of each component motive is more or less fixed.

The following five group-ingredients, used either in the pure form as shown, or with slight alterations, make up approximately one-half of the entire song.

Reiterated tones and glissandos pad out between these and make up practically the remainder of the number.

Turning our attention to the first of the above groups, which I have marked "M.M.1." (melodic motive), we find that it is used nearly a score of times throughout the extent of the song.

A motive may be modified in ten different recognized ways and each form of modification employed in varying degrees, within certain limits, and yet the motive will not loose its identity. As an example of this we find in this song the first melodic motive _transposed_ from the fourth degree of the scale (where it is originally announced) to the first, the fifth, and the sixth degrees. We find the same motive given with _omissions_, with _additions_, with _augmentations_, with _contractions_, and with _altered rhythmic values_; in short, the composer has turned this motive over and over, and unwittingly developed it much after the manner used by musicians trained in the art of composition. The fact that this motive is given four times rhythmically and melodically intact, besides recurring frequently throughout the composition in one or another of the accepted forms of modification, argues that this melodic germ was a familiar tone-figure to the singer, one that he could apply to most any syllable on which he wished to dwell. In this connection it is interesting to note that this motive, in its purest form, is always used in a transitional way, not only musically, but rhetorically, thus "marking time," as it were, while the improvisator chooses his next words of praise.

The second melodic motive (M.M.2.) occurs at least five times, with some transformations to be sure, and sometimes even overlapping the first motive. The third (R.M.) is purely rhythmic, but seems to be a pet device of the singer and helps him out with syllables needing special emphasis. The fourth can hardly be dignified by the name of motive, in this case, but is simply a musical device (M.D.), used by the singer mostly in his terminations.

I surmise that the song in its entirety, including the above elemental groups, is the invention of the singer. He has equipped himself with these particular tonal fragments, because they not only suit his fancy, but lie well within the range of his vocal attainments. He has used them so frequently and in such varied forms that he can instantly twist, turn, or alter them to fit the requirements of the various syllables of his ever changing flatteries.

With a few such elemental groups of his own invention at command, any singer would be well equipped to extemporize for the delectation of his host and the entertainment of the other guests.

The song is exceptional for strongly accented notes. The triplets giving the value of three quarter notes in the time of two are rather unusual in modern music. It is cast in the natural minor scale of B-flat. The singer never uses either the raised 6th or 7th in ascending, as do moderns in the melodic minor, but adheres strictly to the old _normal_ or _natural minor_ form.

Although diatonic, in that both the G-flat and C-natural appear frequently, yet the number savors much of the pentatonic.

At three places where the singer uses one or the other of the tones foreign to the pentatonic scale, he makes half-step progressions.

In the fourth line of the song we find the single instance in these records, where the performer takes an upward glissando. It is on the two-note embellishment F-natural G-flat shown in the last measure of that line. It is immediately followed by a downward glissando.

Balalognimas

Record II.

Two singers are heard on this record. They seem to be women. Possibly there are more than the two voices. As the song has such a well-defined swing and such a martial character, it must be wonderfully inspiring when given by a large company of singers.

It is cast in the natural minor diatonic scale of C-sharp, though it is strongly pentatonic in character.

The rhythm is partly 5/8 and partly 4/8, but it swings along so naturally that it seems as if it could not be otherwise.

The distribution of the accents, sometimes falling on the first and third beats and again on the second and fourth, helps to give it a character which puts it in a class by itself. It has the most character of any of the women's songs in this group.

There are several verses to the song almost precisely alike in words and music.

_Da-Eng_. Boys and Girls Alternating.

Record I. Sung while dancing in a religious ceremony.

This song is in two distinct movements or parts varying one from the other in meter, in tempo, and in general style.

## Part 1

There are at least two voices discernible in this part. They seem to be the voices of girls or women.

It is cast in the relative minor (C) of the pentatonic scale of E-flat major. The tones of this scale given in order are C, E-flat, F, G, B-flat, and then the octave C. The tones D-natural and A-flat are missing, thus avoiding the half step between D and E-flat, and between G and A-flat (see remarks in pentatonic scale under _Definition of Qualities_, p. 480).

The A-flat shown in the third from the last measure of this part is written there to define more clearly that particular glissando which seems to be of slightly different rhythmic construction than the one in the corresponding measure above. The fact that the tone is passed over glissando eliminates it from the scale.

In the fourth measure of each line we find a peculiar splitting up of the parts, one voice holding the C, while the other skips to the E-flat above, thus producing the harmony-interval of a minor third. This behavior seems to be intentional on the part of the performers, as it occurs precisely the same in each of the four lines of the song, though not quite so well defined the last time owing to the fact that the upper voice does not come out so strong on the E-flat. This is indicated in the notation by a small square note.

## Part 1 is in the very unusual rhythm of 5/4. The rhythm is not

well defined, however, as there is considerable abandon in the style of rendition. The metronome tempo of 69 applies practically throughout. Sometimes the singers are a trifle in advance of the count and at others drag behind, but always sooner or later drop into the regular beat. A stress on each fifth count gives the number a rhythm of five. It is unique also in that each line has but five measures.

## Part 2

In this, the same number of voices is heard as in the first part. The performers seem to be the same ones who sang from the beginning.

The scale is the same as that of part 1. The intonation is very distinct and the character unmistakably pentatonic.

In measure 2 there is the harmony-interval of a perfect fourth followed immediately by that of a minor third, the same succession as was used in the _Da-eng_, Girls' part (Record J). In the fourth and fifth measures of this part are found unprepared minor thirds, which also appear in Record J. These harmonies are not so primitive as those found in the boys' part of the same ceremony (see Record A).

The tempo throughout this part is 80 and the rhythm strongly marked. There is a wait between the two lines. The machine was evidently stopped at this point or the needle raised and started again. Each line has the uncommon number of five measures the same as the first part, but metrically the part is in 4/4 rhythm.

The second time through, the singers seem to be striving to repeat the first line of the movement with embellishments consisting of inverted mordents, appogiature, and trills.

Musically, there seems to be absolutely no connection between this song and the other two of the same ceremony. In many ways this song is the most interesting of those submitted. In origin it probably dates between the other two.

It is not given consecutively on the record, as there were breaks between each two lines while the needle was raised.

_Da-Eng_. Girls' part.

Record J. Sung while dancing in a religious ceremony.

The record shows but two voices one of which is greatly predominant in strength and confidence as if it were the leader's voice.

The song is cast in the scale of B minor. It is not pentatonic. The singers would employ, so an interrogation-mark is; placed below that be either A-natural or A-sharp, according to whether the scale is the _natural_ minor or the _harmonic_ minor, it is not possible to determine which tone the singers would employ, so an interrogation mark is placed below that note. The raised fourth (E-sharp), shown in the fifth measure of four out of the six verses, is perfectly intentional on the part of the singers, but musically, is to be interpreted as an accidental, and does not affect the scale of the song.

In this song we again have the interval of a fourth without the sixth above. It occurs four times, each time followed immediately by the less primitive and more harmonious interval of a minor third. The minor third harmony also occurs in three other measures,--in these without preparation.

These minor thirds are all the same,--B-D, the foundation of the tonic chord of the key,--evidence that the singers have a keen sense of the minor tonality.

The tempo alternates between 96 and 108. The first half of each line is given at 96, but the second half is taken more rapidly at 108 beats per minute. Each of these rhythms is very evenly preserved, the time being well marked by accented notes and pulsations of the voice as shown in the score. The figures at the ends of the lines indicate the number of beats rest actually taken by the performers. Twice they take the normal number four, which, if preserved throughout, would place the song in the regular eight-measure form. Some of the measures are 4/4, and some are 3/4.

In each verse of this song we find an example of the characteristic which I have termed a "jog." It is seen in each next-to-last measure with special sign beneath. The jogs in the 2nd, 4th, and 6th measures are the best defined (see table of special signs under _Introduction_, p. 444).

There are three qualities in this song, which indicate that it is of more modern origin than either of the other two which belong to the same ceremony. The frequent and undoubtedly intentional use of the raised fourth giving the half step E-sharp to F-sharp; the persistent recurrence of the hardly primitive, minor-third harmony; and the fact that the song is not cast in the pentatonic scale, as are the other two records of the same ceremony, point to a more modern origin.

It may be that in the earliest practice of this ceremony the girls or women did not participate, their parts having been a later addition. This could not be determined musically, however, without examining more records of songs from this or similar ceremonies.

_Bogoyas_

Record K. Sung by a woman.

This is a woman's song of praise, complimentary to the host at a party.

The singer makes use of all the scale tones of the major key of E-flat, except the D-natural. The B-natural found in the next-to-last measure is a passing tone, and does not affect the scale or tonality. At that point the suggested supporting harmony is an augmented triad upon the tonic leading into the subdominant. With the exception of this one measure, the song is in the five-note scale. Notwithstanding that this measure contains two A-flats and also the passing tone B-natural, both of which tones are foreign to this particular five-note scale, the song is not robbed of its pentatonic character.

The rhythm of this song is interesting. It alternates throughout between 4/4 and 5/4. It might have been notated in 9/4 time instead, in which case it would have but five measures.

The singer uses the downward glissandos, so characteristic of nearly all of the Tinguian songs of this group. These glissandos are indicated by oblique lines drawn beneath the tones covered by the slide.

In the second measure there is an almost inaudible tone at the end of the glissando. It is indicated by a small, square note. Careful listening to the record at this point shows that the singer really leaves the principal tone E-flat and slides with a sudden dying-down of volume. The abruptness with which the sound of the voice fades as it starts the glissando, leaves the impression of E-flat still sounding.

One tone in this song is given on the inhaled breath. It is indicated by a circle with a dot in the center placed beneath the note. This tone was produced well back in the throat, while the singer sharply inhaled the breath. This artifice, occasionally used by the Tinguian, is seldom, if ever, heard in the singing of civilized peoples (for other examples, see analysis of Record M, _Dang-dang-ay_).

This song, given by a woman, has not the well-marked motive development shown in the other _Bogoyas_, sung by a man. However, we find two quite distinct, prevailing ideas set forth. The first includes the whole of the first measure and the first beat of the second. It seems to be in the nature of a question which finds its answer in the remainder of the second measure, and again in the third, and again in the fourth measure. It is the same answer, but expressed each time in a little different manner. In the fifth measure and carrying over into the sixth, the questioning is heard again. Although put forth in a different arrangement of tones, it is the same musical thought as that expressed in the first measure. This time it is answered but once. The answer takes parts of two measures. Now follows another query similar to the first, and again comes the answer fully expressed in each of the two concluding measures.

The principal interest in this centers around the B-natural, indicating that the singer has a very decided appreciation of the half step and of the upward leading tendency of a tone raised a semitone by an accidental.

_Na-Way_

Record L. Sung at the celebration which closes the period of mourning for the dead.

There are two voices heard in the record, probably women. In ten of the measures there is a splitting up of the parts. In the first measure of each of the second and third lines, and also in the third measure of the third line, the difference in the parts is owing to uncertainty of attack, one of the singers, usually the leader, starting the syllable ahead of the other performer. In the second measure of the last line, the first divergence is caused by the leader taking E by way of embellishment; and the second divergence, producing a minor third, is caused by the other voice dropping to B too soon. These are not intentional harmonies. The other six departures from unison are caused by the leader embellishing her part. The appogiatura, shown with a tiny circle above, has the quality of falsetto. The singer yodles down to the principal tone B.

The song is strictly pentatonic. Peculiarly enough, it may be considered as belonging to any one of the following tonalities, B minor, E minor, or G major, though there is no G in the melody. The song seems the most primitive, however, when considered in the key of E minor, for the harmonies required to place it in this tonality carry more of the primitive atmosphere than do the chords which are required in either of the other tonalities.

In this connection it would be interesting to know just how these various harmonizations would appeal to the Tinguian. It is a well-known fact among musicians who have recorded the songs of primitive peoples, that though the songs are used with practically no harmonies, yet the singers feel an harmonic support which they do not express. Experiments along this line have been tried with the American Indians. Various harmonizations of a given melody have been played for them, a melody which they themselves sing only in unison, and they have been very quick to choose the particular harmonic support which appeals to them as being an audible expression of the vague something which they feel within, but do not attempt to voice.

The tones of this song when arranged to represent the scale of E minor coincide exactly with the scale tones of two of the tunings of the Japanese 13 stringed _koto_. These tunings were both borrowed by the Japanese from the Chinese by whom they were used as special tunings of the _ch'in_, or _kin_, one of the most ancient of musical instruments.

In each of the eleven glissandos shown in the notation, the voices drop suddenly to approximately the tone shown by the small square note. The glides are taken diminuendo, the tone dying away completely. The sudden diminuation of tone taken with a glissando gives an effect something like a short groan. The song is in seven-measure periods.

_Dang-Dang-Ay_

Record M. Sung by women while pounding rice out of the straw and husks.

Only one voice can be distinguished in the record. It is that of a woman.

Though strongly pentatonic in character, the song is cast in the diatonic scale of F major. Metrically there is considerable freedom. 3/4, 4/4, and 5/4 rhythms are thrown in with the most haphazard abandon, yet it has the even pulsing which should dominate a song of this character.

The song is in two rather distinct movements. The first, in spite of the two triplets thrown in at the first and third measures, has a straight-away motion which offers a striking contrast to the more graceful, swaying second part which is mostly in triplets. The change from one style to the other is made by the singer with no variation in tempo. It is therefore admirably adapted to accompany the regular falling of the pestles while beating out the rice.

Near the close of the song are two notes with [Sun] over them. These were vocalized on the inhaled breadth (for other examples of Inhaled Tones, see analysis of Record K, _Bogoyas_).

This song contains seven examples of the "Jog" (see _Definition of Qualities_, p. 479). Those in the second part of the song are the best defined. One of these is shown with open head. This jog is given the most nearly like the Igorot manner of execution of any of the examples found in these fourteen songs.

In general character, this song somewhat resembles the Boys' Part of the _Da-eng_ ceremony (Record A).

_Kuilay-Kuilay_

Record N. Sung by women while passing liquor.

There is one singer only on this record. It is a woman. The song is given in a lively, jolly, rollicking style.

It is cast in the F major scale. The melody has good variety. At times it defines quite clearly the harmonic outline by following the tonal framework of the tonic, dominant, or subordinant chords. Passing tones are used more freely and naturally in this song than in any of the others.

In the third measure of the fifth line, the singer very plainly vocalizes a half step from F to E. The second and fourth lines also show semitones, though these are not so distinctly given on the record as the other example.

In the last measure of the third line there is a modulation into the tonality of B-flat which carries through two measures.

In the fifth line are three accents which make the meter rather elusive at that point. The two small notes shown at the beginning of the third line seem to be spoken with no attempt at vocalization. They are notated, however, at the pitch of the speaking voice. The small note shown in the bottom line is given very faintly in the record and seems more like a muffled exclamation than an intentionally vocalized tone.

The tempo throughout is quite regular, following the indicated pulse of 92 in both the 6/8 and 2/4 rhythms.

In the latter part of the song there are a number of changes between duple and triple rhythm. The singer makes these changes with perfect ease and sings the groups with that exactness of proportion which characterizes the performance of most of the singers in these records.

Musically this song is strikingly adapted to the purpose for which it is intended.

_Tabulation of Qualities and Characteristics_.--The qualities found in the records have been tabulated under two main headings. Under the caption, "Rarely or Never Heard in Modern Music," are listed those qualities which, so far as present research goes, are so very unusual that they may be termed musical idiosyncrasies of the race. These qualities are so eccentric that if found in several of the songs, even if the number of songs be much in the minority, the qualities may be accepted as characteristics. [252]

To receive recognition as a characteristic, any quality found under the other heading, "Commonly Heard," would necessarily have to show that it quite persistently occurred throughout a large majority of the songs.

The columns of the large table, when read horizontally, show which qualities appear in a given song. Read vertically they show the degrees of dominance of the various qualities.

The songs are grouped under two heads, those given by men and boys, and those given by women and girls. This will facilitate comparison of the degrees of dominance of the qualities found in the songs of each. [253]

Numbers have been put down in some of the columns of the table. These figures indicate the number of times the quality appeared in the song. If the song has several verses on the record, and the quality appears the same number of times in each, then the tabulation gives the number of times in but a single verse. If the verses vary in the use of the quality, then an average has been struck and figure put down in the tabulation. In those songs where a certain quality occurs with such irregularity that it was impossible to represent the average without fractions, only the mark X has been put down in the table, simply to indicate that the quality was present. Such qualities as Tonality, Character, Structure, Scale, etc., naturally, with few exceptions, run through the whole song, and they are indicated by the X. Some songs have both of two opposed qualities. When this occurs, it is shown by checking both qualities. [254] Some qualities which were present, but indeterminable are indicated by an interrogation-point. [255]

Following the tabulation is given a detailed explanation or definition of each of the qualities listed at the heads of the vertical columns.

_Dying Tones_.--Found only at the end of some few glissandos. On the glide, the volume of sound diminishes so rapidly that when the final tone of the group is reached, the sound has practically died out. The effect is something like a short groan with no anguish in it. Sign,--same as a muted note, but written at the end of a glissando.

_Muted Tones_.--Sort of half-articulated tones, if I may use that expression. Without more records of the same songs in which these are shown, it is not possible to determine whether they are intended by the singers as necessary parts of the records. Sign,--note with small square head.

_Inhaled Tones_.--Tones produced well back in the throat while sharply inhaling the breath rather than exhaling it, as practiced almost universally by singers. Sign,--circle with dot in center.

_Pulsated Tones_.--Tones of more than one beat sung with a rythmic stressing usually in accord with the time meter or some multiple of that meter. Pulsation is rarely heard among modern musicians, except in drilling ensemble singing. It is heard quite frequently in the singing of our American Indians and in the songs of several other primitive peoples. It occurs to some extent in nearly every one of the Tinguian men's songs. It is found in but one of those sung by women.

Though pusation does serve to define the rhythm, I believe it is used by primitive peoples mostly as a purely æsthetic touch. It is indicated in the notation by the usual musical staccato sign thus, --.....

_Swelled Tones_.--Tones usually of from two to four beats which are sung with increasing volume to the center, finishing with a decrescendo to the end. The Swell is sometimes applied to tones of more than four beats, but when so used, it looses some of its character. Swelled tones must be given to single syllables only, and they are the most effective when introduced several times in succession with but few, if any, intervening tones. The sign which I have used is double diverging lines followed by double converging lines placed under the note.

In 1905 it was my privilege to transcribe a number of native songs from the singing of a group of Igorot. In these songs they made frequent use of swelled tones.

_Downward Glissandos_.--An even sliding of the voice from the topmost tone of a group to the lowest with no perceptible dwelling on any intermediate tone and without in any manner defining any of the tones lying between the extremes. Sign,--a straight line drawn obliquely downward beneath the group.

_Upward Glissandos_.--An even sliding of the voice upward without sounding any of the intermediate tones. Sign,--a straight line drawn obliquely upward beneath the group.

_Notes in Group, Beats in Measure, or Measures in Period_.--Groups of five seem to have no terrors for these people. In modern music it is extremely unusual to find notes grouped in fives, or measures having the rhythmic value of five beats, or periods made up of measures in fives. A study of the tabulation shows that the Tinguian have a rather natural bent for groupings in this number. It seems easy for them to drop into that metric form. I consider this trait, evidenced in their melodies, one of the marked characteristics of their music. [256]

Groups of notes, beats, or measures in seven are so few in these records that we are not warranted in accepting it as a characteristic.

_Jog_.--An over-emphasized short-appoggiatura with always either the tonic or dominant of the key as the principal tone. The first tone is usually an eighth or sixteenth in value, and must stand on the next degree above the principal tone. The principal tone is usually a quarter note or longer in value.

In singing the jog, the short note is given a very pointed accent, the voice dropping quickly with a sort of jerk to the second, unaccented, sustained tone. It is executed without sliding, both tones being well-defined. To be most effective, it should be given two, three, or four times consecutively without intervening tones.

This device was heard very frequently in the Igorot songs; in fact, some of their songs consisted of little else than the jog sounded first on tonic two or three times, then the same number of times on the dominant, then again on the tonic, then on the dominant, and so on back and forth.

It would be interesting to know just how commonly this device is used in the singing of the Tinguian and also in the music of other tribes of these Islands. From it we might learn something of the contact of other tribes with the Igorot.

Japanese Scales.--For structure of these scales, see analysis of those songs using one or another of the Japanese "tunings" or approximations to them.

Tonality.--That entire group of harmonies which, intimately related to a foundation or "tonic" chord, may be considered as clustered around and drawn to it.

Major Tonality. That tonality in which the upper two of the three tones constituting its tonic chord, when ranged upward from its foundation tone, are found at distances of four and seven semitones respectively from it.

Minor Tonality. That tonality in which the upper two of the three tones constituting its tonic chord, when ranged upward from its foundation tone, are found at distances of three and seven semitones respectively from it.

Pentatonic Character. That peculiar essence or quality which a melody has when it is built up entirely or almost wholly of the tones of the pentatonic or five-note scale. The melody may employ sparingly one or both of the two tones foreign to the pentatonic scale, and yet its pentatonic character will not be destroyed.

Diatonic Character. That quality which a melody takes on when the two tones which are foreign to the pentatonic scale of the same key or tonality are freely employed.

I use this term in contradistinction to "Pentatonic Character," and not in contradistinction to "Chromatic," as it is usually employed in musical literature.

Melodic Structure. That form of flowing succession of tones in which the accented tones, if considered in sequence, show dominant non-adherence to chord intervals.

_Harmonic Structure_. That form of tonal succession in which the tones of the melody follow rather persistently the structural outline of chords.

_Major Pentatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following arrangement of whole and whole-and-a-half-step intervals,--(whole) (whole) (whole-and-a-half) (whole) (whole-and-a-half).

_Minor Pentatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following arrangement of whole and whole-and-a-half step intervals,--(whole-and-a-half) (whole) (whole) (whole-and-a-half) (whole).

The pentatonic scale is markedly primitive in character. It is known to have been in use anterior to the time of Guido d'Arezzo, which would give it a date prior to the beginning of the 11th century. [257]

Rowbotham ascribes the invention of scales to those primitive musicians who, striving for greater variety in their one-toned chants, added first one newly-discovered tone, then another, and another. [258] The pentatonic scale might have resulted from such chanting.

Most of the primitive peoples of the present day do not seem to feel or "hear mentally" the half step. If musicians of early days had this same failing, it was only natural for them to avoid that interval by eliminating from their songs one or the other of each couplet of tones which if sung would form a half step, thus their chants would be pentatonic.

Not only do people in the primitive state fail to sense the half step, but also people in modern environment who have heard very infrequently this smallest interval of modern music.

Inability to sense this interval may be better understood when we stop to consider that most of us find it unnatural and difficult to hear mentally the still smaller quarter-step interval or one of the even-yet-smaller sub-divisions of the octave which some peoples have come to recognize through cultivation, and have embodied in their music.

This tendency to avoid the half step and develop along the line of pentatonic character is sometimes seen in our own children when they follow their natural bent in singing. It has been my observation that children with some musical creative ability, but unaccustomed to hearing modern music with its half steps, almost invariably hum their bits of improvised melody in the pentatonic scale.

_Major Diatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent tones if considered in upward sequence would show the following arrangement of whole and half step intervals,--(whole) (whole) (half) (whole) (whole) (whole) (half).

_Natural Minor Diatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following arrangement of whole and half step intervals,--(whole) (half) (whole) (whole) (half) (whole) (whole).

_Harmonic Minor Diatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following arrangement of half, whole and whole-and-a-half step intervals,--(whole) (half) (whole) (whole) (half) (whole-and-a-half) (half).

_Melodic Minor Diatonic Scale_ (_Ascending_). That scale in which the constituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following arrangement of whole and half step intervals,--(whole) (half) (whole) (whole) (whole) (whole) (half).

_Falsetto_. Artificial or strained head-tones which sound an octave above the natural tone. Sign,--a tiny circle above the note.

In record L. _Naway_ is shown one falsetto tone. It is unusual to find this effect in a woman's voice.

_Semitones Sung_. This needs no definition. The classification is put down to show to what extent these singers appreciate the half-step intervals, and are able to vocalize it (see preceeding definition of Pentatonic Scale for footnote relative to appreciation of this interval). Sign,--curved bracket above or below the notes.

In these records the men use the half-step interval in six of their seven songs, while the women make use of it in but three of their eight songs.

_Appoggiature_. These, with the exception of one double one shown in the _Bagoyas_ (Record G), are all of the single, short variety. The singers execute them with the usual quickness heard in modern music, but with the accent about equally divided between the appoggiatura and the principal tone. In the transcription they are indicated by the usual musical symbol,--a small eighth note with a slanting stroke through the hook.

_Mordents_. Those used in these songs are all of the "inverted" kind, and were executed by the singers in the manner used by modern musicians; that is, by giving a quick, single alternation of the principal tone with the next scale tone above. Indicated in the score by the usual musical symbol.

_Trills and Wavers_. These need no comment except to call attention to the fact that there are none found in the regular songs of the women. The one shown in Record I (_Da-eng,_ Boys and Girls alternating) is in the boys' part.

_Changing Between Duple and Triple Rhythm_. I consider this quite a striking quality in these songs. Some primitive peoples show little concern over such rhythmic changes, in fact, among some races where percussive instruments are used to accompany the singing, we frequently hear the two rhythms at the same time fitted perfectly one against the other. This is especially true among our American Indians.

While it is not uncommon to find compositions in modern music using these two rhythms alternately, they are alternated rather sparingly. A great many musicians have difficulty in passing smoothly from one to the other, preserving perfect proportions in the note values.

In noting down in the table the findings under this head, I have put down under each song, not the number of duple or triple or quadruple groups in the song, but rather the number of "changes" which occur. After one has made the transition from one style of rhythm to the other, and has the new "swing" established, manifestly it is no special feat to follow along in that same kind of measure; but the real test is the "change" to the rhythm of the other sort. For instance, in the Song of the Spirit (Record E), I find but 31 measures and parts of measures which are in triple rhythm, yet the singer had to change his meter 47 times to execute these. On the other hand, the _Dang-dang-ay_ (Record M), has in it 21 triple-time measures and triplet groups of notes, but because of the persistence of the triple rhythm, when once established in the second part, the song requires a changing of swing but 17 times.

Because of the frequency of changes found throughout these songs, and noting, as heard in the records, the precision with which, in nearly every instance, a new rhythm is taken, I conclude that the Tinguian have a remarkable grasp of different metric values, which enables them to change readily from one to the other. Naturally this trait would stamp itself upon their music, and I consider the use of such frequent metric changes a dominant characteristic.

Although frequent rhythmic change is also strongly characteristic of the music of some other peoples, as I have indicated elsewhere, it is important to tabulate it here to differentiate the Tinguian from those peoples who do not make use of it.

_Minor 3rds, Perfect 4ths, and Perfect 5ths_. These are the only intentional harmonies found in these songs. It is interesting to note that the only examples are in the _Da-eng_ ceremony, where all three are used, some in one part and some in another.

Among some primitive peoples, only the men take part in the songs. The early chanting of all peoples was quite likely by men. Probably the most primitive harmony was a perfect fifth resulting from the attempt of men with different ranges to sing together. The difference between a bass and a tenor voice is just about a fifth. Between an alto and a soprano it is about a fourth. The difference in these voices made it impossible to sing melodies of wide range in unison, and so the basses and tenors sang in consecutive fifths. When women took up the chanting, they sang either in fifths or in fourths.

These harmonies appealed to them, and so continued in use even when there was no exigency on account of restricted range.

Referring again to the _Da-eng_ ceremony, it is interesting to observe that the three different parts of this ceremony are in distinct scales, and that the part sung by the girls alone, is diatonic in character while the other two parts are pentatonic.

_Conclusion_.--I have long been of the opinion that the music of different peoples should be given more consideration by scientists in their endeavor to trace cultural relationships. In years gone by, ethnologists have attached too little importance to the bearing which music has on their science.

I am of the opinion that every peculiarity, even to the smallest element that enters into the make-up of a given melody, has some influence back of it which has determined the element and shaped it into combination. It is not unlikely that a thorough study of the music would reveal these influences, and through them establish hitherto unknown ethnological facts.

I believe that a careful study of a large number of the songs or instrumental pieces of a people will reveal a quite definite general scheme of construction which can be accepted as representative of that people alone; and if such an analysis be made of the music of many peoples and the findings so tabulated that the material will be comprehensible to ethnologists trained to that branch of musical research, many interesting and instructive side-lights will be thrown on the question of tribal relationship.

I realize that to examine exhaustively and then tabulate the characteristics found in the music of just one of the many peoples of the globe would be something of an undertaking; but nevertheless I believe the work should be undertaken in this large way, and when it is, I am sure the results will justify the experiment.

I appreciate that there is an intangible something about music, which may prove baffling when it comes to reducing it to cold scientific symbols and descriptions. Take, for instance, quality of tone. Each one of us knows perfectly the various qualities of the different speaking voices of friends and acquaintances, yet how many of us can so accurately describe those qualities to a stranger that he also may be able to identify the voices among a thousand others. The tabulation of such elusive qualities would have to be in very general terms. Such indefinable characteristics would, to some extent, have to depend for comparison upon the memory of those workers who had received first-hand impressions. It would be something like a present-day musician identifying an unfamiliar composition as belonging to the "French school," the "Italian school," or the "Russian school;" and yet, this same musician might not be able to point out with definiteness a single characteristic of that particular so-called "school."

Though I have held these opinions for several years, I am more than ever convinced, since examining these few Tinguian records, that something really tangible and worth while can be deduced from the music of various primitive peoples, and I trust this branch of ethnology will soon receive more serious recognition.

Manifestly it would be unwise to draw any unalterable conclusions from the examination of but fourteen records of a people. But even in this comparatively small number of songs, ranging as they do over such a variety of applications and uses, it is possible to see tendencies which the examination of more records may confirm as definite characteristics.

While it would be presumptuous at this time to attempt to formulate a Tinguian style, I trust that what I have tabulated may prove valuable in summing up the total evidence, which will accumulate as other surveys are made; and if perchance, the findings here set down and the conclusions tentatively drawn from them help to clear up any obscure ethnological point, the effort has been well spent.

_Albert Gale_.

CONCLUSIONS

The first impression gained by the student of Philippine ethnology is that there is a fundamental unity of the Philippine peoples, the Negrito excepted, not only in blood and speech, but in religious beliefs and practices, in lore, in customs, and industries. It is realized that contact with outside nations has in many ways obscured the older modes of thought, and has often swamped native crafts, while each group has doubtless developed many of its present customs on Philippine soil; yet it seems that enough of the old still remains to proclaim them as a people with a common ancestry. To what extent this belief is justified can be answered, in part, by the material in the preceding pages.

A study of the physical types has shown that each group considered is made up of heterogeneous elements. Pigmy blood is everywhere evident, but aside from this there is a well-marked brachycephalic and a dolichocephalic element. With the latter is a greater tendency than with the first for the face to be angular; the cheek bones are more outstanding, while there is a greater length and breadth of the nose. Individuals of each type are found in all the groups considered, but taken in the average, it is found that the Ilocano and Valley Tinguian fall into the first or round-headed class, the Bontoc Igorot are mesaticephalic, while between them are the mountain Tinguian and Apayao.

Judging from their habitat and the physical data, it appears that the Igorot groups were the first comers; that the brachycephalic Ilocano-Tinguian arrived later and took possession of the coast, and that the two groups have intermarried to form the intermediate peoples. However, a comparison of our Luzon measurements with the people of southern China and the Perak Malay leads us to believe that the tribes of northwestern Luzon are all closely related to the dominant peoples of southern China, Indo-China, and Malaysia in general, in all of which the intermingling of these types is apparent.

The dialects of northwestern Luzon, while not mutually intelligible, are similar in morphology, and have a considerable part of their vocabularies in common. Here again the Igorot is at one extreme, the Ilocano and Valley Tinguian at the other, while the intervening groups are intermediate, but with a strong leaning toward the coast tongue.

Considering, for the moment, the Bontoc Igorot and the Tinguian, it is found that both have certain elements of culture which are doubtless old possessions, as, for instance, head-hunting, terraced rice-fields, iron-working, a peculiar type of shield, and a battle-axe which they share with the Apayao of Luzon and the Naga of Assam.

A part or all of these may be due to a common heritage, at any rate, they help to strengthen the feeling that in remote times these peoples were closely related. But a detailed study of their social organizations; of their ceremonies, songs, and dances; of their customs at birth, marriage, death, and burial; of their house-building; as well as the details of certain occupations, such as the rice culture, pottery making, and weaving, indicates that not only have they been long separated, but that they have been subjected to very different outside influences, probably prior to their entry into the Philippines.

It is not in the province of this monograph to deal with the probable affiliations of the Igorot, neither is it our intention to attempt to locate the ancient home of the Tinguian, nor to connect them with any existing groups. However, our information seems to justify us in certain general conclusions. It shows that the oft repeated assertions of Chinese ancestry are without foundation. It shows that, while trade with China had introduced hundreds of pieces of pottery and some other objects into this region, yet Chinese influence had not been of an intimate enough nature to influence the language or customs, or to introduce any industry. On the other hand, we find abundant evidence that in nearly every phase of life the Tinguian were at one time strongly influenced by the peoples to the south, and even to-day show much in common with Java, Sumatra, the Malay Peninsula, and through them with India. As a case in point we find in the procedure at birth that the Tinguian are in accord with the Peninsular Malay in at least eight particulars, some of which, such as the burning of a fire beside the mother and newborn babe for a month or more, the frequent bathing of both in water containing leaves and herbs, the "fumigating" of the baby, the throwing of ashes to blind evil spirits, are sufficiently distinctive to indicate a common source,

## particularly when they still occur together in connection with one

of the great events of life.

Frequent reference has been made to the parallels between Tinguian customs and those practiced in Sumatra, while the methods of rice-culture are so similar that they can have come only from the same source. In the weaving the influence of India seems evident, despite the fact that cotton is not bowed in Abra, and the Tinguian method of spinning seems unique. These methods, apparently distinctive, may once have been practised more broadly, but were superseded by more efficient instruments. The primitive method of ginning cotton by rolling it beneath a tapering rod appears to be found nowhere in the Philippines outside of Abra, but it is used in some remote sections of Burma.

## Part I of this volume presented a body of tales which showed many

resemblances to the Islands of the south, as well as incidents of Indian lore. There is, in fact, a distinct feeling of Indian influence in the tales of the mythical period; yet they lack the epics of that people, and the typical trickster tales are but poorly represented.

The vocabulary shows comparatively little of Indian influence; yet, at the time of the conquest, the Ilocano was one of the coast groups making use of a native script which was doubtless of Hindu origin.

The many instances of Indian influence do not justify the supposition that the Tinguian were ever directly in contact with that people. The Malay islands to the south were pretty thoroughly under Hindu domination by the second century of the Christian era, and it is probable that they were influenced through trade at a considerably earlier date. Judging from our data, it would seem that the Ilocano-Tinguian group had left its southern home at a time after this influence was beginning to make itself felt, but before it was of a sufficiently intimate nature to stamp itself indelibly on the lore, the ceremonial and economic life of this people, as it did in Java and some parts of Sumatra. It is possible that these points of similarity may be due to trade, but if so, the contact was at a period antedating the fourteenth century, for in historic times the sea trade of the southern islands has been in the hands of the Mohammedanized Malay. Their influence is very marked in the southern Philippines, but is not evident in northwestern Luzon.

Concerning the time of their arrival in Luzon, and the course pursued by them, we have no definite proof; but it is evident that the Tinguian did not begin to press inland until comparatively recent times. Historical references and local traditions indicate that most of this movement has taken place since the arrival of the Spaniards, while the distribution of the great ceremonies gives a further suggestion that the dominant element in the Tinguian population has been settled in Abra for no great period. The probable explanation for this distribution is that the interior valleys were sparsely settled with a population more akin to the Igorot than to the Tinguian, prior to the inland movement of the latter people; that the Tinguian were already possessed of the highly developed ceremonial life, before they entered Abra, and that this has been spread slowly, through intermarriage and migration, to the people on the outskirts of their territory.

These ceremonies are still practised by some families now residing in Christianized settlements in Abra and Ilocos Sur, while discreet questioning soon brings out the fact that they were formerly present in towns which have long been recognized as Ilocano. The relationship of the Tinguian and Ilocano has already been shown by the physical data and historical references; but were these lacking, it requires but a little inquiry and the compilation of geneaological tables to show that many Ilocano families are related to the Tinguian. It is a matter of common observation that the chief barrier between the two groups is religion, and, once let the pagan accept Christianity, he and his family are quickly absorbed by the Ilocano.

Uninterrupted trade with the coast in recent years, Spanish and American influence, have doubtless affected considerable changes in the Tinguian. If, however, we subtract recent introductions, it is probable that we have in the life of this tribe an approximate picture of conditions among the more advanced of the northern Philippine groups prior to the entry of the European into their islands.

NOTES

[1] The _Bontoc_ Igorot is taken as one of the least influenced and most typical of the Igorot groups.

[2] On this point see _Cole_, The Distribution of the Non-Christian Tribes of Northwestern Luzon (_American Anthropologist_, N.S., Vol. XI, 1909, pp. 329-347).

[3] These are Ballasio, Nagbuquel, Vandrell, Rizal, Mision, Mambog, and Masingit. Kadangla-an, Pila, Kolongbuyan (Sapang) and Montero are mixed Tinguian and Igorot.

[4] See _Cole_, The Tinguian (_Philippine Journal of Science_, Vol. III, No. 4, Sect. A, 1908, pp. 197, _et seq_.).

[5] _Beyer_ (Population of the Philippine Islands in 1916, p. 74, Manila, 1917) gives the population as 27,648.

[6] North of Abra it is known as the Cordillera Norte.

[7] This river traffic is entirely in the hands of the Christianized Ilocano. Rafts seldom proceed up the river beyond Bangued, the capital, and at low water even this distance is negotiated with difficulty.

[8] Historical references to this trade, as well as to the Spanish invasion of Ilocos, will be found in _Reyes_, Historia de Ilocos, Manila, 1890; _Fray Gaspar De S. Augustin_, Conquista de las Islas Filipinas (Manila, 1698), p. 267; _Medina_, Historia, translated in _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The Philippine Islands, Vol. XXIII, pp. 279, _et seq_. See also translation of _Loarca_ and others in same publication, Vol. III, p. 73, note; Vol. V, p. 109; Vol. XV, p. 51; Vol. XVII, p. 285.

[9] _Loraca_, 1582, translated in _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. V, p. 105.

[10] _Laufer_, Relations of the Chinese to the Philippine Islands (_Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections_, Vol. I, pp. 256, et seq.)

[11] _Cole_ and _Laufer_, Chinese Pottery in the Philippines (Field Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII, No. 1).

[12] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. XVII, p. 285; also III, p. 73, note; V, p. 109; XV, p. 51.

[13] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. XXXIV, pp. 287, _et seq._

[14] _Colin_ (Labor Evangelica, Chap. IV, Madrid 1663), calls the Manguian of Mindoro and the Zambal, Tingues. _Morga, Chirino_, and _Ribera_ also use the same name for the natives of Basilan, Bohol, and Mindanao (see _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op cit_., Vols. IV, p. 300; X, p. 71; XIII, pp. 137,205). Later writers have doubtless drawn on these accounts to produce the weird descriptions sometimes given of the Tinguian now under discussion. It is said (_op. cit_., Vol. XL, p. 97, note) that the radical _ngian_, in Pampanga, indicates "ancient," a meaning formerly held in other Philippine languages, and hence Tinguian would probably mean "old or ancient, or aboriginal mountain dwellers."

[15] _Reyes_, Historia de Ilocos, p. 151 (Manila, 1890), also Filipinas articulos varios, p. 345 (Manila, 1887); _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. XIV, pp. 158-159; Vol. XXVIII, p. 167.

[16] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. XXVIII, p. 158.

[17] _Antonio Mozo_, _Noticia_ histórico-natural (Madrid, 1763), in _Blair_ and _Robertson_, Vol. XLVIII, p. 69.

[18] These were: Tayum 1803; Pidigan 1823; La Paz and San Gregorio 1832; Bukay (Labon) 1847. For further details of this mission see _Villacorta_, Breve resumen de los progresos de la Religion Catolica en la admirable conversion de los indios Igorotes y Tinguianes (Madrid, 1831).

[19] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. XXXVIII, p. 199.

[20] Discussions concerning the Chinese origin of the Tinguian will be found in _Mallat_, Les Philippines, Vol. I, pp. 212-213; Vol. II, pp. 104-7, 345 (Paris, 1846); _Plauchet_, L'Archipel des Philippines (_Revue des deux Mondes_, 1887, p. 442); _Buzeto y Bravo_, Diccionario geografico estadistico historico; _Semper_, Die Philippinen und ihre Bewohner (Würzburg, 1869); _Blumentritt_, Versuch einer Ethnographie der Philippinen (_Peterman's Mittheilungen_, 1882, No. 67); _Reyes_, Die Tinguianen (_Mittheilungen K. K. Geogr. Gesellschaft in Wien_, 1887, p. 5, _et seq._); _Reyes_, Filipinas articulos varios (Manila, 1887); _Sanchez y Ruiz_, Razas de Filipinas, usos y custombres, Memoria Exposicion General, pp. 51, 60, 138 (Manila, 1887); _Montblanc_, Les Isles Philippines, p. 22 (Paris, 1887); _Montero y Vidal_, El Archipelago Filipino, p. 289 (Manila, 1886); _Bowring_, A Visit to the Philippines, p. 171 (London, 1859); _Sawyer_, The Inhabitants of the Philippines, p. 276 (London, 1900); _Zuniga_, Historia, pp. 19-38 (Sampaloc, 1803); _Colin_, Labor evangelica, Vol. I, chaps. 4, 12-14 (Madrid, 1663); _Blair_ and _Robertson_ (The Philippine Islands, Vol. XL, pp. 316, _et seq._) give a translation of _San Antonio_ Chronicas, written in Manila between 1738-44, also of _Colin_, Labor evangelica, of 1663; _Brinton_, The Peoples of the Philippines (_Am. Anthropologist_, Vol. XI, 1898, p. 302).

[21] _Paul De La Gironière_, Vingt années aux Philippines (Paris, 1853); _Stuntz_, The Philippines and the Far East, p. 36 (New York, 1904).

[22] Quoted by _Paterno_, La antigua civilizacion Tagalog, pp. 122-123 (Madrid, 1887).

[23] _Brinton_, The Peoples of the Philippines (_Am. Anthropologist_, Vol. XI, 1892, p. 297). See also _De Quatrefages_, Histoire générale des races humaines, pp. 515-517, 527-528.

[24] Census of the Philippine Islands of 1903, pp. 453-477.

[25] The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon (_Philippine Journal of Science_, Vol. I, pp. 798, 851, Manila, 1906).

[26] _Blumentritt_ (Ethnographie der Philippinen, Introduction; also _American Anthropologist_, Vol. XI, 1898, p. 296) has advanced the theory of three Malay invasions into the Philippines. To the first, which is put at about 200 B.C., belong the Igorot, Apayao, and Tinguian, but the last are considered as of a later period. The second invasion occurred about A.D. 100-500, and includes the Tagalog, Visaya, Ilocano, and other alphabet-using peoples. The third is represented by the Mohammedan groups which began to enter the Islands in the fourteenth century.

[27] _Brinton_ (_Am. Anthropologist_, Vol. XI, 1898, p. 302) states that the Ilocano of northwestern Luzon are markedly Chinese in appearance and speech, but he fails to give either authorities or examples to substantiate this claim. For Indian influence on Philippine dialects, see _Pardo De Tavera_, El sanscrito e la lingua tagalog (Paris, 1887); also _Williams_, Manual and Dictionary of Ilocano (Manila, 1907).

[28] A detailed study of the language is not presented in this volume. The author has a large collection of texts which will be published at a later date, together with a study of the principal Tinguian dialects. A short description of the Ilocano language, by the writer, will be found in the New International Encyclopædia.

[29] A more detailed study of these tribes will be given in a forthcoming volume on Philippine Physical Types.

[30] Observations on 13 Ilocano skulls are tabulated by _Koeze_ (Crania Ethnica Philippinica, pp. 56-57, Haarlem, 1901-4).

[31] A short series of Igorot skull measurements is given by _Koeze_ (Crania Ethnica Philippinica, pp. 42-43, Haarlem, 1901-4).

[32] _Am. Anthropologist_, 1906, pp. 194-195.

[33] Notes sur les Chinois du Quang-si (_L'Anthropologie_, Vol. IX, 1898, pp. 144-170).

[34] The Races of Man, pp. 384, 577, _et seq_.(London, 1900).

[35] _Martin_, Inlandstämme der Malayischen Halbinsel, pp. 237, 351, 358, 386 (Jena, 1905).

[36] For measurements on the Northern Chinese and the Formosa Chinese see _Koganei_, Messungen an chinesischen Soldaten (_Mitt. med. Fak. k. japan. Univ. Tokio_, 1903, Vol. VI, No. 2), und Messungen an männlichen Chinesen-Schädeln (_Internat. Centralblatt für Anthropologie_, 1902, pp. 129, _et seq_.).

[37] For other observations on Malaysia, in general, see _Annandale_ and _Robinson_ (_Jour. Anth. Inst.,_ Vol. XXXII, 1902); _Keane_, Ethnology (Cambridge, 1907); _Duckworth_ (_Jour. Anth. Inst._, Vol. XXXII); _Hose_ and _McDougall_ (The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, pp. 311, _et seq._) give results by _Haddon_; _Hamy_ (_L'Anthropologie_, Vol. VII, Paris, 1896); _Hagen_, Anthropologische Studien aus Insulinde (Amsterdam, 1890); _Sullivan_, Racial Types in the Philippine Islands (_Anth. Papers, American Museum of Nat. Hist._, Vol. XIII, pt. 1, New York, 1918).

[38] _Sullivan_ (_Anthropological Papers, American Museum Nat. History_, Vol. XXIII, pt. 1, p. 42) gives a graphic correlation of Stature, Cephalic and Nasal Indices, which shows a striking similarity between the Tagalog and Pangasinan of the Philippines, and the Southern Chinese. Had he made use of Jenks's measurements of the Bontoc Igorot, that group would also have approached quite closely to those already mentioned. The same method applied to the Ilocano and Tinguian shows them to conform to this type.

[39] See Traditions of the Tinguian (this volume, No. 1).

[40] The eating of double bananas or vegetables is avoided, as it is thought to result in the birth of twins. The birth of twin girls is a particular misfortune; for their parents are certain to fare badly in any trades or sales to which they may be parties.

[41] The importance of gratifying the longings of pregnant women appears in the legends of the Malay Peninsula. See _Wilkinson_, Malay Beliefs, p. 46 (London, 1906). _Hildebrandt_ states that the Indian law books such as Yajñavalkya (III, 79) make it a duty to fulfill the wishes of a woman at this time, since otherwise the embryo would be exposed to injury. Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. II, p. 650.

[42] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, pp. 124, 185.

[43] See _op. cit_., p. 105.

[44] See _op. cit_., pp. 144, _et seq_.

[45] See _op. cit_., p. 18.

[46] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 180.

[47] To produce a miscarriage, a secret liquor is made from the bark of a tree. After several drinks of the brew, the abdomen is kneaded and pushed downward until the foetus is discharged. A canvass of forty women past the child-bearing age showed an average, to each, of five children, about 40 per cent of whom died in infancy. Apparently about the same ratio of births is being maintained at present.

[48] The gifts vary according to the ceremony. For this event, the offerings consist of a Chinese jar with earrings fastened into the handles--"ears"--, a necklace of beads and a silver wire about its neck; a wooden spoon, a weaving stick, and some bone beads.

[49] This is known as _palwig_.

[50] This action is called _tolgi_.

[51] In the San Juan district _Gipas_ is a separate two-day ceremony, which takes place about nine months after the birth. In Baak a part of the _Dawak_ ceremony goes by this name.

[52] This is known as _inálson_, and is "such a blanket as is always possessed by a spirit." See p. 313.

[53] This is also the method of delivery among the Kayan of Borneo. See _Hose_ and _McDougall_, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, p. 154 (London, 1912), also _Cole_, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao (Field Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII. No. 2, p. 100). _Skeat_ (Malay Magic, p. 334, London, 1900) describes a similar method among the Malay.

[54] Among the Bukidnon and Bila-an of Mindanao a bamboo blade is always employed for this purpose. The same is true of the Kayan of Borneo. _Hose_ and _McDougall_, _op. cit._, Vol. II, p. 155; _Cole_, _op. cit._, p. 143.

[55] Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 185. It is also the belief of the Peninsular Malay that the incidental products of a confinement may be endowed with life (_Wilkinson_, Malay Beliefs, p. 30).

[56] The character e, which appears frequently in the native names, is used to indicate a sound between the obscure vowel _e_, as in sun, and the _ur_, in burrow.

[57] The number of days varies somewhat in different sections, and is generally longer for the first child than for the succeeding.

[58] The custom of building a fire beside the mother is practised among the Malay, Jakun and Mantri of the Peninsula. In India, the practice of keeping a fire beside the newborn infant, in order to protect it from evil beings, is widespread. See _Tawney_, Kathá Sarit Ságara, Vol. I, pp. 246, 305, note; Vol. II, p. 631 (Calcutta, 1880). According to _Skeat_ (Malay Magic, p. 343), the Malay keep the fire burning forty-four days. The custom is called the "roasting of the mother." The same custom is found in Cambodia (see Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. III, pp. 32, 164, 347; Vol. VIII, p. 32).

[59] This may be related to the Malay custom of fumigating the infant (see _Skeat_, _op. cit._, p. 338).

[60] The following names are typical of this last class. For boys: Ab'beng, a child's song; Agdalpen, name of a spirit; Baguio, a storm; Bakileg, a glutton; Kabato, from _bato_, a stone; Tabau, this name is a slur, yet is not uncommon; it signifies "a man who is a little crazy, who is sexually impotent, and who will mind all the women say;" Otang, the sprout of a vine; Zapalan, from _zapal_, the crotch of a tree. For girls: Bangonán, from _bangon_, "to rise, to get up;" Igai, from _nigai_, a fish; Giaben, a song; Magilai, from _gilai_ the identifying slit made in an animal's ear; Sabak, a flower; Ugot, the new leaf.

[61] In Madagascar children are oftentimes called depreciative names, such as Rat, with the hope that evil spirits will leave tranquil an infant for which the parents have so little consideration (_Grandidier_, Ethnologie de Madagascar, Vol. II).

[62] In Selangor, a sick infant is re-named (_Skeat_, _op. cit._, p. 341).

[63] _Reyes_, Filipinas articulos varios, 1st ed., pp. 144-5 (Manila, 1887).

[64] The Malay of the Peninsula bathe both mother and child morning and evening, in hot water to which certain leaves and blossoms are added. It is here described as an act of purification (_Skeat_, _op. cit._, pp. 334-5).

[65] Also called _salokang_ (cf. p. 310).

[66] Filipinas articulos varios, p. 144.

[67] _F. De Lerena_, _Ilustracion Filipina_, No. 22, p. 254 (Manila, Nov. 15, 1860). An equally interesting account of Tinguian procedure at the time of birth will be found in the account of _Polo De Lara_, Islas Filipinas, tipos y costumbres, pp. 213, _et seq._

[68] In San Juan. Ibal is always held in six months, unless illness has caused an earlier celebration. At this time the liver of a pig is carefully examined, in order to learn of the child's future.

[69] In Likuan this takes place five days after the birth; in Sallapadan it occurs on the first or second day.

[70] On the mat are placed, in addition to the medium's regular outfit, a small jar of _basi_, five pieces of betel-nut and pepper-leaf, two bundles of rice (_palay_) in a winnower, a head-axe, and a spear.

[71] This is a _dakidak_ (cf. p. 311).

[72] Such a taboo sign is here known as _kanyau_. It is not always used at the conclusion of this ceremony, but is strictly observed following the cutting of the first rice.

[73] That is, a premature child.

[74] Ashes are used against evil spirits by the Peninsular Malay (_Skeat_, Malay Magic, p. 325).

[75] Sagai is the sound made when scratching away the embers of a fire.

[76] From _maysa_, one; _dua_, two; _talo_, three.

[77] This is also used as mockery. It has no exact English equivalent, but is similar to our slang "rubber."

[78] In Patok only the agate bead (_napodau_) is used.

[79] The less pretentious gathering, held by the very poor, is known as _pólya_.

[80] _Worcester_, The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon (_Philippine Jour. of Science_, Vol. I, No. 8, 1906, p. 858).

[81] It is necessary to use a shallow dish with a high pedestal known as _dias_ (Fig. 5, No. 5).

[82] In Ba-ak the breaking and scattering of the rice ball is considered a good omen, as it presages many children. In San Juan the youth throws a rice ball at the ridge pole of the house, and the girl's mother does the same. In this instance, each grain of rice which adheres to the pole represents a child to be born.

[83] The similarity of the Tinguian rice ceremony to that of many other Philippine tribes is so great that it cannot be due to mere chance. Customs of a like nature were observed by the writer among the Bukidnon, Bagobo, Bila-an, Kulaman, and Mandaya of Mindanao, and the Batak of Palawan; they are also described by _Reed_ and _Worcester_ for the Negrito of Zambales and Bataan; while _Loarca_, writing late in the sixteenth century, records a very like ceremony practised by a coast group, probably the Pintados. At the same time it is worthy of note that _Jenks_ found among the Bontoc Igorot a great divergence both in courtship and marriage. Among the Dusun of British North Borneo the marriage of children of the well-to-do is consummated by the eating of rice from the same plate. Other instances of eating together, as a part of the marriage ceremony in Malaysia, are given by _Crawley_. See _Cole_, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao (Field Museum of Natural History. Vol. XII, No. 2, pp. 102, 144, 157, 192); _Reed_, Negritos of Zambales (_Pub. Ethnological Survey,_ Vol. II, pt. 1, p. 58 (Manila, 1904)); _Worcester_, _Philippine Journal of Science_, Vol. I, p. 811 (Manila, 1906); _Loarca_, Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas, Chap. X (Arevalo, 1580), translated in _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The Philippine Islands, Vol. V, pp. 157, _et seq_.; _Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot (_Pub. Ethnological Survey_, Vol. I, pp. 68, _et seq_., Manila, 1905); _Evans_, _Journ. Royal Anth. Inst_., Vol. XLVII, p. 159; _Crawley_, The Mystic Rose (London, 1902), pp. 379, _et seq._

[84] In Manabo an old woman sleeps between them. Among the Bagobo and Kulaman, of Mindanao, a child is placed between the pair. See _Cole_, _op. cit_., pp. 102, 157.

[85] In Likuan they chew of the same betel-nut. Among the Batak of Palawan they smoke of the same cigar.

[86] This part of the ceremony is now falling into disuse.

[87] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 12.

[88] Here again the Tinguian ceremony closely resembles the ancient custom described by _Loarca_. In his account, the bride was carried to the house of the groom. At the foot of the stairway she was given a present to induce her to proceed; when she had mounted the steps, she received another, as she looked in upon the guests, another. Before she could be induced to set down, to eat and drink, she was likewise given some prized object. _Loarca_, Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas, Chap. X; also _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit._, Vol. V, p. 157.

[89] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 172. The origin of death is also given in the tales, _ibid_., p. 177.

[90] The spirit of the dead is generally known as _kalading_, but in Manabo it is called _kal-kolayó_ and in Likuan _alalya_; in Ilokano, _al-aliá_ means "phantom" or "ghost."

[91] In some villages Selday is the spirit against whom this precaution is taken.

[92] In Daligan and some other villages in Ilocos Norte, a chicken is killed, is burned in a fire, and then is fastened beside the door in place of the live bird.

[93] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 181.

[94] During the funeral of Malakay, in Patok, August 16, 1907, the wife kept wailing, "Malakay, Malakay, take me with you where you go. Malakay, Malakay, take me with you. I have no brother. We were together here, do not let us part. Malakay, take me with you where you go."

[95] In Manabo the wife is covered at night with a white blanket, but during the day she wears it bandoleer fashion over one shoulder. In Ba-ak a white blanket with black border is used in a similar way. If the wife has neglected her husband during his illness, his relatives may demand that she be punished by having a second blanket placed over her, unless she pays them a small amount. It sometimes occurs that the Lakay or old men impose both fine and punishment. In Likuan the blanket is placed over the corpse and the wife.

[96] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 180.

[97] This is still the case among the Apayao who live to the north of the Tinguian (_Cole_, _Am. Anthropologist_, Vol. ii, No. 3, 1909, p. 340). The custom is reflected in the folk-tales (Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 190; cf. also p. 372).

[98] The writer has known of instances, where towns were deserted following an epidemic of smallpox, and the dead were left unburied in the houses. Such instances are unusual even for this dread disease, and the funeral observances usually expose large numbers of the people to infection.

[99] In San Juan only thirty strokes are given.

[100] In Manabo a rectangular hole is dug to about five feet, then at right angles to this a chamber is cut to receive the body. This is cut off from the main grave by a stone. A similar type of grave is found in Sumatra (_Marsden_, History of Sumatra, 3d ed., p. 287, London, 1811).

[101] According to this author, the Tinguian put the dried remains of their dead in subterranean tombs or galleries, six or seven yards in depth, the entrance being covered with a sort or trap door (_La Gironière_, Twenty Years in the Philippines, p. 115, London, 1853).

[102] _Op. cit.,_ p. 121.

[103] As distinguished from those of the dead.

[104] Several times the writer has seen friends place money inside the mat, "so that the spirit may have something to spend."

[105] The large spirit house, built only by well-to-do families having the hereditary right.

[106] In the folk tales a very different method of disposing of the dead is indicated (Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, pp. 23-24, and note).

[107] Among the Tuaran Dusun of British North Borneo, a fire is built near the mat on which the corpse lies, to protect the body from evil spirits, who are feared as body snatchers (_Evans_, _Jour. Ant. Inst.,_ Vol. XLVII, 1917, p. 159).

[108] These consist of dishes, food, tobacco, fire-making outfit, weapons, clothing, and the like.

[109] In Ilocos Sur a ceremony which lifts the ban off the relatives is held about five days after the funeral. Three months later, the blood and oil are applied to the spouse, who is then released from all restrictions. In San Juan and Lakub, a ceremony known as _Kilyas_ is held five days after the funeral. The anointing is done as described above, and then the medium drops a ball of rice under the house, saying, "Go away sickness and death, do not come to our relatives." When she has finished, drums are brought out, all the relatives dance and "forget the sorrow," and are then released from all taboos. The Layog is celebrated as in the valley towns.

[110] Also known as _Waxi_ in San Juan, and _Bagoñgon_ in Sallapadin. In the latter village, as well as in Manabo and Ba-ak, this ceremony occurs a few days after the funeral.

[111] This is known as _Apapáyag_ or _Inapapayag_ (p. 309).

[112] The foregoing ceremonies follow the death of any adult, male or female, but not of newborn children. If the first-born dies in infancy, it is buried in the middle of the night when no one can see the corpse, otherwise other babies will die. The parents don old garments, and are barred from leaving the town or engaging in pastimes, until the ten-day period has passed. No fire is built at the grave, nor are offerings placed over it. When some one else is holding a _Layog_, the parents may join them "to relieve their sorrow and show respect for the dead."

[113] A folk-tale recorded in this town gives quite a different idea of the abode of the spirits (Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 185; also p. 28, note 2).

[114] Functions mentales dans les sociétés inférieures (Paris, 1910).

[115] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, pp. 180-182

[116] For a full discussion of this subject, see _Cole_, Relations between the Living and the Dead (_Am. Jour. of Sociology,_ Vol. XXI, No. 5, 1916, pp. 610, et seq.).

[117] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 185.

[118] In Manabo it is said that there are five sons, who reside in the spirit houses known as _tangpap, alalot,_ and _pungkew_.

[119] The people of Manabo say, he resides in the spirit-structures known as _balaua, sogayab, batog,_and _balag_ (cf. pp. 308, _et seq.)_

[120] Among the Ifugao, Kabúnian is the lowest of the three layers which make up the heavens (_Beyer_, Origin Myths among the Mountain Peoples of the Philippines, _Phil. Jour. of Science,_ Vol. viii, No. 2, 1913, p. 99).

[121] Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 15.

[122] Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume. No. 1, p. 32.

[123] The medium is also sometimes called _manganito_.

[124] Similar mediums and possession were observed among the ancient Visayans. See _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The Philippine Islands, Vol. V, p. 133; _Perez_ writing concerning Zambales says of their mediums, "He commences to shiver, his whole body trembling, and making many faces by means of his eyes; he generally talks, sometimes between his teeth, without any one understanding him. Sometimes he contents himself with wry faces which he makes with his eyes and the trembling of all his body. After a few moments he strikes himself on the knee, and says he is the _anito_ to whom the sacrifice is being made." See _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit.,_Vol. XLVII, p. 301.

[125] Among the ancient Tagalog, charms made of herbs, stones, and wood, were used to infuse the heart with love (_Blair_ and _Robertson_, The Philippine Islands, Vol VII, p. 194). Similar practices are found in India, among the Selangor of the Malay Peninsula, among the Bagobo of Mindanao and in Japan: see _Roy_, _Jour. Royal Anth, Inst.,_Vol. XLIV, 1914, p. 337; _Skeat_ and _Blagden_, Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula, p. 312; _Benedict_, Bagobo Ceremonial, Magic and Myth, p. 220 _(Annals N. Y. Academy of Sciences,_ Vol. XXV, 1916); _Hildburgh_, _Man_, Nov. 1915, pp. 168, _et seq.; Trans. Japan Soc,_ Vol. VIII, pp. 132, _et seq._

[126] The _salaksak_ was also the omen bird of the Zambales (_Blair_ and _Robertson_, Philippine Islands, Vol. XLVII, p. 307).

[127] Predicting of the future through the flight of birds, or by means of the entrails of slain animals, is widespread, not only in the Philippines and Malaysia generally, but was equally important in ancient Babylonia and Rome. The resemblances are so many that certain writers, namely, _Hose_ and _McDougall_, _Kroeber_, and _Laufer_ are inclined to credit them to common historical influences. See _Hose_ and _McDougall_, Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, p. 255 (London, 1912); _Kroeber_, Peoples of the Philippines (_American Museum of Natural History,_ Handbook Series, No. 8, p. 192, New York, 1919); _Laufer_, _Toung Pao, _1914, pp. 1-51.

[128] For the _diam_ recited at this time, see Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 171.

[129] More frequently the medium uses a piece of lead or one of the shells of her _piling_ for this purpose. In many villages the medium, while calling the spirits, wears one head-band for each time the family has made this ceremony.

[130] Had they not possessed a _balaua_, they would have made this offering in the dwelling.

[131] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. I, pp. 178-179.

[132] The _sagang_ is the sharpened pole, which was passed through the _foramen magnum_ of a captured skull.

[133] Female spirits, who always stay in one place.

[134] See Tradition of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 178.

[135] This _diam_ is sometimes repeated for the _saloko_ (see p. 319).

[136] Known as Palasód in Bakaok.

[137] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 175.

[138] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 174.

[139] _Op. cit._, p. 175.

[140] In Patok this offering is placed in a _saloko_, which is planted close to the stream.

[141] Known in Ba-ak and Langiden as Dayá, in Patok and vicinity as Komon or Ubaiya.

[142] This part of the ceremony is often omitted in the valley towns.

[143] _Canarium villosum_ Bl. The resinous properties of this tree are supposed to make bright or clear, to the spirits, that the ceremony has been properly conducted. According to some informants, the _pala-an_ is intended as a stable for the horse of Idadaya when he attends the ceremony, but this seems to be a recent explanation.

[144] This feeding of the spirits with blood and rice is known as _pisek_, while the whole of the procedure about the mortar is called _sangba_.

[145] This consists of two bundles of rice, a dish of broken rice, a hundred fathoms of thread, one leg of the pig, and a small coin.

[146] Many spirits which appear here and in _Sayang_ are not mentioned in the alphabetical list of spirits, as they play only a local or minor role in the life of the people.

[147] The spirit who lives in the _sagang_, the sharpened bamboo sticks on which the skulls of enemies were displayed.

[148] This is of particular interest, as the Tinguian are hostile to the people of this region, and it is unlikely that either of the mediums had ever seen a native of that region.

[149] The name by which the Tinguian designate their own people.

[150] The spirits' name for the Tinguian.

[151] The term Alzado is applied to the wilder head-hunting groups north and east of Abra.

[152] When the _tangpap_ is built during the _Sayang_ ceremony, it is a little house with two raised floors. On the lower are small pottery jars, daubed with white, and filled with _basi_ (Plate XX).

[153] The _talagan_ (see p. 308).

[154] This being lives in Binogan. His brothers are Gilen, Ilongbosan, Idodosan, Iyangayang, and Sagolo.

[155] The site of the old village of Bukay.

[156] In addition to the writer and his wife, Lieut. and Mrs. H.B. Rowell were initiated at this time. The Lieutenant had long been a friend and adviser of the tribe, and was held in great esteem by them. The writer's full name was Agonan Dumalawi, Mrs. Cole's--Ginobáyan Gimpayan, Lieut. Rowell's--Andonan Dogyawi, and Mrs. Rowell's--Gayankayan Gidonan.

[157] This raft is the _Taltalabong_, and is intended for the sons and servants of Kadaklan.

[158] It is customary to place a jar of _basi_ under or near the house, so that Kadaklan may drink, before he reaches the function. This offering had been neglected, hence his complaint.

[159] This is the case if a person is just acquiring the right to the ceremony. If the family is already privileged to give this rite, it will occur in about three years, and _Sayang_ will follow some four years later.

[160] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 171.

[161] See _ibid._, p. 24.

[162] In Patok, _diwas_ is sung as a part of _da-eng_ on the night of _Libon_.

[163] This is the same form as the "shield," which hangs above the newborn infant (p. 312).

[164] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 177.

[165] On two occasions an old bedstead of Spanish type served instead of the frame.

[166] See p. 315. In some towns the spirits are summoned at different times during the ceremony, as in _Tangpap_.

[167] See under Idasan, p. 309.

[168] Each with its dormitory for bachelors, and usually for unmarried girls. See _Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 49 (Manila, 1905).

[169] _Combes_, Historia de las islas de Mindanao (Madrid, 1667), translated by _Blair_ and _Robertson_, Vol. XL, p. 160; Vol. XLVII, p. 300. _Ling Roth_, Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo, Vol. II, p. 270, _et seq._(London, 1896).

[170] For description of these villages, see _Cole_, Distribution of the Non-Christian Tribes of Northwestern Luzon (_Am. Anthropologist_, Vol. XI, p. 329).

[171] See _Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot (Manila, 1906).

[172] Twenty years in the Philippines, p. 109 (London, 1853).

[173] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 8.

[174] See _Cole_ and _Laufer_, Chinese Pottery in the Philippines (Field Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII, No. 1).

[175] Despite frequent assertions to the contrary, the fire syringe is not used by the Tinguian. It is found among the Tiagan Igorot, the similarity of whose name has doubtless given rise to the error.

[176] Head-hunting is widespread in this part of the world. It is found in Assam, in the Solomon Islands, in Borneo, Formosa, and, it is said, was formerly practiced in Japan. See _Hodson_ (_Folklore,_ June, 1909, p. 109); _Rivers_, History of Melanesian Society, Vol. II, p. 259 (Cambridge, 1914); _Hose_ and _McDougall_, Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vols. I-II (London, 1912); _Shinji Ishii_ (_Transactions Japan Soc. of London,_ Vol. XIV, pp. 7, _et seq.)._

[177] See _Worcester_, The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon (_Philippine Journal of Science,_ Vol. I, p. 824, Manila, 1906).

[178] See _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The Philippine Islands, Vols. V, p. 137; XXI, p. 140; XXXIV, p. 377; XL, pp. 80-81; XLVII, p. 313; XLVIII, p. 57. _Cole_, Distribution of the Non-Christian Tribes of Northwestern Luzon _(Am. Anth_., N. S., Vol. XI, 1909, p. 340); _Cole_, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao (pub. Field Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII No. 2, p. 114, _et seq._).

[179] These are called _soga_. Their use is widespread in the Philippines, in Malaysia generally, and even extends into upper Burma. See _Shakespear_, History of Upper Assam, Upper Burmah and Northeastern Frontier, pp. 186, _et seq._(London, 1914). _Marsden_, Hist. of Sumatra, p. 310 (London, 1811).

[180] See _Cole_, Wild Tribes of Davao District (Field Museum of Nat. Hist., Vol. XII, No. 2, p. 94).

[181] This description is partially taken from the account of _Paul P. de La Gironière_, probably the one white man, who has witnessed this rite (see Twenty Years in the Philippines, p. 108, London, 1853), and from the stories of many old men, who themselves have participated in the head-hunts and subsequent celebrations.

[182] See _Cole_, Distribution of the Non-Christian Tribes of Northwestern Luzon (_Am. Anthropologist_, N. S., Vol. XI, No. 3, 1909, p. 340).

[183] Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 22.

[184] _Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 123 (Manila, 1905); _Kroeber_, The Peoples of the Philippines (Am. Museum Nat. Hist., Handbook Series, No. 3, p. 165, New York, 1919).

[185] _Egerton_, Handbook of Indian Arms (Wm. Allen and Co., London, 1880), p. 84; _Shakespear_, History of Upper Assam, Burma and Northeastern Frontier (MacMillan, London, 1914), p. 197, illustration.

[186] This type of snare is used by nearly all Philippine tribes, and it is also widespread in Malaysia.

[187] The mountain rice is known as _langpadan_, the lowland rice as pagey (Ilocano _palay_).

[188] This is similar to the method followed in Sumatra. See _Marsden_, History of Sumatra, 3d ed., pp. 71-72 (London, 1811).

[189] A similar device is employed in Java. See _Freeman_ and _Chandler_, The World's Commercial Products, p. 36 (Boston, 1911).

[190] The latter is the customary method among the Bontoc Igorot. See _Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 94.

[191] _Raffles_, History of Java, 2d ed., Vol. I, p. 125, also plate VIII (London, 1820); _Marsden_, _op. cit_., p. 74; _Freeman_ and _Chandler_, _op. cit_., p. 29. Both Raffles and Marsden consider this type of plow of Chinese origin. The Tinguian name _alado_ is doubtless a corruption of the Spanish _arado_, but this of course would not prove that the plow itself was derived from the Spaniards.

[192] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, pp. 195, _et seq_.

[193] _Munia jagori_ (martens). Locally known as _tikgi_.

[194] Probably the _ophiocephalus_. See _Dean_, _American Museum Journal_, Vol. XII, 1912, p. 22.

[195] This is the only occasion when men use the bow and arrow.

[196] The neighboring Igorot do not use a cutter, but break the stalks with the fingers; however, the same instrument is used by the Apayao, in parts of Mindanao, in Java and Sumatra. See _Marsden_, History of Sumatra, p. 73; _Raffles_, History of Java, pp. 125-6, also Plate 8; _Mayer_, Een Blik in het Javaansche Volksleven, Vol. II, p. 452, (Leiden, 1897); _Van der Lith_, Nederlandsch Oost Indië, Vol. II, p. 353, (Leiden, 1894).

[197] Rice in the bundle is known as _palay_ or _pagey_.

[198] The Igorot woman pulls the grain from the straw with her hands.

[199] Ilocano _sanga-reppet_ or the Spanish _monojo_.

[200] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 177.

[201] History of Sumatra, pp. 65, _et seq_.

[202] _Hose_ and _McDougall_ (Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, pp. 246-7) consider the terraced rice culture of the Murut, of northern Borneo, a recent acquisition either from the Philippines or from Annam.

[203] _Lavezaris_, writing in 1569-76, states that the natives, of no specified district, "have great quantities of provisions which they gathered from irrigated fields" (_Blair_ and _Robertson_, Philippine Islands, Vol. III, p. 269). In Vol. VIII, pp. 250-251, of the same publication, is a record of the expedition to Tue, in the mountains at the southern end of Nueva Viscaya. According to this account, the natives of that section were, in 1592, gathering two crops of rice, "one being irrigated, the other allowed to grow by itself."

[204] For the history and extent of terraced field rice-culture, see _Freeman_ and _Chandler_, The World's Commercial Products (Boston, 1911); _Ratzel_, History of Mankind, Vol. I, pp. 426, _et seq_. (London, 1896); _Ferrars_, Burma, pp. 48, _et seq_. (London, 1901); _Bezemer_, Door Nederlandsch Oost-Indië, p. 232 (Groningen, 1906); _Hose_ and _McDougall_, Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, p. 246; _Perry_, _Manchester Memoirs_, Vol. LX, pt. 2, 1915-16; _Wallace_, The Malay Archipelago, pp. 117, 126 (London, 1894); _Cabaton_, Java and the Dutch East Indies, p. 213, note (London, 1911); _Meyier_, Irrigation in Java, _Transactions of the American Soc. of Civil Engineers,_ Vol. LIV, pt. 6 (New York, 1908); _Bernard_, Aménagement des eaux à Java, irrigation des rizières (Paris 1903); _Crawfurd_, History of the Indian Archipelago, Vol. 1, pp. 358, _et seq_. (Edinburgh, 1820).

[205] _Campbell_, Java Past and Present, Vol. II, p. 977 (London, 1915).

[206] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 177.

[207] Also known as Singá and Baubauwi. In Likuan it is held only in case the crops are not growing as they should; but in Sisikan, Patikian, and other towns of the Saltan River valley it is celebrated both before the planting and after the harvesting.

[208] A slender cane similar to bamboo, but nearly white in color.

[209] _runo_, a reed.

[210] _Justicia gendarussa_ L.

[211] Also called _salokang_. See p. 310.

[212] The same ceremony may be held in order to stop the rainfall if it is too abundant.

[213] At this time the spirits enter the bodies of the mediums and through them talk with the people.

[214] _Lygodium_ near _scandens_.

[215] In Manabo leaves and grass dipped in the blood are attached to split sticks, (_sinobung_), and are fastened to a side wall of the house.

[216] Lightning is recognized as the messenger of Kadaklan.

[217] The Igorot villages of Lukuban and vicinity have a similar ceremony. It is here followed by a three-day period of taboo. Should the bird known as _koling_ fly over the town during this period, uttering its peculiar cry, the ceremony will be repeated; otherwise, all is well.

[218] Literally, "to give a taste."

[219] Those used are _sikag_ (_Lygodium_ near _scandens_), _talabibatab_ (_Capparis micracantha_ D.C.) and _pedped_ (?).

[220] Most of the identifications here given were made by Dr. Elmer D. Merrill, botanist of the Philippine Bureau of Science, from specimens collected by the writer.

[221] Known generally throughout the Philippines as _gabi_.

[222] The three common varieties of squash are _kalabasa_ (_Benincasa certifera_), _tabongau_ and _tankoy_ (_Curcubita sp_.).

[223] In the vicinity of Bakaok a small amount of _maguey_ (_Agave cantula_ Roxb.) is raised. It is employed in the making of cords.

[224] A less esteemed species is known as _lalawed ta aso_ ("dog lawed").

[225] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 100.

[226] A similar drink was used ceremonially in Pangasinan in 1640. See _Aduarte_, Historia; _Blair_ and _Robertson_, Vol. XXX, p. 186. It is still found in many portions of the archipelago.

[227] _Cole_, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao (Field Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII, No. 2, pp. 82-83); _Hose_ and _McDougall_, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. I, pp. 194-195 (MacMillan and Co., London, 1912); _Raffles_, History of Java, Vol. I, pp. 192-193; _Marsden_, History of Sumatra, 3rd edition (London, 1811), p. 181; _Ferrais_, Burma, p. 105 (Low, Marston and Co., London, 1901); _Peal_ (_Journ. Anth. Inst. of Great Britain and Ireland,_ Vol. XXII, p. 250, also Plate XIV, fig. No. 2).

[228] _Rockhill_, _T'oung Pao_, Vol. XVI, 1915, pp. 268-269; _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit._, Vols. II, p. 116; III, p. 209; IV, p. 74; XXIX, p. 307; XL, p. 48, note; Philippine Census, Vol. I, p. 482 (Washington, 1905). _De Morga_, Sucesos de las Islas Philipinas (1609), see Hakluyt Soc. edition, pp. 338, _et seq._ (London, 1868).

[229] Wanderings in the Great Forests of Borneo (Constable, London, 1904), pp. 282-283. See also _Low_, Sarawak--Its Inhabitants and Productions, pp. 158, 209 (London, 1848).

[230] _Op. cit._, Vol. I, pp. 193-194.

[231] _Ratzel_, History of Mankind, Vol. I, p. 434; _Marsden_, _op. cit._, pp. 173, 181, 347 note.

[232] Fifth Annual Report of the Mining Bureau of the Philippine Islands, p. 31; Official Catalogue of the Philippine Exhibit, Universal Exposition, p. 231 (St. Louis, 1904).

[233] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The Philippine Islands, Vol. II, pp. 116, 207; Vol. III, pp. 203, 270; Vol. IV, p. 98; Vol. V, p. 145; Vol. VIII, p. 84; Vol. XII, p. 187; Vol. XVI, p. 106. _Zuniga_, Estadismo (Retana's edition), Vol. II, pp. 41, 94.

[234] _Foreman_, The Philippine Islands, p. 361 (London, 1892); _Bezemer_, Door Nederlandsch Oost-Indië, p. 308 (Groningen, 1906); _Skeat_, _Man_, Vol. I. 1901, p. 178; _Raffles_, History of Java, 2d ed., Vol. I p. 186 (London, 1830); _Brendon_ _(Journal of Indian Art and Industry,_ Vol. X, No. 82, pp. 17, _et seq._).

[235] Weaving in cotton is a recent introduction among the neighboring Bontoc Igorot. Formerly their garments were made of flayed bark, or were woven from local fiber plants. The threads from the latter were spun or twisted on the naked thigh under the palm of the hand. Cf. _Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 113 (Manila, 1905).

[236] A similar device is used in Burma.

[237] The same type of wheel is found in Java. See _Mayer_, Een Blik in het Javaansche Volksleven, Vol. II, p. 469 (Leiden, 1897).

[238] A similar warp winder is described for Bombay (_Brendon_, _Journal of Indian Art and Industry_, Vol. X, No. 82, 1903, pp. 17, _et seq_.).

[239] For the distribution of this semi-girdle or back strap, see _Ling Roth_, Studies in Primitive Looms (_Journal Royal Anthrop. Inst_., Vol. XLVI, 1916, pp. 294, 299).

[240] These are: _alinau_ (_Grewia multiflora_ Juss.); _babaket_ (_Helicteres hirsuta_ Lour.); _laynai_--a large tree, unidentified; _lapnek_ (_Abroma_ sp.) _ka'a-ka'ag_, an unidentified shrub; _losoban_ (_grewia_); _pakak_, unidentified; _anabo_ (_Hibiscus pungens_ Roxb.); _bangal_ (_Sterculia foctida_ L.); _saloyot_ (_Corchoeus olitorius_ L.) _labtang_ (_Anamirta cocculus_); _atis_ (_Anona squamosa_ L.); _alagak_ (_anona_); _maling-kapas_ (_Ceiba pentandra_ Gaertn.); _betning_ and _daldalopang_, unidentified; _maguey_ (_Agave cantula_ Roxb.); _bayog_--a variety of bamboo.

[241] It is not essential that the oil be applied, and oftentimes whole sections are colored before being split.

[242] From _káwat_, the twisting of vines about a tree.

[243] This is the Arnatto dye, an American plant. _Watt_, Dictionary, Vol. I, p. 454.

[244] This tattooing is accomplished by mixing oil and the black soot from the bottom of a cooking pot, or the pulverized ashes of blue cloth. The paste is spread over the place to be treated, and is driven in with an instrument consisting of three or four needles set in a piece of bamboo. Sometimes the piercing of the skin is done before the color is applied; the latter is then rubbed in.

[245] Blackening of the teeth was practised by the Zambal, also in Sumatra and Japan. _Blair_ and _Robertson_, Vol. XVI, p. 78; _Marsden_, History of Sumatra, P. 53.

[246] See pp. 445, 456 for words and music.

[247] Shallow copper gongs.

[248] Reyes says that this song, _daleng_, is similar to the _dallot_ of the Ilocano (Artículos varios, p. 32).

[249] Similar instruments are used by the Igorot who suspend them free and beat them as they dance.

[250] The first line is sung by the girls, the second by the boys. For the music see p. 445.

[251] The first line is sung by the girls, the second by the boys.

[252] I use the word "modern" in this connection, as it pertains to the music of those peoples who have developed music as an art, and among whom we find conformity to the same rules and system of notation.

[253] By reference to the analysis of Record I, _Da-eng_ (Boys and girls alternating), it will be seen that the record seems to have been made by one set of singers, apparently women and girls, who sang together on both parts. The entire record has therefore been tabulated with the women's songs.

[254] Record F, Song of a Spirit, shows both major and minor tonality (for explanation see analysis of this song, p. 466).

[255] Record J, _Da-eng_ (Girls' part), shows this mark in the "Scale" given below the transcription (for explanation see analysis of this song, p. 471).

[256] I find groups of five used occasionally in the singing of our American Indians. _Burton_ ("Primitive American Music") shows its frequent use among the Chippeway. Miss _Fletcher_ also shows groups in five in her "Omaha Music," and Miss _Densmore_ gives similar grouping in her transcriptions of American Indian songs.

[257] _Grove_, Dictionary of Music and Musicians, Vol. IV.

[258] _Rowbotham_, History of Music.