part II

. of Capt. William Hacke's _A Collection of Original Voyages_ (London, 1699), is more literary in form. Neither describes the period covered by the present document; both begin, like document 45, with Apr. 5, 1680.]

In december about the Latter part in the yeare 1679 we meetts all up at port amorrant,[4] where the party Concluded to make Capt. John Coxon their Chiefe and to wood and watter at Porttamorrant, and after make all expedition to take Portavella.

[Footnote 4: Port Morant, near the southeastern point of Jamaica.]

January the 7th, Ditto. Thes Commanders above expresed Sett Sayle with a fresh gail of wind, at S.E. and E.S.E. [_cut off_] we stands over Close hailed with our Larbourd tackes abord[5] steming S.S.W. and S.b.W., keeping the Reefes of our Topesayles in, for the most part of our Vessells proved Leacke, that Capt. Cornelies Essex was vayne[6] to would his shipp Together with Two Hassers[7] to keep her together. Capt. Bartholomew Sharpe Lost his Bolsprit, that he was forced to Beare away large.[8] they gott into Ankour at the Island of Pine lying in the Samblowes in North Lattitud 9 deg. 40'.[9] As we weare Coming out of portamorrant, about 6 Leagues from the Port, we meetts with a french Brickanteen, on[e] John Row Commander. he understanding our Designe, was willing to Concert with us. the weather growing very bad and lickly to Continue soe sum time, that as much as Ever sum shipps was abell to goe through the Sea, Capt. Essex by name his vessell being ould gave way in her boue that if shee had not been wolded,[10] Could never a he[ld] together. Capt. Coxon Calls and orders that he would make the Best of his way to the Isle of Forta, and gave order that those that gott thear first, to Leave a Noat one the Sandy point, to Sattisfie the Rest which are to com after, and them that first gott to forta, to goe over to the frinds Islands, Islands which lyeth about 12 Leagues to the westwards of Cathergeane,[11] about 8 leagues from Forta. our Admirall, the french Brickenteen, and the two slopes[12] getts to forta first, which finding Neither Capt. Essex nor Capt. Sharpe thear, Feared they had binn Suncke in the Sea. Capt. Coxon went over to the frinds Islands with one Slopes Crew and the Brickenteens Crew, Leaveing a Sayling Crew abord: goe to ly amongst thes frinds Islands to take pery agoes[13] and Canoes to Land our people at Portavella. 2 dayes after a Rives Capt. Cornelyes Essex at forta, But noe news of Capt. Bartholomew Sharpe. we did Certainly expect he had binn Lost. they stayd at thes frinds Islands 3 dayes. they Brings with them 4 pery agoes, and Six very good Large Cannoes. we fills watter at Forta and Concludes to see if through the marcyes of god Capt. Sharpe might be gotten into pines.[14] Capt. Coxon being the best sayler, Lost Company with us, he stering away S.w.b.w. and we w.s.w., that he weathered the golden Islands[15] and gott to An Ankour at the Isle of pines, which Lyeth in 9 deg. 40'[16] North Lattitud, and beareth from the Golden Islands n.w.b.w. about 6 Leagues. only Capt. Coxon Weathered the Golden Islands and gott into pines, he being the best windward boat, it blowing very hard, the two slopes, the french Brickenteenn and Captain Cornelies Essex bore up and cam to Ankour at the Golden Islands. Capt. Coxon in his way to Pines Sees a sayle in the offinge, makes sayle towards her, Comes up with her, and finds her to be a Barque cam out of Jamaco one the Same accoumpt as we did, and Came over to the Samblowes to meett with the Fleett. we weare all Glad of his Company, for we wanted men. Coming into Pines, they found Capt. Sharpe had binn ther, and Suppose had fitted what damage he Receved at Sea, and Imagined he was gone to looke for the fleete. the weather being so bad att Present, could goe no farther with our Shipps. Coxon sends capt. Cooke with his barque from Pines to the Golden Island, to give us notice that he would be gone alone with his owne company and the Sloopes, in case that wee did not make hast to Pines, but the wind blowing hard att W.N.W. could not gett out. Capt. Coxon the next day comes downe himself in his cannoe, to knowe the reasone of our stay, and findeing the winde contrary, that wee could not gett out, Advised the commanders to make what dispatch they could in their cannoes and Peeriaugers, to Pines, and from thence to Puerta-Vella, being afraide some of their traideing boates should Discry them. Capt Cooke in his way to us meetes with a Spannish galliote[17] from Carthageane, bound to Puerta Vella with Negroes, butt ther being a desention amounge the company, some desireous to borde him, others nott, so that in fine they losst him. the currant under shoare setting stronge to the Eastward and haveing hard westerly winds, capt. Cooke could nott gett the Golden Islands, but was drove downe into the bay of Dueryan;[18] in the meane time our Party Imbarkques in perriaugers and Cannoes, being mighty desierouse to be their before should be descried. And lyeing here, wee gott greate acquaintance with the Natives of this Country, which the Spaniards had driven over to this side of the Land from the South side; wee found the Indians to have a greate Antipothy against the Spaniards, but could not know to have their revenge. they understanding our designes, they corted us to land and thay would shew us wheir was Spanish townes Plenty of Silver and golde; of which more here-after. The cannoes being gonn to Puerta Vella with about two hundred and fifty men, left the shipping with a sailing crew a borde to follow after, wheir orders was given by capt. Coxon, chiefe commander, to make what hast he could to lower Rainge of Keys in the Samboles, to a Key call'd Springers carreening Key,[19] and to goe no farther till farther Orders. the parting cannoes, goeing downe the Samboles, sees a greate shipp rideing att an Anchor att the 2d Rainge of Keyes, which coming neare they found her to be a French privateere, One capt. Lessone, who carreen'd in the Samboles. The said capt. understanding the designe wee weare about, Joyn'd his company with ours, who weare about Eighty men out of him, so wee went with all our

## parties on with corrage, and landed them about twenty leagues short of

Puerta Vella in an olde ruinated Port called Puerta Pee; the way was very rocky and bad to march, they goeing near the sea side to Eschape the look-out which thay saw plainely on a high Hill, butt as god would have itt, the look-out did nott see them. this being Wensday they begin to drawe neare Puerta Vella. The Satterday following, about ten aclocke, came into an Indian Village. our peopple many of them were weake, being three day with-out any foode, and their feete cutt with the rocks for want of Shoose, soe an Indian man, crying out, "ladroones",[20] runs and make what speede he could to Puerta Vella. so Coxon our Generall cryed out, "good boyes, You that are able to runn gett into towne before wee are descryed". wee had then about 3 miles to Puerta Vella. The Indian being too nimble for us, wee being tired afore, He gott into Puerta Vella about half a hower before us, and cried out, "Ladroones!" Imediately wee heard the Alarm gunn fier. wee then certainly knew that wee weare discried. wee made what hast wee could into the towne, the forloorne[21] being led by capt. Robert Alliston, the rest of our party following upp so fast as they could. before ---- of the clocke in the Afternoon wee had taken the towne, the peopple of the Place takeing to their stronge castle call'd the Glory, to secure themselves. the next day the Spaniards, being about two hundred, made an Attempt to come out of the Glory. wee face't them and made them to retreate back to their Castle to some of their sorrowes, which fell to the ground. wee kept the towne 2 dayes, plunder[ed] what wee could of itt, and putt the best of our Plunder into cannoes which wee tooke their. some men marcht back by lands, guarding the Prisonnars alonge with them, Hopeing wee should have had ransome for them: wee carried our Plunder, Plate and prissonars downe to a Key about 3 leauges and a half from Puerta Vella, The next Key's to the Bastamentes,[22] and on Tuesday comes away Capt. Robert Alleston to Springers carreeneing Key, to give notice to the Shipps which was all their att anchor that wee should make what dispach wee could to the Bastamentes, wheir our party lay. capt. Alliston info[r]m'd us that thay had taken Puerta Vella and plundred the most part of the Towne, without the loss of many men, onely five or six men wounded, and that a cannoe of the best plunder, as cloth of silver, cloth of tishee,[23] being soe covittious to lode deepe, sanck in the river comeing downe; the small fortes fiering, they wounded 2 or 3 men in the cannoes. Our plunder being carried downe to the Bastamentes, and our peopple which marched by land being come, carries plunder and Prissnars uppon a Key lying aboutt half a mile from the maine land. their came downe about 3 dayes after from Puerta Vella as neare as wee could Judge seven Hundred soldiers, that came from Pennamau[24] and arrived att Puerta Vella the tuesday as wee came away the Munday before. the Spaniards came downe on brest the Key wee weire uppon, and fired severall small armes, shooteing cleare over this Key, soe wee tooke our prissnars with plunder and what wee had gotten att Puerta Vella, and carried to another Key hard by, out of their Reaches, soe our shipps come downe wheir the partie lay in dispute what to doe, haveing some thoughts the Spaniard would send to relieve the Prissnars. keepeing strickt watch, wee saw the next day a Barkque longo[25] standing in to Puerta Vella, which capt. bartholl'w Sharpe went out and tooke. Her lodeing was salt and corne came from Carthagene. Keepeing very good watch att top mast head, 3 day's after wee saw comeing in a good bigg shipp, came from Carthagene. Our Shipps and Sloopes weighs and went out and mett her, as she was standing in to Puerta Vella. Capt. Allisson comeing up with her first in his Sloope Ingages her, and Coxon seconding him clapps her aborde and takes her without the loss of any men. some Spaniards fell for thay fought about one hower. she had Eight gunn's, a new shipp of about ninety tunn's, the chiefest of her ladeing being timber, salt and corne, and about 30 Negroe's and about fower chest of silke, Besides packetts of greate Conscernment from the King of Spaine, as was Reported by them which by relacion of our armie, thatt our Generall, capt. Coxon, had presented him in a Jarr of wine five Hundred peices of gould which he wronged the party of by Keepeing of itt to himself, he being sworne as well as any other man not to wronge any one. After this wee sheard[26] our Puerta Vella voyage, which was in money and plate and plunder wee had to the Vallew of hundred peeces of Eight a man. then wee concluded to goe downe to Boca-Toro,[27] to make cleane our shipps, that being the best place to carreene our shipps, by reason their is good store of turtle and Manatee and fish, our shipps being made cleane and ready for to sayle about six weekes time, butt wee fell in with Boca Draga and went thro' Boca Draga into Boca Toro, wheir seing a saile a cannoe went to her, and found itt to be a Barque longo, The commander one Richard Sawlkings, who tolde us of Capt. Peter Harriss's being att Diego's point[28] a carreeneing. wee dispacht as soone as possible. Capt. Coxon fitted out his new shipp, leaveing his olde one their, Capt. Essex leaveing his Barkque their she being so rotten. wee acquainting capt. Peter Harriss and capt Rich. Sawlking of the greate commerce wee had with the Indians in the Samboles, was very willing to goe upp with their shipps, so all concluded to goe upp to capt Lessones Carreeneing Key. Boca Toro lieth about 50 leagues to leeward[29] of Porta Vella and Boca Drago 3 leauges to leeward of Boca Toro. all the shipps meeteing att Lessoones carreeneing Key aforesaid, wheir was orders for our randevous, capt. Coxon concludes to goe upp to the goulden Islands and to travill over land to Pannamau, otherwise to a place which the Indians tolde us of, cal'd Toca Mora. all our English concluded to goe, but capt Lessoone and capt Jno. Rowe their Peopple refus'd, being man'd all with French. The Indians being very familliar came uppon a Key to our shipps, men, Women and children, Informing us that whilst wee weare att Puerta Vella the Spaniards had beene downe with about Eighty soldiers and had fell uppon the Indians for their haveing familiarity with us. The Spaniards did Kill of the Indians by their relation about 20, the rest of the Indians takeing the mountans for their security tell wee came. these Indians altho' Heathens yett have those amounge them that thay call Doctors, that can raise the Divill att their Pleasure. they knew of our comeing and att what time wee should be their, and when thay saw us, it was greate sattisfaction to them, wee putting out a signe, which was a white Jack and no Ensigne, then thay come on borde. thay offers themselves to goe with us to take revenge of the Spaniards, which they call by the name of walkers. Wee makeing in all, in mony, Plate and Plunder, about a hundred peices of Eight a man att Puerta Vella, peopple was Eagar for more Voyage, and was now fully resolved to goe to the Goulden Island and hall our shipps into a small Cove or creeke out of sight of any Spaniard, if any should come that way, haling our small Barkques and small vessells as close as wee thought convenient under the shelter of the greate shipps, and order so many men to stay on borde of Each Vessell according to their bigness to looke after them, and likewise order was given that if any should come in their to oppose them, the peopple weare all of them to goe on borde of capt. Coxon and capt. Peter Harriss's Shipp to defend themselves and Shipps to the uttmost of their Power. And on sunday, being the 4 day of Aprill,[30] wee Provides our provission to land next morning itt being munday. the french shipps we left in the Samboles. next day about 6 aclock in the morning lands 332 men, being Piloted by the Indians, who seemed to be very forward in their Assistance, as here after will prove.

Thus much for Puerta Vella Voyage.

[Footnote 5: The wind being on the larboard quarter.]

[Footnote 6: Fain.]

[Footnote 7: Hawsers.]

[Footnote 8: _I.e._, was compelled to sail before the wind.]

[Footnote 9: Isla de Pinos, on the north coast of the republic of Panama, some 130 miles east of Portobello. "Samblowes" is a corruption of San Blas (Islands), in the gulf of San Blas.]

[Footnote 10: Woolded, wound around with cables, "undergirded" like St. Paul's ship, Acts xxvii. 27. [Transcriber's Note: Correct verse is 17.]]

[Footnote 11: Cartagena. Forta is the present Isla Fuerte, southwestward from Cartagena along the coast of Colombia. The "Friends Islands" are the islands of San Bernardo, lying between the two.]

[Footnote 12: Sloops.]

[Footnote 13: Periaguas or pirogues, like large canoes but with a square stern.]

[Footnote 14: Isla de Pinos, just west of the gulf of Darien; see note 9, above.]

[Footnote 15: Isla de Oro and its companions, a few miles south of Isla de Pinos.]

[Footnote 16: 9 deg. 4', more nearly.]

[Footnote 17: A small galley, with both sails and oars.]

[Footnote 18: Darien.]

[Footnote 19: One of the San Blas Islands, perhaps Cayo Holandes. The buccaneers were proceeding westward.]

[Footnote 20: Sp. _ladrones_, robbers.]

[Footnote 21: For "forlorn hope," which is from the Dutch _verloren hoop_, lost troop.]

[Footnote 22: Puerto de Bastimentos is a harbor about twelve miles northeast of Portobello. Columbus in his fourth voyage (1502) gave the place its name, "Port of Provisions."]

[Footnote 23: Tissue.]

[Footnote 24: Panama.]

[Footnote 25: _Barca longa_, a large Spanish fishing-boat, with lug-sails.]

[Footnote 26: Shared.]

[Footnote 27: The Boca del Toro and Boca del Drago ("bull's mouth" and "dragon's mouth") are entrances on either side of the Isla de Colon, at the western extremity of the republic of Panama.]

[Footnote 28: On Isla Solarte, near the Boca del Toro.]

[Footnote 29: Westward, here.]

[Footnote 30: 1680.]

_45. The Buccaneers on the Isthmus and in the South Sea. 1680-1682._[1]

[Footnote 1: British Museum, Sloane MSS., 2752, fol. 36. The chief narrative of these piratical adventures, and a remarkably interesting one, is that of Basil Ringrose, which constitutes the second volume of Exquemelin; see note 1 to document 44. There are also the narrative signed "W.D." and those attributed to Capt. Bartholomew Sharp (notes 1 and 3, _ibid._), and very brief accounts in William Dampier's _New Voyage around the World_ (London, 1697) and in Lionel Wafer's _A New Voyage and Description of the Isthmus of America_ (London, 1699). The present narration is by still another participant, illiterate but not incapable of telling an interesting story, with many additional details.]

The Journall of our Intended Voyage by the assistance of God over land into the South seas leaveing our ships att the goulden Islands, and landing on Munday Apr'll the fift, Annoque 1682.

Capt. Jno. Coxon, commander in chief. Eight gunns. capt. Peter Harriss. 26 gunns. capt. Richard Sawlkins, in a Barkque. capt. Edmond Cooke, a Barkque. capt. Bathol'w Sharpe, a Barkque. capt. Robert Allisson, a Sloope. capt. Thomas Maggott, a Sloope.

All these above mencion'd captaines landed att the Golden Islands, which lieth about 15 leagues to the westerd of the westmost Point of Durian[2] bay. this golden Island lyeth in North lattitude nearest in 9 deg. 12'. capt. Allisson and capt. Maggott being sickly weare unable to march, butt all the aforsd captaines landed with their men, leaveing onely a sayleing crew on bord Each vessell; their Orders being that if any should come to oppose them, all hands to repair on Borde Harriss and Coxon, thay being shipps of force. Being on Shoare wee had about Halfe an Howers discource with the Indians. thay amounge Each other chose out two men to goe before the forloorne, to shew us the way. first of all wee marched through a small skert of a wood, downe to sandy bay by the sea side, about 2 miles; the marching over the sandy bay was tiersom, haveing our gunns Amunition and knapsacks of provant[3] to carry with us, but after wee past this sandy Bay wee Enters into a wood againe, which lead us into a valley which in time of raines is full of water. by three of the clocke this day wee Had martched from the shipps 3 leauges, and takes upp our seate, wheir wee intended that night to sleepe. their came downe to us one capt. Andreas,[4] an Indian, with some others with him. he spake a little Spannish, and gave us the bien venitdo.[5] thay brought Plantins downe with them, which they distributed to the company, thinking theirby Had done us a greate Kindness; their garments are made of cotton, they weare longe Black Hair, the men weare a peice of thinn gould in their Noses, which is made like a Half moone (like unto the Marg't)[6] kivering their lipps. some few of them hath itt made of silver. their women goes bear headed, with longe black Hair hanging downe, wearing a kinde of white cotton Blanckett over their Sholders, which comes downe about their bodyes. thay weare in the grissell of their nose a round ring, some of Silver, some of golde. capt. Andreas tolde us he would have borne us company to have martched next day, butt that he had a childe sicke and fear'd would soone die; and when dead, would follow us with a comepany of Indians with him; and soe tooke his leave of us. The next day being tuesday, in the morning about 4 of the clock word was gave to Martch, and that no man, on the loss of life, should fier a gunn in the woodes, least some Indian Rogues or other should betray us, by runing afore to acquaint the Spaniards. yesterday two men tier'd, so went back againe. this tuesday wee Martched upp a very high Hill. twas neare 10 of the clock before wee gott the topp of itt. one man more tier'd, that return'd back againe. on this Hill wee could finde no water, so that the company weare almost famisht for the want theirof. the Indian pilotts gave us to understand that a little farther was water, which about 2 of the clock wee came up with; wheire wee all dranck and Refreshed our selves bravely. about 2 howers martch farther wee gott downe to the foote of this Hill. on the South side is a brave River whear wee tooke up our quarters that night, it being the second night of rest since wee left our Shipps. this day wee martched neare 14 miles E.S.E. nearest. the next day, being wensday the 7. ditto, as soone as the Day brake wee weare uppon our Martch. about 10. of the clocke wee rested and refresht our selves with bread an water, and Pipes and tobacco; and about 3 of the clock wee tooke upp our quarters againe, by a river side. in the woodes wee saw some Indian Hutte, butt no strainge Indians, for wee went a course more to the southward to fetch a Circute cleare of the Duryan Indians, who have a continuall Peace with the Spaniard.

[Footnote 2: Darien.]

[Footnote 3: Provisions.]

[Footnote 4: He survived till 1698, to receive the Scottish settlers of the Darien colony, who also, by the way, had the aid of Captain Allison, sickly though he is declared, above, to have been in 1680.]

[Footnote 5: _Buen venido_, welcome.]

[Footnote 6: Margent, margin--a marginal drawing here.]

Thirsday the 8 wee wear desired by Our Indian Pilotes to be martching by breake of day, that so wee might comepass 6 leauges, which wee did. about 2 aclock wee came up with some hutts, wheir their Kinge lived, who received us with greate kindness, being Joyfull of our company, as he Exprest it by presenting us with Plantans, Cassado,[7] Indian Corne, Drinck, and Rootes; haveing beene with us some time, return'd to his house againe. his garment was of white cotton made like to a friars cote. in the Evening the King came to us againe with his 2 sones, being in one garbe, save that the Kinge had in his Hand a longe white rodd of about 7 foote longe, and a Hoope of Golde about his Head for his crowne. this Hoope was about 2 Inches and a half broade. the Kinge had 3 daughters of womens Estate, very comely Indians, who went in fine cotton Roped about their bodies. Both men and women tooke much delight to heare our Drum beate and colers fly but to fier a gunn or to heare the noyse thay weare afraide. the Kings Daughters fantsied much to be in our Company, in so much that some of our Peopple by signes would ask them if they should live with them and thay be their wives. thay often would make Arrants to their fathers house to fetch us Plantans. The Kinge tolde capt. Coxon that the next day wee must nott march butt that he must send one of his sones to gett cannoes, to carry us all by water downe the river, and that in two dayes march more (itt being Sunday) wee should come wheir these Cannoes wheir. wee often mett with Indian Hutts in the Martch, in which the Peopple stoode ready to throw us Plantans and give us corne drincke.[8] wee found that they weare makeing cannoes for us as fast as they could. thiss day wee martcht about 5 leagues and came up with 3 or 4 Houses close by a River-side wheir wee lodged. hear thay provided about 14 cannoes which those that weare most tired with martching went into, about 90 men in the cannoes, 2 or 3 Indians to worke them downe the River, thay haveing Experience to worke cannoes in a river wheir the currant runns like an Arrow out of a bow.[9] the cheifest of our company this Sunday marched againe. the cannoes went downe the River. wee martched till night, where wee had all the rest of the cannoes made ready, about 60; in some cannoes their wear 6, some 4 and 3 Indians according to the biggness. the Indians tolde us that with-in 2 dayes after, which was tuesday, wee should see the other cannoes which went away out of the other river;[10] wee weare putt all to a stand att thiss and thoughts rise amounge us that these Indians onely seperated us to bring us all to destruction, so thatt wee had much grumbings amounge us, that thay made Signes wee should nott be troubled att any thing. the next day, wee haveing cannoes and Barkloggs enow, wee Imbarkques, haveing 2 Indians in Each cannoe, to steare them downe, because the freshes runn soe swift as possible can be Imagind, that the least touch of a cannoe against a stump or Rock over setts them if nott staves them all to peices. Munday night past, wee heare no newes of our other party that went away out of the other river, butt the Indians tolde us by signes that, by such time the sunn was att such a High as thay pointed, wee should see the other party. Tuesday Every one takes to his cannoe againe and went downe the river, and about 10 of the clock we saw an Indian cannoe a setting to us against the streame, alonght the river side, who tolde us that our cannoes which came downe the other River was gott to the place wheire both rivers mett, wheir the Indians intended to meete us. about 2 of the clock in the After noone we wear gott downe, and wear very glad to Injoy the comepany of our owne Peopple againe. in comeing downe the River some cannoes wear over sett; some lost their Armes, butt the Indians would dive and gett them up againe. one man being left behinde in the woodes astray, Expecting to Kill something to eate, the Indians weare soe Kind as to bring him downe to us. thiss afternoone wee fixes our Armes and cattoch[11] Boxes, Dryes our Poweder. now 20 leagues farther wee come to a Place called Santa Maria,[12] to which place wee rowe and paddle very hard alday. this place made all with Stockados, no greate gunns, but onely a place to keepe the Indians out of the river, itt being a river wheir thay take much golde. about one aclock att night wee wear gotten close under the Stockadose, soe that wee could heare the Centry talke. wee landed about half a mile from the place in the woods and lay their till day. Next morning wee heard a drum beate. thay fier'd a small arme to discharge their watch, which hearing no more gunns fired wee knew that wee wear not descryed. Capt Rich'd Sawlkings runns up to the Pallassados and all the party following him as fast as thay could, and fiering att the Pallassados, and thay att us; fiering with their harkquebusses, throweing lances, and shooteing Arrowes. thay had within their Pallassados about 200 men. wee killed about 70 men. after wee had had about half an howers dispute with them, Capt. Rich Sawlkings runns to the pallassado's with 2 or 3 men more, and halls up 2 or 3 pallassados by maine strength, and enters in. thay Imediately calls for Quarter, which was presently granted by us. this was one Thirday the 15 day of Aprill. the Governor with 2 Negroes and 2 women made his Eschape by runing about a mile downe the river, wheir he takes a cannoe and makes for Pennamau downe the river so fast as he could, butt understanding he had made his Eschape fitted in the Afternoone a cannoe with six oares. capt. Sawlkings goes in her to see if he could finde this governor butt could nott. wee lay att these Stockadose 2 dayes. itt is a very small place onely to shelter those that goes to wash golde in another Arme of the River, which comes out of a river[13] into this Santa Maria river. The Injury wee received in takeing the Pallassadoes was that capt. Sawlkings was shott in the Head with an arrow, and one man more shott in the hand, butt both soone cured. wee by Examining Our Prissonars understoode, that 4 dayes before wee came there went away for Pannamau 2 Small Barques which caried away 4 chests of dust golde. thay had no newes of us before thay saw us. heare we found butt little Riches. some church plate, as is reported, was found, some dust golde in callabasses,[14] some wines and brandy, Jerck porke, good store of bread. the next day wee drawes out to see who would goe for the South Seas, that is to say to take Pennamau; att last wee findes all our party, butt ii which wear unwilling. Our Generall, capt. Coxon, seemed unwilling, butt with much perswaission went; those ii men that would returne, wee putts into their hands to carry that plate wee tooke heare. thay had Indians to conduct them back. Now wee putts our selves all in Readiness for Pennamau, which lieth about 30 leagues from thiss Santa Marea river to the Northwards. wee wear 2 dayes a roweing out of this snta Marea River, before wee gott into the South Seas. in this place there runns very Stronge tydes of Ebb and floode. the tydes keepe their common course as thay doe in the North Sea. itt flowes by the moone S.S.E. soe wee getting out of the river and the tyde of floode comeing on, wee rowed hard to gett over to a key which wee saw,[15] and Stopt their till the floode had done. on which key wee found the 2 Negro women which had made their Eschape alonge with the Governor of the Stockadose. thay tolde us that the gover'r went from thence that morning intending to row alonge shore with the 2 Negro men to Pennamau, he perswaiding him-self that wee would be for Pennamau. wee sent one of our best cannoes to rowe after him, butt to no purpose. Butt when wee left the Stockadose, the prissnars beggs of us to carry them away with us, crying that the Indians would distroy them all, soe when wee departed that Place wee carried with us what wee possibly could. no soonar wee came a shore butt wee hears a miserable crye. the Indians killed all the poore soules that weare left. Now wee being in the South Sea's goes alonge shoare to a Plantan Key,[16] which lieth about 14 leagues from Pennamau. wee tooke 2 Negroes which was sent thether to cutt woode for building as well as to breede provissions. Barkques come from Pennamau to fetch itt. this night as wee lay here wee saw a Barque on the back side of this key. wee man'd 2 cannoes and went out and tooke her. she fier'd 2 or 3 small Arme's att us butt did not any harme. next morning we went all out from the key in our cannoes. Our Gen'll capt. Coxon bad all peopple that wear in small cannoes, to goe on borde the barkque and putt their cannoes adrift. capt. Batt Sharpe went into the Barkque commander, and about 135 men, which had beene in very small cannoes and fearfull thay might Sinck under them. wee understood by this barkque that wee wear nott as yett descried att Pennamau. this day wee makes sayle, Keepeing the Perriaugers and cannoes company. that next night wee saw another Small Barkque which capt. Peter Harris came upp with in his cannoe and tooke. she had on borde her about 20 Armed men. thay fought about a quarter of an hower, wounded one of our men. capt. Sharpe looseing comepany in his barkque that night went away to the Pearle Keys.[17] Heard of a new Barkque Just launched, wee found to be trew; soe wee tooke the new one and sank the olde one wee first gott. wee gott their some plunder out of a House. this Night wee makes what sayle wee could to gett our party which went for Pennamau. capt. Sharpe haveing the 3d. part of the comepany one borde him disabled the Party, so as thay dirst not venture on Pennamau. Butt seeing 6 or 7 sayle of Shipps lying of att the Keys of Perico,[18] which lyeth in 9 degr. North lattitude and about 2 miles from Pennamau, wheir All the shipps that come to Pennamau rides, Thay putts for the Shipps, butt the Gover'r that had made his Eschape att the Stockadose did nott discry us, butt tolde them Sta. Maria was taken, by what nation he could nott well tell butt thought itt weare English. A Barkque wee gave chase to butt could nott fetch her upp. she seeing all our cannoes getts into Pennamau and makes alarme. their was by Relacion putt on board the shipp and Barkques which came out to fight us 300 Soldados[19] and Armed men. wee had about 3 howers dispute and tooke them all. wee killed and wounded many men. And Brave vallient capt. Peter Harriss was shott in his cannoe through both his leggs, bordeing of a greate shipp. their was nott any gott cleare only on [one] small Barkque that rann into Pennamau againe. itt being all done and Quiatt, the Spanish Gen'll[20] being kill'd wee tooke his Chief captaine, one capt. Berralto,[21] who being an Antient Seaman in those seas we caused him to be our Pylott, he being the commdr. of that shipp that carried away the Riches from Pennamau to Limma about 12 years since, that same time when Sr. Henry Morgan tooke Pennamau. this capt. Berralto was much burnt, and his peopple most of them kill'd and blowne upp, for as thay fought us thay had scatter'd loose powder on their decks, which tooke a fier by some accident or other, that wee seeing itt borded them and tooke them. these 7 sayle of shipps we tooke att Pennamau was not above half unloded. their lading was flower, linnen and woolen cloath, one greate shipp half laden with Iron. wee desierd of capt. Berralto which wear the best saylors. he told us on his word the _Trinnity_ was the best in the South Seas, soe wee pitched on her for Admirall,[22] putting capt. Harriss abord that was wounded. the Doctors cutting of one legg itt fester'd so that itt pleased god he died, so wee lost that Valliant brave Soldiar. then wee putt in capt. Rich'd Sawlkings into the Shipp _Trinity_ and made him Our Admirall. our former Adm'll[23] nott behaveing himself Nobly in time of Ingagement, was something houted att by the Party, that he Imediately went away to goe over land. wee gave him a small barkque, with which he return'd to the river of Sta. Maria with about 70 men alonge with him, capt. Richd. Sawlkings being now the chief commander in the Shipp _Trinity_, capt. Cooke commander of a Barkque about Eighty tunns, capt. Batt. Sharpe in a small Barkque that came from the Pearle Keys, and another small barke wee kept to weight uppon us. thay fierd their gunns off from Pennamau to us butt did us no damage. wee solde wine to Spaniards that came off shoare to buy itt by stillt, and thay brought us off hatts and showes to sell; butt about the sixt of March,[24] and the very next day that capt. Coxon our Adm'll went away, wee saw a shipp. wee gave her chase and tooke her, with capt. Batt. Sharps Barkque. she came from the citty Limmo,[25] most of her ladeing was flower. fifty thousand Peices of Eight in her and some silkes. capt. Sharpe shifted out of his Barkque into thiss Limmo Shipp; wee tooke what was needfull out of her, for dyett, wines, brandie, and what elce wee found good, and burnt and sunck all the rest. Kept onely those shipps aforemenciond for our owne use. Wee resolveing now to cruise these Seas, for wealth, wee stands from this Place or the Keys of Perico (so called) 3 leagues to another Key, very well Inhabited, to fill our water for the Sea, butt findeing we had no meat to eate (altho' Enough flower, Brandye and wine) wee concluded to gett som. to that end some Prissnars telling us of a Place called the Yjakeell,[26] a very rich towne, and that their wee might a voyage att once, Our Adm'll capt. Sawlkings was willing to goe to this place before they should have any Knowlidge of our comeing, butt our peopple, being head stronge, would have meate to eate first. this Pennama lieth in 9 deg. No. lattitude in a bottom of a bay. wee sett saile with our greate shipp _Trinity_, and capt. Sharpe in the Lymmo shipp, and capt. Edmond Cooke in another Barkque, and 2 small Barkques, 7 men a Peece, very Head stronge fellowes, which sepperated themselves from us. wee saild S.W. and B.W.[27] and W.S.W. about 60 leagues and came up with these keys of Quibo Nueve,[28] or the keys of the new towne, wheir all shipps that goes from Pennamau to Lymmo touches to water and all shipps that come from windward makes these keyes if thay are bound into Pennamau. here is good Pearle oystars And fishing and Deare on the Keys. the 28 day of Apr'll capt. Sawlkings comes on borde capt. Edmond Cooke with about 60 men, goes to saile, and carries him into this river called Pueblo Nuevo.[29] wee went into a river by the Assistance of a Pilott. capt. Sawlkings went ashore with about 45 men. the barkque went in as far as she could and came to an Anchor. they went up the River and landed Just against some Stockadoes which thay had built by the river side for the security of their men. Our Valliant Gen'll capt. Salkins landed him-self first and went into the Savana and saw aboundance of Peopple their. one Molatta mett him, whome capt Sawlkins Shott downe. Returnes back a little way, askt if the Party wear all landed and ready. Answer was made, "Yes." then said he, "follow me and doe not lye behind, for if I doe amise You will all fair the worse for itt." Hee went up corragiously with some brisk men with him, butt their was provided Mollattas and hunters with their launces which came to oppose him. He fierd his Pistole and shott downe one Musteese,[30] the rest fiering and lodeing as fast as they could, but the Spaniards coming in uppon them so fast that kill'd capt. Sawlkins and 3 men more. thay tooke one alive. wee heard him make a dreadfull noyse butt could not rescque him, butt was forst to retreate to our cannoes, and goe off as fast as wee could, thay comeing downe so fast uppon us. Wee found in this River 2 barkques: one we burnt, the other wee brought out which was laden with pitch, She seemeing likely to sayle well. our peopple went aborde againe of capt. cooke, which lay with his barkque att the Rivers mouth, telling us that capt. Sawlkins was killd with 3 men more, to our greate sorrow. wee saild out with the barkque to the Key wheir the greate Shipp lay, about 5 leagues from this River, to the Southwards. when the parties came to know that capt. Sawlkins was kild and that thay could discover him to be our Admirall by the ring he had on his finger, a Present from the Governour of Pennamau,[31] He sending him this token and with all to meete him on shoare with a hundred men to try their manhoods against one hundred of them. capt. Sawlkins returnes this answer, that in case he would bring out one hundred thousand peices of Eight he would meete him, with one hundred men against his, to fight him for the money, or Elce resolved to die in that Place. butt the gov'r of Pennamau refused so to doe. Now capt. Sharpe goe's aborde the greate ship the _Trinnity_, as chief commander. capt. Sawkins being very well beloved by the party that saild with him, and Sharpe ill beloved, their was a party of sixty men went to returne over land, to whome wee gave capt. Cookes Barkque to carry them downe to the River of Sta. Maria. He Entring into the Barkque that was tooke in the River Pueblo Nuevo, which Barkque wee tooke on the first day of may and named her the _may flower_. Butt upon some disgust or other capt. Cooke left his _May flower_ and went on board the greate Shipp as a private Souldiar. capt. Batt. Sharpe, being command't in chiefe, putts a commander of the _May flower_ one Jno. Cox. att these keys wee fil'd our water and putts to sea to ply to windward. these keys lye in 7 deg. 20' North lattitude. we had the wind att S.E. and B.E. and S.E. wee stood to the Southward, steming S. and B.W. and S.S.W., butt little winde and sometimes calme. wee tried the currant and found itt to sett E. and b.S., a stronge currant. when wee had by our Judgement 60 leagues offing, wee had thoughts to goe to a parcell of Keys cal'd the galloper, which lieth 100 leagues in the offing from the Isle of Plate, and under the Equinoctiall.[32] we haveing here the winds hanging much in the S.W. quarter, wee stood to the Southward about 8 dayes, with our starborde tacks aborde, and in the morning about 8 of the clock, wee saw the land, which proved to be an Island called the Gurgony.[33] wee intending to cleane the Shipp Stayes here, and findeing a good bay, wee conscidered of itt and concluded to carreene here. wee findeing this Island good Stoare of water and fish, Oystars and Indian Connyes, and Monkeys which wee Eate for want of meate. this Gurgony lieth in the lattitude of 3 deg. 7' in a deepe bay. no Inhabbitance on't, save fishermen and those that dive for Pearles. her's good tree's for mast and timber, And for many other uses to furnish a shipp. wee carreen'd the greate shipp by the small barkque cal'd the _May flower_, built a house on shoare to putt our Rigging and saile in. Our greate shipp heaveing downe very taught, wee could not [bring] her keele upp by a streake.[34] itt flowes att this Island two fatham upp and downe.[35] wee made fast our cable to the trees, and the other Anchor in the offing; all being done to both shipps, in six weekes time wee putt to sea againe, intending to windward, and Orders was given, in case of looseing company, that wee wear to make the best of our way for the Island of Plate. att the beginning[36] of July twas, wee putts to sea both together. winds att S.S.E. and S. and B.E. wee stands with our Star-borde tacks aborde, standing over to the Island of Barrakoase or elce called Cock Island.[37] this Isl'd lieth in under the land, and is inhabbited with 7 or 8 families, as our pilot gave us an account. our former new Barkque, as wee heard, was taken into thiss river of barrakoase, and all butt one distroyed. the land here is high champian land far in the cuntry, butt near the water side low and Mangrovey. It lieth alonge W.S.W. 90 leagues, till wee come up to a key cal'd St. Francisco.[38] wee turn'd in up within 3 leagues of the shoare, with both shipps. wee Indeavord to stand in with the land in the night, to gaine the land winde. about the fift day att night after wee had been outt of the Gorgony, wee fortun'd to loose company, which brede greate disturbance on borde the Greate Shipp, which had 150 men on borde, butt much more fear and Rangling was on borde the _May flower_ for fear wee should all be putt to our Shifts, being in an Enimies cuntry and unknowne Seas to us. wee in the _May flower_ follows the order received from the Admirall and makes the best of our way for the Isle of plate. as itt appeard after-ward the greate ship stood into the offing for 2 dayes and the _May flower_ turning alonge shoar, gott to the Isle of Plate before the Ship _Trinity_ 3 dayes; wee wear about 15 dayes a turning up. the winds blow att S.E. and b.S. and S.S.E. most Here, with-out itt be in a turnado. this Isle of Plate is so called because in former time Sr. Francis Drake tooke their Armado of shipps, which was bound downe to Pannamau, and carries them into this Island, and their shares their wealth, as capt. Barralto related to us,[39] so that since the Spaniards have called itt the Isle of Plate. here wee have good Anchoring in about 14 fathom water, in a brave Sandy bay. You anchor against the body of the Island, bringing the Sandy bay to bear S.W. and S. of you. itt is well furnished with gotes, which caused us to touch here for fresh meates, butt no fresh water that ships can conveniently fill att, except in the time of raines. we lay att an anchor here 3 dayes. one man comeing from the South side of thiss Island saw a Shipp off att sea standing into the shore plying to windward. itt rejoyced our hearts hopeing to be the _Trinity_ our Adm'll, which so proved. the next day She gott Inn, which caused Joy on both sides. here wee gott some turtle, which are butt small to those in the South Sea's. The greate Shipp was damag'd by standing so far to sea outt of the bay of Gorgony, twisting the Heads of her lore masts, occasiond by hard winds which blew att S.S.E., butt as soone as the carpenters had fitted the heads of the mast wee putt both to sea. this Isle of Plate lieth in 58' South lattitude.[40] the Greate shipp being now more in her trim out sails the barkque. now wee learning of a Place cal'd Arico that lieth in south lattd. 18 deg. 40',[41] a rich place, Intends thither, But delaying of time att gorgony, advice is sent from Pennamau up to a towne cal'd Yaceell,[42] a very rich place for golde, which befor capt. Sawkins was kill'd intended to have tooken, butt after the 60 men had left us, wee had Informacion thay wear provided for us, soe wee stood upp alonge shore to goe to Arica. in 2 dayes wee getts up as high as St. Alena, which is a point. itt lieth in south lattd. 3 deg. 5'.[43] the greate ship towes the small one, because would gett to windward before discried. this River of Yseell [Yaceell] is a brode river, about 35 legs[44] att the mouth. the towne lieth Near 40 leagues up the River. about the middle of August one night, as the greate shipp had us in a towe, we saw a saile in the darke. wee lett goe their towe, and made what saile we could to her, comes in half a hower up with her, and ha'ls her. Shee fierd a Harkquebus att us, att which wee presented them with a whole Volley; she fier severall small gunns at us, and wounded 3 men. one of them after-wards died. wee laid her aboard and tooke her. She had about 30 hands in her, fitted out for an Armadillo[45] to come downe to the Isle of Plate, to see what a posture wee lay in; their was on Borde 2 very Honorable gentlemen, which came out for ther Pleasure to see us, wee being term'd amounge them a strainge sort of Peopple and cal'd by the name of Laddron. thay tolde us that 4 dayes before thay came out of Yakell saild a shipp bound up for Lymmo, loden with tymber, woolen cloth, thred, Stockings and some silks, which if wee kept under the shoar as shee did wee must needs see her. thiss Vessell wee tooke, nott sayleing so well as the _Trinity_. wee rummages her, takeing what was good, towes her 35 leagues off to sea, cutts her maine mast by the borde and give her to the Prissnars, giveing them water and flower enough that thay might not want. wee kept the 2 gent'men and the master to pilote us. wee stood into the river of Yakell and makes the land. att the south side of the river about 16 leagus within is cape Blanco which is the southermost point of this river Yacell, and cape Blanco lieth in 4 deg. South lattd. point a St. Alena is a very remarkable land to beknowne, for tis like to a shipp with her keele up. thiss cape blanco is a very barren land, onely small brush growes uppon itt. thay cals to us out of the greate shipp, aboard the _May flower_, to goe in under the shor to anchor, which wee did, and hal'd on borde of them. thay tooke out our water and flower and what was necessary and cutt a hole in her bottom, so wee all went on borde the _Trinity_. by takeing a small armadillo barkque, wee have Intelligence that a small Barkque of 7 hands of our's, one Morriss Connoway commdr., was taken and 6 of them Kill'd in the river Baracoes, onely one saved which speakes good Spannish, which suppose to be one Tho. Hall, whome the Spaniard hath prissnar att the river Ketto.[46] wee weere sorroy to hear it but could not help itt, neither knew not how to gett the other off that was alive, he being about 60 leagues in land. wee cruised under the Shoare for the shipp which came out of Yacell bound for Lymmo, which lieth in 12 deg. South Lattd. by our prissnars wee understood shee had brake her mayne yard and was putt into Payta,[47] butt standing to and throw under the Shore wee saw a sayle to windwd. as farr as wee could descerne. wee stood after her all night and the next morning was within a league of her, the wind blowing a brave fresh gaile. by 12 aclock was up with her and found her to be the saime shipp thay tolde us of. wee had all manner of cloth in her, thred, Stocking and a very good linnen and silk plunder, some wine and brandy, very little plate, saveing a cupp, dis[h] or plate or soe in the cabbon. after wee had Plunderd her what wee would, wee towes her 40 leagues into sea, in the lattd. of 7 deg. 10' So. lattd. wee cutt her maine mast and mizan by the borde, and putts in a greate many Prissnars, keepeing the Master of the Small Armadillo and Barralto for Pylotes. Now wee are all with one conscent bound for Wind-ward, bloweing a fine ordnary gaile att S.S.E. and S.E. and B.S. wee stands close-hald into sea, steming S.W., sometimes S.W. and B.S.; sometimes the wind came in flawes, that we lay but S.W. and B.W. wee generally counted that wee made west 30 deg. or sometimes 20 deg. degree's course to the Southward of the west of cape Blanco, which lieth in 4 degrees. wee mett with very hard winds, but after wee gott as high as 7 deg. degrees, oppositt to a point of land called Point Agoohow,[48] wee had easey winds that wee seldome reeved our topp-sailes. this land trenches away from the Point Agoohow till you come to Arrica, which lieth in the bottom of all the bay in the lattd. of 18 deg. 40' So. lattd. S.S.E.[49] wee Stretches of to Sea about a month and getts into the lattd. of Arrica, then wee had att the chainge and fall of the moone a small w.n.w. wind for 3 or 4 dayes togather. wee stears in E.S.E. with all sayle wee could, the master att that time Imagining that that course would fetch Arrica, butt the wind comeing att S.E. and b.E. and S.E. wee found that wee could lye but E. and b.N. here wee found 8 deg. variacion and as wee runn to the Southward wee found the variation more. makeing what saile wee could, being in the lattd. of Arrica 380 legs., Imagining wee should be discryed before we gott in, wee fell to leewards of Arrica about 14 leagues, by a bay they call the bay of Yellow.[50] meeting under the Shore with a leward currant, was a week longer than expectacion turning up to the bay of Arrica. wee came about the beginning of October, and to my best remembrance, Indeavored to land the Second Day. att the north side of the bay, wee mand our 2 cannoes with 30 men and our Stricking Dory with 8, Our perriauger with 37 men. wee roade to the Shore butt found their no landing, soe that wee return'd againe, and stood in directly against the Morro Head,[51] which is a High Hill made white with foules dunging on't, which lieth Just over the towne of Arica, a very Remarkable Place to be knowne. itt lieth att the wester part of thiss bay of Arica, on which thay ust to keepe a looke out. Especially now hearing wee wear in the Seas, and bound upp to take that place, kept the strickter watch. wee saw, that after wee had made a second attempt, to goe ashoare, which was the night following we made the first, that thay knew of our coming, for Just as wee wear goeing to land in a bay about 2 leagues to the Southwards of the towne, wee saw many horse men rideing alonge Shoare, so that wee findeing no convenient Place to land, rowed a little of Shoar and consulted togather. wee lay in sight of the shipps, and saw 5 or 6 sayle vaporing and fiering off their Paderrero's[52] to frighten us; some of our Peopple would have gon in to have distroyed them, and others being backwards would not, soe all returnd aborde of our man of Warr _Trinity_; and makeing the best of way to windwards. Capt. Batt. Sharpe being our commandr., and haveing gott money by the death of our former capt. Sawkens, and more that he gott by Play, was Intended thiss year through the streights of Majelena,[53] butt some grumbled saying thay had not Voyage Enough, and weare unwilling, so that their was a debate amounge the peopple and capt[ain], butt stretching of itt into 29 deg. and 30' wee weare Informed of a towne in thiss lattd. its called Quoquemba,[54] a towne of 7 churches, no longe settlement butt a mighty Pleasant place and very rich of gold and silver. A Delightsome garden for all sorts of fruite, a[s] cherries, Appricocks, Peaches, Apples, pares, prunellos, Strawberrys and all things which grow in our Northern Parts, and curious small runing River parting Every mans land, mighty Pleasant to beholde. thiss towne of Quoquemba wee takes, butt wear discried 3 dayes, as wee heard Afterwards, By a flagg of truce which came in to treate with us. thay gotten away their mony and Plate out of the towne, onely some Church Plate with Silk hangings we Plundred. in the towne we tooke fresh Provission, as biefes, hoggs, and wine, which is made hear, And indifferent good Brandy wee carried on boarde. wee landed here on a Tuesday Morning, an houer before day, att a store-house which is made att the S.S. west part of the bay, from whence capt. Batt Sharpe and rest of the party (onely[55] those who wear left in the cannoes and Launch which was 2 in the cannoes, and 3 in the launch) marched for the towne of Quoquembo. 35 of our party as they wear Marching mett about 150 Spaniards, most on horseback; thay had not all gunns, some launces, other Spade's; more of our Party comeing upp, seeing the foloorne so much Ingaged, thay wounded one or 2 of their horses, with some of the Spaniards, which made them to retreat to a greate hill, about 5 mile from the towne. wee Entred the towne and kept possession of 4 dayes. wee askt the flagg of truce five hundred thousand peeces of Eight for the randsome of thiss towne, and told him that the next day by 10 of the clock, thay should bringe their money, otherwise wee would burne the towne. the next day the flagg of Truce came downe by 12 of the clock, and tolde us thay would give no randsome. wee understood thiss flagg of truce Had a suit of law in hand, and was likely to be cast, as he afterwards told us, which would be the ruing of him-self. he shew'd us his house and desier'd us to sett fier on itt, whatever wee did. fa[r]ther told us that if we weare not gone the next day thatt thay had gotten togather 600 men and most of them Armed. wee gett the Plunder of the towne what wee could. Next morning, setts most part of the towne on fier and Martches to the bay. their our cannoes mett us and tooke in our things wee brought downe and carried on borde the shipp, wheir she lay att Anchor within a Mile of the Stoare house, Just within a Rockey Poynt. the land lay in the winde 2 Points without her. the night before our Party came downe, Our Shipp had likt to have beene burnt. A Hogg skyn being blown upp and sowed tyte, some fellow of a Spaniard had Venterd off and laid itt on the rudther and Stearn Post (itt stufft with powder), satt itt on fier, and went away unseene by our Peopple. some of our men smelling a strainge Smell, run to and thro' about the Shipp to see for itt, lookeing every wheir. One man, seeing a light come into the Cabban, lookes out att the Stern-Portes, and spies wheir itt was, cryes out for more help, and by a providenc of God gott itt speedily out. some Imagined itt to be a Plott of the Prissnars aborde against us. some wear for killing capt. Barralto, because att that time he hid himself, others for keepeing him alive till our capt. and party came on board, which the next day thay all did, and being acquanted with what was past concludes to sett them on shore here thatt wee had had 7 or 8 months, Don Juan and his Cossin, a fine younge man, capt. Juan and capt. Barralto wee putt ashore, all att thiss storehouse in the bay of Quoquemba. wee wear glad to be ridd of them butt thay much more glad to be cleare of us; butt before thay went ashore thay understoode that wee wear minded to goe to two keys that lieth from thiss Place S. and b.W. and S.S.W. about 90 leagues off shoare in the lattd. of 33 deg. 45' south lattd. These keys are called Don Juan Francisco's[56] keys, because he found them out first, and Putt a parcell of goates on them, and since have bredd to a mighty number. aboundance of Fish and Seales; as fine keys as any in these seas to recruite att, being water and wood Enough. all is on the Easterd most key. these keys lieth East and west one of the other, 20 leagues distance by Relacion of some Prissnars.[57] on the westermost key is no anchoring for Shipps neither any cattle, so that wee did nott stop their att all, but went to the Estermost key, wheir wee come to anchor, with a northerly winde. att the South sid of thiss Island is a brave Sandy bay but no rideing if the wind come out Southerly; then you may runn downe to the leeward side of the Island. Our master, Jno. Hilliard, for some misdemeanor was turn'd out of his Place, and his mate, one Jno. Hall, putt in Master. Hall went with a cannoe mand to Leeward to find a bay which he thought might have beene a good place, seeing no better, so wee ridd 2 dayes with the Shipp at the Southermost bay. the wind coming out againe att S.E. and b.S. and S.S.E., we waied and putt to sea, fearing twould blow hard, itt being an open bay. so wee rann downe to thiss other bay our new master had found out, and lett goe anchor. our cable parted. wee weire faine to goe father to looke for another anchor Place, and about 4 miles to the N.W. we saw a fine large bay and rivers of water, that wee filled our water close to the water sid, wooding convenient, fish great store, Seals Inumerable, butt we eate none, gotes mighty Plenty. the Islands are butt small, nott above 7 miles round, butt very high and Hilly, full of Valleys, so that wee rowed on the westward sid of the Island to windward or to the southward to hunt for goates. In thiss second bay of anchorag, came downe such flawes of wind out of the Valleys that our Anchor could nott hold, that wee almost drove aShore. our Peopple cutting wood and filling water, which was the greater Party, haveing no love for capt. Batt. Sharpe, concludeing togather to turne him out of his capt'shipp, which thay did, and Putts into his Place a stout rugged fore man as captaine;[58] itt was much trouble to capt. Sharpe to be thuss served, butt could nott help himself, for the peopple weir Resolved nott to goe home by Sea before thay had more money. wee lay in thiss small bay, which was about 2 miles to leeward of thiss greate bay, about 3 dayes. wee made hast and gott our Anchor we lost and water aborde, and the most part of the wood wee had cutt. wee wear minded to have spent a moneths time att thiss key of Juan Fernandus and then to have gon downe to have cruised till the next Year; Our Blacksmith was ashore prepareing to have built a forge, and made Iron worke for the Shipp, and Intended to have burnt charcole. he had

## partly fixed his bellose. wee had two men of warr cannoes gon to

windward for goates and had found, by relacion, 150 fatt ones, butt sleepeing alnight by a fier att the Sea Side and in the morning went to fetch their goates, lookeing out to se if the Sea weir cleare of shipps Spyed within 3 leagues of the Island 3 greate saile of Shipps, Admirall, Vise Adm'll and Rear Adm'll; seeing thiss, made what hast they could to their cannoes and soe on borde shipp, leaveing all their goates behind them bound. as soone as thay came near the Shipp thay warned us with 3 Motions, that wee understoode their was 3 saile. wee gott all our peopple that weir on shore off and what other things wee could, gott our anchor on bord, had nott time to gett the Other butt lett him slipp, hoysted in Our launch and canno's. by thiss time thay weir came within sight of us; so near that wee could se a weapon florrished on the quarter deck of the Adm'll. wee understoode wee had left one of our Strikears on shore that had gott under a tree to Sleepe, sent a cannoe for him but could not finde him, soe came of to the Shipp and left him their.[59] these 3 shipps Clings the wind and stands After us. the reare Adm'll which was the least had 12 gunns, their Vise Adm'll 16 and their Adm'll 24. Our new capt., being Jno. Watkins, would have gon aborde the Adm'll if the Party had beene willing; wee could wronge them by sayling att our Pleasures, bye or large, soe that wee played with them a day and a night. then wee concluded twas our time to goe downe and take Arrica, the Place that wee made an attempt att before. wee made what sayle wee could, Steering N.E. and b.N., to fall in about 30 leagues to windward of Arrica, which wee did very well, but we weir tolde of a fishing key that lay hear abouts 18 leagues from Arrica;[60] wee concluded to go thither, which was our greate folly, and so standing off and on, those on the key saw us and forthwith sent to Arica to informe them of us. Our man of warr cannoes, roweing alonge shore to thiss Key, was 2 dayes before came up with itt, which att last did, and took 2 Antient men Prissnors, about 75 years of Age. here we gott some fish and wine. our peopple Examin'd the 2 old men, found them in two tailes, the one being trew, the other not, as wee found Afterwards. the one tolde us that Arica had news of us and that he believ'd thay would be provided for us; for he sd. a Post would ride from the sand key to Arica in 3 dayes. for thiss Speech the man was shott downe by our quarter master Jno. Duill. the Other was made much of, because was supposed to speake the truth. soe wee made what hast wee could to Arica, and on a sunday Morning, itt being in March, wee landed 82 men, wee understanding itt to be a small towne. our orders was, if wee saw 3 Smokes rise from the hill thay called the More, wee should make what hast wee could into the harbor. Our Peopple marching till thay came to the towne, saw no peopple till they Entred the townes End, wheir thay found Every topp of a house fitted for them, and a fort of 12 gunns mounted. their houses hear are built all flatt att the topp, for they never have any Raines, no, nott in the remembrance of the Spaniards, butt very greate dewes. Wee fell on the towne smartly, and became Victors in fouer howers time so that twas our owne, Notwithstanding their was above 700 men In Armes, att our comeing.[61] all the Cuntry within 20 myles was come inn and more in greate Number comeing. wee tooke the biggest church to Make a Hospitall for our wounded men, which weare about tenn, and six killd out right. Our capt. Jno. Wattkings was kill'd att the same time, to our discomforts. One of the capt. of the Spaniards which wee had taken, Spake in his owne linqua[62] to thiss Efect, "Gent men, I know you are men come to seeke a fortune, if You want money or Plate goe alonge with me, I will shew you wheir their is more then you all can carry away." wee gave no credit to him, butt was minded to fall on uppon the forte to take their greate gunns for the shipp, haveing none on board. Our Party being so tired, and cutt off, wee weare feigne to leave the greate gunns, money, all the Rest of the rich traide which was in that small towne. three of our Doctors being in the Hospitall Church dressing of our wounded men, had about 6 men Order'd to guard them with their Armes. after wee saw we weir so worsted and beaten, fighting against so greate Advantage, Some peopple rann to bid them come away as could march, for our Party was gon out of the towne. the Spaniards seeing thiss gott fresh to their Armes againe, and rallied upp with us about the church that they durst no come out, so that their was left 5 well men besides the 3 Doctors which had not one Dropp of blood spilt from them. one or two of the wounded men that had good hearts gott up and rann to the Party, and tho' thay had many a shott made by the Spaniards att them, yett Scapte clear. so many of our Party being almost choked for water, made use of their owne; butt comeing downe to the water side wheir the launch and cannnoe lay reddy to receive them, their follows them a parcell of Negro's and Mallattos, which stood on a High Hill Just over the Cannoes and throwes Downe Stones and Launces on Our Peopple. In thiss frey, wee had taken, kill'd and wounded about 30. Wee Judge wee could not Distroy of them less then 150 or 200 men, for they lay very thick in the Streetes. Their governor or Gen'll was upon a Hill calld the More, on Horse back, Just over the towne, from whence he could see into every Streate and which way wee went. he often weaved to his soldiers from thence, With his Handkerchiffe, to gave them notice which way wee went, and crying out, "Valiente soldados, buina Valienta Soldados."[63] Some of our peopple passed a shott att him but could not have the fortune to hitt him. Our former new capt., Jno. Wattkings, being kill'd att this Place, capt. Sharpe would have thrust himself capt. againe. Soe that our party resolved to goe downe to leeward. The most voyces wear to have the shipp, the lessar to have the Launch and two cannoes. One party was resolved to stay, the other to goe over Land, as will be presently related. wee now wanting water and soe like to be in greate Distress, considered, and with the advise of our Spanish pilott wee must goe into Ylo[64] for water, butt wee learneing by some Spanish Journalls that their was water 14 Leagues to windward of Ylio, which place wee Indeavord to comepass, and comeing thither, found such a sea goeing as could nott gett ashoar with our Cannoe; Soe Endeavor'd to gaine the Keys of Juan Fernandas againe. But the windes bloweing so much southerly we could nott. soe leaveing itt into the Shoare with our Starboard tacks on board, fetcht the bay the[y] call't Vispo, in which their is a brave River and very good water, which bay lieth in South lattd. 29 deg..[65] So wee fill their about six tunn of water, And by Informacion of a Prissnor their taken, that att Coequembo lay 2 men of warr, and he beleived would be downe next morneing, thiss bay of Vispo being butt 15 leagues N. and b.W. from Coquembo. att thiss Place wee found a new barkque and building. some sheepe and goates wee brought of for foode, butt the Barkque wee left, hopeing to have better of her hereafter. Putting out of this Porte wee saild alonge N.N.W. 3 dayes, about 8 leagues of Shoare, to another bay lying about 24 degrees South lattd, A Bay cal'd by the name of Capt. Drakes his bay, Because that when he was their he water'd. their is a brave fresh water River, And to thiss day is standing a church which the sd. cap. Drakes causd to be Built for his Memoriall; alltho' wee could nott gett on shoare by the Violence of the Suff, yett the church was very vissible to us, nott being above one quarter of a mile from itt.[66] so that att last wee wear forc't to goe to Ylo to fill our Bumkings[67] with water. wee stay'd hear two Dayes but dare make no longer stay, for fear the cuntry should come downe uppon us. This Ylo lieth N.W. and b.W. from the Afore named Arica, above 26 leges, And in the lattd. of 17 deg. 45' South lattitude. Ylo beareth from the Citty lymmo S.B.E. 120 legs. now haveing fill'd thiss water we putts to sayle to carry the party which was minded to Martch back into the North Seas. wee rann down alonge, N.W. and by N. and N.W., Just keepeing sight of land because would not be Descried, which way wee went. About 9 dayes wee saild N.W. and b.N. and N.W., and meeting with a Strong Currant which as wee Judged Satt N.E. into a bay, wee fell in with a small Island about five Miles round, in the lattd. of 7 deg. 40' So. and about 12 leagues off the Maine shoare. to thiss Island our Prissnars tolde us severall Barkques came to for pretious Stones, which weir to be found their. Due East from thiss key lieth Another which is Inhabbited, 7 leagues from thiss key and 5 leagues from the maine or Trucksilly,[68] which is a towne wheir is water, and on thiss key cattle; aboundance of Fish is made here. Wee Just weatherd the small Rockey key on which the Pretious Stones are founde; wee had the wind att S. and B.E. and S.S.E., a fine topp saile gaile and fair weather. wee Steares away N. and b.E. to make Point Sta. Alena, the Point that is before discourst of, that makes the Northermost Point of the River Yakeell. the next day was upp with the Isle of Plate, which lieth in South lattd. about 50'. then the Party thatt resolved to goe over land, began to provide for Vittuall. their was about 56 of them, which carried away what thay had. thay had a launch and two cannoes. itt was on Sunday, after wee had din'd with what wee had, which was att that time onely bread and water. and now being under the Equinoctiall about a ii leagues from Shore wee [saw] Mount a Christo plaine,[69] that lieth some leagues in the cuntry, The Mount bore of us E.S.E. these poore men when parted from us had about 5 leagues to goe, before could Conveniently Land, for wild Indians and negro's, which by shipping formerly their was cast away, and since grone very Populus and Barberous, As we wear inform'd by our Prissnors. thay did intend to take thiss island of ---- or Cork Island, which lieth in the bay of the Gorgony. now thay being gon both

## parties wear much troubled att the parting, Yett the party that went

away would have staied in case Sharpe had nott beene made capt., for thay could not by any meanes allow of him to be capt. more of us would have gon away, Butt capt. Sharpe sends his Master to us who spoke thuss (his Name was Jno. Cooxe), "Gentmen, capt. Sharpe doth declair and swair that those men that will stay with him and goe about in the shipp with him by water, that he will make them a Voyage, and doe the uttmost of his power to gett money Enough, and will not have thoughts of goeing out of these till every man is willing." soe wee consider'd our shipp was foule. wee that stayed wear about 61 soles in number. with the advise of capt. Batt. Sharpe was resolved to run downe to Pennamau, and to leeward, to finde some private place to cleane our shipp in, and to take her one deck lower. wee searching of some Spanish Jurnalls findds mention of an Island lieing to the No'ward in 8 degrees called the Island of canes, wheir wee found thiss Isle of Canes;[70] and by our observacion lieth in North lattitude, 7 deg. 30'. their is good wooding and watering butt no secure place for a shipp to ride in, without very good Anchors and Cables, which wee att that time was Ill provided with. wee staied here 3 dayes and killed one sow and Pigg and fill'd water. here are good large Oysters. so wee sett saile with full intencion to goe into the Gulph of Dulce,[71] if wee could find itt, but wee stearing away N.W. about 33 English legs from thiss Isle of Canes, which Island lieth 5 legs from the Maine shore, and comeing in with the land saw a brave deepe gulph, which concluded was a good Place for us to cleane Our shipp, hopeing that their might be no Inhabitance. Into which gulph we rann, by sounding of our leade so farr as wee could, Except wee had had a Pilott for that place. wee hoyst our 2 men of warr cannoes And went upp the Gulph. capt. Batt. Sharpe Imbarkque[d] in one of them him self, to see if could take an Indian to understand whatt for a place itt was; goeing about 4 leagues ahead of the shipp, comes upp with an Island lying in the gulph of Nicoy,[72] which Island wee understood by some Indians was called the Island of Perroz or in English the Isle of doggs. wee found 3 or 4 families which lived heare of Indians, very poore, haveing all thay gett once in two years taken from them by the fryars, and thay tell us that if thay have nott to pay the friars what their demands is when thay come, that thay carry away their children and makes them Slaves. Butt our capt. Batt. Sharpe Asked of one Indian that could speak Spanish, if any Shipp used to come their. he said that their was att pressent 2 small Barkques that weir come from Pennamau, which weir lodeing with hides and tallow bound for Pennamau again. The Indian tolde the capt. he would Shew us wheir they weir; with whome capt. Sharpe went with his cannoe well man'd, thiss Indian leaveing some hands on the Isle of Perros or Dogges, to see that none gott away to discry us, with our Shipp getts on brest the Island and Comes to an Anchor, and missing the right channel lay their not haveing above 3 foote water more then wee drew. thiss was about 25 of Aprile 1681. the next morning these two barkes was taken, the one being 2 thirds loden and the other half loden with talloe; wee tooke out as much as wee thought might serve to tallow our Shipps bottom twice and to make us candles, and no more, which is as I Imagin about 60 or 70 Packs. Now wee wanting carpenters understoode by thiss Indian Pylott that their was 2 shipps up an Arme of a River, about 4 leagues from thiss Isle of Dogges. The Indian conveighs us the next night upp to them. the morning about an hower before day wee comes wheir thay weir building, about 300 tunns a Peice; one of them haveing beene on the Stocks about 3 years. itt Pleas'd god wee tooke the head carpenter and the Rest of his gange, which weir about 12 in Number, with their tooles, about 6 Jarrs of wine and Brandy, which was much to our comfort, haveing lived for some time before on bread and water. takeing these carpenter[s] with their tooles, wee weare in greate hopes to have Our Shipps upper deck taken downe and made better for sayleing in little time, with the help of our owne carpenters; butt to carreene her here is impossible Because of a greate citty about 18 leagues from thiss lagoone of Nicoy, itt being the citty Naine,[73] wheir thay can Raise 20000 Men. wee fell lower downe in the River, as lay out of the way of the tide as much as could, for here the tides runn very Stronge and keepes itts course of moone. itt flows S.S.W., which when the moone comes to thiss S.S.W. point itt makes high water. itt flowes about 3 fathom and half right upp and downe. when wee brought these Spanish carpenters on borde, our capt. and carpenter Shewed the Spannish carpenter what thay would have done, desiering him to be reall, and tell them in what time itt might be finished. he promis'd that within 10 day, with the assistance of our peopple, he did nott doubt butt finnish itt; att which our capt. and company told him that as soone as he had done he should have one of the barques for his paines, and all he[r] ladeing of tallow, and that he would sett them all ashore againe. thiss Spannish carpenter being a very Ingenious worke man, and saw wee shew him and his company a greate deale of respect, which begott a love in him to us, for he tolde us wee should make what dispatch wee could out of the lagoone, for the cuntry was very populus, and would soone be after us if could procure any Imbarcation. the carpenter dispatcht is [his] buisness in 12 days, so that he and his comepany had the Barkque and all her loding. putting them ashore with some Prissnors wee had taken before, wee take a perriauger that come downe to thiss Isle of dogges, with a Spannish March't and a Mustees woman, which we suppose he kept. the woman lieing on borde one or two nights, was very familiar with one Copas a dutch a man,[74] who formerly had saild with the Spaniards, and had the linqua att will, but was mainly Inamoured with thiss women, makeing her severall presents of some Vallew. after the carpenters weir gone wee fell downe lower in the lagoone to fill water. thiss Copas goeing aShore to guard the Prissnars that fill'd water made an Excuse to goe into the woods to kill some thing to eate, but went cleare away, that wee never saw him since, carrying with him about 200 Peices of Eight in golde and Silver, that putt us in feare least he would give Intelligence which way wee weir bounden, wee being att this time butt a small partie, about 64 soules, and nott any greate gunn to help us. in takeing of these carpenters one of our men, a Scotch man, haveing dranck to much, by some way or Other gott out of the cannoe and was drounded. the peopple telling us the Barkque saild primely well and the best saylor belonged to Pennamau wee kept her to waite on the Shipp. shee was a small open barkque. wee tooke in her a man that was acquainted with thiss Gulph of Dolce, who tolde us wee might lay the shipp on shore their very well and no body see us, nor any Spaniard know we weir their, so wee concluded to go. about May the first 81, wee arrived in this Gulph of Dulce. itt lieth from the lagoone of Nicoy about 47 leagues South and from the Island of canes ii leagues S.S.E. wee found according to what the Spanish fellow tolde us, a very fine place to hall our Shipp on shore to cleane her. Here we caught some fish and turtle and fedd well for the time wee lay here. we Built a house ashore to putt our provissions in, to keepe them from the Raines, and carried ashore the most part of our Ballast, in the barkque and men of war cannoes. wee findeing the small barque to Saile very well, the Capt. putt in 7 Hands to her, to sayle her. as wee lay one night ready to hall a shore the next high water, the winde blew att South very hard, that our after mast cable gave way, that the shipp drave ashore against the rocks, we weir afraid should have bildged her; but the 2 carpenters, being carefull, shord her up to ease her what thay could, and the next flood heav'd her off againe to a sandy place in the bay, wheir wee found some butt heads started and abundance of nailes and spikes wanting, which our carpenters had provided for and drave aboundance in her bottom. we lay here about 5 weekes, mending our sailes and fixing our rigging. here cam in to us some Indian men, women and children, to whome wee gave Victualls and drink; thay staid with us tell we had done our shipp; some times giveing us plantans, and some time goeing into the woods, finding bees nests, would give us the Honney; butt the most good these Indians did us, wee had their barque loggs[75] all the time we lay hear to make us a Staige. Some of them goeing away Amounge the Spaniards tolde them that their was a greate Shipp in the Gulph, and that wee weir a casting of greate gunns. Butt these Indians that came to us tolde us that the Spaniards had tolde them if any shipps came in that had any thing of redd in their collers,[76] that thay should have a caire and not come on borde of them nor lett us see them, telling them that wee would kill them; but as itt happen'd we went in with all white collers, which was the Spanish order that thay should Assist all those, for thay weir their friends and would doe them no harme. the Spaniard lives here from the Gulph of Dulcey about 3 dayes Journey. thiss Gulph lieth in lattd. 7 deg. 22' No. lattd. wee fitted our Shipp, clensed our bottom what wee could; the small barque filld water, cutt wood, and went away to Sea to looke for Purchase.[77] we went from thiss place about the last of June 81, haveing a good fresh gaile att S. and B.E. and S.S.E. wee stands over thiss bay, cald the bay of the Gorgony, which Isle of Gorgoney wee carreend att the last Year lieth in No. lattd. 3 deg. 35', or their abouts. the land that we made was 7 leagues farther to windward. here generally setts a greate currant out of the Sea into thiss bay E.N.E. wee fell in first with Barraco Island and cock Island. wee now bethinks our selves that twas time in the year to gett up to windward to goe through the streights of Magelene. wee recruted here with water, filling all we could. about 30 leagues W.S.W. from thiss Island Barricoes we turnes up to windwards, and of[f] Cape passagoe, which lieth in 45' No. lattd.,[78] wee cruises a good way of shore, about 16 or 18 leagues, sees a saile, we gave chase, and comes up with her about 9 aclock of night. we found her to come out of Yakell, bound for Pennamau. the same shipp wee took loden with cloth and other goods the Laste year, which was then bound upp to Lymmo. she had in her now good Store of cloth, silk, stockings, mony and Plate, about forty thousand peices of Eight, and severall good things, butt the chiefest of her lading was coco. wee tooke out her what we thought convenient and carried her under the shore and came to an Anchor, and when we had done rummageing her putt them all aborde, cutt downe their maine mast, gave them Victualls and Drinck enough, and putt them to sea to goe right afore the wind for Pennamau. the master was very glad we gave him his shipp againe, and the most part of his lodeing; that he swore wee wear the Honnestest ladrones that ever he saw in his daies. we went of to sea cruiseing for more. we understood by thiss last prise that the Spaniards could not tell if [we] wear to windward or leewards. 3 dayes after in the morning we spies a small barque close by shore. wee gave chaces to her, came up hand over hand with her. She makes what she could for the Shore, their being one Spaniard in her that knew us, who we had taken the last year. She comes to an Anchor with in a quarter of a mile of the Shore, and a fryar and 4 Negro's getts ashore uppon a Planck and takes to the woods, but some staied on borde the barque. capt. Batt. Sharpe in a man of war cannoe follows them and come upp with some of them ashore. we found nothing butt a little Plunder. their letters of advice thay had hove over borde, butt they confest their was advice bound up to Yakell to give notice that wee weir in the gulph of Dulcey acleaning our shipp and acasting of greate gunns, as they heard. these Prisnars give us advice of a new Vice Roys comeing out of olde Spaine to Puerta Vella, and was come over land to Pennamau, and a greate Shipp lay their of 14 gunns to take him in.[79] thay told us thay had aboundance of riches with him; wee tolde them when wee had cutt their mane mast by the borde and sent them to Pennamau, that we lay waiteing for him and bid them tell the Vice Roy soe when they came to Pennamau. we cruises for more purchase and about 12 leagues from the cape, in a drisly misty morning, a man goeing to toppmast head saw a saile under our Lee, which wee made saile to and come upp with her; we fired severall small Armes before they called for quarter, butt calling, was presently granted and not a gunn fier'd. her capt. was short downe in takeing of her. we found She was a shipp bound for Pennamaw, came downe from Lymmo loden with wine and brandies, but very little plate, 700 piggs of Peuter, which we thought was silver, found to the contrary.[80] we now Resolveing to goe about this year if Pleasd God, we tooke out of her 700 Jarrs of wine, about 100 Jarrs of brandy, to serve us homewards, and had itt nott beene for thiss wine and brandy was Impossible to have subsisted. we cutt thiss shipps maine mast by the bord and sent her afore the wind to Pennama. wee kept about 18 Negroes and Indians to wash and pump our shipp. thiss last priz gave us full information of the Armado, which was to sayle from Lymmo, about 17 sayle of Shipps. the 15 day of September 81, wee turnd alonge shore as high as cape Blanco,[81] and then haveing a trew traid winde att S.S.E. and S.E. and b.S., sometimes South East, we all concluded to make the best of our way out of these seas; we haveing gotten ii hundred Peices of Eight a man in mony and Plate uppon Equall shairs, tho' itt was some of our fortune to loose our Voyage by Play afterwards; which those that were the winners to have the more. wee had the winds most att S.E. and b.S. and S.S.E. and S.E. wee stood of to sea, steming S.W. and b.W. and S.W., commonly makeing a West 35 deg. southerly way, sayling after the rate of 5 or 6 leagues a watch. fine moderate windes and fair weather. we found a currant sett here to the S.W. quarter. we stands up to Payta, which is about 13 leagues to the Southwards of cape Blanco, and in so. lattd. 5 deg.. wee wear minded to take itt, butt the fryar and fower Negro's, which made their Escape out of the little Barque we tooke under the Shore, had gott before us, and sent to every sea porte towne to give them notice that we wear a comeing to windward as fast as we could, so on a Sunday Morning our capt. Sharpe, with about 36 hands, went to land att Payta, butt found itt so well lyned with men that thay durst not adventure On itt, but come back againe, resolveing to live on bread and water till such time as could be better supplied, concludeing that our wine and brandy would keepe us alive. wee now makes no more tacks alonge shore, but stands close hal'd on a boleing to sea,[82] about 670 leagues due West from Payta, till we come up to 33 So. lattd. ther we had variable winds. wee hal's in for the shore, getting our Larbord tacks on borde, the wind comeing out at N.W. in that quarter that wee could not fetch the Keys of Juan Fernandus, wheir wee Expected to Recruit with fresh goates and water, and to have faught[83] off our Musketa-Indian we left their the time before, but we getting to the Southwards of these keys, and the winds comeing out for Northerly, was forced to ply to the Southward, and then wee had Some raines, which from 7 deg. So. lattd. till you come to 28 deg. So. lattd., is never no raine by the Spaniards report nor since thay have inhabited the cuntry, which hath been about 180 years; yett very good Corne growes, and all sorts of Herbs and graine, but thay [have] Extreeme dues. wee stands still to the Southward, and haveing now great variation, 13 or 14 degrees, we wear very Exact in takeing Amplitudes,[84] to be the more Sattisfied in thick weather of our true course made. wee stood to the S.E. and S.E. and B.S. 700 leagues, and about 3 aclock in the Morning the watch saw breakers very near us under our Lea. it blew hard, that 2 nights before we had handed[85] our topp sailes, and went under a pair of Coarses and our mizon. wee wear gott now up to 50 deg. 8' So. lattd. itt being a little light, before day wee saw the land plaine. wee heaved out our topp sailes reeved and made shift to weather all the breakers, and when twas day we discried a place between 2 keys which we concludes to beare up to see if wee could finde any good Anchoring and saife rideing till twas a little later in the year. twas very colde heare, much raine, The Hills coverd with Snow. wee went in along the key side about 4 leagues and saw a very convenient cove. wee came to an Anchor the 3d of November, thinking to stay hear till the weather was a little warmer. the first night we lost one Anchor, the Cable being Very bad. we warped and towed into another Cove, lieing a little more to the Southwards, the wind blowing N.N.W. wee gott the ends of all our cable and Hassers and made fast ashore to the trees; yett all would Hardly doe, for when it blew hard, our cable would give way and our shipp in dainger of driveing ashore, which if had we should lived like Heathens amounge the Savage Indians, and never have come to rights, but we spliced and Strengthend our cables what we could and with much difficulty made them hold out. the 21 day of november 81 wee putt out of thiss place to sea. wee lay here about 22 dayes, feadeing most on lempotts[86] and Mussles, which wee gatherd of the rocks and makes very good foode. our wine and brandie was a greate Help to us thiss cold weather. clothing wee had good Store. some times we gott a Penguine, which are plenty in these streights, which are as greate as a goose, but cant fly, haveing on their winges onely stubbs of feathers. hear we saw a fier and made to itt, wheir we saw an Antient Indian, and a younge fellow and a woman Indian, which had about their bodies a Seale Skinn to keepe them warme. thay saw us and rann away, but we over tooke the younge fellow, which tooke to throwing of Stones. the olde man tooke the water and was so cunning in diveing that our Peopple could not gett him, so they shott him in the water. the woman gott away from us the next day. one of our cannoes went downe to this place againe, and carried the Indian that was taken alonge with him, which Indian carried our peopple to thre or 4 wigwams, wheir was fier, but could see no peopple. the fellow cald in their Speech but none appeard, he makeings signes that thay weare greate tall men with longe beards.[87] when our peopple saw none came, thay returned to the cannoe, carying this Indian fellow which was very unwilling to goe but Strugled to gett away, twas as much as 3 or 4 of our men could do to binde him, and force him downe to the cannoe, His strength was so greate. wee doe Imagin that here may be some Spaniards which formerly have been cast away; for to the Southwards about 4 legs when wee came out with our Shipp we saw to very greate fiers but wear la'ft [_sic_] to see what thay weir, but went to sea, stearing away S.W. and B.S. and S.W. the winds weir very hard att N.W. we went under a pair of courses, haveing no observation in 3 days after wee came out of these Lempot keys, wee stearing as far to the westwards for fear of the Island called the 12 Appostle and 4 Evangelist[88] takeing of us upp, which lieth att the entring of the Streight mouth. the currant setting to the westward out of the Streights, satt us by Judgement 25 leagues off shore and when we observed we weir in the lattd. of 55 deg. 30', the wind being no[r]therly, and wee so to the Southwards of the Streights could not gett to the Northwards againe, but the capt. and Master, with advice of some others, concluded to goe about terra fuega,[89] and so to goe through the New Streights, the Streights of Maria, which wee had a Journall of 2 Brothers called by name Noddles, which was about 65 years agon sent out to discover these parts of the world,[90] which thay gave description that thay went about terra Fogoe through thiss Streight of Maria and weatherd Terra Fogoe, and went downe the west side, and ran downe to the Northwards, and entred the Streight of Magelena, and came thro' into the North Sea, wheir he speakes of aboundance of those birds called Penguins, whear thay laded, bold with them.[91] wee had very colde weather and about the 3 of december wee passed a cape, called cape Frea, lieing to the South of Terra Fogoe, in the lattd. 59 deg. 30' South.[92] wee finde here about 4 degrees variation, but downe in 35 and 40 wee had 11 and 12 and 13 degrees variation. wee weir something fearfull of Halling to close into shore, being not acquainted did not know what danger might be, yett would very willingly have save [seen?] the Land, that wee might have beene the better satisfied where we weir. twas very thick weather, that wee could seldom take an observation. we Indeavord to make the Cape Horne but we weir gott so far to the Southwards.[93] Yett we beleive we weir not very farr off shore, for we had thousands of birds about us. the 9 day of December we had a good observation and found our selves to be in South lattd. 58 deg. 5'. we had the winds att N.E. and N.E. and b.N., fine handsome topp saile gailes, sometimes a shower of Snow and Sleete, but miserable colde. now our wines and brandy stand us in greate Steade and is the thing under god that keepes us alive. we stands to the Southward, haling S.E. and S.E. and B.E. After wee had our last observation, which was 58 deg. 5', when we thought by our Dead reconning that we weir in the lattd. of 60 or better, wee Steerd away due East.[94] we had but little Night, the Daylight was hardly shett in att all. we standing to the Eastwards saw 3 or 4 greate Islands of Ice and Snow, as we thought, of a good high and very colde about them. from this Cape their are lying 3 or 4 Islands called the Berlingos, which I am to think are those wee tooke to be the Islands of Ice, for thay are all kiver'd with Snow, and the Burlingos lyeth by the globe in the lattd. of 59 deg. 00'.[95] One Night as wee weare getting about the land, some men gott merry, Especially the capt. and his Mess, which caused some words to arise between the capt. and Some of the company, in so much that thay fell to blowes, but the capt. runns into his cabbon and fetches out a Pistoll laden, and comeing to one of Our Peopple, by name Richard Hendricks, fier'd itt off as he thought att his Head, but itt pleased god itt mist his head and grased on his neck. the next morning wee found the shott placed in one of the Dead Eyes of the maine shroudes, which was but Jus[t] behinde him. the capt. thought he had kil'd the man, cryed out, "Armes, their was one dead," and he would have kill more, which cabbon mess ran and fetched their Armes forthwith, and those that weir awake, was fetching theirs likewise, which had not been soberer then others and more discretion in them Sharpe had certainly been kill'd. it had likt to have been a bad buisness, but when the[se] things came to an understandings All was husht upp, Especially findeing the man was not so much hurt as wee did suppos and was cured in a weeks time. Well, we stears away East, till we thought we Had Easting enough to enter the Streights of Maria. Now we begins to Hall to the Norwards E.N.E., and by observation taken we found our selves to be gott to the norwards into 57 deg. 8'. then we halls away N.E. and about 4 days after had another very good observation. then we found our Selves to be in 50 deg. So. lattd. Shott to the Norwards of these new Streights, doubled about all the Lands; aboundance of birds attends us Still. Wee are now gotten to the Streights Mouth of Magelen, the North side. wee had good Fresh gales att N.W. and S.W., the winds very variable. we runing into hot weather to the Norwards and halling about Terra Fogoe to the Eastward wee found a greate Currant to the E.N.E. wee weare farther off Shore then wee Expected, yett wee hal'd away N.E., hopeing that off of Brazill we should meete with English, Dutch or Portugeez, to hear how our buisness was discourst of att home and to buy a little Provision of them. we hal'd away N.E. till we came downe into 14 deg. No. lattd,[96] that we would be sure to carry itt about a shoale which lieth a little to the Norwards of Cape Toms,[97] lying in South lattd. 22 deg. 50'. we wear more to the eastward then we Expected. by our Runn afterward we found wee weir 170 leagues to the eastward then we Judged our selves to be. in this lattd. we had very Easy topp saile gailes of wind, and mostly att E. and E.N.E. and sometimes att E.S.E., but very seldom comes to the southward of the S.E. att this time of year, Except itt be in a Turnado. we carried what saile we could, being willing to be on land. after we gott into 13 deg. So. lattd, we steard more westerly, N. and N. and b.W., till we comes into the lattd. of 8 deg. 20', the length of cape Augusteene,[98] then hald away N.N.W. and N.W.b.N. till we come into the lattd. of Barbados, and run down into 13 deg. and 5',[99] keepeing a good lattd. for to see the barbados. wee ran about 12 or 13 days in the latt. our Reconing was out 5 or 6 dayes before we made the Land,[100] and about 3 a clock in the morning about the 12 of feb.[101] the Master cal'd out Land. wee saw twas Barbados, and which was comfortable to us all to have so good a land fall. we went downe the N.E. side, luffing upp for spikes rode,[102] wheir we saw shipping ride. The _Richmans_ Pinnas [_omission_] and haled us. we lay by and disputed with them, desiering them to come on borde, but thay would not. thay askt us if we would not goe into an Anchor. we told them as farr as wee knew wee would, but thay being soe cautious how thay came on borde Putt us into many thoughts what to doe. wee consciderd, that here was one of his Majts. Shipps, and wee could not hear how itt was with other Nations, wheather itt was Warrs or Peace, so that we threw the Helme a weather, throwing out topp gallant Sailes, studing sayles and all the sayles we could make, and Steard for the Disiada[103] which we made plaine and so went downe to Antigua. their wee saw a fly bote att Anchor, wheir we sent our man of warr Cannoe ashore to buy some provissionns. when thay came in thay found itt called Falmouth.[104] wee Supplied our selves hear with one or two dayes provission. one capt. Burroughs, understanding we wear in want, came on borde of us and after went away with one Cook, our Master, to the governor of Antigua[105] for liberty to come in. we next morning had the mate of a Shipp which lay att the olde rode to carry us as close in as he could for which he was very well sattisfied. wee could not have any permission to come in, neither any deniall, but after some commanders of March't-men came on borde and desierd our Capt. to goe for England, he was easy perswaided, thay telling him twould be the makeing of him; so he came on the deck and bid Every man shift for himself, for he would goe for England himself; upon which every man packt upp whatt he had, some for olde England, some for Jamaica, other for New Engl. everyone tooke his way, onely 7 men abord that had lost their Voyage,[106] so the capt. and Company thoug[ht] good to give them the shipp and what was in her. thay thought good to goe downe to their commission Port, Petit guavos,[107] but the Shipp was so crewell leakey, that thay hardly have the Patience to keepe her above water to St. Thomases,[108] haveing but 7 hands on borde, and a shipp giveing chace to them so that thay loosed all their saile, and was much putt to itt for the hands, but comein a brest of St. Thomases saw the Harbor very Plaine, and to be sure we went into a small Harbor a mile to leeward of the Fort. we wear tolde att Antegua that thiss was a free Port for Eight years, which we found to be so.[109] the governor gave us Liberty to come in, and the next day sent out hands to bring us in to the right harbor, under Commd. of the forte. the next day our cable brake and she drave ashore; but not being willing to loose her, gott her off with one Anchor and cable off, and one end of a cable ashore, and so gott her into the Soft woose,[110] because wee would not be att the charge of Negro's and to pumpe her. thus the good shipp _Trinity_, which was Built in the South Seas, ended her Voyage, and through the Blessing of god brought us amounge our Cuntry men againe, and thiss being what I can think on att present, being the true

## actions of our Voyage as near as I can Remember, my Jornall being

detained att St. Thomases and lost.[111] The Lord be praised for all his mercyes to us. _Finis._

[Footnote 7: Cassava.]

[Footnote 8: Wafer, pp. 153-154, who lived four months among these Indians, describes their method of making "corn drink." "It tastes like sour small Beer, yet 'tis very intoxicating."]

[Footnote 9: The river was that which is now called Chucunaque.]

[Footnote 10: Some affluent of the Chucanaque.]

[Footnote 11: Cartridge.]

[Footnote 12: Still so called. It lies some 15 or 20 miles north of the gold mines of Cana ("the richest Gold-Mines ever yet found in America", says Dampier) and from the Cerro Pirre, whence Balboa first looked at the Pacific, "Silent upon a peak in Darien."]

[Footnote 13: The Tuira, into which the Chucunaque flows at this point.]

[Footnote 14: Calabash, gourd.]

[Footnote 15: Isla Iguana?]

[Footnote 16: Isla Maje?]

[Footnote 17: Now the Pearl Islands, in the gulf of Panama, southeast of the city.]

[Footnote 18: Perico, Naos, and Flamenco, three little islands lying in front of Panama.]

[Footnote 19: Sp. for soldiers.]

[Footnote 20: Don Jacinto de Barahona, high admiral of the South Sea.]

[Footnote 21: Don Francisco de Peralta. The escape of his vessel from Morgan's men in 1671, bearing the chief treasures, is recounted in Exquemelin, pt. III., ch. VI. He was put ashore, later, at Coquimbo.]

[Footnote 22: _I.e._, flag-ship. It was probably the same ship, _La Santissima Trinidad_, of 400 tons, in which Peralta had made his escape nine years before.]

[Footnote 23: Capt. John Coxon.]

[Footnote 24: Error for April 26, 1688.]

[Footnote 25: Lima. The 50,000 pieces of eight (dollars, pieces of eight reals) mentioned below were a consignment for expenses, sent to the governor of Panama by the viceroy of Peru, Archbishop Don Melchor de Linan. So we learn from an account of this whole raid along the South American coast, given by him in an official report, printed in _Memorial de los Vireyes del Peru_ (Lima, 1859), I. 328-335.]

[Footnote 26: Guayaquil, in an attempt at phonetic spelling.]

[Footnote 27: In modern phrase, southwest by west.]

[Footnote 28: Coiba or Quibo is a large island off the south coast of the isthmus, about 150 miles west of Panama.]

[Footnote 29: Rio Santa Lucia. The town is the present Remedios.]

[Footnote 30: Mestizo, halfbreed, Spanish and Indian.]

[Footnote 31: According to Ringrose, the ring came from the bishop, the challenge from the governor.]

[Footnote 32: The Isla de Plata (Island of Silver) lies a few miles off the coast of Ecuador, in 1 deg. 10' S. lat. The Galapagos lie not 100 but more than 200 leagues off the coast.]

[Footnote 33: Gorgona, off the Colombian coast.]

[Footnote 34: _I.e._, when the ship had been careened she remained so fixed in that position that the men could not, by the breadth of one of her planks, get her keel where they could work on it.]

[Footnote 35: In other words, there was a tide of twelve feet.]

[Footnote 36: End.]

[Footnote 37: Isla del Gallo, in Tumaco bay.]

[Footnote 38: _Cape_ San Francisco (about 50' N. lat.) not an island; but Ringrose, p. 58, says, "At first this Cape appeared like unto two several Islands".]

[Footnote 39: This is no doubt legendary. Isla de la Plata means Isle of Silver.]

[Footnote 40: Nearer 1 deg. 12' S.]

[Footnote 41: Arica, a Peruvian town now occupied by Chile.]

[Footnote 42: Guayaquil, in Ecuador.]

[Footnote 43: Punta Santa Elena, 2 deg. 10' S.]

[Footnote 44: Leagues.]

[Footnote 45: Armadilla, a small armed vessel.]

[Footnote 46: At Quito, probably. The viceroy-archbishop, _op. cit._, p. 332, calls the man Carlos Alem (Charles Allen, Charles Hall?). Besides the viceroy's circumstantial account of this fight at the Barbacoas, there is one in Dionisio de Alcedo's _Aviso Historico_ [_Piraterias y Agresiones de los Ingleses_] (Madrid, 1883), p. 158.]

[Footnote 47: Payta, Peru, in 5 deg. S. lat.]

[Footnote 48: Punta Aguja, 5 deg. 57' S. lat.]

[Footnote 49: Nearer 18 deg. 30'.]

[Footnote 50: Ilo. It was late in October, not early.]

[Footnote 51: Mora de Sama.]

[Footnote 52: Pedereros, small cannon.]

[Footnote 53: Magellan. The temporary capture of Ilo is omitted.]

[Footnote 54: Coquimbo, Chile, in 30 deg. S. lat. Ringrose, pp. 107, 111, gives plans of the town and the harbor.]

[Footnote 55: Excepting.]

[Footnote 56: Juan Fernandez. A Spanish pilot of that name discovered the islands in 1563. Our buccaneers sighted them on Christmas eve, 1680.]

[Footnote 57: The eastern is called Mas-a-tierra ("nearer the land"), the western Mas-a-fuera ("farther out"). The distance between is about 100 miles.]

[Footnote 58: John Watkins. The new pirate chief had severe principles as to the Sabbath. "Sunday January the ninth [1681, three days after his election], this day was the first Sunday that ever we kept by command and common consent since the loss and death of our valiant Commander Captain Sawkins. This generous spirited man [Sawkins] threw the dice over board, finding them in use on the said day." Ringrose, p. 121. The Spanish accounts call the new captain Juan Guarlen.]

[Footnote 59: This was a Mosquito Indian named William. A precursor of Alexander Selkirk, he lived alone upon the island for more than three years, till in March, 1684, when Capt. Edward Davis, in the _Batchellor's Delight_, in his voyage from the Chesapeake, touched at the island. William Dampier and several others of Captain Sharp's crew were now with Davis. They bethought them of William, and found and rescued him. Dampier, _New Voyage_, I. 84-87, describes the Crusoe-like expedients by which the ingenious William maintained himself. He was not the first precursor of Selkirk on the island, for Ringrose, p. 119, says that the pilot of their ship told this present crew of buccaneers "that many years ago a certain ship was cast away upon this Island, and onely one man saved, who lived alone upon the Island five years before any ship came this way to carry him off." Several of Davis's men lived there three years, 1687-1690. Selkirk's stay was in 1704-1709.]

[Footnote 60: Iquique.]

[Footnote 61: Barros Arana, _Historia Jeneral de Chile_, V. 204-205, points out the impossibility of such numbers.]

[Footnote 62: Sp. _lingua_, language.]

[Footnote 63: In better Spanish, "Valientes soldados, buen valientes soldados", _i.e._ "Valiant soldiers, very valiant soldiers".]

[Footnote 64: Ilo, between Islay and Arica.]

[Footnote 65: Choros bay must be meant. The present Obispo lies too far north, and was not named till 1709.]

[Footnote 66: Ringrose identifies this bay and river with the bay and river of Loa, on the Chilean coast, the bay in 21 deg. 28' S. lat. That Drake landed there, in his voyage around the world, in January, 1579, we know from the narrative of Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa (Mrs. Nuttall's _New Light on Drake_, p. 80), but the story of the chapel is of course legendary.]

[Footnote 67: Water-barrels, Middle Dutch _bommekijn_, a little barrel.]

[Footnote 68: Truxillo, in Peru. The islands may have been the Lobos.]

[Footnote 69: Monte Christi, in Ecuador. The secession occurred on April 17, 1681. Dampier and Wafer were in the seceding party, which made its way to the isthmus of Darien and so across to the Caribbean and home, or to Virginia.]

[Footnote 70: Isla de Canos, in Coronada Bay, off the coast of Costa Rica, and some 300 miles west of Panama.]

[Footnote 71: Golfo Dulce, where the coast of Costa Rica begins.]

[Footnote 72: The gulf of Nicoy lies near the western end of the Costa Rican coast. The island was Chira.]

[Footnote 73: It does not appear that there was in Costa Rica at that time any town of such name or size.]

[Footnote 74: Under this strange name is disguised Jacobus Marques, a Dutchman skilled in many languages. _The Voyages and Adventures of Capt. Barth. Sharp_, p. 80, says that he "left behind him 2200 _ps._ 8/8 [pieces of eight, dollars] besides Jewels and Goods". "Copas" is for Jacobus.]

[Footnote 75: Barcalongas. See document 44, note 25.]

[Footnote 76: Colors, flags.]

[Footnote 77: Prizes or booty.]

[Footnote 78: Cabo Pasado would seem to be indicated, but that is in 20' S.]

[Footnote 79: Don Melchor de Navarra y Rocaful, duke of La Palata, prince of Massa, viceroy of Peru from 1681 to 1689. He did not arrive in Lima till November. His predecessor the archbishop took great precautions for his protection against these pirates. _Memorias de los Vireyes_, I. 336-337.]

[Footnote 80: The ship was the _Rosario_, the last considerable prize taken by these buccaneers. See document 46. The story of the 700 pigs of pewter is told in a much more romantic form by Ringrose, p. 80, and by the author of _The Voyages and Adventures of Capt. Barth. Sharp_, p. 80. According to them, the pigs were thought to be of tin, and only one of them was saved, the rest being left in the prize when she was turned adrift. Later, when Sharp's men reached the West Indies, a shrewd trader there, perceiving this remaining pig to be silver, took it off their hands, and then sold it for a round sum; whereupon deep chagrin fell upon the pirates, who had duped themselves by abandoning a rich cargo of silver. It will however be observed in document 46 that Simon Calderon, mariner, of the _Rosario_, speaks of the pigs as pigs of tin. A mass of sea-charts taken from the _Rosario_ is now--either the originals or copies by Hacke--in the British Museum, Sloane MSS., 45.]

[Footnote 81: About 4 deg. 18' S. lat., at the beginning of the Peruvian coast.]

[Footnote 82: _I.e._, they sailed up into the wind. So strong a wind blows up the coast, that the best way to sail from Peru to southern Chile is first to sail westward far out into the Pacific. It was Juan Fernandez who discovered this course.]

[Footnote 83: Fetched.]

[Footnote 84: Distances, in degrees on the horizon, between east or west and the rising point of a star. By amplitudes, east and west could be fixed when the variation of the compass from true north and south was doubtful.]

[Footnote 85: Furled. Courses are the lower sails. 50 deg. S. lat. is the latitude of the gulf of Trinidad. To the island by which they anchored a little farther south, as described below, they gave the name of Duke of York Island, after their king's brother James; this name it still bears.]

[Footnote 86: Limpets.]

[Footnote 87: But all observers of the Patagonian Indians, from Pigafetta, Magellan's companion, to recent times, describe them as having little hair on the face, and accustomed to remove that little. Ringrose, p. 183, gives the same report as our writer.]

[Footnote 88: These rocky inlets lie between 52 deg. and 53 deg. S. lat., the four Evangelistas just to the north of the western entrance into the Strait of Magellan, the twelve Apostolos just to the south of it.]

[Footnote 89: Tierra del Fuego. By "Streights of Maria" the writer means the Strait of Le Maire, outside Tierra del Fuego, and between it and Staten Island--a strait discovered by Schouten and Le Maire in 1616, when they also discovered and named Cape Hoorn (Horn).]

[Footnote 90: He means Bartolome and Gonzalo Nodal, who, under orders from the king of Spain to follow up the discoveries of Schouten and Le Maire, made in 1619 the first circumnavigation of Tierra del Fuego, sailing southward, westward past Cape Horn, northward, then eastward through the Strait of Magellan. The book referred to as possessed by the buccaneers is the _Relacion del Viaje que ... hizieron los Capitanes Bartolome Garcia de Nodal y Goncalo de Nodal hermanos_ (Madrid, 1621), of which a translation was printed by the Hakluyt Society in 1911, in Sir Clements Markham's _Early Spanish Voyages to the Strait of Magellan_.]

[Footnote 91: _Relacion del Viaje_, p. 48; Markham, p. 256.]

[Footnote 92: The date is wrong, and there is no such cape.]

[Footnote 93: Cape Horn is in 55 deg. 59' S. lat.]

[Footnote 94: Under date of November 17, 1681, the _Voyages and Adventures of Capt. Barth. Sharp_ says, p. 103, "We find by this observation, and our last 24 hours run, that we have been further Southerly by almost two Degrees, than our computation by dead reckoning makes out, and by many Degrees, than ever any others have sailed in that Sea, that have yet been heard of: for we were at about 60 Degrees South Latitude".]

[Footnote 95: Probably it was icebergs they saw. The Nodal brothers' _Relacion_, which they seem to have been following, mentions, p. 37 vo. (p. 245 of Markham), northeast of Cape Horn, "three islands which are very like the Berlings"; but these are the Barnevelt Islands, in about 55 deg. 20' S. lat. The original Berlengas are a group of rocky islands, well known to navigators, off the coast of Portugal.]

[Footnote 96: Error for 24 deg. S., apparently.]

[Footnote 97: Cape Sao Thome, one of the southeast capes of Brazil.]

[Footnote 98: An east cape of Brazil, Cape Sao Augustinho.]

[Footnote 99: 13 deg. 5' _north_ latitude.]

[Footnote 100: Navigators of that time could determine latitudes almost as accurately as it is now done, but they had very imperfect means of determining longitudes. These pirates, of course, had no chronometer. The best they could do was to keep account each day of the courses and estimated distances that they sailed, to reduce this to numbers of miles eastward and westward in different latitudes (their "eastings" and "westings"), measured from their last known position, Duke of York Island, and from these computations to deduce their probable longitude. It appears from Ringrose's fuller statements that they were several hundred miles out of their reckoning when they sighted Barbados.]

[Footnote 101: January 28, 1682, according to the other accounts.]

[Footnote 102: Speight's Bay, on the northwest coast of the island. Bridgetown, where the chief harbor or roadstead lies, is at the southwest, and H.M.S. _Richmond_, which the pirates rightly viewed with apprehension, lay there; she had gone out to Barbados in 1680.]

[Footnote 103: Deseada, or Desirade.]

[Footnote 104: Falmouth is on the south side of the island of Antigua.]

[Footnote 105: Lt.-Col. Sir William Stapleton, governor-in-chief of the Leeward Islands 1672-1686. The pirates sent a valuable jewel to his wife, but he caused her to return it. As to those who sailed for England, as related below, (Sharp himself included), "W.D." reports, pp. 83-84, "Here several of us were put into Prison and Tryed for our Lives, at the Suit of Don Pedro de Ronquillo, the Spanish Embassador, for committing Piracy and Robberies in the South Sea; but we were acquitted by a Jury after a fair Tryal, they wanting Witnesses to prove what they intended.... One chief Article against us, was the taking of the _Rosario_, and killing the Captain thereof, and another man: But it was proved the Spaniards fired at us first".]

[Footnote 106: _I.e._, they had gambled away all their share of the plunder.]

[Footnote 107: Petit Goave in Haiti.]

[Footnote 108: The Danish island lately acquired by the United States. The harbor and fort referred to are those of Charlotte Amalia, the latter completed in 1680. The small harbor a mile to westward was Gregerie Bay.]

[Footnote 109: The allusion is apparently to the mandate of the Danish West India Company, February 22, 1675, described in Westergaard, _The Danish West Indies under Company Rule_, pp. 43-44. The governor, next mentioned, was Nicholas Esmit [Schmidt?], a Holsteiner. On St. Thomas as a refuge of buccaneers, neutral to Spanish-English-French warfare and jurisdiction, see _ibid._, pp. 47-58. Professor Westergaard, p. 48, quotes from a letter of Governor Esmit, May 17, 1682, in the Danish archives at Copenhagen, regarding our seven remaining pirates: "There arrived here February 8 a ship of unknown origin, some two hundred tons in size, without guns, passport, or letters, and with seven men, French, English, and German. On being questioned they replied that they had gone out of Espaniola from the harbor of Petit Guava with two hundred men and a French commission to cruise on the Spaniards.... [Summary of adventures on the Isthmus and in the South Sea.] I bought what little cacao they had; the rest of their plunder they brought ashore and divided among our people. The ship was no longer usable. I have decided not to confiscate it, in order to avoid any unfriendliness with sea-robbers. The inhabitants of St. Thomas have decided that the said seven men shall remain among them". Later, Captain Sharp himself came and spent his last years at St. Thomas.]

[Footnote 110: Ooze.]

[Footnote 111: This sentence sounds as if our narrator, himself one of the seven, had finally reached England or Jamaica. If so, he was more fortunate than some of the others; see the next document.]

_46. Sir Henry Morgan to Sir Leoline Jenkins. March 8, 1682._[1]

[Footnote 1: Public Record Office, C.O. 1:48, no. 37. The writer, lieutenant-governor of Jamaica from 1674 to 1688, and at the time of writing acting governor, was the same Henry Morgan who in earlier years had been the most famous of buccaneers, capturing Portobello in 1668, Maracaibo in 1669, Panama itself in 1671--wonderful exploits, carried out with great bravery and cruelty. Now he is governor, holds piracy in abhorrence, and is determined to suppress it! It must be remembered, however, that his own exploits were carried out under commissions from proper authority, and legally were not piracy. His correspondent, Sir Leoline Jenkins, for twenty years judge of the High Court of Admiralty, and at this time also secretary of state, was one of the most learned admiralty lawyers England ever produced. Morgan's view of his own competence as admiralty judge in his colony is given with engaging frankness in a contemporary letter: "The office of Judge Admiral was not given me for my understanding of the business better than others, nor for the profitableness thereof, for I left the schools too young to be a great proficient either in that or other laws, and have been much more used to the pike than to the book; and as for the profit, there is no porter in this town but can get more money in the time than I made by this trial. But I was truly put in to maintain the honour of the Court for His Majesty's service." _Cal. St. Pap., Col._, 1677-1680, p. li.]

_May it Please your Honour_

Since I in obedience to his Majesties commands caused the Three Pyrates to be executed, The whole party which these two last yeares have molested the Spaniards in the South Seas are by the help of a Spanish Pilote come about to the windward Islands; Sixteen whereof are gone for England with Bartholemew Sharpe their Leader, the rest are at Antegoe and the Neighboring Islands, excepting four that are come hither, one whereof surrenderd himself to me, the other three I with much difficulty found out and apprehended my self, they have since been found guilty and condemned. he that surrendred himself is like as informer to obtain the favour of the Court. one of the condemned is proved a bloody and Notorious villain and fitt to make an exemple of, the other two as being represented to me fitt objects of mercy by the Judges, I will not proceed against till his Majesties further commands; and am heartely glad the Opinion of the Court is soe favorable, I much abhorring bloodshed and being greatly dissatisfyed that in my Short Government soe many necessities have layn upon me of punishing Criminels with death. The passage of these people is extraordinarily remarkable, for in litle more then four monthes they came from Coquimbo in Peru five degrees South Latitude, to Barbados in thirteen North.

Our Logwoodmen have lately had eight of their Vessels taken from them and their people carried away prisoners, their usage appears by the inclosed Petition. I am informed that in the Havana, Merida and Mexico many of his Majesties Subjects are prisoners and the Spanish Pylott that brought the People about (who is here) tells me That Sir John Narborow's Lieutenant and nine or ten others are at Lima in Perua.[2] they are all great objects of mercy and Compassion, therefore I hope your Honour will not bee unmindful of them....[3]

HEN. MORGAN.

ST. JAGO DE LA VEGA this 8th of March 1681-2.

[Footnote 2: Sir John Narbrough (1640-1688), afterward a celebrated admiral, had in 1669-1671 voyaged to the South Sea, as a young lieutenant, in command of the _Sweepstakes_; in Valdivia bay the Spaniards had seized two of his officers, and, it seems, still detained them.]

[Footnote 3: The rest of the letter relates to quite other matters.]

_47. Deposition of Simon Calderon. 1682._[1]

[Footnote 1: Public Record Office, C.O. 1:50, no. 139.]

Relation of the South Sea men.

Simon Calderon, Natural de Santiago de Chile, Marinero de profession, yendo del callado a Panama en el Navio llamado el _Rosario_, cargado de Vinos, aguardientes, estano en Barras, y cantidad de Patacas, con beynte y quatro Hombres pasageros y todo, encontraron en la punta de Cabo passado como a la mitad del Camino, al navio de la _Trinidad_ y le estimaron como de Espagnoles, pero luego que reconocieron ser de Piratas, procuraron ganarle el Barlavento, lo qual ganaron los Piratas, y luego empezaron a tirar mosquetarias, y de las primeras tres cargas mataron al Capitan del _Rosario_, que se llamaba Juan Lopez, y hizieron otras y apresaron el navio y sacaron con las favas todo lo que les parecio necessario del Vino y aguardientes y toda la plata y demas que havia de valor, y dieron tormento a dos Espagnoles para que descubriessen si havia mas plata y curtaron velas y Jarzias, menos la mayor, y alargaron el Navio con la gente menos cinco o seys, que trageron consigo y entre ellos el declarante.

De alli hecharon a la Isla de la Plata, donde estubieron tres dias y medio refrescando; y sospechando que los prisioneros se querian alzar con el navio mataron a uno y castigaron a otro; y de alli a Payta en donde hecharon dos canoas a tierra con treynte y dos hombres armados con animo de ganar a Payta, y hallando resistencia se bolvieron al navio; de alli Tiraron al estrecho de Magallanes; pero no passaron por el, sino al redidor de la ysla del fuego que estava como seys a ocho dias apartada del estrecho de Magallanes, este estrecho del fuego tardaron en pasarle hasta entrar en el mar del Norte cosa de nuebe Dias. Llegaron a Barbadas donde por haver encontrado un navio del Rey de Inglatierra no se atrevieron a entrar.

En el camino dividieron la presa y toco a quatrocientos pesos a cada uno de sesenta y quatro personas.

De Barbadas fueron a Antica donde fueron recividos sin hacerles molestia, antes buen acostimiento y de alli se dividieron unas a Niebes en una balandra, otras como diez y ocho de ellos a londres en el navio cuyo Capitan se llamaba Portin, otros ocho que erran los principales se uieron en el Navio llamado la _Comadressa Blanca_ o cui Wihte, su Capitan Charles Howard, dos de ellos que eran los principales cabos se llaman el Capitan Sharp, y el otro Gilbert Dike, y a este declarante le dexaron en Plymuth.

Los demas testigos dicen tambien haver oydo que estos Piratas andan comprando aora un Nabio para bolver a hacer el mismo viage o continuar esta pirateria.

_Translation._

Relation of the South Sea Men

Simon Calderon, native of Santiago de Chile, mariner, going from Callao to Panama in the ship called the _Rosario_ laden with wine, brandy, pigs of tin,[2] and artichokes, with 24 passengers and all, they met off Cabo Pasado, about halfway in their voyage, a ship, the _Trinidad_, and supposed it to be Spanish, but when they perceived that it was a ship of pirates, they tried to obtain the weather-gauge, but the pirates obtained it, and then they began to fire musket-shots, and with the first three shots they killed the captain of the _Rosario_, who was called Juan Lopez, and fired other shots, and captured the ship, and took out with the hooks [?] all that they deemed necessary of the wine and brandy, and all the silver and other things that had value, and tortured two Spaniards in order to learn whether there was more silver, and cut down the sails and rigging, except the mainsail, and turned the ship adrift with the men, excepting five or six whom they took with them, and among others the deponent.

[Footnote 2: See document 45, above, note 80.]

Thence they went to the Isla de la Plata, where they remained three days and a half refreshing themselves, and suspecting that the prisoners were planning to rise and take the ship they killed one and flogged another; and thence they went to Payta, where they sent two canoes ashore with 32 armed men, with design to capture Payta, but meeting with resistance they returned to the ship. Thence they sailed away to the Strait of Magellan, but did not go through it, but around the Isla del Fuego, which was some six or eight days' distance from the Strait of Magellan. In making this passage of Fuego, to enter into the North Sea, they were delayed some nine days. They came to Barbados, where, because of finding there a ship of the King of England, they did not venture to enter.

On the voyage they divided the booty and obtained 400 dollars apiece, for each one of 74 persons.

From Barbados they went to Antigua, where they were received without injury, but rather with good treatment, and from there they divided, some going to Nevis in a bilander,[3] others, some 18 of them, to London in the ship whose captain was called Portin,[4] and eight others that were the principal ones fled in the ship called the _Comadressa Blanca_ (_White Gossip_),[5] Captain Charles Howard. Two of them, that were the principal chiefs, were called, [the one] Captain Sharp, and the other Gilbert Dike; and this deponent was left at Plymouth.

[Footnote 3: A bilander was a small two-master, with the mainsail of lateen form.]

[Footnote 4: The _Lisbon Merchant_, Captain Porteen. Ringrose, p. 212.]

[Footnote 5: Or perhaps _Ermine_.]

Other witnesses say, however, that they have heard that these pirates are now proceeding to buy a ship to return and make the same voyage or continue this piracy.

THE _SALAMANDER_.

_48. Petition of Paul Sharrett and Claes Pietersen. August 2, 1681._[1]

[Footnote 1: Suffolk Court Files, no. 2031, paper 1. The story of the _Salamander_ is curiously interwoven with the early history of the Prussian navy, on which something has been said in note 1 to document 43. The facts may be made out by a comparison of documents 48 and 49 with data found in R. Schueck, _Brandenburg-Preussens Kolonial-Politik_ (Leipzig, 1889), I. 113-118, and in a monograph on "Brandenburg-Preussen auf der Westkueste von Afrika, 1681 bis 1721", in Heft 6 of the _Kriegsgeschichtliche Einzelschriften_ of the German General Staff (Berlin, 1885), pp. 102-105. In the First Brandenburg-Prussian fleet that ever sailed out of the Baltic (August, 1680), one of the six frigates was the _Churprintz_ (Kurprinz, Electoral Prince), 32 guns, Capt. Cornelius Reers, and there was a fire-ship, the _Salamander_, 2 guns, Capt. Marsilius (or Marcellus) Cock; the captains were probably all Dutch. The chief exploit of the squadron was to capture, in time of peace, a ship of the Spanish royal navy, which thus became the first of the elector's ships actually owned by him. Then Reers and a squadron of four frigates and the _Salamander_ sailed to the West Indies, and spent the winter of 1680-1681 in cruising against Spanish shipping, though with little success. If Samuel Button's story is true (document 48), it would seem that the original _Salamander_ must have been lost, and the _William and Anne_ substituted in its place and renamed. The squadron got back to Prussia in May, 1681.]

To the Honnorable Simon Bradstreet Esq. Governor, Thomas Danforth Esqr Dept. Governor, and the Rest of the Honnorable Assistants to sitt in Boston on the 4th of this Instant August 1681 as A Court of Admiraltie or Assistants

The humble petition Libell and Complaint of Paul Sherrot Lift.[2] and Cloyse petterson, Mate or Pilot of the Ship or prize called the _Salamander_, now belonging to the great prince the Duke of Brandenburge, Burden one hundred Tonns or thereaboute, Loaden with Brandy and wynes--

[Footnote 2: Lieutenant.]

Humbly Sheweth

That your Petitioner entering into the Duke of Brandenburgs service and pay this 14 of April 1680 or thereaboute, on A ship of warr called _Coure Prince_ belonging to the Said Duke, Cornelyus Reise Capt. and Comander,[3] and sayling then from Quinborough[4] to the West Indies and at St. Martins in the West Indies tooke the above mentioned ship _Salamander_, Loaden as above, And put in Marcellus Cock Comander of said Ship _Salamander_, and Paul Sherrot Leift. and Cloys Peterson Mate or Pylot of said ship, to Carry the Said Ship home to Quinborough to the said Duke, But the said Marcellus Cock, under pretence of want of Proviscions and Leakenes of said Ship, brought her into Piscatuqua and there stayed about 3 months whiling away the time, and Repayring the ship, And while there so cruelly beate twelve of the ships Company, at the Capston and otherwise, As made them weary of their Lives, that they could not stay but gott on shoar And left him, Loosing all their wages, except one, that the Capt. turned a shoare, as he said for a Rogue, But the Governor of Piscataqua made the master pay him his wages, And now after 16 monethes and a halfe soar service, ventering and hazarding their lives, After the Authoritie at Piscatuqua tooke notice of the said Capt. Cocks Long Stay, and Conceiveing he Intended to sell the said Ship and deceive the Duke, ordering him to pay the said Sherret and Peterson our wages,[5] fell to threatening us first by turning the Pilot out of the Cabbin from his mess; and then swearing he would Pistoll the Leiften't and him if they came on board.

[Footnote 3: Cornelius Reers, vice-commander of the squadron mentioned in note 1, appears later as governor of Arguin on the west coast of Africa, 1685-1690. Schueck, I. 347, 350.]

[Footnote 4: So the English then called Koenigsberg, capital of the duchy of Prussia.]

[Footnote 5: The petitioners are following closely the language of the vote of the council of New Hampshire, by which it was ordered that the ship should be taken to Boston for trial, and the mariners paid. _N.H. State Papers_, XIX. 677; July 11, 1681. "Governor of Piscataqua", _i.e._, of New Hampshire, there was none at this time; they probably mean Maj. Richard Waldron, president of the council.]

The premises Considered wee humbly Intreat your honours to make such due order And provision that the Duke be not Deceived of his the sayd prize and that wee may have our full wages so dearly yearned and be freed as wee are and have been, from his the said Cocks Tiranicall service; And yo'r Petition'rs shall forever pray etc.

PAUL SHARRETT. CLAES PIETERSEN.

This libell I Rec'd this 2d of August, 1681.

EDW'D RAWSON, Secret.

_49. Deposition of Samuel Button. August 11, 1681._[1]

[Footnote 1: Suffolk Court Files, no. 2031, paper 8.]

Samuel Button of Boston declareth concerning the Ship now called the _Salamander_ in this harbour, Marcellus Cock commander. That in April last was twelve-months' hee was Shipped Carpenter of sd Ship at London then called the _Wm. and Anne_, Anthony Thorne of London Commander, mr. George Trumbal of London being their Owner of sd. Ship. wee Sailed with sd Ship from London to Bilboa where wee cleered our foremast men and Ship't Biscayers in their steed and from thence Sailed to the Canary's, where wee loaded brandy and wines, and our sd master there left the Ship and our Mate mr. Christopher Johnson was put in master, all the English men being cleered from her but myselfe, wee being bound for Carthagene,[2] from thence back to Canary's, so to Carthagene again and from thence to Canary's and from Canary's to London and proceeding on our voyage wee put in to Sta. Marke in the west Indies[3] to water; where the Governour forced our Stay to convoy a Galliote bound to Carthagene, and after wee had been two or three dayes in the Road, wee espied five Ships lying off and on by the space of two or three dayes. at length they sent in their pinace with Dutch colours to the Gov'r to get liberty to wood and water, pretending to be Dutchmen come to cleer the coast of privateers; upon which the Gov'r granted them liberty to come in and the same day they came and anchored by us; they goeing ashore to the Gov'r acquainted him they were of Middleborough,[4] Flushing, and Amsterdam (as I was informed) and rode with dutch colours abroad; after they had been there four or five dayes wee coming to saile in the night, all being buisy, they laid us on board. wee demanding what they were they answered they were Frenchmen; wee bad them keepe off, but they entring the Ship, the Ltt. asked me if I was the Carpenter. I answered "yes," hee said "that's good, you bee an Englishman. that doth no harme," comanding me to keepe upon deck, declaring himselfe Capt. of the Ship, and when they tooke us they shewed no Colours but told me the next day they would shew me such Colours as I never saw, and then spread their Brandenburgh Colours, putting our Supra Cargo and all the prisoners ashore at St. Marke, onely Christopher Johnson a Dutchman our then Ma[ste]r and myselfe, whom they carried with them to Jamaica. not being Suffered to Land any of their goods there, Sailed thence with this Ship in Comp'y of our English Fleete, pretending they were bound with her to the East Country,[5] putting our Master and myselfe on shore at Jamaica.

[Footnote 2: Cartagena on the Spanish Main is meant; see below.]

[Footnote 3: St. Marc on the west coast of Haiti, then French.]

[Footnote 4: Middelburg in Zeeland.]

[Footnote 5: Baltic lands.]

Samuel Button deposed in Court that what is above written is the truth and whole truth to his best knowledge. 11th of August 1681.

EDW RAWSON, Secret.

THE _CAMELION_.

_50. Agreement to Commit Piracy. June 30, 1683._[1]

[Footnote 1: This very curious document (for one does not expect to find pirates agreeing in writing to pursue a course of piracy) is found embedded in one of the indictments in the case of the _Camelion_, in vol. I. of the wills in the office of the surrogate, New York City, pp. 312-313 of the modern copy. Its presence among wills requires a word of explanation. The governor of a royal colony was usually chancellor, ordinary, and vice-admiral, and as such might preside in the courts of chancery, probate, and admiralty--courts whose common bond was that their jurisprudence was derived from the civil (or Roman) law, and not from the common law. Most of his judicial action was in testamentary cases. It was therefore not unnatural that the few admiralty cases and cases of piracy tried in these early days should be recorded in the same volume as the wills, though distinguished by the simple process of turning the book end for end and recording them at the back. In this case the record begins with our document 51; but the present document, copied into one of the indictments, is earlier in date. The substance of another pirates' agreement (Roberts's company, 1720, see doc. no. 117) is given in Charles Johnson, _General History of the Pyrates_, second ed., pp. 230-232; another (Phillips's company, 1727, see doc. no. 120 and note 10), _ibid._, verbatim, pp. 397-398.]

_June the 30th day, 1683._ Articles of Agreement between us abord of the _Camillion_,[2] Nich. Clough Comander, that wee are to dispose of all the goods thatt are abord amongst us, every man are to have his full due and right share only the Commander is to have two shares and a half a share for the Ship and home[3] the Captain please to take for the Master under him is to have a share and a half. Now Gentlemen these are to satisfy you, as for the Doctor a Share and half, and these are our Articles that wee do all stand to as well as on[4] and all.

[Footnote 2: The _Camelion_ had in 1682 sailed for the Royal African Company to the slave-mart of Old Calabar on the west coast of Africa, thence with a cargo of negroes to Barbados, thence to Montserrat and Nevis, thence in June, 1683, to London with a cargo. Off Nevis, June 29, the crew took possession of the ship, then made this agreement on the 30th, sold part of the cargo at the Dutch island of Curacao, and brought the vessel to Sandy Hook. For their trial, see the next document.]

[Footnote 3: Whom.]

[Footnote 4: One. The larger shares for captain, master, and doctor were in accordance with custom. Clough, the master, was forced to join the mutineers.]

These are to satisfy you thatt our intent is to trade with the Spaniards, medling nor make no resistances with no nation that wee do fall with all upon the Sea. Now Gentlemen these are to give you notice that if any one do make any Resistances against us one any factery[5] hereafter shall bee severely punish according to the fact that hee hath comitted and as you are all here at present you have taken your corporall oath upon the holy Evangelists to stand one by the other as long as life shall last.

[Footnote 5: _Sic._ They probably mean, on any pretext, or, on any occasion.]

JOHN HALLAMORE. HENERY MICHELSON. the mark [Yt] of THOMAS ALBERT LASEN. DICKSON. the mark [SW.] of SYMON ROBERT COCKRAM. WEBSON. the marke of [X] JO. DARVELL. WILLIAM STROTHER. the marke of [X] ARTHUR DAVIS. EDWA. DOVE. the marke of [X] JNO. MORRINE. JOHN WATKINS. JOHN RENALS EDWARD STARKEY. the mark of [R] ROBERT DOUSIN. the mark of [/V] GEORGE PADDISSON. JOHN COPPING.[6] NICHO. CLOUGH. the mark of [_HL_] HENRY SAMLL. HAYNSWORTH. LEWIN. DANIELL KELLY. WILLIAM HEATH. JOHN GRIFFIN.

[Footnote 6: Copping, it was testified, was the writer of this remarkable agreement.]

_51. Court for the Trial of Piracy: Commission. September 15, 20, 1683._[1]

[Footnote 1: Vol. I. of wills in surrogate's office, New York City, pp. 306-307.]

_Memorandum._ That Thursday the twenty day of September, in the five and thirtieth yeare of the Reigne of our Soveraigne Lord Charles the second, by the grace of God of England, Scottland, France, and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, etc., at the Citty Hall of New Yorke in America, A speciall Court of Oyer and Terminer was holden by Vertue of this following Commission, Viz.

Thomas Dongan Lieutt. and Governour, and Vice Admirall under his Royall Highnesse of New Yorke and Dependences in America.

_Whereas_ his Royall Highnesse James Duke of Yorke and Albany, Earle of Ulster, etc., Lord high Admirall of Scottland and Ireland, and the Dominions and Islands thereof, As also Lord high Admirall of the Dominions of New England and Virginia, Barbados, St. Christophers, Antego, New Yorke in America, etc., hath by his Commission dated at St. James the third day of October in the yeare of our Lord 1682 and in the 34th yeare of his Ma'ties Reigne constituted and made mee his Vice Admirall of New Yorke, and the Maritime ports and Islands belonging to the same, and hath authorized and impowered mee to appoint a Judge, Register, and Marshall of a Court of Admiralty there;[2] I do therefore hereby make and appoint You Lucas Santen Esq., Judge of the said Court, and William Beekman, Deputy Mayor, John Lawrence and James Graham, Aldermen of the Citty of New Yorke, Mr. Cornelis Stenwyck, Mr. Nicholas Bayard, Mr. William Pinhorne, and Mr. Jacob Leysler, and you or any six of you, to hear and determine of any or all Treasons, Felonys, Robberys, Piracys, Murders, Manslaughters, Confederacys, breaches of trust, Imbezleing goods, or other Transgressions, contempts, Misprissions and Spoyles whatsoever, done or committed within the Maritime Jurisdiction aforesaid, on board the Ship _Camelion_ of London, Nicholas Clough commander, and I do also appoint Will. Nicolls to bee Register, and John Collier to bee Marshall of the said Court, and this Commission to bee of Force during the time of this Tryall only. Given under my hand and seale this 15th day of September, 1683, and in the thirty fifth yeare of the Reigne of our Soveraigne Lord Charles the second, by the Grace of God, of England, Scottland, etc. King, Defender of the Faith, etc.

THO. DONGAN.

[Footnote 2: Governor Dongan's commission of vice-admiralty "in the usual forme", October 3, 1682, is recorded in the Public Record Office, London, C.O. 5:1182, p. 40. James, duke of York, was Lord High Admiral from 1660 to 1673; he was proprietor of the province of New York from 1664 till he became king in 1685. As Lord High Admiral, he issued commissions to the colonial governors appointing them as his vice-admirals. That which he issued, January 26, 1667, to Lord Willoughby, governor of Barbados, is printed in the _Publications_ of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, II. 187-198. That to Dongan, issued by James in 1682, when, though excluded from office in England, he was still Lord High Admiral of the crown's dominions, was no doubt similar. At this early period the governor himself sometimes acted as judge; see document 46, note 1. Strictly speaking, what was here appointed was not a court of admiralty but a commission for the trial of piracy and other felonies. By the statute 28 Henry VIII. c. 15 (1536), it was provided that cases of piracy should be tried within the realm, not by the High Court of Admiralty, but before commissions specially appointed for the purpose, and with the aid of a jury. But this statute did not extend to the plantations, and until the passage of the act of 11 and 12 William III. c. 7 (1700), commissioners for the trial of piracy in the colonies were usually appointed by governors in their capacity as vice-admirals, and proceeded under the civil (Roman) law, not the statute. Another commission, for the trial of piracy (to Governor Bellomont and others, Nov. 23, 1701) is printed in E.C. Benedict, _The American Admiralty_, third ed., pp. 73-79, fourth ed., pp. 70-76; another (1716) is doc. no. 106, below; another (to Governor Woodes Rogers, Bahamas, Dec. 5, 1718), is in Johnson's _History of the Pyrates_, II. (1726) 337-340; a fourth (1728) is in _N.J. Archives_, first series, V. 196. See also doc. no. 201, note 1, and Chalmers, _Opinions_ (ed. 1858), pp. 511-515.]

To

Lucas Santen Esqr.,[3] Cornelius Stenwyck, William Beakman,[4] Nicholas Bayard, Jno. Lawrence, Willm. Pinhorne, James Graham, Jacob Leisler.

[Footnote 3: Collector of the port.]

[Footnote 4: Acting mayor. Lawrence, Graham, Steenwyk, and Bayard were aldermen, Pinhorne became an alderman two months later. Leisler was the celebrated revolutionary. The accused men were found guilty. Eight of them were sentenced to receive twenty lashes and to be imprisoned for a year and a day. Clough was sent to London to give an account of his stewardship to the Royal African Company. _Calendar of Council Minutes, N.Y._, p. 34.]

CASE OF WILLIAM COWARD.

_52. William Coward's Plea. 1690._[1]

[Footnote 1: Suffolk Court Files, no. 2540, paper 6. The case is reported in _Records of the Court of Assistants of Massachusetts Bay_, I. 319-322. Coward (a sailor of H.M.S. _Rose_) and others were indicted for a piratical attack on the ketch _Elinor_ in Nantasket Roads, November 21, 1689. They were tried in January, 1690, and condemned, but reprieved. See _Andros Tracts_, II. 54. The trial occurred in the interregnum between the deposition of Governor Andros in 1689, and the arrival of Governor Phips and inauguration of the new charter in 1692. Therefore Coward pleads to the jurisdiction, Andros's commission as vice-admiral being void.]

And the said Wm. Coward for plea saith that he ought not nor by Law is obliged to make any further or other answar or plea to the Indictments now preferred against him in this Court: for that he saith that the Crimes for which he stands Indicted be:--The same is for Pyracy, felony and [so forth] by him supposed to be done And Committed upon the high seas without this Jurisdictions and not within the body of any County within the same from Whence any Jury Cann be Lawfully brought to have tryall thereof, That before the Statute of the 28th of King Henry the 8th, Chapt. the 15th, all Pyraceys Felonys, etc., Committed upon the high seas was noe Felony whereof the Common Law tooke any knowledg, for that it could not be tryed, being out of all towns and Countes, but was only Punishable by the Civill Law before the Admira[l], etc., but by the said Statute the offence is not altered and made felony, but Left as it was before the said Statute, vizt. felony only by the Civill Law, but giveth a mean of tryal by the Common Law in this maner, Viz: All Treasons, felonys, Robberys, murders and Confederacies Committed in or upon the sea or in any other haven, rivar, creek, or place where the Admirall hath or pretends to have power, Authority, or Jurisdiction shall be Enquired, tryed, heard, determined, and Judged in such shires and places in the Relm as shall be Limitted by the kings Commistion under the great Seale, in Like forme and Condition as If any such offenses had been Committed upon the land, to be directed to the Lord Admirall or to his Leiut., Deputy, or Deputys, and to three or foure such other substantiall persons as shall be named by the Lord Chancellor of England for the time being, etc., as [by] the said statute appeareth--

That the Crimes and offences afforesaid must ether be Considered in the Condition they were in before or since the making of the said statute. If as before then they are only to be Judged and Detarmined before the Admirall, etc., after the Course of the Civill Laws, which this Court hath not Jurysdiction off--

That the Crimes and offences in the said Indictments supposed to be done [and] commited by the said Wm Coward, If any such there were, [were] done and Committed in or upon the sea or in some haven, river, Creek, or place where the Admiralty hath or pretends to have power, Authority, or Jurisdiction, etc. not within the Jurisdiction of this Court--

That the Admiralty of those seas, havens, etc., where the Crimes and offences afforesaid are supposed to have been done and Committed, In Case the Commistion Lately geven to Sir Edmd. Andros, knt., to be vice Admirall there of be voyd, it is now remaining in his Maj. and cannot be Executed or exercised by any person or persons without being Lawfully Commistionated by his Maj. for the same.

That in Case the Crimes, etc., offences aforesaid shall be considered According to the said statute of the 28th of Henry the 8th, Chapt. the 15th, Then the said Wm. Coward saith that this Court hath noe power or Jurisdiction there of, nor can the same be Enquired, tryed, heard, Determined, and Judged by them, but Can only be Enquired, tryed, and Determined by the Spetiall Commistion from his Majesty in such manner as by the said statute is Derected.

All which the said Wm. Coward is ready to Answar, etc.

CASE OF BENJAMIN BLACKLEDGE.

_53. Declaration of Jeremiah Tay and Others. March, 1691 (?)._[1]

[Footnote 1: Suffolk Court Files, no. 3033, paper 4.]

An acc'tt of the Surprizeall and takeing of the Ship _Good hope_ of Bost[on] in New England, Burthen about three hundred Tonns with twenty two Gun[s], Jeremiah Tay Comander, which was acted and done in a most Treacherous and Pyratticall manner by certain Rovers or pirates (moste of them theire Majest[ies] Subjects) in the Road of the Isle of May of the Cape de verd Islands upon the Fourth day of February Anno Dmi 1690/1, The said Shipp with what goods were on board her properly belonging unto Coll. Sam'll Shrimpton[2] Merchant att Boston in New England aforesaid, vizt.

[Footnote 2: Member of Andros's council, 1688-1689.]

Upon the twentyeighth day of January 1690/1 wee arrived from the Island of Madara att said Island of May aforesd and came to Anchor in the Road there. The next day our men went ashore and applyed themselves to rake togeather of salt in the Salt Pounds in order to the loading our Said Shipp and Soe continued workeing severall days. And upon the first day of February following there came into the aforesaid Road a Sloope weareing theire Majesties Collours and anchored not farr [fro]m our Said Shipp who tould us they came from South Carolina, theire Captn. one James Allison formerly of New Yorke, and that they had a Com'n from the Governor of Carolina aforesaid to take and Indamage the French, for which end they were here arrived expecting they might in a Short time meete Some of them.[3] The said Captn. Allison and moste parte of his Company were wellknowne unto us, they haveing beene Loggwood Cutters in the Bay of Campeach[4] where wee were with the said Shipp about twelve mounthes Since, Loadeing Loggwood, parte whereof wee bought of them and fully Sattisfied them for, and during our stay there kept amicable correspondance with us, Eateing, Drinking and Lodging frequently on board our said Shipp, which wee gladly consented unto in regard they might have beene a defence and help to us if any Enimey had assaulted us, by reason of which former friendshipp and good Correspondance as alsoe theire Specious pretence of a Commission against our Enimies (which wee woere in Some feares of) wee willingly continued the former kindnesse and amity betweene us, hopeing if wee were assaulted by the French wee might by theire assistance (they being thirty five able men and our Shipp being of pretty good force) have beene capable to make a good resistance, They often protesting and promiseing to Stand by and help us to the uttmost if there Should be occasion. wee therefore not doubting theire honesty and Sincerity permitted them frequently to come on board our Said Shipp, and Sometimes Some of us went on board theire Sloope, and Believeing ourselves secure and willing to make a quick dispatch as possible in Loading our Shipp, wee sent all [hands] to worke in the Pounds (as wee [had done (?)] he[retof]ore) Except our [Carpenter]s, which were [then (?)] att worke on our Decke building [a] Boate for the more Convenient carriage of salt. Thus wee continued workeing, and upon the Fourth day of February instant Capt. Allison and Sundry of his men Dined with us on board said Shipp in a friendly manner, as they were wont to doe, and Some time after Dinner desired the said Commander Tay, with Mr. Edward Tyng the Sup[er]cargoe and James Meeres a passenger, to goe on boarde theire Sloope to Drinke a glasse of Punch with them, which he did, and when we were come on board the said Sloope they pretended theire Doctor (whom wee Left on board the Shipp talkeing with our men) had the keys where theire Sugar was, Soe they could not make the Punch, and forthwith severall of them Stept into the Boate and Rowdd on board our Shipp to fetch the keys. as Soone as they entred our Shipp one of them Ran to the Steereage Doore and another to the Round house and Secured all our Arms, the rest Imediatly Seizeing the Carpenters who were att work on the Boate. They then fired a gunn as a Signall to theire Sloope, who Imediatly Seized us who were on board her (wee being unarmed) and forthwith way'd anchor and Laid our Shipp aboard, att the same time takeing everything out of the Sloope, excepting a Little Stincking Brackish water, some Flower, a Little Stincking beefe, and three or foure baggs of wheate, and then Comanded us presently to putt of from the Shipp about Musquett Shott and then to come to anchor, which we were forced to Comply with; After which they went on Shore and fetched our men out of the Pounds by force and Armes, Seaventeene of whom they tooke with them, Some whereof by force and threattnings and others of them went volluntarily, which wee have good reason to beleive were privy to the Plott and Surpriseall of the Shipp, a List of whose names is hereto Subjoyned. afterward they gave us our Chests and some of our Cloaths and the next day Comanded us to Saile away with the said Sloope (which they gave us), and upon the Sixth day of February Instant wee sailed with said Sloope for the Island of Barbados where wee arrived the twenty first day of the same.

JEREMIAH TAY, M'r. EDWARD TYNG THOMAS WHARFE, Mate JAMES MEERES, JUNIOR.

[Footnote 3: England and France were at war, 1689-1697.]

[Footnote 4: Bay of Campeche, west of Yucatan. At the beginning of this Campeche voyage of the _Good Hope_ ("formerly the _Fortune of Courland_"), in October, 1689, she had been detained by the royal officers in Boston, for evasion of the customs laws, but made her escape. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, XII. 116.]

_54. Deposition of Epaphras Shrimpton. July, 1694 (?)._[1]

[Footnote 1: Suffolk Court Files, no. 3033, paper 7. Epaphras Shrimpton was a cousin of Colonel Shrimpton.]

Epaphras Shrimpton, of full Age, Testifieth that Benja. Blacklidge did acknowledge that himselfe and some others which he named took from on borde the Ship _Good hope_ at Madagasker about halfe her Cargoe which she brought from Holland particulerly Hollands, duck, Riging, Ketles, Powder, etc., belonging to Col. Sam. Shrimpton, and said that with part of the Ketles they Sheath'd the bow of the Ship which he came from Madagasker in, and offer'd if Colo. Shrimpton would be kinde to him he would discover the Persons that were to bring home the remainder of the Ship _Good hopes_ Cargoe. the said Blacklidge said that himselfe and other of his Confederates took the above mention'd goods out of the Shipp _Good hope_ at Madagasker just before he came from thence to New England. this he acknoledg'd to Colo. Shrimpton in the Prison house in Boston in New England in the year 1693.

EPAPH. SHRIMPTON.

_55. Deposition of Jeremiah Tay. July 6, 1694._[1]

[Footnote 1: Suffolk Court Files, no. 3033, paper 6.]

Jer. Tay, aged thurty five yeres, Testifieth that hee being att the Ile of May, Master of the Shipe _goodhope_ belonging to Coll. Samuell Shrimpton, In february one thousand six hundred and ninety, That then And thare was surprised and tacken by A pyrate, one James alloson, Comander, That after thay had posseshon of the Above said Shipe The next day sent for My Men from the Pond to come on bord of said Shipe, Telling them that thoose as would goe willingly should have as good A shaar in shipe and goods as Anny of themselves, whare upon one bengeman blackledg of boston, with sundry more, tuck up armes with the pyrats, hee macking choyce of one of my one[2] small armes for him selfe. This was dun by said blackledg without anny force or Compulshon, as the pyrats themselves did declare That thay did not nor would not force him nor sundry more which did intend To goo with them. I doue furder Ad that sence I came from London, being to the Westward, was tolde by sum of those men that came home in Massons shipe A Longe with said blackledge Last yere, to the est end of Long island, whare Thare was A bundance of the goods which Came out of My Shipe the _goodhope_, As Canvos and Riging of sundry sorts, whare itt was Im baseled,[3] and given all most to anny that would ask for itt. Also that thay did heere some of my one Men tell blackledge that hee was A great Rooge, in that hee had gott his Cloose out of the shipe _goodhope_ in to The shipe beefore the Shipe was Tacken, that so hee mought goe with the Shipe wheather the Shipe was tacken or not. I doue also ad that in the day of it, when the shipe was in thare posseshon, the pyrats did then and thare say to mee, had it not beene by purswashon of sum of my one men telling of Them thare was A bundance of Monnys A bourd of said Shipe be sids goods, thay had not tacken hur, which A parrantly proved to bee true, for thare was sundrey of them ware for punishing of Mee to Mack mee Confes whar itt was, but thay so difered in thare Judgments that that was not dun by them.

JER. TAY.

July 6, 1694. Sign'd and Sworn by Capt. Jeremia Tay.

Coram nobis SAM'L SEWALL } Justices JER. DUMER } of the } Peace.

[Footnote 2: Own.]

[Footnote 3: Embezzled.]

_56. Indictment of Benjamin Blackledge. October 30, 1694._[1]

[Footnote 1: Suffolk Court Files, no. 3033, paper 2.]

Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, Suffolk, SS:

At a Court of Assize and Generall Goale delivery held in Boston for the County of Suffolk aforesaid the Last Tuseday in October 1694, Annoq[ue] R[egi]s et Reginae Gulielmi et Mariae, Angliae, etc., Sexto.

The Jurors for our Sov'r Lord and Lady the King and Queen aforesaid Present, That Benjamin Blackleich of Boston aforesaid, mariner, on the fourth day of February in the year of our Lord 1690/1, at the Isle of May otherwise called Santo-May, one of the Islands of Cape de verd, being then and there a Seaman or Marriner, on bord the Ship called the _Good Hope_, Jeremiah Tay Comander, did Wickedly, Felloniously and Piratically Rise up in Rebellion against the sd Master Jeremiah Tay, and with one James Allison A Pirate or Sea Rover, Master of a Sloop, and his Company, did Conspire, Abett and Joyne, and with the sd James Allison and his Company did Seize, Surprize, and Piratically take from the sd Jeremiah Tay The sd Ship _Good Hope_, of Burthen about Three hundred Tonns, and her Loading, being to the Value of Two Thousand Pounds, of the Goods and Chattels of Collonol Samuel Shrimpton of Boston aforesaid, and of the said Ship and Loading the said Master and Owner did Dispoyle, Disposess and Exclude, against the Peace of Our Sov'r Lord and Lady the King and Queen, their Crown and Dignity, and the Laws in Such Case made and Provided.

Egnoramos.[2]

RICH'D CRISP, foreman, with the Rest.

[Footnote 2: For "Ignoramus" (we ignore), the word by which a grand jury indicated its refusal to prosecute an indictment. We here find the Superior Court, the highest common-law court of Massachusetts under the second charter, taking cognizance of a case of piracy. Governor Phips had a commission as vice-admiral (text in _Publications_ of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, II. 206-215, 372-380), but no judge of admiralty had yet been appointed, nor any special commission to try pirates.]

* * * * *

_57. Deposition of Thomas Larimore. October 28, 1695._[1]

[Footnote 1: Among the manuscripts of the Massachusetts Historical Society. Captain Larimore in 1704 played an equivocal part in the case of Quelch and his pirate crew (see no. 104, _post_), assisting their attempts to escape, but his testimony as to prize-money is to be valued, as that of an experienced shipmaster and privateer. In 1677 he had assisted the authorities of Virginia against the rebel Bacon by conveying troops in his ship. _Journals of the House of Burgesses_, II. 70, 79, 86. In 1702 he was sent by Governor Dudley to Jamaica with a company of volunteers, the first Massachusetts force to serve overseas. _Publications of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts_, XVIII. 84-93.]

The Deposition of Thomas Larimore, aged Thirty two Yeares or thereabouts. This Deponent testifyeth and saith that whenever any person is fitted out to go in a Private man of Warr there is not wont to be any Writing drawne betwixt the person fitting and the person fitted out, and Yet the person fitted out always allows to the person fitting him out One full Quarter part of a whole share of whatsoever is gained on the Voyage.

Boston Octobr THOMAS LARIMORE. 28th, 1695. Sworne in Court 30th Octobr. 1695 Attest JONA. ELATSON Cler. A true Copy of that on file Examd. AD'TON DAVENPORT, Cler.[2]

[Footnote 2: Addington Davenport, clerk of the Superior Court from 1695 to 1698, and one of its judges from 1715 to 1736.]

CASE OF HENRY EVERY.

_58. Petition of the East India Company. July, 1696._[1]

[Footnote 1: London, Privy Council, Unbound Papers, 1:46. This petition is addressed, not to the king in Council, but to the lords justices who were exercising his functions during the absence of William III. in Holland, whither he had gone on account of his war with Louis XIV. The paper is endorsed as read July 16, 1696. A proclamation was immediately issued, July 18, declaring Henry Every and his crew pirates, ordering colonial governors to seize them, and offering a reward of L500, which the East India Company agreed to pay, for their apprehension; _Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial_, II. 299-302. Several of the crew were apprehended, tried, and hanged in November; their trial is reported in Hargrave's _State Trials_, V. 1-18. Others found a refuge in the colonies, despite the proclamation, Governor Markham of Pennsylvania in particular being loudly accused of connivance; _Calendar of State Papers, Colonial_, 1696-1697, pp. 613-615. Every (or Avery) was one of the most famous of the pirates. His history is told in Captain Charles Johnson's _General History of the Pyrates_ (second ed., London, 1724), pp. 45-63. Two popular ballads respecting him are in Professor Firth's _Naval Songs and Ballads_, pp. 131-134. We print first the documents which first brought knowledge of his misdeeds, but the whole story in a consecutive order is better found in the examination of John Dann, document no. 63, _post_. The case is only partly American, but ramifies, as will be seen, over much of the globe.]

To their Excellencyes The Lords Justices of England in Council,

The humble Petition of the Governour and Company of Merchants of London trading into the East Indies

Most humbly sheweth

That the said Governour and Company have lately received certain Intelligence That Henry Every, Commander of a Ship called the _Fancy_, of 46 Guns, is turned Pirate and now in the Seas of India or Persia, who with divers other Englishmen and Forreigners to the number of about 130 (the names of some of which are hereunto annexed) run away with the sa[id Ship], then called the _Charles_, from the Port of Corona[2] in Spain and that the said Pirate ha[vin]g ... at the Island of Johanna[3] had left there the following Declaration: vizt.:

[Footnote 2: Coruna.]

[Footnote 3: The chief of the Comoro Islands, in the Mozambique Channel, northwest of Madagascar. The document which follows is also printed, from a manuscript in the India Office, in the Hakluyt Society's _Diary of William Hedges_, II. cxxxviii-cxxxix, where are other extracts concerning Every.]

To all English Commanders, let this satisfie, That I was riding here at this instant in the Ship _Fancy_ Man of War, formerly the _Charles_ of the Spanish Expedition,[4] who departed from Croniae the 7th of May 1694 Being (and am now) in a Ship of 46 Guns, 150 Men, and bound to Seek our Fortunes. I have never as yet wronged any English or Dutch, nor ever intend whilst I am Commander. Wherefore as I commonly speak with all Ships, I desire whoever comes to the perusall of this to take this Signall, That if you, or any whom you may inform, are desirous to know what wee are at a distance, Then make your Ancient[5] up in a Ball or Bundle and hoist him at the Mizenpeek, the Mizen being furled. I shall answer with the same and never molest you, for my Men are hungry, Stout, and resolute, and should they exceed my Desire I cannot help myself. As yet an Englishmans Friend

At Johanna February 28th, 1694. HENRY EVERY.

[Footnote 4: The expedition which sailed for Spain in the spring of 1694, to deter the French from attacking Barcelona.]

[Footnote 5: Ensign.]

The Copy of which said Declaration was brought by Some of the said Company's Ships to Bombay and from thence transmitted to England with the annexed Clause of a Letter relating thereunto.[6]

[Footnote 6: Document no. 59, _post_.]

And the said Governour and Company having likewise understood by some fresh Advices from Persia hereunto annexed That the said Pirate had in pursuance of his said Declaration pillaged severall Ships belonging to the Subjects of the Mogull[7] in their passage from the Red Sea to Surrat,[8] upon notice whereof the Factoryes of the said Company at Surrat had guards set upon their Houses by the Governour of the place till such time The Mogulls pleasure was known, Whereby the said Governour and Company have reason to fear many great inconveniences may attend them not only from the Reprizalls which may be made upon them at Surrat or other their Factories But also from the Interruption which may be thereby given to their Trade from Port to Port in India, as well as to their Trade to and from thence to England.

[Footnote 7: Aurangzeb, the Mogul emperor of Hindustan.]

[Footnote 8: Surat, 150 miles north of Bombay, and the seat of an important trading factory of the East India Company.]

Wherefore your Peticioners do most humbly beseech your Excellencies to use such effectuall means for the preventing the great Loss and damage which threatens them hereby, as to your Excellencies great wisdom shall be thought fit.

And your Peticioners shall ever pray etca.

Signed by order of the Governour and Company

RO. BLACKBORNE, Secretarie.

_59. Extract, E.I. Co. Letter from Bombay. May 28, 1695._[1]

[Footnote 1: London, Privy Council, Unbound Papers, 1:46, accompanying our no. 58. Bombay was the main post of the East India Company; a council there supervised all its trade along the west coast of Hindustan.]

Extract of a Clause in the Generall Letter from Bombay dated the 28th May, 1695.

By our shipping now arrived who touched at Johanna Wee have News That Strongs ship which was one of them that w[ent] for the Spanish Expedition is runn away with from the Groyn[2] and come into these seas carrying 46 Guns and 130 men, as your Honours will perceive by Copy of the Captains Letter left at Johanna that accompanyes this. Your Honours Ships going into that Island gave him chase, but hee was too nimble for them by much, having taken down a great deal of his upper work and made her exceeding snugg, which advantage being added to her well sailing before, causes her to sail so hard now that shee fears not who follows her. This Ship will undoubtedly into the Red Seas and Wee fear disappoint us of Our above expected Goods, And it is probable will after shee had ransacked that Gulph proceed to Persia and doe what mischief possible there, which will procure infinite clamours at Suratt and the Government will be for embargoing all that ever Wee have there.

[Footnote 2: Coruna, which the English then frequently called "The Groyne."]

_60. Abstract, E.I. Co. Letters from Bombay. October 12, 1695._[1]

[Footnote 1: London, Privy Council, Unbound Papers, 1:46, accompanying our no. 58.]

By Letters received the 4th of this Inst. from the Generall[2] and Councill for the English Affairs residing att Bombay dated 12th October 1695 the Company are advised as followeth, vizt.

[Footnote 2: Sir John Gayer, governor of Bombay, which at this time was the chief seat of the company's operations in India.]

That on the 29th August the Generall and Councill dispatched the Company's ship the _Benjamin_, Burthen 468 Tunns, Captain Brown Commander, in Company of two Dutch ships that wintered here, for Surrat, with almost all the Cargoes of the three ships, except the Lead that the _Mocha_ carryed in her for Persia (which wee had nott time to take out, she arriving so late). On the 7th of September she arrived Surrat Rivers mouth, where the President, according to Orders, fell to unlading her, but by that time they had gott the Guns, 4 or 500 Bales, and some other Goods on shoar, on the 11th Ditto, One of Abdull Gofores[3] Ships arriving, their people sent the Governour word, that they were plundered by an English Vessell, severall of their Men killed in fight, and others barbarously used; Upon which there was a great noise in Towne, and the Rabble very much incensed against the English, which caused the Governour to send a Guard to Our Factory to prevent their doing any violence to Our People. the 13th in the Morning, the _Gunsway_, one of the Kings Ships, arrived from Judda and Mocho,[4] the Nocqueda[5] and Merchants, with one voice, proclaiming that they were robbed by four English Ships near Bombay of a very great Sume, and that the Robbers had carryed their plundered Treasure on Shoar there, on which there was farr greater noise than before. upon this the Governour[6] sent a very strong Guard to the Factory and clapt all our People in Irons, shut them up in a room, planked up all their windows, kept strict Watches about them, that no one should have pen, ink, or paper to write, stopped all the passages, that no Letters might pass to Us. att this time Captain Brown being att Surat, with some of his Officers and Boats Crew, faired in Common with the rest, and so did some others, that were on shoar, to look after their sick att Swally;[7] and their Long boat and Pinnace going on Shoar there, for Water and Provisions, They sent one Man to the Choultrey,[8] to inquire what News, (having heard somewhat of the Rumour). this person they seized on, by severall Peons, which caused them immediately to putt their boats off, which they had no sooner done, but sundry small Armes were discharged at them. This Caused the Boats to repair to their Ship, att the Rivers mouth, where the Dutch told them, they durst not supply them with any thing while there. But one of them, being ready to sail for Batavia, said, if they would sail in Company with them, they would supply them with what they wanted, as soon as they were out of sight of the Rivers Mouth, which was done according to promise, and so the _Benjamin_, by the Generall Consent of their Officers, came hither, having left her Captain and thirty nine more of her Company behind. as soon as we had a full relation of these things, we immediately wrote to Court, to one Issa Cooley, an Armenian, whom wee intend to make our Vakeel[9] to represent Our Cause to the King, and to Excuse Our Selves from being concerned in those barbarous Actions. Wee Also wrote to the Governour of Surrat and all the Great Umbraws[10] round Us to the same effect, hearing by all that come from Surrat, that that Citty is in an uproar about Us, and being informed also, that Severall Letters are gone to the Siddy[11] (who is very near Us with an Army) from Court and Surat, wee are making what preparation Wee can for our Own defence, nott knowing what this Extream ferment may produce.

[Footnote 3: Abd-ul-Ghaffar was the richest merchant in Surat. "Abdul Gafour, a Mahometan that I was acquainted with, drove a Trade equal to the English East-india Company, for I have known him to fit out in a Year above twenty Sail of Ships, between 300 and 800 Tuns." Capt. Alexander Hamilton, _A New Account of the East Indies_, I. 147. The Indian historian Khafi Khan, who was at Surat at the time, gives an account of the transactions which follow, translated in Elliot and Dowson, _History of India as told by its own Historians_, VII. 350-351.]

[Footnote 4: "The royal ship called the _Ganj-i sawai_, than which there was no larger in the port of Surat, used to sail every year for the House of God [at Mecca, or to Jiddah, its port]. It was now bringing back to Surat fifty-two lacs of rupees in silver and gold, the produce of the sale of Indian goods at Mocha and Jedda." Khafi Khan, _ubi sup._]

[Footnote 5: Urdu _nakhoda_, captain or master of a vessel.]

[Footnote 6: The Mogul's governor of Surat, Itimad Khan.]

[Footnote 7: Suwali, the port of Surat.]

[Footnote 8: Caravanserai, or place for public business.]

[Footnote 9: Agent or envoy.]

[Footnote 10: Urdu _umar[=a]_, grandee of the great Mogul's court.]

[Footnote 11: Urdu _s[=i]d[=i]_, a title given in western India to African Mohammedans of high position under the Mogul. The particular _s[=i]d[=i]_ here mentioned was probably Kazim Khan, admiral to the Mogul.]

On the 28th past, We received a Letter from the President and Councill by the Governour's permission, Coppy of which is enclosed with a Coppy of Our Answer. Wee have also wrote the Governour a Second time and the Vockanavis, Cozze and Hurcorra,[12] and have sent a Letter to the King, Asset Cawn, and the Cozyse[13] att Court, endeavouring as much as possible to allay the heat, by clearing our innocency, and have promised that if Our Shipping arrives according to Expectation, that wee will send one or two next Season to Mocho and Judda to convoy their Fleet.

[Footnote 12: News-writer (_wakanavis_), civil judge (_k[=a]z[=i]_, cadi), and messenger.]

[Footnote 13: _Kazis._]

Wee are informed, that one English man in Surrat carrying to Prison, was so wounded by the Rabble, that he dyed three days after, and that severall others were barbarously used. it is certain the Pyrates, which these People affirm were all English, did do very barbarously by the People of the _Gunsway_ and Abdul Gofors Ship, to make them confess where their Money was, and there happened to be a great Umbraws Wife (as Wee hear) related to the King, returning from her Pilgrimage to Mecha, in her old age. She they abused very much, and forced severall other Women, which Caused one person of Quality, his Wife and Nurse, to kill themselves to prevent the Husbands seing them (and their being) ravished. All this will raise a black Cloud att Court, which We wish may not produce a severe storme.

The Pyrates, being neglected of all hands, begin to grow formidable, and if some Course be nott taken to destroy them, they will yearly increase, having found their trade so beneficiall, and how soon the Companys servants, as well as their Trade, may be sacrificed to revenge the Quarrell of the Sufferers, they know not.

_61. Letter from Venice. May 25, 1696._[1]

[Footnote 1: London, Privy Council, Unbound Papers, 1:46, accompanying our no. 58.]

Coja[2] Panous Calendar has received a Letter from his Friend at Venice, dated the 25th May last, S.V., which advises him That he received a Letter from Spahaune[3] dated the 16th of December last, which sayes that Four ships, one of the Mogulls, and Three belonging to the Merchants, were coming from Mocha and Juddah to Surratt, mett with a Pyrate who took them and Plundered them of the Gold and Silver and goods on board them, and then let the ships go, who arriving at Surratt complained thereof to the Governour, and that the Pyrate was under English Colours. The Governour thereupon setts Guards upon the Companies House and sends up the Account to the Mogull.

[Footnote 2: Persian _kh[=o]jah_, scribe.]

[Footnote 3: Ispahan.]

Coja's Letter does not give an Account when the Ships returned to Surratt, but believes it must be in the beginning of September, that being the time when Ships return from Mocha to Surratt.

_62. Abstract, Letters from Ireland. June 16-July 7, 1696._[1]

[Footnote 1: London, Privy Council, Unbound Papers, 1:46, accompanying our no. 58.]

An Abstract of Letters relating to the Sloop _Isaac_ of Providence, whereof Captain Thomas Hollandsworth Commander.[2]

[Footnote 2: Providence here means New Providence in the Bahamas. Hollingsworth was one of those who came from Madagascar to New Providence in the _Fancy_ with Every. _Calendar of State Papers, Colonial_, 1700, pp. 278, 411.]

Thomas Bell Esqr., Sheriff of the County of Mayo, in his Letter of the 16th of June 1696 says That on the 7th instant came into Westport[3] a small Vessell of about 30 tuns, whereof he had no account till the 14th, upon which he immediately went thither, and only found the Master, whom they call Captain Thomas Hollinsworth, and two men more on board. That they had no other Loading but Gold and Silver, which they conveyd away, and sold the Ship to one Thomas Yeeden and Lawrence Deane of Gallway, Merchants. It was a very considerable Sume they had, of which Mr. Bell desires the Government may be informd, that he may have further direction therein; And adds that he found two baggs of about Forty pound worth of Mony not passable in this Kingdom,[4] in the hands of the said Mr. Yeeden and Mr. Dean, and took their Bond of a hundred pound to have the same forthcomeing to answer the Governments pleasure.

[Footnote 3: A seaport in northwestern Ireland, co. Mayo, about 40 miles north of Galway in a direct line, but a much larger distance around the coast.]

[Footnote 4: Foreign coin; _e.g._, Indian or Arabian.]

The said Mr. Bell in his Letter of the 20th of June further says, That since the writing of the above Letter he mett two of the Crew belonging to the said Vessell, by name, James Trumble and Edward Foreside, in whose hands he found about 200 l., and seizd on their persons and goods, but found none of the said Guilt or Bullion in their Custody, and now hath them with their said goods in his hands, and hopes to find a great deale more of the said Guilt and Bullion in the Country, or those that carry it away, the common report being that the said Ship was worth Twenty Thousand pounds in Gold, Silver and Bullion; And further adds That he receivd a Warrant from Sir Henry Bingham, Barronet,[5] and John Bingham, Esquire, requiring him forthwith to produce the said Trumble and Foreside with their Goods before them, which he obeyd and will give a further account per next post.

[Footnote 5: The third baronet, grand-uncle of the first earl of Lucan.]

Mr. Farmer Glover, Generall Supervisor of the Revenue, in his Letter of the 25th of June from Gallway says, That having had some Account of a sloop being putt into Westport he hastned thither, but she was gon thence (the day before he gott there) towards Gallway; On examinacion he found she came from New Providence in America by Cocquett[6] from thence, had on board Three Tunn and a half of Brazelett[7] Wood and a great quantity of Coyne and Bullion; It is likewise reported that before her Arrivall at Westport she putt into a place calld Ackill[8] and there landed severall Passengers and Goods; That the Officer at Westport says he dischargd at one time 32 baggs and one Cask of Mony, each as much as a man could well lift from the ground; That there are severall Reports in the Country, some saying she was a Privateer, others a Buckaneer, or that she had Landed some of the Assassinators,[8a] which no doubt but their way of comeing into the Country gave great cause of Suspition, for as soon as they had Landed they offerd any Rates for Horses--Ten pounds for a Garran[9] not worth Forty shillings and Thirty shillings in Silver for a Guinea for lightness of carriage;[10] That on these consideracions he seizd the Sloop untill Bond was given according to Law; That she is sold to two Merchants of Gallway and designd to be fraighted out soon.

[Footnote 6: In old days, a certificate from customs officials that merchandise on board had paid its duties.]

[Footnote 7: Braziletto, a dyewood.]

[Footnote 8: The Isle of Achill lies off the Irish coast, northwest of Westport.]

[Footnote 8a: Conspirators for the assassination of King William, in connection with the plot headed by Robert Charnock and Sir George Barclay. Several had been executed this spring, but some were at large.]

[Footnote 9: An inferior Irish horse.]

[Footnote 10: _I.e._, because the gold was so much lighter to carry. In 1695, 30 shillings for a guinea would not have been an unusual price in London (Great Britain then had the silver standard), but the Recoinage Act passed in January, 1696, had enacted that it should be penal to give or take more than 22 shillings for a guinea.]

Mr. Lee the Collector of Gallway, in his Letter of the 26th of June, gives an Account That the Sloop that lay at Westport is come into the Harbour of Gallway; That the Master hath made Report of his Ship and Invoyced upon Oath at the Custom House, and entred into Bond with Security not to depart without Lycence as usuall; That the Master says each person on board took his share of the Silver and Gold and went away with it, That Mony paying no Duty, and being frightned in thither by a Privateer, there being no place there to make a Report, he could not hinder the men to carry off their Fortunes, but on Oath denys the knowledge of any other Goods whatsoever; That the Officer placed on board swears that since he came thither he did not see dischargd or carried out of the Ship any Goods whatsoever but Mony and Melted Silver, of which they took out 32 baggs and one small Cask; That he opened severall of the baggs, in which were Dollars,[11] and that this quantity belongd to two men and the Master, the rest being carried away and the men gon, they have brought part of their Mony hither by Land, And that the Sheriff hath caused part of it to be Lodgd in the Country untill further Order. The said Mr. Lee has also inclosed a Copie of the Masters Pass and Clearings at the Custom House in Providence, And that the Captain of the Sloop brought a Pacquett for His Majestie and deliverd into the Post Office in Gallway.

[Footnote 11: _I.e._, presumably, Spanish money.]

Mr. Vanderlure, Collector at Ballinrobe,[12] in his Letter of the 2d of July writes, That he has usd all Lawfull ways and means to discover what Goods were Landed on that Coast where the Sloop from New Providence arrivd, which was near Westport, but before that she sett on Shoar at Ackill head about a dozen Passengers, English and Scotch, who had a considerable quantity of Gold and Silver Coyne with some Bullion. most part of the latter they parted with at Westport and elswhere, but as for any thing else he cannot learn they had; That he has in his keeping in a small bagg about 5 l. worth of broken Silver belonging to Mr. Currin and Mr. Samuel Bull and likewise about 9 l. worth of course melted Silver Securd with one Mr. John Swaile in Foxford,[13] which also belongs to them, which they alleadg they brought from the aforesaid Passengers; That there is one Crawford, a dweller in Foxford, who told the said Mr. Vanderlure and others, That there was one of the Passengers who had some peices of Muslin[14] in a bagg. the said Crafford absented himself when Mr. Glover and Mr. Cade were at Foxford to examin that matter, but there is a Summons left at his house to appear at Gallway on Munday next to give his Testimony and knowledge therein; That assoon as the said Mr. Vanderlure had notice of that Sloop being in that part of the Country he desird the Surveyor to send an Express to Mr. Lee, the Collector of Gallway, to acquaint him of the Vessell's Arrivall, which accordingly was don and an Officer sent from Gallway who went in the Vessell thither; That two of the Ships Crew are st[op]t and in Custody of the High Sheriff of the County of Mayo by a Warrant from Major Owen Vaughan, a Justice of Peace, upon an Information of one of the Passengers That that Sloop was the King's Pacquett Boat. they have 2700 plate Cobbs[15] in the sheriffs hands, which he secured when he Seizd the said persons. It is said they have about 100 worth of the Coyne. The names of the said Seizd persons are Edward Foreside and James Trumble, who desire themselves and cash might be removd to Dublin, to answer what shall be laid to their Charge.

[Footnote 12: About 20 miles southeast of Westport, between that place and Galway.]

[Footnote 13: About 20 miles northeast of Westport.]

[Footnote 14: Muslin (meaning organdie; from Mosul in Mesopotamia) was not then made in Europe, but was brought from India.]

[Footnote 15: Plate means silver. Cob was the name then used in Ireland to designate Spanish pieces of eight (dollars). Sir William Petty, _Political Anatomy of Ireland_, p. 71.]

Mr. Bartholomew Cade, Surveyor at Ballinrobe, in his Letter of the 2d of July says he has been with Mr. Glover according to the Commissioners directions, and for an account of their proceedings in each particular referrs to Mr. Glovers Letter.

Mr. Glover in his Letter of the 3d of July from Gallway gives an account That he is returned from Ballinrobe District, where he has been making all strict Enquiry about the Sloop putt in at Westport, and says, That as yett there appears no substantiall proof of any Goods Landed lyable to Duty, except such as were taken by the Officer, Mr. Currin, which he says he had seized from them, that the said Mr. Glover has taken them from the officer and deliverd them into the Custom House. As for the 14 pound 3/4 worth of Silver bought by the Officer, it is in Charge with the Collector Mr. Vanderlure. No question but the Master of the Sloop hath forfeited and been lyable to the Penalty according to Law, for by Affidavit of one of his Sailers he proves that at Ackill, where they first landed their Passengers, there being no Officers present, there was taken off board and Landed severall large baggs belonging to the Passengers. what was in the baggs he cannot tell, but that they were stuffed full of something. That the said Mr. Glover had likewise Informacions from severall persons that they heard one George Crawford of Foxford say that he had seen Eight peices of Muslin with some of the Passengers which came out of the Sloop. That he went to Foxford to examin the said Crawford, but he went out of the way so that the said Glover could not see him, but left a Summons at his house for his appearing at Gallway the Munday following.

Mr. Humphry Currin, in his Letter of the 7th of July from Gallway, says, That a small Sloop from the West Indies Landed at Ackill about 10 or 12 Passengers and that he saw them at Westport and one of them was putting something in a bagg which he examined and found 5 yards and 1/2 of Striped Muslin, 2 yards and 1/2 of Cottened Cloth, 2 yards of Quilted Linnen, with 10 small Cravatts and 4 Silk Handkerchiefs, which he then Seizd as lyable to Duty, and said he must carry them to the Custom House of Gallway; That he supposd the Kings share would be remitted and ignorantly gave him the next day 4 Cobbs for it and told him if the Law would allow him more he should have it; That the said Currin shewd the Linnen to Mr. Cade and told him he must go with them to Gallway, but delayd it till after the next Office; That he was advisd to carry the Passengers to a Justice of Peace, which he accordingly did; That he bought for himself and a friend 5 pound of broken silver and 9 pound of melted course Silver and deliverd it to Mr. Glover's Order.

_63. Examination of John Dann. August 3, 1696._[1]

[Footnote 1: London, Public Record Office, C.O. 323:2, no. 25 IV. Endorsed: "In closed in Mr. Blackborne Secretary to the East India Company his letter of the 18th December 1696", as to which letter see _Calendar of State Papers, Colonial_, 1696-1697, pp. 259-264.]

The Examination of John Dann of Rochester, Mariner, taken the 3d of August 1696.

Danns Examination.

This Informant saith that 3 yeares agoe he was Coxwain in the _Soldado_ Prize, That he deserted the said shipp to goe in Sir James Houblons[2] Service, upon an Expedition to the West Indies, under Don Authuro Bourne. hee went on board the _James_, Captain Gibson Commander, and the whole Company shifted their Ship in the Hope, and went on board the _Charles_ in which they went to the Corunna. The Shipps Company mutinied at Corunna for want of their pay, there being 8 months due to them; some of the men proposed to Captain Every, who was master[3] of the _Charles_, to carry away the Shipp, which was agreed on and sworne too; accordingly they sayled from the Corunna the 7th of May 1693.[4] when they were gone out they made up about 85 men. Then they asked Captain Gibson, the Commander, whether he was willing to goe with them, which he refusing, they sett him a shoar, with 14 or 15 more.

[Footnote 2: An alderman of London and a director of the Bank of England. "Sir Arthur Bourne, an Irish commander, who has served on board the Spanish fleet 5 years; he is to command 5 English and Dutch men of warr, and sail for the West Indies" (1692). Luttrell, _Brief Relation_, II. 330.]

[Footnote 3: Navigating officer.]

[Footnote 4: Error for 1694.]

The first place they came to was the Isle of May,[5] where they mett three English Ships and tooke some provisions out of them, with an Anchor and Cable and about 9 men. They went next to the Coast of Guinea, and there they tooke about 5 li. of Gold Dust, under the pretence of Trade; from Guinea they went to Philandepo,[6] where they cleaned their ship and tooke her lower; from thence they went to Princes Island,[7] where they mett with 2 Deanes[8] ships, which they tooke after some restraine. in those Shipps they tooke some small Armes, Chestes of Lynnen and perpetuenes,[9] with about 40 l. in Gold dust and a great quantity of Brandy. they putt them on shoar Except 18 or 20 they tooke with them. they carryed the best of the Danes Shipps with them and burnt the other. They stood then for Cape Lopez, and in the way mett with a small portugeese, laden with slaves from Angola. they tooke some Cloathes and silkes from them and gave them some provisions which they were in want of. att Cape Lopaz they only bought Honey, and sunke the little shipp, the men not being satisfied with the Commander. They went next to Annabo[10] and takeing provisions there they doubled the Cape and sailed to Madagascar, where they tooke more provisions and cleared the ship. from thence they sailed to Johanna,[11] where they mett a small Junke, put her a shore and tooke 40 peices out of her, and had one of their men killed. they only tooke in provisions at Johanna. Three English Merchant ships came downe thither at the same time, but they did not speake with them. They went thence to a place called Paddy,[12] and soe back to Johanna, touching at Comora by the way, where they tooke in provisions. at Johanna they tooke a Junke laden with Rice, which they stood in need of; here they tooke in 13 French men that had been privateering in those Seas under English Colours and had lost their ship at Molila, where it was cast away. Then they resolved to goe for the Red Sea. in the way they mett with two English Privateers, the one called the _Dolphin_, the other _Portsmouth Adventure_. The _Dolphin_, Captaine Want Comander, was a Spanish Bottom, had 60 men on board and was fitted out at the Orkells[13] neare Philadelphia. She came from thence about 2 yeares agoe last January. The _Portsmouth Adventure_ was fitted out at Rhode Island about the same time, Captain Joseph Faro Comander. this ship had about the like number of men and about 6 Gunns each and they joyned Company. They came to an Island called Liparan,[14] at the entrance into the Red Sea, about June last was 12 months. they lay there one night and then 3 sale more of English came to them, One comanded by Thomas Wake[15] fitted out from Boston in New England, another the _Pearle_ Brigantine, William Mues Comander, fitted out of Rhode Island, the third was the _Amity_ Sloop, Thomas Tew Comander,[16] fitted out at New Yorke. they had about 6 Guns each. two of them had 50 men on board and the Brigantine betweene 30 and 40. they all Joyned in partnership, agreeing Captain Every should be the Comander. After they had laine there some time they were apprehensive the Moors shipps would not come downe from Mocha,[16a] soe they sent a pinnace thither, which tooke two Boates. they brought away 2 men, which told them the shipps must come downe. In the meane time they stood into the sea about 3 Leagues and came to an Anchor there, and hearing by the Pinnace the Moors Shipps were ready to come downe they weighed and stood to Leparon againe. After they had lain there 5 or 6 dayes the Moores shipps (being about 25 in number) past by them in the night unseen, though the passage was not above 2 miles over. they[17] was in August last on Saturday night. the next morning they saw a Ketch comeing downe, which they tooke, and by them they heard the ships were gone by, whereupon it was resolved they should all follow them and accordingly they wheighed on Monday, but the _Dolphin_ being an ill sayler they burnt her and tooke the men most of them aboard Captain Every and the Brigantine they tooke in two [tow]. the sloop fell asterne and never came up to them. Captain Wake likewise lagged behind but came up to them afterwards. the _Portsmouth_ kept them company. they steered their Course for Suratt, whether the Moores ships were bound. about 3 dayes before they made Cape St. John[18] they mett with one of the Moores ships, betweene 2 and 300 tons, with 6 Guns, which they tooke, she haveing fired 3 shott. they tooke about 50 or 60,000 l. in that ship in Silver and gold, and kept her with them till they made the land, and comeing to an anchor they espied another ship. they made sale up to her. she had about 40 Guns mounted and as they said 800 men. Shee stood a fight of 3 houres and then yeilded, the men runing into the Hold and there they made their Voyage. They tooke out of that ship soe much Gold and Silver in Coyned money and Plate as made up each mans share with what they had taken before about 1000 l. a man, there being 180 that had their Dividents, the Captain haveing a Double share and the Master a share and a halfe. The _Portsmouth_ did not come into the Fight and therefore had noe Divident, but the Brigantine had, which was taken away from them againe by reason that the _Charles's_ men changing with them Silver for Gold they found the Brigantine men Clippt the Gold, soe they left them only 2000 peices of Eight to buy provisions. They gave a share to the Captain of the _Portsmouth_ and brought him away with them. Captain Want went into his ship and sailed into the Gulph of Persia and the Brigantine (he thinkes) went to the Coast of Ethiopia. Captain Wake went to the Island of St. Maries near Madagascar,[19] intending for the Red Sea the next time the Moores ships were expected from thence. Captain Every resolved to goe streight for the Island of Providence. In the way the men mutinied, some being for carrying her to Kian[20] belonging to the French, neere Brazill, but Captain Every withstood it, there being not above 20 men in the Shipp that Joyned with him. when they came to the Island of Mascareen[21] in the Latitude of 21 they left as many men there as had a mind to stay in that Island, and about March or Aprill last they arrived in the Island of Providence with 113 men on board. they came first to an Anchor off the Island of Thera,[22] and by a sloop sent a Letter to Nicholas Trott, Governor of Providence,[23] to propose bringing their ship thither if they might be assured of Protection and Liberty to goe away, which he promised them. They made a collection of 20 peices of 8 a man and the Captain 40, to present the Governor with, besides Elephants Teeth and some other things to the value of about 1000 l. Then they left their Ship which the Governor had and 46 Guns in her. they bought a sloop which cost them 600 l. Captain Every and about 20 more came in her for England and Every tooke the name of Bridgman; about 23 more of the men bought another Sloop and with the Master, Captain Risby, and the rest of the men went for Carolina.

[Footnote 5: Maio, one of the Cape Verde Islands.]

[Footnote 6: Fernando Po, in the Bight of Biafra.]

[Footnote 7: Ilha do Principe. The islands of St. Thome, Principe, and Annobon are fully described, in their then state, in the second edition of Johnson, _General History of the Pyrates_, pp. 188-204.]

[Footnote 8: Danish. Fourteen of the Danes joined the pirate crew, so says Philip Middleton in a narrative not identical with our no. 64, _post_ (_Cal. St. Pap. Col._, 1696-1697, p. 261); and the Court of the East India Company, in a letter to the General and Council at Bombay, Aug. 7, 1696, report that Every's motley company "consisted of 52 French, 14 Danes, the rest {104} English, Scottish, and Irish". Beckles Willson, _Ledger and Sword_, I. 434.]

[Footnote 9: Perpetuana, a durable woolen fabric.]

[Footnote 10: The island of Annobon, in lat. 1 deg. 24' S.; see note 7.]

[Footnote 11: One of the Comoro group of islands, lying between the north point of Madagascar and the mainland of Africa. It may be useful to mention that at this time the East India Company's monopoly of trade in the Indian Ocean had been broken by a declaration of the House of Commons, Jan. 11, 1694, that every British subject had the right to trade with India.]

[Footnote 12: Probably Patta, off British East Africa, but then Portuguese. Comoro is the principal island in the group of which Johanna is one. Molila, below, is most likely Mohelli, another of the group.]

[Footnote 13: Whorekill, _i.e._ Lewes Creek, Delaware.]

[Footnote 14: Perim, in the straits of Bab-el-Mandeb.]

[Footnote 15: See doc. no. 68, paragraph 8, _post_.]

[Footnote 16: Tew appears in Jamaica, Rhode Island, and New York, everywhere with an ill reputation. Edward Randolph (Toppan, _Edward Randolph_, V. 158) declares that from this present voyage he brought L10,000 in gold and silver into Rhode Island. He had gone out with a privateering commission from Governor Fletcher of New York (_N.Y. Col. Doc._, IV. 310, etc.), though, according to Bellomont, Fletcher must have known of his piratical habits. Fletcher in his not too satisfying "defence" (_ibid._, IV. 447) says: "This Tew appeared to me not only a man of courage and activity, but of the greatest sence and remembrance of what he had seen, of any seaman I had mett. He was allso what they call a very pleasant man; soe that at some times when the labours of my day were over it was some divertisement as well as information to me, to heare him talke. I wish'd in my mind to make him a sober man, and in particular to reclaime him from a vile habit of swearing. I gave him a booke to that purpose." But it appears from paragraph 9 of our no. 68 that Tew was killed, in the act of piracy, within the year of the issue of his commission, and it is impossible to say how far the reformation of his speech had progressed.]

[Footnote 16a: Mocha lies inside the straits, on the Arabian side of the Red Sea.]

[Footnote 17: This.]

[Footnote 18: Probably Cape Diu.]

[Footnote 19: Off the northeast coast. A celebrated resort of pirates; see Capt. Adam Baldridge's deposition, no. 68, _post_.]

[Footnote 20: Cayenne, French Guiana. The editor remembers that old New England people, in his boyhood, still pronounced the name Ky-ann.]

[Footnote 21: Now Reunion, then called by the French (to whom it belonged) Bourbon, or Mascaregne, from the Portuguese commander Pedro Mascarenhas, who discovered it in 1512.]

[Footnote 22: Eleuthera.]

[Footnote 23: Governor of the Bahama Islands from 1693 to 1696, when he was removed because of his suspicious dealings with the pirates. He was a cousin of that Chief-Justice Nicholas Trott (1668-1740) who was so great a power in South Carolina, and who in 1718 sentenced Stede Bonnet's company with such severity. See the next document.]

Captain Every alias Bridgman and this Informant landed at Dumfaneky[24] in the North of Ireland towards the latter end of June last, where this Informant parted with Captain Every and heard he went over for Donaghedy in Scotland.[25] when this Informant was at Dublin he heard Every was there, but did not see him. he heard him say he would goe to Exeter when he came into England, being a Plymouth man.

[Footnote 24: Dunfanaghy, co. Donegal, on the north coast of Ireland.]

[Footnote 25: Probably an error for "from Donaghedy to Scotland". Dunaghadee is in Ireland, co. Down, at one of the points nearest to Scotland.]

This Informant says that he parted with Captain Every at Esquire Rays, within 6 miles of Dumfannaky; That the Land water[26] of that Port, one Mawrice Cuttle, gave this Informant a Passe to goe to Dublin for himselfe, 5 men more and 2 boyes, and came along with them to a place called Lidderkenny,[27] and there he would have detained their money but this Informant and another of the Company had liberty to goe to Derry[28] to cleere themselves to Captain Hawkins, but by the way Cuttle agreed with them to lett them goe for three pounds weight in Gold, which they gave him at a place called St. Johnstons,[29] and then they had liberty to goe on to Dublin.

[Footnote 26: Landwaiter.]

[Footnote 27: Letterkenny, co. Donegal.]

[Footnote 28: Londonderry.]

[Footnote 29: St. Johnstown, on the Foyle above Londonderry.]

This Informant heard likewise that the said Cuttle made an agreement with the other men before he lett them goe but he cannot tell what they gave him.

This Informant came from Dublin about 3 weekes agoe and landed at Holyhead and soe to London, where he arrived on Tuesday last. the man that came over with him was Thomas Johnson, who lives neare Chester, and there he left him.

This Informant went to Rochester on Thursday last and was seized there the next morning by meanes of a Maid, who found his Gold Quilted up in his Jackett hanging with his coate. he was carryed before the Mayor, who comitted him to Prison and kept his Jackett, in which and in his pocketts were 1045 l. Zequins[30] and 10 Guineas, which the Mayor now hath in his Custody.

[Footnote 30: A Venetian or Turkish gold coin, worth about nine shillings.]

This informant sayes further that the wife of Adams, who was their Quarter Master, came with them from the Island of Providence, that shee was with Captain Every at Donoughedee and beleives they went over together; as this Informant came to London hee saw this woman at St. Albans, who was goeing into a stage Coach. She told this Informant that shee was goeing to Captaine Bridgmans but would not tell him where he was.

This Informant saith that the Sloope they came home in was given to Joseph Faroe, Comander of the above mencioned _Portsmouth Adventure_, and that he intended to returne in her to America. the vessell is called the _Sea Flower_, about 50 Tuns and 4 Guns. This Informant heard she was at Derry.

This Informant sayes that the other Sloop, which Captaine Richy came over in, landed somewhere neare Galloway.[31] hee saw some of the men att Dublin. And this Informant beleives that most of the men which came with Captaine Every to Ireland are now in Dublin.

[Footnote 31: Galway.]

_64. Affidavit of Philip Middleton. November 11, 1696._[1]

[Footnote 1: Public Record Office, C.O. 5:1257, no. 47 I. Besides this examination before the London magistrate, Middleton had made a statement, Aug. 4, 1696, to the lords justices of Ireland, fully summarized in _Cal. St. Pap. Col._, 1696-1697, pp. 260-262; it nearly duplicates that of John Dann, our no. 63, _supra_. Note also the affidavit of John Elston of New Jersey, another of the crew, in _N.J. Archives_, first series, II. 223-226.]

Phillip Midleton of London, Mariner, of competent age, deposeth and saith upon his Corporall Oath That he, this Deponent, did serve on board the ship _Charles_ alias _Fancy_ under the command of Henry Every alias Bridgeman in the month of Aprill last, when she arrived at an Island near Providence in America, from whence a Letter was writ to Mr. Nicholas Trott, Governour of Providence, which Letter this Deponent saw and heard it read, and declareth That the Contents were, That, provided he would give them liberty to come on Shoar and depart when they pleased (or words to this purpose), they promised to give the said Governour twenty Peices of Eight and two Peices of Gold a Man and the said Ship, and all that was in her. But this Deponent remembers not the least threatning expression in the said Letter nor did he hear such like words from any of the Ships Crew, onely some of them said that if they were not admitted to come to Providence they would go some where else, and further deposeth That Mr. Governour Trott returned answer to the aforesaid Letter in writeing in very civill termes, assuring Captain Every That he and his Company should be wellcome (or words to this purpose), which said assurance was made good to them by Governour Trott after their arrivall at Providence as effectually as they could desire.[2] This Deponent likewise deposeth, That upon receipt of Mr. Governour Trotts Letter, or in a little space of time after, a Collection was made afore the Mast (at which this Deponent was present) for him the said Governour Trott, to which Captain Every contributed 40 Peices of Eight and four Peices of Gold and every Sailer (being one hundred men besides Boyes) twenty Peices of Eight and two Peices of Gold a man, which sum being collected were sent to Mr. Governour Trott by Robert Chinton, Henry Adams, and two more, whose names this Deponent doth not call to mind, after which the said Captain Every and his Crew sailed in the said ship _Charles_ for Providence, where at their arrivall they delivered up the said ship with what was in her to the said Governour Trott, and accordingly Major Trott took possession of her in the said Governours name and afterwards left her in the custody of the Governours Boatswain and a few Negroes, whose incapacity or number were not sufficient to secure the ship from hurtfull accidents, as this Deponent believes and also was informed, the which was made evident by the ships comeing a shoar about two dayes after Governour Trott was possessed of her, though she had two Anchors at her Bow and one in the hold, at least she had so many Anchors when this Deponent and the rest of the Company quitted the said ship to Mr. Trott. This Deponent also deposeth That so soon as Mr. Trott was in possession of the said ship he sent Boats to bring a shoar the Elephants teeth, the sails, Blocks, etc., that was valuable in the said Ship, And further saith That he saw severall Boats Land which were filled with the aforesaid Commodityes and stores, and that he hath heard severall of the Ship _Charles's_ Crew say and affirm (and which this Deponent also doth believe and partly know) that at the said Ship's arrivall at Providence she had on board fifty Tons of Elephants teeth, forty six Guns mounted, one hundred Barrells of Gunpowder or thereabouts, severall Chests of Buccanneer Guns, besides the small Armes which were for the Ships use, the number of which doth not occur to his mind. He further deposeth to the best of his knowledge and Information the said ship was firm and tight, for whereas he went down into her Hold the same day she arrived at Providence he then could not perceive she made the least water. And further saith that the said Ship came a shoar as aforesaid two dayes after Mr. Trott was possessed of her, he first having taken out of her what was most considerable. this misfortune of the ship happened about noon in the said Governour's sight, as this Deponent (who was an Eye Witness) well knowes. he likewise declares That one named James Browne, with severall others of Providence and also severall that had been of the Ships Crew, upon this occasion profered themselves to undertake weighing her with Casks, But this Deponent never heard that the offers aforesaid were accepted, nor that any means was used to get her off, nor that Governour Trott had any consideration besides that of getting on Shoar what still remained on board. This Deponent also saith That it was generally reported at Providence the Ship was run on Shoar designedly. And this Deponent saith That he left Providence when Captain Every did and that the Sloop in which they went was the last Vessell that carryed from Providence any considerable number of the ship _Charles's_ men and that this Deponent was informed a Packet was sent by Hollandsworths Sloop, which sailed before that in which this Deponent was, in which also he knowes there was another Packet sent, which this Deponent saw and believes 't was from Governour Trott but knowes not to whom they were directed. He further deposeth That neither while he was at Providence nor afterwards he knew or heard that the said ship _Charles_ was bilged, but he remembers that Joseph Dawson, who had been Quarter-Master by Captain Every, was sent on board her just before his departure to fetch some Cask for the use of his Sloop, which Dawson brought on Shoar and then in this Deponents hearing declared That the said ship was not bilged, the water in her being black and stinking and the Cask being wedged in the Ballast. if the Ship had been bilged she would have been full of water whereby he could not have gotten the Cask out. And this Deponent alwaies understood That Sir James Houblon and Company of London owned the said Ship and verily believes Governour Trott knew as much. The said Deponent further deposeth That John Dan, John Sparks and Joseph Dawson arrived in Ireland in Captain Everys Sloop in the Company of this Deponent, which said Sloop departed from Providence about the beginning of last June, and Hollandsworths Sloop about fourteen dayes or three weeks before.

[Footnote 2: In his defence, _Cal. St. Pap. Col._, 1697-1698, p. 506, Governor Trott declares that there were but 60 men resident at New Providence (Nassau) as against 113 (whites) of Every's men. See also _Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial_, VI. 3.]

A copy of Phillip Middleton's Affidavit made before Sir John Houblon, Knight,[3] the 11th of November last, examined in London this 30th day of January anno 1696/7.

[Footnote 3: Governor of the Bank of England, and lord mayor of London in the earlier part of that year. The owner of the _Charles_ was his brother.]

_65. Deposition of Samuel Perkins. August 25, 1698._[1]

[Footnote 1: Public Record Office, C.O. 323:2, no. 131. It is endorsed "Copy of a Deposition of Samuel Perkins relating to Pirates in the East Indies Communicated to the Board [of Trade] by Mr. Secretary Vernon" (secretary of state). Samuel Perkins of Ipswich, Massachusetts, had been one of that town's contingent in King Philip's War, and died in Ipswich, an old man, in 1738.]

The Examination of Samuel Perkins, of Ipswich in New England, taken upon oath before me Ralph Marshall Esquire, one of his Majesties Justices of the Peace for the County of Middlesex and Citty and Liberty of Westminster, this 25th day of August Anno Domini 1698.

This Informant upon his Oath saith, That about 5 years since he went aboard the ship _Resolution_, Captain Robert Glover an Irishman Commander, (who had 18 Guns and 60 men), to see his Uncle Elisha Skilling, who was Boatswain of the said Ship but is since Dead, who detained him in the said Ship together with a French Maletto[2] Boy, which ship sailed from New England in the night to the Isle of May, where they took in Salt, and thence sailed to Cape Coast in Guinnea,[3] where a Dutch man of War took 11 men from them, but returned 9 of them again, keeping the other two as Hostages, in case they meddled with any Dutchmen. From thence they sailed to Cape Lopaz and so to Madagascar, where they victualled and cleaned, and thence sailed into the Red Sea, where they lay waiting for some India ships, but missing them went to an Island called Succatore[4] in the Mouth of the red Sea, where they bought Provisions and so went to Rajapore,[5] where they took a small Muscat man with 12 Guns laden with Dates and Rice, in the Harbour; in taking whereof they killed some of her men, and sent the Muscatt man by Captain Glover (with whom the rest of the _Resolutions_ Crew had a quarrell)[6] to Madagascar, and then chose one Richard Shivers a Dutchman for their Commander, and then sailed to Mangelore,[7] where they took a small ship belonging to the Moors, laden with Rice and Fish, some of which they Plundered and then let her goe. from thence they went to Callicut,[8] where they took 4 ships belonging to the Moors at Anchor in the Road, and sent ashore to know if the Country would Ransome them. But there being a design among the Countrey people to retake their own ship and the said ship _Resolution_, with some Grabbs[9] or Boats sent off, They fired two of the said Prizes and run away and left them. Thence they went to Cape Comarine, to cruise for Malocca[10] men, but mist them, and took a Danish ship, out of which they took two men by force and five more came voluntarily aboard, and left the rest aboard the sloop, having first taken severall Piggs of Lead, fire arms, and Gun Powder out of her. from thence they went to the Island Mauretious,[11] where they took in Provisions and so to St. Marys Island near Madagascar, where they met with Captain Hoare an Irishman (since Dead) who was commander of the _John and Rebecca_,[12] a Pyrate of about 200 Tuns, 14 Guns, belonging to the Road Island, who had with her a Prize (a pritty large ship) belonging to the Mogulls subjects at Suratt, which he had taken at the Gulph of Persia, laden with Bale Goods. there was there also a Brigantine belonging to New York, which came to fetch Negroes, and the hulk of the said ship which Captain Glover carried thither.

[Footnote 2: Mulatto.]

[Footnote 3: Cape Coast Castle, on the Gold Coast.]

[Footnote 4: Sokotra.]

[Footnote 5: Rajpur, a few miles south of Bombay.]

[Footnote 6: See paragraph 10 in Capt. Adam Baldridge's deposition, no. 68, _infra_.]

[Footnote 7: Further south, on the Canara coast.]

[Footnote 8: Still further south, on the Malabar coast; still on the west coast of Hindustan, of which Cape Comorin, below, is the southernmost point.]

[Footnote 9: Arabic _gurab_, a large coasting-vessel.]

[Footnote 10: Malacca.]

[Footnote 11: Mauritius, then a Dutch island.]

[Footnote 12: See paragraphs 12, 13, in Capt. Adam Baldridge's deposition, no. 68, _infra_. Governor Fletcher of New York, July 16, 1695, had given Hoar a commission as a privateer to cruise against the French in the _John and Rebecca_. Glover and Hoar were brothers-in-law. _Cal. St. P. Col._, 1697-1698, p. 108.]

The Island St. Maries is a pritty large Island, well inhabited by black people, where one Captain Baldridge[13] (who, as he was informed, had formerly killed a man in Jamaica, and thereupon turned Pirate about 13 years agoe) had built a platforme of a Fort with 22 Guns, which was destroyed, together with Captain Glover and the rest of the Pyrats there, whilst this Informant was at Madagascar about nine months agoe, by the Blacks, who also killed 7 English men and 4 French men in the house where this Informant was at Madagascar, sparing only himself.

[Footnote 13: See document no. 68, _post_.]

There was then also a party of English in another part of the Island of Madagascar, who defended themselves against the Blacks on an Island in a River there, having some of the blacks on their side, till Captain Baldredge, who was then absent with the said Brigantine (which he had bought and sailed in her to Mascarine,[14] an Island belonging to the French, where he went to sell Prize Goods) returned, and took them off, carryed them to St. Augustines Bay,[15] they paying considerably for their Transportation. This Informant further saith that, before this happened, he run away from the _Resolution_ and remained on the Island of Madagascar as aforesaid, the said ship being gone, as he was told, to the Streights of Mallacca, which is about Tenn months since; That he this Informant was redeemed for a parcell of Gun Powder by those who defended themselves as aforesaid, and went with them aboard the Briggantine, who went first to St. Augustines Bay to putt some men ashore (who had not money to pay for their further passage) and thence sailed to St. Helena, where they arrived about six months agoe, pretending there to be a trading ship belonging to New York, upon which they got water and Provisions.[16] But this Informant run away from the said ship at St. Hellena and concealed himself in the Island till she was gone (who stayed there about 7 or 8 days) and continued there about 3 months till the arrivall of the _Sampson_ there from the East Indies, aboard of which ship he came for England with the consent of the Governor of St. Helena.

[Footnote 14: See document no. 63, note 21.]

[Footnote 15: On the southwest coast of Madagascar.]

[Footnote 16: St. Helena was then already an English island, with about a thousand inhabitants.]

This informant farther saith That he had heard upon Madagascar, That a little before his arrivall there That 14 of the Pyrates (belonging to Captain Tew, Captain Rayner, and Captain Mason and Captain Coats or some of them)[17] had by consent divided themselves into two sevens, to fight for what they had (thinking they had not made a voyage sufficient for so many) and that one of the said Sevens were all killed, and five of the other, so that the two which survived enjoyed the whole Booty. And this Informant further saith, that he hath heard and believeth, that not only the ship _Resolution_ to which he formerly belonged, but also the _Mocha_ Friggat,[18] which run away out of the service of the East India Company, the _Charles and Mary_, and severall other ships manned by English and other European Nations, were about nine months since, when he came from Madagascar, and still are playing the Pyrates in the Streights of Mallaca, in the Red Sea and other Parts in the East Indies.

SAMUELL PERKINS.

Juratus coram me[19] RA. MARSHALL.

[Footnote 17: All these figure in the accusations against Fletcher in _N.Y. Col. Doc._, IV.]

[Footnote 18: The _Mocha_ appears also in the Kidd narratives, and continued her career of piracy till 1699, at least.]

[Footnote 19: _I.e._, sworn before me.]

_66. Certificate for John Devin (Bahamas). September (?) 20, 1698._[1]

[Footnote 1: Suffolk Court Files, Boston, no. 3765, paper 2. We find John Devine settled as a chirurgeon in Boston in 1704. _N.E. Hist. Gen. Reg._, XXXVI. 309.]

New Providence SS.

Whereas in the month of Aprill in the year of our Lord God one Thousand Six hundred and ninety six Capt. Henry Every als Bridgeman came into the Harbor of new Providence with the Shipp _Charles_ als _Fancy_, which said Capt. Every and his Shipps Crew were few days after their arrivall thought and supposed to be by the Major Part of the Island of Providence to be guilty of piracy upon the open Seas, And that the with in mentioned John Devin was one of the Ships Company, and was lately apprehended and taken as one of the said Pirates in order to be brought to his Tryall, which was accordingly done the 22d of this Instant August, and the Bill being presented against the within mentioned John Devin to the Gran Jury, which sd Grand Jury found the Bill, and afterwards the sd John Devin was brought to the Court, and holding up his hand was arraigned; The Petty Jury being sworne, the Attorney Gen'll opening the matter to the Court and Jury against the sd John Devin, The Petty Jury returning to the Court found the within mentioned John Devin not Guilty, upon which the sd John Devin was cleared by proclomation, as by the publick Entrys doth and may more at large appear:

Whereupon and upon the humble Requestt to me made by the sd John Devin, I, Ellis Lightwood Esq., Chief Judge, have thought fitt to certifie this under my hand, and ordered the publick Seale of this Goverment to be hereunto affixed as a Testimony of his the sd John Devins Innocency relating to the supposed piracy of Capt. Every als Bridgeman in the ship _Charles_ als _Fancy_.

ELLIS LIGHTWOOD

[September (?)] the 20th Anno Dom 1698 [ _blank_ ] LEIGHTON per Dom. Regem. Coppy examined by ELISHA COOKE, Clerk.[2]

[Footnote 2: Elisha Cooke the younger, clerk of the superior court of Massachusetts from 1702 to 1718.]

_67. Certificate for John Devin (Massachusetts). October 25, 1698._[1]

[Footnote 1: Suffolk Court Files, Boston, no. 3765, paper 1.]

New England. Anno Rs. Gulielmi 3d Decim.[2]

[Footnote 2: _I.e._, _anno decimo Regis Gulielmi Tertii_, "in the tenth year of King William III."]

At a Court of assize and General Goal Delivery holden at Boston for the County of Suffolk, within his Maj'ties Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, upon the 25th Day of Octo'r 1698.

John Devin, Chyrurgion, bound over by Recogniscance unto this Court, to answer what should be objected ag'st him on his Maj'ties behalf as being one of the Company belonging to the Ship _Charles_ al's _Fancey_, Henry Every al's Bridgeman Command'r, at the time when several acts of Piracy were committed by the sd Every al's Bridgeman and Company in the aforesd Ship, upon the high Seas of India and Persia, and for aiding and assisting in the sd Piracys and shareing in the Plunder so piratically taken.

The sd Jno. Devin, being called, appeared and produced a Certificate und'r the hand of Ellis Lightwood Esq., chief Judge of the Island of Providence, and the Public Seal of the Government there, Importing that the sd Devin had lately been indicted, arraigned and tryed for the same matters and Facts (whereof he is now inquired) In the Kings Court within the sd Island of Providence and found not guilty by the Jury, and clear'd by Proclamation, which afore cited Certificate being read and other the proceedings in the case in the sd Court at Providence, Proclamation was made, and nothing of further charge or Evidence appearing against the sd Jno. Devin, he was openly acquitted. Which at Request of sd Devin and by ord'r of his Maj'ties Justices of Assize etc. is hereby Certified under the Seal of the sd Court. Dated at Boston the Second day of November, Anno predict.[3]

[Footnote 3: _I.e._, _anno predicto_, "in the year aforesaid".]

_68. Deposition of Adam Baldridge. May 5, 1699._[1]

[Footnote 1: Public Record Office, C.O. 5:1042, no. 30 II. An endorsement shows that it was sent to the Lords of Trade with Bellomont's letter of May 15, 1699, which is printed in _N.Y. Col. Doc._, IV. 518-526. Capt. Adam Baldridge, as will be seen from some of the preceding narratives, had kept a rendezvous for pirates at St. Mary's Island, but he had now settled down as a respectable citizen of New York. Bellomont thought well of him at first (he "appears to be a sober man and reported wealthy"), but was warned by the Board of Trade of his connection with piracy, and later (note 19, _post_) had fuller information from Kidd. _Ibid._, IV. 333, 552.]

1. July the 17th 1690. I, Adam Baldridge, arrived at the Island of St. Maries in the ship _fortune_, Richard Conyers Commander, and on the 7th of January 1690/1 I left the ship, being minded to settle among the Negros at St. Maries with two men more, but the ship went to Port Dolphin[2] and was Cast away, April the 15th 1691, and halfe the men drownded and halfe saved their lives and got a shore, but I continued with the Negros at St. Maries and went to War with them. before my goeing to War one of the men dyed that went a shore with me, and the other being discouraged went on board againe and none continued with me but my Prentice John King. March the 9th they sailed for Bonnovolo on Madagascar, 16 Leagues from St. Maries, where they stopt to take in Rice. after I went to war six men more left the Ship, whereof two of them dyed about three weeks after they went ashore and the rest dyed since. In May 91 I returned from War and brought 70 head of Cattel and some slaves. then I had a house built and settled upon St. Maries, where great store of Negros resorted to me from the Island Madagascar and settled the Island St. Maries, where I lived quietly with them, helping them to redeem their Wives and Children that were taken before my coming to St. Maries by other Negros to the northward of us about 60 Leagues.

[Footnote 2: Fort Dauphin, at the southeast point of Madagascar, built by the French.]

2. October 13, 1691. Arrived the _Batchelors delight_, Captain Georg Raynor[3] Commander, Burden 180 Tons or there abouts, 14 Guns, 70 or 80 men, that had made a voyage into the Red Seas and taken a ship belonging to the Moors, as the men did report, where they took as much money as made the whole share run about 1100 l. a man. they Careened at St. Maries, and while they Careened I supplyed them with Cattel for their present spending and they gave me for my Cattel a quantity of Beads, five great Guns for a fortification, some powder and shott, and six Barrells of flower, about 70 barrs of Iron. the ship belonged to Jamaica and set saile from St. Maries November the 4th 1691, bound for Port Dolphin on Madagascar to take in their provision, and December 91 they set saile from Port Dolphin bound for America, where I have heard since they arrived at Carolina and Complyed with the owners, giveing them for Ruin of the Ship three thousand pounds, as I have heard since.

[Footnote 3: Josiah Rayner was associated with Tew, later with Every; Fletcher had, for a bribe, it was said, released his chest of treasure brought to New York.]

3. October 14th 1692. Arrived the _Nassaw_, Captain Edward Coats Commander, Burden 170 Ton or there about, 16 Guns, 70 men, whereof about 30 of the men stayed at Madagascar, being most of them concerned in taking the Hack boat at the Isle of May Colonel Shrymton over [owner?], the said Hack boat was lost at St. Augustin. Captain Coats Careened at St. Maries, and whilst careening I supplyed them with Cattel for their present spending, and the Negros with fowls, Rice and Yams, and for the Cattel I had two Chists and one Jarr of powder, six great guns and a Quantity of great Shott, some spicks[4] and nails, five Bolts of Duck and some Twine, a hogshead of flower. the ship most of her belonged to the Company, as they said. Captain Coats set saile from St. Maries in November 92, bound for Port Dolphin on Madagascar, and victualed there and in December set saile for New-York. Captain Coats made about 500 l. a man in the red Seas.[5]

[Footnote 4: Spikes.]

[Footnote 5: In April, 1693, this Coats, in a ship now called the _Jacob_, anchored near the east end of Long Island, and sent men to bargain with Governor Fletcher for permission to enter and for protection. They promised the governor L700 and secured protection, though in the end the owners gave him the ship instead. _N.Y. Col. Doc._, IV. 223, 310, 386-388; _Cal. St. P. Col._, 1697-1698, pp. 227-228.]

4. August 7th 1693. Arrived the Ship _Charles_, John Churcher master, from New York, Mr. Fred. Phillips, owner,[6] sent to bring me severall sorts of goods. She had two Cargos in her, one Consigned to said Master to dispose of, and one to me, containing as followeth: 44 paire of shooes and pumps, 6 Dozen of worsted and threed stockens, 3 dozen of speckled shirts and Breaches, 12 hatts, some Carpenters Tools, 5 Barrells of Rum, four Quarter Caskes of Madera Wine, ten Cases of Spirits, Two old Stills full of hols, one worme, Two Grindstones, Two Cross Sawes and one Whip saw, three Jarrs of oyle, two small Iron Potts, three Barrells of Cannon powder, some books, Catechisms, primers and horne books, two Bibles, and some garden Seeds, three Dozen of howes,[7] and I returned for the said goods 1100 pieces 8/8 and Dollers, 34 Slaves, 15 head of Cattel, 57 barrs of Iron. October the 5th he set sail from St. Maries, after having sold parte of his Cargo to the White men upon Madagascar, to Mauratan to take in Slaves.

[Footnote 6: Frederick Philipse (1626-1702), the richest trader in New York, but perhaps not the most scrupulous; see Henry C. Murphy, in his edition of the _Journal of a Voyage to New York in 1679-80_ of Jasper Danckaerts, pp. 362-365. The ship in which the two Labadist missionaries, Danckaerts and Sluyter, came to America was also named _Charles_ and owned by Philipse. It was in this year 1693 that Governor Fletcher instituted for him the Philipse Manor. Mary Philipse, who won the affections of young Major George Washington, was his great-granddaughter. It was said that Baldridge's establishment in Madagascar was sustained by Philipse's capital, to obtain for the latter a share in the profits of piracy. _Cal. St. P. Col._, 1697-1698, p. 108.]

[Footnote 7: Hoes.]

5. October 19, 1693. Arrived the ship _Amity_, Captain Thomas Tew Commander,[8] Burden 70 Tons, 8 Guns, 60 men, haveing taken a Ship in the Red Seas that did belong to the Moors, as the men did report, they took as much money in her as made the whole share run 1200 l. a man. they Careened at St. Maries and had some cattel from me, but for their victualing and Sea Store they bought from the Negros. I sold Captain Tew and his Company some of the goods brought in the _Charles_ from New York. the Sloop belonged most of her to Bermudas. Captain Tew set saile from St. Maries December the 23d 1693, bound for America.

[Footnote 8: See doc. no. 63, note 16, _ante_.]

6. August, 1695. Arrived the _Charming Mary_ from Barbados, Captain Richard Glover Commander,[9] Mr. John Beckford marchant and part owner. the most of the ship belonged to Barbados, the Owners Colonel Russel, Judge Coats, and the Nisames [?]. She was burden about 200 Tons, 16 Guns, 80 men. she had severall sort of goods on board. I bought the most of them. She careened at St. Maries and in October she set saile from St. Maries for Madagascar to take in Rice and Slaves.

[Footnote 9: See doc. no. 65.]

7. August 1695. Arrived the ship _Katherine_ from New York, Captain Tho. Mostyn Commander and Super Cargo,[10] Mr. Fred. Phillips Owner, the Ship Burden about 160 Tons, noe Guns, near 20 men. She had severall sorts of goods in her. she sold the most to the White men upon Madagascar, where he had Careened. he set saile from St. Maries for Mauratan on Madagascar to take in his Rice and Slaves.

[Footnote 10: Another of those commissioned by Fletcher. Having no guns, the vessel must have been intended for illegal trade rather than for warfare.]

8. December 7th 1695. Arrived the Ship _Susanna_, Captain Thomas Weak[11] Commander, burden about 100 Tons, 10 Guns, 70 men. they fitted out from Boston and Rhoad Island and had been in the Red seas but made noe voyage by reason they mist the moors fleet. they Careened at St. Maries and I sold them part of the goods bought of Mr. John Beckford out of the _Charming Mary_ and spaired them some Cattel, but for the most part they were supplyed by the Negros. they stayed at St. Maries till the middle of April, where the Captain and Master and most of his men dyed. the rest of the men that were left alive after the Sickness Carried the Ship to St. Augustin, where they left her and went In Captain Hore for the Red Sea.

[Footnote 11: Or Wake.]

9. December 11th 1695. Arrived the Sloop _Amity_, haveing no Captain, her former Captain Thomas Tew being killed by a great Shott from a Moors ship,[12] John Yarland master, Burden seventy Ton, 8 Guns, as before described, and about 60 men. They stayed but five dayes at St. Maries and set saile to seek the _Charming Mary_ and they met her at Mauratan on Madagascar and took her, giveing Captain Glover the Sloop to carry him and his men home and all that he had, keeping nothing but the ship. they made a new Commander after they had taken the ship, one Captain Bobbington. after they had taken the ship they went into St. Augustine Bay and there fitted the ship and went into the Indies to make a voyage and I have heard since that they were trapaned and taken by the Moors.

[Footnote 12: See doc. no. 63, note 16, _ante_.]

10. December 29 1695. Arrived a Moors Ship, taken by the _Resolution_ and given to Captain Robert Glover and 24 of his men that was not willing to goe a privateering upon the Coasts of Indies, to carrie them away. the Company turned Captain Glover and these 24 men out of the Ship, Captain Glover being parte Owner and Commander of the same and Confined prisoner by his Company upon the Coast of Guinea by reason he would not consent to goe about the Cape of good hope into the Red Sea. the ship was old and would hardly swim with them to St. Maries. when they arrived there they applyed themselves to me. I maintained them in my house with provision till June, that shiping arrived for to carry them home.

11. January 17th 1696/7. Arrived the Brigantine _Amity_, that was Captain Tew's Sloop from Barbadoes and fitted into a Brigantine by the Owners of the _Charming Mary_ at Barbados, Captain Richard Glover Commander and Super Cargo. the Brigantine discribed when a Sloop. She was laden with severall sorts of goods, part whereof I bought and part sold to the White men upon Madagascar, and parte to Captain Hore and his Company. the Brigantine taken afterwards by the _Resolution_ at St. Maries.

12. February the 13th 1696/7. Arrived Captain John Hor's Prize from the Gulph of Persia and three or four dayes after arrived Captain Hore[13] in the _John and Rebeckah_, Burden about 180 Tons, 20 Guns, 100 men in ship and prize. The Prize about 300 Ton Laden with Callicoes. I sold some of the goods bought of Glover to Captain Hore and his Company as likewise the white men that lived upon Madagascar and Captain Richard Glover.

[Footnote 13: See doc. no. 65, note 17.]

13. June the ---- 1697. Arrived the _Resolution_, Captain Shivers Commander, Burden near 200 Tons, 90 men, 20 Guns, formerly the ship belonged to Captain Robert Glover but the Company took her from him and turned him and 24 more of his men out of her by reason they were not willing to goe a privateering into the East Indies.[14] they met with a Mosoune[15] at sea and lost all their masts and put into Madagascar about 10 Leagues to the Northward off St. Maries and there masted and fitted their ship, and while they lay there they took the Brigantine _Amity_ for her watter Casks, Sailes and Rigeing and Masts, and turned the Hull a drift upon a Rife.[16] Captain Glover promised to forgive them what was past if they would Let him have his ship again and goe home to America, but they would not except he would goe into the East Indies with them. September the 25th 97 they set saile to the Indies.

[Footnote 14: See doc. no. 65.]

[Footnote 15: Monsoon.]

[Footnote 16: Reef.]

14. June 1697. Arrived the ship _Fortune_ from New York, Captain Thomas Mostyn Commander, and Robert Allison Super Cargo, the Ship Burden 150 Tons or there abouts, 8 Guns, near 20 men, haveing severall sorts of goods aboard, and sold to Captain Hore and Company and to the White men upon Madagascar.

15. June ---- 1697. Arrived a Ship from New York, Captain Cornelius Jacobs Comander and Super Cargo, Mr. Fred. Phillips owner, Burden about 150 Ton, 2 Guns, near 20 men, haveing severall sorts of goods a board, and sold to Captain Hore and his Company and to the White men on Madagascar, and four Barrells of Tar to me.[17]

[Footnote 17: When this ship came back, richly laden, Philipse sent out a sloop to meet her, which off the New Jersey coast quietly unloaded all of her cargo but the negroes, and sailed with it to Hamburg. _Cal. St. P. Cal._, 1697-1698, p. 414.]

16. July the 1st 1697. Arrived the Brigantine _Swift_ from Boston, Mr. Andrew Knott Master[18] and John Johnson Marchant and parte owner, Burden about 40 Tons, 2 Guns, 10 men, haveing severall goods aboard. Some sold to Captain Hore and Company the rest put a shore at St. Maries and left there. A small time after her arrivall I bought three Quarters of her and careened and went out to seek a Trade and to settle a forraign Commers and Trade in severall places on Madagascar. About 8 or 10 dayes after I went from St. Maries the Negros killed about 30 White men upon Madagascar and St. Maries, and took all that they or I had, Captain Mostyn and Captain Jacobs and Captain Hor's Ship and Company being all there at the same time and set saile from St. Maries October 1697 for Madagascar to take in their Slaves and Rice. having made a firm Commerse with the Negros on Madagascar, at my return I met with Captain Mostyn at sea, 60 Leagues of St. Maries. he acquainted me with the Negros riseing and killing the White men. he perswaded me to return back with him and not proceed any further, for there was noe safe goeing to St. Maries. all my men being sick, after good consideracion we agreed to return and goe for America.

[Footnote 18: In 1690 he had commanded a ship in Sir William Phips's unsuccessful expedition against Quebec. For his connection with Kidd, see _post_, doc. no. 85, note 7.]

The above mentioned men that were killed by the Natives were most of them privateers that had been in the Red Seas and took severall ships there, they were cheifly the occasion of the natives Riseing, by their abuseing of the Natives and takeing their Cattel from them, and were most of them to the best of my knowledge men that came in severall Ships, as Captain Rainor, Captain Coats, Captain Tew, Captain Hore, and the _Resolution_ and Captain Stevens.[19]

ADAM BALDRIDGE.

Sworne before me in New York 5th of May 1699 A.D. PEYSTER[20]

A true copy BELLOMONT.

[Footnote 19: Such is Baldridge's tale of innocence, but Kidd told Bellomont that "Baldridge was the occasion of that Insurrection of the Natives and the death of the pirates, for that having inveigled a great number of the natives of St. Maries, men, women and children, on board a ship or ships he carryed and sold them for slaves to a French Island called Mascarine or Mascaron, which treachery of Baldridges the Natives on the Island revenged on those pirates by cutting their throats."]

[Footnote 20: Abraham de Peyster, a member of the New York council and an assistant judge of the supreme court.]

* * * * *

_69. Warrant for Commissioning of Admiralty Judge. April 29, 1697._[1]

[Footnote 1: New York State Archives, Albany: Historical MSS., vol. XLI., p. 60. The commissions of admiralty judges had originally been issued on warrant from the Lord High Admiral. Since 1673, however, except for two brief periods, the latter's duties have always been performed by the "Lords Commissioners for executing the Office of Lord High Admiral" (Admiralty Board, or Lords of the Admiralty). On April 29, 1697, the board consisted of the two distinguished admirals Sir Edward Russell (created earl of Oxford eight days later) and Sir George Rooke, Sir John Houblon, governor of the Bank of England, Col. James Kendall, ex-governor of Barbados, and four others. The warrant is not addressed to any governor by name; Bellomont was not commissioned (as governor of New York, Massachusetts, and New Hampshire) till June 18, 1697.]

By the Comiss'rs for Executing the Office of Lord high Admirall of Engl'd. Irel'd. etc.

Whereas, in pursuance of His Ma'tis pleasure signified to Us by the Rt. hon'ble Mr. Secretary Trumbull, Wee have appointed Mr. William Smith to be Judge, Mr. John Tudor Register, Mr. Jarvis Marshall, Marshall, and Mr. James Graham, Advocate of the Vice Admiralty of New-Yorke, and Connuticutt, and East-Jersey:[2] You are therefore hereby Empower'd and directed, to give unto them Commissions for their said Employm'ts respectively; And in case of the death, or inabillity, by sickness, or otherwise, of any of the said persons, You are to appoint others in their roome: and Transmitt to Us the Names of such persons as You do so appoint; Dated at the Admiralty Office this 29th of April 1697.

[Footnote 2: William Smith was already chief-justice of the supreme court of the province, and a member of the council. Jarvis Marshall had been messenger of the council. James Graham was speaker of the assembly, attorney-general, and recorder of the city of New York.]

To his Ma'tis Governour of RUSSELL. New-Yorke and Connuticutt, G. ROOKE. and East-Jersey/ for the time JNO. HOUBLON. being. KENDALL.

By Command of their Lord'ps WM. BRIDGEMAN.

* * * * *

_70. Proclamation of Lieut.-Gov. Stoughton. June 4, 1698._[1]

[Footnote 1: Mass. Archives, vol. 62, p. 253. William Stoughton, lieutenant-governor of Massachusetts 1691-1701, acted as governor from the departure of Governor Phips for England in 1694 to the arrival of Governor Bellomont in the province, May 26, 1699. Bellomont in June, 1698, was in New York. In the period to which most of our documents belong there was always an outburst of piracy after the conclusion of a war, because multitudes of privateers found their occupation gone when peace was proclaimed, and some of them were sure to turn to the allied trade of piracy. The peace of Ryswyk, between France and Great Britain, Spain, and Holland, Sept. 20, 1697, had had this effect at the time of Stoughton's proclamation.]

William Stoughton Esqr., Lieutenant Governour and Commander in chief in and over his Ma'tys Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England

To the Sheriff of the County of Suffolke, his Under Sheriff or Deputy or Constables of the respective Towns within the sd County and to each and every of them to whom these presents shall come, Greeting.

Whereas I am informed That sundry wicked and ill disposed persons, suspected to have committed divers inhumane and hostile Acts and depredations upon the Subjects and Allies of other Princes and States in Forreign parts in Amity with his Ma'ty, are lately landed and set on shore on or about Long Island, Rhode Island and parts adjacent, having brought with them quantitys of Forreign Coynes, silver, Gold, Bullion, Merchandize and other Treasure, Some of which persons (unknown by name) may probably come into this his Ma'tys Province and transport their moneys, Merchandize and Treasure hither,

These are therefore in his Ma'tys name strictly to command and require you to make diligent search within your several Precincts for such suspected persons, and to apprehend and seize every such person or persons, his or their money, gold, bullion, Merchandize and Treasure, and to bring the same before the next Justice of the Peace to be examined and proceeded against as the Law directs. And you are to require and take such a number of persons, with Armes or otherwise, unto your Assistance as you shall think meet for the seizing and apprehending such suspected person or persons aforesd. and carrying him or them before the next Justice or Justices. And all his Ma'tys subjects are required to be aiding and assisting unto you in the Execution of this Warrant, as they will answer their refusal or neglect at their peril. And hereof you or they may not faile. And make return of this Warrant with your doings thereupon. Given under my hand and seal at Armes at Boston the Fourth day of June 1698, In the tenth year of his Ma'tys Reign.

WM. STOUGHTON.

CASE OF WILLIAM KIDD.

_71. Deposition of Benjamin Franks. October 20, 1697._[1]

[Footnote 1: Public Record Office, C.O. 323:2, no. 124 I. William Kidd, the most famous pirate in American history, was a Scot, born in Dundee in 1654. In 1689-1690, in command of a captured ship, he took a creditable part in the attacks on Mariegalante and St. Martin's by Captain Hewetson, who at Kidd's trial testified to his bravery; but a few weeks later his men, ex-pirates apparently, ran away with his ship. _Cal. St. P. Col._, 1689-1692, pp. 122, 226, 227; Hargrave, _State Trials_, V. 326. In 1689 he settled in New York, where he seems to have been well regarded; in the record of his marriage license, May 16, 1691 (_N.E. Hist. Gen. Reg._, VI. 63) he is styled "William Kidd, Gentleman," and two days earlier the New York assembly (_Journal_, ed. 1764, I. 6, 13) voted him a gratuity of L150 for services in connection with the arrival of Governor Sloughter. In 1695, Kidd being then in England, Robert Livingston of New York arranged in London with Lord Bellomont, who had been designated but not yet commissioned as a governor in America, and with others, for a privateering voyage under Kidd's command. Other sharetakers were Sir Edward Russell, first lord of the admiralty, Sir John Somers, lord keeper of the great seal, the Duke of Shrewsbury, secretary of state, and the Earl of Romney, master-general of the ordnance; and the king himself was to receive one-tenth of the profits of the cruise. Kidd's letter of marque, dated Dec. 11, 1695, is in Hargrave's _State Trials_, V. 307. To it was added, Jan. 26, 1696, _ibid._, 308, a commission to apprehend pirates. Kidd sailed from England in April, 1696, in the _Adventure Galley_, 287 tons, 34 guns, 70 men. At New York he increased his crew to 155 men (there is a list of them in _Cal. St. Pap. Col._, 1700, p. 199), and sailed thence in September for Madagascar and the East Indies. Whether it was by his fault that the _Adventure Galley_ slipped from privateering and the search for pirates into acts of piracy, or whether, as Kidd alleged, his men forced his hand, has been doubted, but it is probable that he shared the guilt. In the summer of 1698 complaints began to come in from India and from the East India Company, and in November, 1698, orders were sent to the governors of colonies in America to apprehend Kidd as a pirate whenever he should appear. The ensuing papers, especially his own narrative and Bellomont's letters, tell the story of his arrival and arrest. As under Massachusetts law he could not be condemned to death for piracy, he was, probably illegally, carried to England in the spring of 1700, and there tried at the Old Bailey for the murder of one of his men and for piracy. After an unfair trial and on insufficient evidence, he was condemned, and was hanged at Execution Dock May 23, 1701.

As to Benjamin Franks, we learn from a deposition of William Cuthbert (_Journal of the House of Commons_, XIII. 26) that two of Kidd's men deserted him at Carwar because of his attempts and designs toward piracy and his cruel conduct toward his men; Franks, Hebrew jeweller of New York, was apparently one of the two. Apparently he was a Danish subject; Westergaard, _Danish West Indies_, p. 110.]

The Deposition of Benjamin Franks aged about 47 years (who came out in the _Adventure Gally_, a Privateer, Captain William Kid Comander) Inhabitant of New York.

Declareth That having lived in Barbadoes and Jamaica and traded in severall parts of the West Indies, meeting of late with great losses of above L12,000 sterling by the Earthquake and Enemyes and through misfortune, came to New York and there finding Captain Kid comeing out with a full Power to the East Indies to take the Pyrates, which he shewed me by the means of my Friends, so resolved to go with him to the East Indies and to remain there at Surrat or any other place where I could best follow my profession, being a Jeweller, for he told me he would put into some of the said Parts. Wee sailed from New York the 6th September 1696 in Company with a Brigantine belonging to Bermudas, bound to the Maderaes. there met with a Brigantine from Barbadoes bound for England who had lost her Mast and Boltsprit, whom Captain Kid assisted with a Mast, Riggin and Canvas, for which kindness [the] Master gave him a few flour Barrells with Sugar. the same Brigantine after she had what she wanted proceeded on her Voyage. And a day or two after wee espyed a Ship whom Wee gave chase to three days and came up with her, found her to be a Portuguez from Brazile bound to the Maderaes. the Captain of the Portuguez pre[sen]ted Captain Kid with a Roll of Brazile Tobacco and some Sugar, in lieu of which Captain Kid sent him a Cheshire Cheese and a Barrell of White Bisket, but through mistake of the Steward the Barrell thought to be Bisket proved to be Cutt and Dry Tobacca. So Wee proceeded to Maderaes and saw the Brigantine in safe that came under our Convoy. wee stayed there one day. before wee departed from thence the Portuguez ship came in. Thence wee went to Bona Vista,[2] took in some Salt, thence to St. Jago, tooke in Water and some Provisions; from St. Jago wee steered our course for Cape Bona Esperanza,[3] but before wee got to the Latitude thereof Wee met with three English Men of War and a Fireship, Captain Warren in the _Windso[r]_ Comodore,[4] Captain Acton in the _Advice_,[5] the _Tyger_ and Fire Ship I do not know the Commanders names. I was on board the Commodore when he told me that Kids Commission was firm and good and that he would not molest or hinder his proceedings for his puting his hands to his Ears, and discoursing of severall other things of the Voyage amongst the rest the Commodore told Kid he had lost a great many of his men and asked him to spare him some, who answered that he would let him have 20 or 30, and about a day or two after Kid went on board one of the Men of War again and in the Evening came on board his own ship very much disguised with drink and left the Men of War without sparing them the men he promised. Some time after had sight of the Cape, did not put in but went directly for Madagascar and imported at a place called Talleer,[6] where took in some Water and provisions. after our being there some time came a Sail in sight and came to an Anchor in Augustine Bay, upon which wee weighed Anchor and came to her, the two Ports being but a little way distant each from other. We found her to be a Sloop from Barbadoes come to buy Negroes, after which Wee returned to Talleer, our former Port, and the next day the Master of the Sloop came on board Us being very ill when he came. a few dayes after ordered the Sloop to come down to Talleer, and the same day she came down the Owner and Merchant[7] dyed on board of us, and he that succeeded him could by no Means agree with the Master of the Sloop but continually a quarrelling and fighting. Our Captain did what he could to make up the difference between them but to no purpose. So when wee had done getting our provisions etc. on board Wee sailed for Johanna,[8] and the Sloop followed us, and seeing two Ships gave them Chase, found them to be both East India Men and so went in together in Company to Johanna and two India Men came in after. Wee took in Some Water and went to Mohilla[9] to clean our Ship. And this Sloop still followed Us, but our Captain told him severall times to be gone and agree amongst themselves, but they took no notice thereof, continuing with Us all the time of our Stay here, being about 5 weeks, where buryed severall of our Company but the just number I know not. when Wee had been there about 5 weeks a Pinnace came on board of Us with some Men, the quantity I know not, for being mortall sick, the Merchant of the Sloop dyed there too. Wee returned from this place to Johanna and the Sloop in our Company. Wee took in some more water and some French Men, the quantity I know not for I was carryed a shoar sick and lay a shoar all the time wee lay at Johanna. We sailed thence, leaving the Sloop behind Us, directly for India and touched at a place called Motta.[10] there was 5 Junks ashoar and at an Anchor ditto place. our Captain wanted to take in some water, sending the Pinnace ashoar for some, which the Natives refused, upon which our Captain next morning sent both Boats with a matter of 40 Men or thereabouts with Armes, as I heard lying very Sick of a Feaver, Ague and Flux, and that he had bought two Cowes and some dates, and 2 dayes after the People run away into the Mountains, as I heard. after they run away the People sent a shoar, found India Corn and Garravances[11] in great holes, and brought off likewise six of the Natives, of whom four leaped overboard in the Night and swam ashoar. the other two gave {3} Cowes and 2 sheep for their ransom, as I heard of the Seamen, lying very ill. from thence wee went to the Babs[12] and there anchored to wait for the Pyrates, as the Seamen said, but meeting with none, sending the Pinnace out 3 or 4 times, as I heard of the Seamen, but at Carwar ashoar I heard of the Seamen that they was to go to Mocho.[13] after the Pinnace went with the Captain, Quarter-Master came back and gave an account there was 17 Sail, which I heard of the Seamen as I lay very ill. our Captain ordered two men ashoar on one of the Babs. when the Fleet came in sight the Men waved the Jack.[14] the whole Fleet came by the Babs on a Saturday in the evening in the month of August, but the day of the month I do not remember. our Captain weighed and stood amongst the Fleet, as I heard of the Seamen. the next morning at break of day one of the Fleet began to fire at Us, as I heard of the Seamen, which alarming the rest they all did the same. there was one Ship which the Captain said was a Mallabar, pretty near Us, as I heard of the Seamen. then our Captain ordered the People to row up to him, being but little Wind, then the Mallabar fired at Us and our Captain at him severall Guns. at last our Captain perceiving an English and Dutch Colours did all he could to get away. the Captain designed to go to the high Land off St. Johns.[15] meeting with a small Vessell under English Colours he chased her and comanded the Master to come on board and plundered the Ship. I hearing a great noise asked what it was. they told me that our Folks beat the People aboard of the little ship and against night I heard there was a Portuguez. so doing my endeavour to creep up to speak to the Portuguez and asked him what was the best news, he told me that he and the Master was forced to stay on board of our Ship, and that he did belong to Bombay, and that our Captain had taken out some Rice, Raisons and old Cloths and some Money. I heard of the Seamen that our Captain had Information of three ships that had gone out of Aden bound for Callicut being off Carwar, and being in necessity for Wood and Water put in there, at which time I made great intercession to the Captain for leave to go ashoar, which at last I obtained by giving him a Beaver Hat, for he was unwilling to let any go ashoar but whom he thought he could trust, for fear they should run away for most of his people seemed dissatisfyed and would I believe do as I have done in making their Escape if had opportunity, for the Carpenter and his mate with severall others does design to run away with the Pinnace. This I do swear by the old Testament to the best of my knowledge and what I have heard of the Seamen that all the above written is true.

BENJAMIN FRANKS.

Bombay the 20th October 1697. Sworn before me:

[Footnote 2: One of the Cape Verde Islands; Santiago is a larger island of the same group, farther south.]

[Footnote 3: The Cape of Good Hope.]

[Footnote 4: Capt. Thomas Warren, R.N.]

[Footnote 5: Capt. Edward Acton, R.N.]

[Footnote 6: Tullear, near St. Augustine's Bay, on the southwest coast of Madagascar.]

[Footnote 7: Supercargo.]

[Footnote 8: See document no. 63, note 11.]

[Footnote 9: Mohelli, another of the Comoro group.]

[Footnote 10: "Matta in the Red Sea," says William Jinkins of Bow, in his deposition in _Commons Journal_, XIII. 24.]

[Footnote 11: Chick-peas.]

[Footnote 12: The straits of Bab-el-Mandeb.]

[Footnote 13: Mocha; see document no. 63, note 16a. Carwar is on the west coast of Hindustan, some 350 miles south of Bombay.]

[Footnote 14: See document no. 33, note 15.]

[Footnote 15: Probably Diu, in northwest India.]

_72. The President and Council of the Leeward Islands to Secretary Vernon. May 18, 1699._[1]

[Footnote 1: Public Record Office, C.O. 152:3, no. 21. This letter conveyed to the British government its first knowledge of the return of Captain Kidd to the western hemisphere. The Leeward Islands--Antigua, Montserrat, Nevis, St. Christopher, the most important being Nevis--constituted at this time one government, though with subordinate administration in the several islands. The governor having died, the council, of which William Burt was president, was acting as governor till a new governor should arrive. Burt and the other signers of this letter were all of Nevis. James Vernon, to whom the letter is addressed, was secretary of state; he was the father of Admiral Vernon, for whom Mount Vernon was named.]

_Right Honourable Sir_

Your Letter of the 23d of November last[2] in relacion to that notorious Pirate Captain Kidd came safe to our hands, and shall take

## particular care to put the same in execucion, and in order thereto

have sent copies thereof to the Lieutenant or Deputy Governor of each respective Island under this Government; since which wee have had this following account of the said Kidd (vizt.) That he lately came from Mallagascoe in a large Gennouese vessell of about Foure hundred Tonns, Thirty Guns mounted, and eighty men,[3] and in his way for these partes his men mutinyed, and thirty of them lost theire Lives; That his vessell is very Leaky; and that they are very much in want of Provisions; And that severall of his men have deserted him soe that he has not above five and twenty or thirty hands on board; about twenty dayes since he touched at Anguilla, a small Island under this Government, where he Tarryed about foure houres; but being refused succour Sailed thence for the Island of St. Thomas (an Island belonging to the Crowne of Denmarke)[4] and Anchored off that Harbour three dayes, in which time he treated with them alsoe for releife; but the Governor absolutely Denying him, he bore away farther to Leeward (as it is beleived) for Porto Rico or Crabb Island;[5] upon which advice wee forthwith ordered his Majesties Shipp _Queeneburrough_, now attending this Government, Captain Rupert Billingsly Commander, to make the best of his way after him; and in case he mett with him to secure him with his men, vessell and effects, and bring them upp hither, That no Imbezlement may be made, but that they may be secured till wee have given you advice thereof, and his majesties pleasure relateing thereto can be knowne. Wee shall by the first conveniencie transmitt the like account of him to the Governor of Jamaica, soe that if he goes farther to Leeward Due care may be taken to secure him there; As for those men who have deserted him, wee have taken all possible care to apprehend them, especially if they come within the districts of this Government, and hope on returne of his majesties Friggatt shall be able to give you a more ample account hereof.

Wee are with all due Respects

Right Honorable

Your most obedient humble servants

WM. BURT. JNO. SMARGIN. MICH. SMITH. RICHD. ABBOTT. DAN. SMITH.

NEVIS the 18th May 1699

[Footnote 2: Printed in the _Commons Journal_, XIII. 16. It was the circular letter to colonial governors ordering them to apprehend Kidd.]

[Footnote 3: The _Quedah Merchant_; see _post_. She is here spoken of as Genoese, but other documents of the time speak of her as "Moorish built."]

[Footnote 4: And now belonging to the United States. On Kidd at St. Thomas, see document no. 83, _post._]

[Footnote 5: Now commonly called Vieques, a small island lying a few miles east of Puerto Rico, and also now belonging to the United States.]

_73. Examination of Edward Buckmaster. June 6, 1699._[1]

[Footnote 1: Oxford, Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS., A. 272, fol. 48; also in the Public Record Office, C.O. 5:1042, no. 40 XI. Edward Buckmaster, "one of Shelley's men", was committed June 7, and broke prison Aug. 25. _Cal. St. P. Col._, 1699, pp. 278, 401. A year later, though he was supposed to be still alive, a rascally chaplain of the fort at New York married his wife to Capt. Adam Baldridge of document no. 68, obtaining a marriage license for "Adam Ball" and adding "-dridge" afterward. _N.Y. Col. Doc._, IV. 333, 413, 766.]

Taken this 6 June 1699.

The Answer of Edward Buckmaster to severall questions put to him by the Honorable John Nanfan, Esqr., Lieutenant Governor of this province,[2] the said Buckmaster being sworne to answer all such Questions as should be demanded of him.

[Footnote 2: Capt. John Nanfan, a cousin of Bellomont's wife, was lieutenant-governor of New York under him, and administered the province during Bellomont's absence in Massachusetts.]

Impr[imi]s. That the first land they made after they parted from this port in the _Adventure Galley_, Capt. William Kidd Commander, was the Island of Maderas, from whence they went directly to Madagascar, where they staid about A month to victual and careen. That there were no vessels at Madagascar when they came there. That they sailed from thence to a small Island called Johanna, lying in the Latitude of 12 degrees south, and from thence to Mahela, Lying in the Latitude of 11 degrees south; that they staid at the said Johanna and Mahela two Months where the Natives supplyed them with provisions. That there were four East India ships belonging to the Company at the Island Johanna at the same time they were there, the one called the _East India Merchant_ the second the _Maderasse_, the third was a fly boat, and the fourth he knows not the name of.

_Item._ That from thence they sailed along the shore of Magellona[3] in the redd sea but saw no vessels till they came into the Latitude of 12 degrees north. That there they Met with several ships, some with English, some with Dutch, and some with Moors Colours, with whom they sailed in Company for Twenty five dayes but were not on board any of them. That the name of the one was the _Scepter_,[4] which ship fired a Gunn or Two At Capt. Kidds Galley.

[Footnote 3: Somaliland, probably.]

[Footnote 4: An English frigate. The events that follow are more fully detailed in Kidd's narrative, document no. 76, _post_.]

_Item._ That they tooke a ship on the coast of Mallabar that had a french pass, and French Master on board, with two Other white men, he believes them Dutch men, the rest all Moors; she was about 200 Tuns, made no resistance, and that they shared out of her four Bailes of Callicoes each Man. That afterwards the _Adventure Galley_ sunck at Saint Maries, and Kidd and Company went on board the prize.

_Item._ That Capt. Kidd had made no good voyage, having no money and only 160 Bailes of Callicoes on board.

_Item._ That he the said Buckmaster Left the said Capt. Kidd the last day of May 1698 and went on board the ship _Resolution_, Capt. Robert Culliford Comander,[5] as a volunteer before the Mast, and went out Cruising with him but tooke no vessel dureing the voyage though they Continued Cruising from May to December. the said Culliford had forty Gunns mounted and 120 men. he had been in those parts seven yeares on the account.

[Footnote 5: Culliford was a noted pirate, who for a time commanded the _Mocha_ frigate, which had been stolen from the East India Company; and this _Resolution_ was the _Mocha_ renamed, not the _Resolution_ of document no. 68, par. 13.]

_Item._ That he quitted the said Culliford the Middle of December last and went on board the ship _Nasaw_, Giles Shelley Master,[6] that went from New yorke to Madagascar to trade there (the said Buckmaster being willing to come home to his family, the said Shelley being bound back to New Yorke), that he gave the said Shelley 100 pieces of Eight for his passage, which was the Comon rate and which sume he believes Fifty more passengers that came from on board pyrate ships at Madagascar and Saint Maries gave to the said Shelley, the said Shelley as he believes well knowing what ships they had been in and what designe they came from.

[Footnote 6: Shelley, fitted out from New York in 1698 by Stephen Delancey and others, was suspected of piracy. In a letter of May 27, 1699, to Delancey, from Cape May, he speaks of bringing in 15,000 dollars of passage money. _Cal. St. P. Col._, 1699, p. 281. He had lived in New York since 1688. See also doc. no. 85, note 17.]

_Item._ That the said Shelley sailed from the Island Saint Maries in the East Indies to Chyan[7] where he stayd three or four dayes.

[Footnote 7: Cayenne, probably.]

_Item._ That five or six of the persons that belonged to Capt. Culliford in the East Indies went on board Capt. Gravenreadt[8] out of Shelleys ship, when she came on this coast at Cape May, which Cape they made on Friday sevennight last.[9] Gravenreadts vessel lay about two miles from Shelleys ship, but the said Gravenreadts came on board shelleys ship, and believes made an agreemt. with the several men he took on board with him for their passages to [_blank_]: Vizt. Robert English, Jan Spons, Theophilus [_blank_][10] and two or three Others. That John Elderige, ---- Stanton, and Doctor ---- Badwain[11] went on shore at Cape May: they also came from on board Culliford.

[Footnote 8: Andreas Gravenraedt of New York. On this very day, June 6, Governor Blakiston of Maryland was seizing him and his ship in the Severn River. _Cal. St. P. Col._, 1699, p. 287.]

[Footnote 9: May 26.]

[Footnote 10: Turner. He turned king's evidence. See the next document.]

[Footnote 11: Kidd's physician was Robert Bradinham; he also turned king's evidence.]

_Item._ That they came to Sandy Hook on Fryday last in the Evening, that the said Edward Buckmaster, Paul Swan, Jonathan Evans and Otto van Toyle went on shore at the west end of long Island on Saturday last at seven of the Clock in the Evening, they also belonged to Culliford; that he was at New Utrecht yesterday and came to New Yorke last night. That he has been often in the hold of Shelleys ship dureing the voyage but saw nothing but water Casks, and that he never saw but four Gunns on the Deck since he was on board.

That one Capt. Shivers[12] came to saint Marys with a ship called the _soldado_ of 40 Gunns while Shelley was there, which ship is run ashore.

[Footnote 12: See document no. 68, par. 13.]

That he did not see the _Quedaw Merchant_ nor Capt. Wright.

That he was at Callicut and Carresaw[13] in Kidds ship.

[Footnote 13: Carwar?]

A True Copy. BELLOMONT.

_74. Deposition of Theophilus Turner. June 8, 1699._[1]

[Footnote 1: Public Record Office, C.O. 5:714, no. 70 VI. Original; a copy (no. 70 II.) is marked as sworn to before Colonel Blakiston, governor of Maryland, on June 8, 1699.]

Maryland scilicet

Came Theophilus Turner, Borne at Heckfield near Hartley roade in Hampshire, Aged about thirty years, and being sworne upon the Holy Evangelists to declare the truth of what he knows concerning any Acts of Pyracy comitted by him or any others, saith:

That he sayled out of London about three years agoe in the Ship _Hanniball_, Captain William Hill Commander, which ship was a Merchant ship mounted with thirty two Gunns and Navigated with seventy Men, and went upon the Coast of Guinea, where the Captain put his Men to very short allowance so that severall of them, vizt. Henry Webber, 3d Mate, who afterwards Comanded the said ship, and severall others, took the ship from him and went to Brasile, where the Deponent and some others left the ship. After that the Deponent had lived at Brasile about one yeare, a French Vessell which had lost her top mast arrived there under the Comand of Mounsieur de Ley, on Board of which Vessell the deponent embarqued himselfe for the Coast of India, the said De Ley being bound to Bengall, in the Voyage whereto they touched at the Island of Johannah, an Island [whose] inhabitants are Arabians, which was in the Month of May or June 1698: and riding there at Anchor with the said ship, came a ship of fourty Gunns called the _Resolution_ by the Men on Board, But understood her right name was the _Moco_,[2] from Madagaskar, Navigated with about 130 or 140 Men under the Comand of Captain Robert Culliford. De Ley weighed one Anchor and cut the other Cable, but Culliford chasing him took him and brought the deponent on Board them, being the only Englishman on board De Ley, and examined him concerning Deleys Loading, with many threats. after they plundered the ship and found there 2000 l. in money, besides Wine and Cloath, which they took, and because the Deponent was an Englishman they would not let him go on board De Ley again but kept him. After which the said Culliford sayled with the said ship upon the Coast of India: and about the middle of August came up with a Pyrate, who came out of America some where near Rhroad Island under the Comand of Richard Chivers, had 80 or 90 men and twelve Gunns, who kept Company and Consorted with Culliford. And about the End of September last they met off of Suratt with a turkey ship belonging to Suratt, which Chivers crew boarded: and the Quartermaster and some of Cullifords crew went on Board: she was laden with Pieces 8, Gold and Dollers, was reputed to the vallue of one Hundred and twenty or thirty thousand pounds. there were some shots made and several turks were killed and wounded and two or three of Chivers Company: they put the men on shoare on the Coast of India, sunck their own ship and took the turkey ship and then shared the money, about 700 or 800 l. a man in each ship, and gave the Deponent who pumped for them on occasion and was ready at call 250 l., not deeming him as one of them but in the nature of a prisoner, and told him if that he would go out with them their next Voyage, he should be all one as the rest. thence the said Culliford and Chivers sayled to Madagascoe, Port St. Marys, a large Island about three or four Hundred Leagues in Length inhabited by a numerous people being Negroes.

THEO. TURNER.

Juratus coram me,

N. BLAKISTON.

[Footnote 2: The _Mocha_ had been a frigate belonging to the East India Company. Piratical members of the crew, especially James Gillam, had murdered the captain and had seized the ship.]

_75. Memorial of Duncan Campbell. June 19, 1699._[1]

[Footnote 1: Public Record Office, C.O. 5:860, no. 64 IV.; a copy certified by Bellomont, and endorsed, "Copy of a Memorial of Mr. Campbell who had been sent by the Earl of Bellomont to Captain Kidd, about what Kidd had said to him.... Referred to in the Earl of Bellomont's Letter of the 26th July 1699. Received [_i.e._, by the Board of Trade] September 26th, Read 26th, 1699." This memorial is printed, with slight inaccuracies, in the _Commons Journal_, XIII. 21-22, and thence reprinted in Sir Cornelius N. Dalton's _The Real Captain Kidd_, pp. 315-321 (a book of slight value as a vindication of Kidd, but reprinting useful documents); but the _Commons Journal_ is in few American libraries, and the document is essential to the story of Kidd, and therefore is printed here. Duncan Campbell, a Scot like Kidd, had been a bookseller in Boston, and was now postmaster there. John Dunton describes him (1686) as "a brisk young Fellow, that dresses All-a-mode, and sets himself off to the best Advantage; and yet thrives apace. I am told (and for his sake I wish it may be true) that a Young Lady of a Great Fortune has married him." _Letters from New England_, p. 80.]

BOSTON, June the 19th, 1699.

The Memorial of Duncan Campbell, of Boston, humbly presented to his Excellency the Earle of Bellomont.

I, the said Duncan Campbell, being at Rhode-Island on Saturday the 17th of June currant, that morning I went in a Sloop from said Island, in Company with Mr. James Emott of New-Yorke,[2] and two other men belonging to said Sloop, towards Block-Island, and, about three leagues from that Island, I mett a Sloop commanded by Captain Kidd, and haveing on board about Sixteen men besides; after hailing of which Sloop and being informed that the said Kidd was Commander thereof, he said Kidd desired me to come on board the same; which I accordingly did, and after some discourse passed, said Kidd desired me to do him the favour as to make what Speed I could for Boston and acquaint your Excellency that the said Kidd had brought a Ship, about five or six hundred Tuns, from Madagascar, which, some considerable time since, he met with in [_blank_] and commanded her there to bring to; and that thereupon the Pilott, being a French man, came on board the said Kidds Ship, and told him, said Kidd, he was welcome, and that the said Ship (to which said Pilott belonged) was a lawfull Prize to him the said Kidd, she sailing under a French Pass: Whereupon he, the said Kidd, and Company, took the said Ship, and afterwards, understanding that the same belonged to the Moors, he, said Kidd, would have delivered her up again, but his men violently fell upon him, and thrust him into his Cabbin, saying the said Ship was a fair Prize, and then carryed her into Madigascar and rifled her of what they pleased, but before they got into Madigascar, the Gally under Command of him, said Kidd, became so leaky that she would scarce keep above water, whereupon the Company belonging thereto, haveing taken out of her her Guns and some other Things and put them on board the Prize, sett the said Gally on fire. The said Captain Kidd further told me that, when he and his Company were arrived at Madagascar, several of his Company moved him to go and take a Ship called the _Moco_ Frigat, that lay ready fitted at a place not far distant from them, in the possession of certain Privateers, and to go in the same for the red-Sea. But that he the said Kidd said that if they would join with him he would attempt the taking of the said Ship, (supposeing her a lawful Prize, being formerly belonging to the King of England), but would not afterwards go with them on the said design to the red-Sea. Whereupon ninety of his the said Kidd's men deserted him, went and tooke the said Ship, and sailed with the same on the aforesaid design, as he, said Kidd, was informed; obliging one Captain Culliver, the then Commander of her, to go along with them.

[Footnote 2: An attorney in New York, and vestryman of Trinity Church.]

And the said Kidd further told me That, his men having left him and his design frustrated, he thought it his best way to preserve the said Ship then in his possession, and the goods on board her, for his Imployers or the proper Owners thereof: And accordingly, with the few men he had then left, which would not joine with the other Ninety in their aforesaid design (being about Twenty in Number) and with a few other men that he procured at Madagascar to assist him in navigating said Ship, he intended to have brought the same to Boston, according to his Orders; but touching in his way at the Island of St. Thomas's and other places in the West-Indies, he there heard that great Complaints were preferred against him, and he proclaimed a Pirate, which occasioned him to saile to a place called Mona, near Hispaniola;[3] from whence he sent to Curaso,[4] and bought there the Sloop on which he is now on board, and tooke into her out of the said ship to the Value of about eight or ten thousand pounds in goods, gold, and Plate, for which Gold and Plate he traded at Madagascar, and was produced by the sale of sundry goods and Stores that he tooke out of the _Adventure Gally_, formerly commanded by him, and hath left the Ship taken by his Company, and carryed to Madagascar as aforesaid, at or near Mona abovesaid, in the Custody of about six men of his owne Company and Eighteen others that he got from Curaso (the Merchant of whom he bought the said Sloop being intrusted therewith), unto which he hath promised to returne again in three months, the said Kidd resolveing to come into Boston or New-Yorke to deliver up unto your Excellency what goods and Treasure he hath on board, and to pray your Excellency's assistance to enable him to bring the said Ship, left by him at Mona aforesaid, from thence, the said Ship being disabled from comeing, for want of furniture.[5]

[Footnote 3: Mona is a small island lying in the passage between Santo Domingo and Puerto Rico.]

[Footnote 4: Curacao, Dutch West Indies.]

[Footnote 5: Masts, spars, sails, and rigging.]

But the said Captain Kidd further informed me, That by reason of what his Men had heard in the West-Indies, as aforesaid, of their being proclaimed Pirates, they would not consent to his coming into any Port without some Assurance from your Excellency That they should not be imprisoned or molested. And the said Captain Kidd did several times protest solemnly that he had not done anything since his going out in the said Gally contrary to his Commission and Orders, more than what he was necessitated unto by being overpowered by his Men, that deserted him, as aforesaid, who evil intreated him several times for his not consenting to, or joineing with them in, their actions. And all the men on board the Sloop now with him did in like manner solemnly protest their innocence, and declared that they had used their utmost endeavours in preserving the aforesaid Ship and goods for the Owners or Imployers. Said Kidd also said, that if your Lordship should see Cause so to direct, he would carry the said Ship for England, there to render an Account of his Proceedings.

Which beforegoing contains the particulars of what Captain Kidd and his Men related to

Your Lordship's most humble Servant,

DUNCAN CAMPBELL.

_76. Narrative of William Kidd. July 7, 1699._[1]

[Footnote 1: Public Record Office, C.O. 5:860, no. 64 XXV. Printed in _Commons Journal_, XIII. 31-32, and by Dalton, but the same remark applies to this document (and to documents nos. 77, 79, and 82) as to no. 75; they are essential to an understanding of the story. A "protest" by Kidd, July 7, of similar purport, has just been published in _Portland MSS._, IX. 403.]

A Narrative of the Voyage of Captain William Kidd, Commander of the _Adventure Gally_, from London to the East Indies.

That the Journal of the said Captain Kidd being violently taken from him in the Port of St. Marie's in Madagascar, and his life many times being threatned to be taken away from him by 97 of his men that deserted him there, he cannot give that exact Account he otherwise could have done, but as far as his memory will serve is as followeth; viz.

That the said _Adventure Gally_ was launched in Castle's Yard at Deptford[2] about the 4th day of December 1695, and about the latter end of February the said Gally came to the buoy in the Nore, and about the first Day of March following, his men were pressed from him for the Fleet, which caused him to stay there 19 Days,[3] and then sailed for the Downs, and arrived there about the 8th or 10th Day of April 1696; and sailed thence for Plymouth, and on the 23d Day of the said month of April he sailed from Plymouth on his intended Voyage, and some time in the month of May met with a small French Vessel with Salt and Fishing Tackle on board, bound for Newfoundland, which he took and made Prize of and carried the same into New-York, about the 4th day of July, where she was condemned as lawful Prize, the produce whereof purchased Provisions for the said Gally for her further intended Voyage.

[Footnote 2: Three miles down the Thames from London Bridge. The Nore was a sandbank at the mouth of the river; the Downs is the roadstead off Deal.]

[Footnote 3: "At the Buoy in the Nore Captain Steward, commander of the _Duchess_, took away all my ship's crew; but Admiral Russell [one of Kidd's owners], upon my application to him at Sittingbourne, caused my men to be restored to me." Kidd's protest; Hist. MSS. Comm., _Manuscripts of the Duke of Portland_, VIII. 80. England and France were at war from 1689 to the peace of Ryswyk, Sept. 20, 1697 (War of the Grand Alliance, King William's War). In such times the royal navy always relied, for its supply of men, upon impressment, especially of merchant seamen. See J.R. Hutchinson, _The Press-Gang Afloat and Ashore_ (London, 1913).]

That, about the 6th day of September 1696 the said Captain Kidd sailed for the Maderas in Company with one Joyner, Master of a Briganteen belonging to Bermudas, and arrived there about the 8th day of October following; and thence to Bonavista,[4] where they arrived about the 19th of said month, and took in some Salt and stayed three or four days, and sailed thence to St. Jago,[4] and arrived there the 24th of the said month, where he took in some Water and staied about 8 or 9 Days, and thence sailed for the Cape of Good Hope, and in the Latitude of 32, on the 12th day of December 1696 met with four English Men of War, whereof Captain Warren was Commodore, and sailed a week in their Company, and then parted and sailed to Telere, a Port in the Island of Madagascar, and being there about the 29th day of January, came in a Sloop belonging to Barbadoes, loaded with Rhum, Sugar, Powder and Shot, one ---- French Master, and Mr. Hatton and Mr. John Batt Merchants, and the said Hatton came on board the said Gally and was suddenly taken ill there and dyed in the Cabin: and about the latter end of February sayled for the Island of Johanna, the said Sloop keeping Company, and arrived there about the 18th day of March, where he found Four East India Merchantmen, outward bound, and watered there all together, and stayd about four days, And from thence about the 22d of March sayled for Mehila, an Island Ten Leagues distant from Johanna, where he arrived the next morning, and there careened the said Gally, and about fifty men died there in a weekes time.

[Footnote 4: See doc. no. 71, note 2.]

That on the 25th day of April 1697 set saile for the Coast of India, and came upon the Coast of Mallabar in the beginning of the month of September, and went into Carrwarr upon that Coast about the middle of the same month and watered there, and the Gentlemen of the English Factory gave the Narrator an Account that the Portugese were fitting out two men of War to take him, and advised him to set out to Sea, and to take care of himselfe from them, and immediately he set sail thereupon ... about the 22d of the said month of September, and the next morning about break of day saw the said two Men of War standing for the said Gally, and spoke with him, and asked him Whence he was, who replyed, from London, and they returned answer, from Goa, and so parted, wishing each other a good Voyage, and making still along the Coast, the Commodore of the said Men of War kept dogging the said Gally all Night, waiting an Opportunity to board the same, and in the morning, without speaking a word, fired 6 great Guns at the Gally, some whereof went through her, and wounded four of his Men, and thereupon he fired upon him again, and the Fight continued all day, and the Narrator had eleven men wounded: The other Portuguese Men of War lay some distance off, and could not come up with the Gally, being calm, else would have likewise assaulted the same. The said Fight was sharp, and the said Portuguese left the said Gally with such Satisfaction that the Narrator believes no Portuguese will ever attack the Kings Colours again, in that part of the World especially, and afterwards continued upon the said Coast, cruising upon the Cape of Cameroone[5] for Pyrates that frequent that Coast, till the beginning of the month of November 1697 when he met with Captain How in the _Loyal Captaine_, an English Ship belonging to Maddarass,[6] bound to Surat, whom he examined and, finding his Pass good, designed freely to let her pass about her affairs; but having two Dutchmen on board, they told the Narrator's men that they had divers Greeks and Armenians on board, who had divers precious Stones and other rich Goods on board, which caused his men to be very mutinous, and got up their Armes, and swore they would take the Ship, and two-thirds of his Men voted for the same. The narrator told them The small Armes belonged to the Gally, and that he was not come to take any Englishmen or lawful Traders, and that if they attempted any such thing they should never come on board the Gally again, nor have the Boat, or Small-Armes, for he had no Commission to take any but the King's Enemies, and Pirates, and that he would attack them with the Gally and drive them into Bombay; the other being a Merchantman and having no Guns, might easily have done it with a few hands, and with all the arguments and menaces he could use could scarce restraine them from their unlawful Designe, but at last prevailed, and with much ado got him cleare, and let him go about his business. All which Captain How will attest, if living.

[Footnote 5: Cape Comorin, the southern point of Hindustan.]

[Footnote 6: _I.e._, Madras.]

And that about the 18th or 19th day of the said month of November met with a Moors Ship of about 200 Tuns,[7] coming from Suratt, bound to the Coast of Mallabar, loaded with two horses, Sugar and Cotton, to trade there, having about 40 Moors on board, with a Dutch Pylot, Boatswain and Gunner, which said Ship the Narrator hailed, and commanded on board, and with him came 8 or 9 Moors and the said three Dutchmen, who declared it was a Moors Ship, and demanding their Pass from Suratt, which they shewed, and the same was a French Pass, which he believes was shewed by a Mistake, for the Pylot swore Sacrament[8] she was a Prize, and staid on board the Gally and would not return again on board the Moors Ship, but went in the Gally to the Port of St. Maries.

[Footnote 7: The _Rouparelle_; her French pass (from the director of Surat for the French East India Company) showing a Mohammedan captain, Dutch pilot, and Dutch boatswain, is in _Commons Journal_, XIII. 21. It was one of the two passes whose absence at Kidd's trial was fatal to his case.]

[Footnote 8: "The Dutch-man seeing that, swore his countries oath, 'sacremente'." Bradford, _History of Plymouth Plantation_ (ed. 1908), p. 35.]

And that about the First Day of February following, upon the same Coast, under French Colours with a Designe to decoy, met with a Bengall Merchantman belonging to Surrat of the burthen of 4 or 500 Tuns, 10 guns, and he commanded the Master on board, and a Frenchman, Inhabitant of Suratt and belonging to the French Factory there, and Gunner of said Ship, came on board as Master, and when he came on board the Narrator caused the English Colours to be hoisted, and the said Master was surprized and said, You are all English; and asking, Which was the Captain, whom when he saw, said, Here is a good Prize, and delivered him the French Pass.[9] And that with the said two Prizes sailed for the Port of St. Maries, in Madagascar; and sailing thither the said Gally was so leaky that they feared she would have sunk every hour, and it required eight men, every two Glasses[10] to keep her free, and was forced to woold[11] her round with Cables to keep her together, and with much ado carried her into the said Port of St. Maries, where they arrived about the First Day of April 1698, and about the 6th day of May the lesser Prize was haled into the Careening Island or Key, the other not being arrived, and ransacked and sunk by the mutinous men, who threatened the Narrator and the men that would not join with them, to burn and sink the other, that they might not go home and tell the news.

[Footnote 9: The French pass of this ship, the _Cara Merchant_ or _Quedah Merchant_ (Kedah, in the Malay Peninsula) is in the _Commons Journal_, XIII. 21, signed by Francois Martin, the founder of Pondicherry and of the French empire in India. It is dated Jan. 14, 1698, at Hugli (Chandernagore). It names Armenians as commanders and owner, though the evidence given at Kidd's trials in London (Hargrave, _State Trials_, V. 287-338) constantly states an Englishman named Wright to have been commander. It should be remembered, in respect to these two captures, of vessels ostensibly French, in November, 1697, and February, 1698, that though the peace of Ryswyk was signed Sept. 20, 1697, the news of its signing did not reach the Indian Ocean till April, 1698; and by its terms (art. X.) captures made "beyond the Line" (Equator) within six months from the signing of the treaty were not illegal.]

[Footnote 10: _I.e._, an hour by the sand-glass.]

[Footnote 11: Wind.]

And that when he arrived in the said Port there was a Pyrate Ship, called the _Moca_ Frigat,[12] at an Anchor, Robert Culliford Commander thereof, who with his men left the same at his coming in, and ran into the Woods, And the Narrator proposed to his Men to take the same, having sufficient power and authority so to do,[13] but the mutinous Crew told him, if he offered the same, they would rather fire two Guns into him than one into the other, and thereupon 97 deserted, and went into the _Moca_ Frigat, and sent into the Woods for the said Pyrates and brought the said Culliford and his men on board again; and all the time she staid in the said Port, which was for the Space of 4 or 5 Dayes, the said Deserters, sometimes in great numbers, came on board the said Gally and _Adventure Prize_,[14] and carried away great guns, Powder, Shot, small Armes, Sailes, Anchors, Cables, Chirurgeons Chest, and what else they pleased, and threatned several times to murder the Narrator (as he was informed, and advised to take care of himselfe) which they designed in the Night to effect but was prevented by his locking himself in his Cabin at night, and securing himselfe with barrocading the same with bales of Goods, and having about 40 small Armes, besides Pistols, ready charged, kept them out. Their wickedness was so great, after they had plundered and ransacked sufficiently, went four miles off to one Edward Welche's house,[15] where his the Narrator's Chest was lodged, and broke it open, and took out 10 Ounces of Gold, forty Pounds of Plate, 370 pieces of Eight, the Narrator's Journal, and a great many papers that belonged to him and the People of New-York that fitted them out.

[Footnote 12: See doc. no. 74, note 2.]

[Footnote 13: One of the witnesses at Kidd's trial, a member of his crew, gives a very different account of the latter's attitude toward Culliford. It may be quoted, as a specimen of Kidd's unstudied conversational style. "On the Quarter-deck they made a Tub of Bomboo, as they call it, (it is made of Water, and Limes, and Sugar) and there they drank to one another; and, says Capt. Kidd, Before I would do you any Damage, I had rather my Soul should broil in Hell-fire; and wished Damnation to himself several times, if he did. And he took the Cup, and wished that might be his last, if he did not do them all the Good he could." _State Trials_ (Hargrave), V. 306, 335.]

[Footnote 14: _I.e._, the _Quedah Merchant_.]

[Footnote 15: Edward Welch was a New Englander, who had come out to Madagascar as a boy, and had a house fortified with six guns near St. Mary's, where he ruled over a company of negroes. _Cal. S.P. Col._, 1699, p. 289.]

That about the 15th of June, the _Moca_ Frigat went away, being manned with about 130 Men and forty Guns, bound out to take all Nations. Then it was that the Narrator was left only with 13 Men, so that the Moors he had to pump and keep the _Adventure Gally_ above Water being carried away, she sunk in the harbour, and the Narrator with the said thirteen men went on board of the _Adventure-Prize_, where he was forced to stay five months for a fair Wind. In the meantime some Passengers presented, that were bound for these Parts, which he tooke on board to help to bring the said _Adventure-Prize_ home.

That about the beginning of April 1699 the Narrator arrived at Anguilla in the West-Indies and sent his Boat on Shore, where his men had the News That he and his People were proclaimed Pirates, which put them into such a Consternation that they sought all Opportunitys to run the Ship on shore upon some reef or Shoal, fearing the Narrator should carry them into some English Port.

From Anguilla they came to St. Thomas, where his Brother-in-law Samuel Bradley[16] was put on shore, being sick, and five more went away and deserted him, where he heard the same News, that the Narrator and his Company were proclaimed Pirates, which incensed the People more and more. From St. Thomas set saile for Moona, an Island between Hispaniola and Porto Rico, where they met with a Sloop called the _St. Anthony_, bound for Montego[17] from Curaso, Mr. William Bolton[18] Merchant and Samuel Wood Master. The men on board then swore they would bring the Ship no further. The Narrator then sent the said Sloop _St. Anthony_ for Curaso for Canvas to make Sails for the Prize, she being not able to proceed, and she returned in 10 Dayes, and after the Canvas came he could not persuade the men to carry her for New-England, but Six of them went and carried their Chests and things on board of two Dutch Sloops, bound for Curaso, and would not so much as heele the Vessel or do any-thing; the remainder of the men not being able to bring the _Adventure-Prize_ to Boston, the Narrator secured her in a good safe Harbour in some Part of Hispaniola, and left her in the Possession of Mr. Henry Boulton of Antego, Merchant, the Master, three of the old men, and 15 or 16 of the men that belonged to the said Sloop _St. Anthony_ and a Briganteen belonging to one Burt of Curaso.

[Footnote 16: Kidd's wife's brother; see doc. no. 78, note 1, and _N.Y. Col. Docs._, IV. 128, 144, 179. General McCrady, _History of South Carolina_, I. 262-263, mentions two affidavits in an old manuscript book in Charleston, by two sailors of the _Adventure's_ company, who declare that Bradley took no part with the piratical crew, but constantly protested against their course, and therefore was put ashore sick on a rock near Antigua.]

[Footnote 17: The manuscript (a copy) says Montego, which is in Jamaica, but the name should be Antigua. The _Antonio_ belonged partly to Abraham Redwood of Antigua, afterward of Newport.]

[Footnote 18: Henry Bolton; see doc. no. 86. Samuel Wood's examination is in _Commons Journal_, XIII. 26.]

That the Narrator bought the said Sloop _St. Anthony_ of Mr. Bolton, for the Owners accompt, and after he had given Directions to the said Bolton to be careful of the Ship and Ladeing and persuaded him to stay three months till he returned, and then made the best of his way to New-York, where he heard the Earl of Bellomont was, who was principally concerned in the _Adventure Gally_, and hearing his Lordship was at Boston, came thither and has now been 45 Dayes from the said Ship.

WM. KIDD.

Boston, 7th July 1699.

Further the Narrator saith, That the said Ship was left at St. Katharina on the Southeast part of Hispaniola, about three Leagues to Leward of the Westerly end of Savano.[19] Whilst he lay at Hispaniola he traded with Mr. Henry Bolton of Antigua, and Mr. William Burt of Curracao,[20] Merchants, to the value of Eleven thousand two hundred Pieces of Eight, whereof he received the Sloop _Antonio_ at 3000 Pieces of 8/8, and four thousand two hundred Pieces of 8/8 by Bills of Exchange, drawn by Bolton and Burt upon Messieurs Gabril and Lemont,[21] Merchants in Curracao, made payable to Mr. Burt, who went himself to Curracao, and the Value of four thousand Pieces of 8/8 more in Dust and barr-gold, which Gold, with some more traded for at Madagascar, being Fifty Pound Weight or upwards in Quantity, the Narrator left in Custody of Mr. ---- Gardner of Gardner's-Island,[22] near the Eastern end of Long-Island, fearing to bring it about by Sea. It is made up in a bagg put into a little box, lockt and nailed, corded about, and sealed. Saith, He took no receipt for it of Mr. Gardner.

[Footnote 19: Savona, or Saona, a small island off the southeasternmost part of Santo Domingo. Santa Catalina is a still smaller island, a little farther to the west.]

[Footnote 20: Burt or Burke, an Irish trader, was of Dutch Curacao to Kidd, of French St. Kitts to Governor Codrington, but a British subject to the Danish governor of St. Thomas. See doc. no. 83.]

[Footnote 21: Walter Gribble (see doc. no. 86, note 7) and William Lamont.]

[Footnote 22: See doc. no. 79.]

The Gold that was seized at Mr. Campbel's the Narrator traded for at Madagascar, with what came out of the Gally.

Saith, That he carried in the _Adventure Gally_ from New-York, 154 Men; Seventy whereof came out of England with him. Some of his Sloop's Company put two Bailes of Goods on shore at Gardner's-Island, being their own proper. The Narrator delivered a Chest of Goods, _viz._ Muslins, Latches, Romals[23] and flowered Silke, unto Mr. Gardner of Gardner's-Island aforesaid, to be kept there for the Narrator. put no Goods on shore any-where else. Several of his Company landed their Chests and other Goods at several places.

[Footnote 23: Handkerchiefs.]

Further saith, He delivered a small Bayle of course Callicoes unto a Sloop-Man of Rhode-Island that he had emploied there. The Gold seized at Mr. Campbell's the Narrator intended for Presents to some that he expected to do him Kindness. Some of his Company put their Chests and Bailes on board a New Yorke Sloop lying at Gardner's-Island.

WM. KIDD.

Presented and taken, die praedict.[24] before his Excellency and Council.

ISA. ADDINGTON, Secretary.

[Footnote 24: _Die praedicta_, on the day aforesaid.]

_77. Lord Bellomont to the Board of Trade. July 8, 1699._[1]

[Footnote 1: Public Record Office, C.O. 5:860, no. 62; _Commons Journal_, XIII, 18-19. Endorsed as received and read Aug. 31. Richard Coote (1636-1701), earl of Bellomont in the peerage of Ireland, was designated as governor of Massachusetts in June, 1695, and as governor of New York in July, three months before his agreement with Livingston and Kidd, but was not commissioned till June 18, 1697. He arrived in New York Apr. 2, 1698, and first came to Boston May 26, 1699. The part he had taken in sending out Kidd to capture pirates made Kidd's piracy a matter of special indignation and embarrassment to him, particularly when the affair was used in Parliament, in the session of 1700, as a means of attack on the Lord Chancellor Somers (see doc. no. 71, note 1). The agreement with Kidd was an unwise arrangement, but there is no doubt that Bellomont was an honest and zealous official.]

BOSTON, 8th July, 99.

_My Lords_,

I have the Misfortune to be ill of the Gout at a time when I have a great deal of business to exercise both my head and my hand.

It will not be unwellcome News to your Lordships to tell you that I secured Captain Kidd last Thursday in the Gaol of this Town with five or six of his men. He had been hovering on the Coast towards New-York for more than a fortnight, and sent to one Mr. Emot to come from New-York to him at a place called Oyster-Bay in Nassau Island[2] not far from New-York. He brought Emot from thence to Rhoad Island and there landed him, sending him hither to me with an Offer of his comeing into this port provided I would pardon him. I was a litle pussiled how to manage a treaty of that kind with Emot, a cunning Jacobite, a fast Friend of Fletcher's and my avowed enimie. When he proposed my pardoning Kid, I told him It was true the King had allowed me a power to pardon Pyrates; But that I was so tender of useing it (because I would bring no Staine on my Reputation), that I had set myselfe a Rule never to pardon Pyracy without the King's expresse leave and Command. Emot told me that Kid had left the great Moorish Ship he took in India (which Ship I have since found went by the Name of the _Quidah-Marchant_), in a Creek on the Coast of Hispaniola, with Goods to the Value of thirty Thousand pounds: That he had bought a Sloop, in which he was come before to make his termes: that he had brought in the Sloop with him severall Bailes of East India goods, threescore pound weight of gold in Dust and in Ingotts, about a hundred weight of Silver and several other things which he beleived would sell for about Ten Thousand pounds. Emot also told me that Kid was very innocent and would make it appear that his men forced him, locking him up in the Cabin of the _Adventure Galley_ while they robbed two or three Ships, and he could prove this by many witnesses. I answered Emot that if Kid could make that appear he might safely come into this Port and I would undertake to get him the King's Pardon. I writ a Letter to Captain Kid inviteing him to come in,[3] and that I would procure a pardon for him, provided he were as innocent as Mr. Emot said he was. I sent my letter to him by one Mr. Campbell of this Town, and a Scotch as well as Kid, and his Acquaintance: within three or four days Campbell returned to me with a Letter from Kid, full of protestations of his Innocence, and informing me of his Design of coming with his Sloop into this Port. I must not forget to tell your Lordships that Campbell brought three or four small Jewells to my Wife, which I was to know nothing of; but she came quickly and discovered them to me and asked me whither she should keep them, which I advised her to do for the present. For I reflected that my shewing an over-nicety might do hurt, before I had made a full discovery what goods and treasure were in the Sloop. All this whole matter, even to my writing my Letter to Kid, was transacted with the privity and advice of the Councill.

[Footnote 2: Long Island.]

[Footnote 3: The letter, June 19, and Kidd's reply, June 24, are in _Commons Journal_, XIII. 22.]

Kid landed here this day Seven night; and I would not so much as speak with him but before Witnesses: I thought he looked very guilty, and to make me believe so he and his friend Livingston[4] (who posted hither from Albany, upon newes of Captain Kid's designe of comeing hither), and Campbell aforesaid began to juggle together and Imbezle some of the Cargo; besides, Kid did strangely trifle with me and the Councill three or four times that we had him under Examination. Mr. Livingston also came to me in a peremptory manner and demanded up his Bond and the articles which he sealed to me upon Kid's Expedition, and told me that Kid swore all the Oaths in the World that unless I did immediately indemnifie Mr. Livingston by giving up his Securities he would never bring in that great Ship and Cargo, but that he would take care to satisfie Mr. Livingston himself out of that Cargo. I thought this was such an Impertinence, in both Kid and Livingston, that it was time for me to look about me, and to secure Kid. I had notice that he designed my wife a Thousand Pound in Gold Dust and Ingotts last Thursday, but I spoyled his Complement by ordering him to be arrested and committed that Day, showing the Councill my orders from Court for that purpose. Two Gentlemen of the Councill, Two Merchants, and the Collector, have the Charge of all the Cargo, and they are preparing Inventories of every thing, which shall be sent to your Lordships by the next Ship.[5] I delivered up to those five persons the Jewells that I have formerly told you Kid sent by Campbell to my Wife, and that at the Councill Board.

[Footnote 4: Robert Livingston (1654-1725), first proprietor of Livingston Manor, a Scot like Kidd and Campbell, was a member of the council of New York, and secretary for Indian affairs.]

[Footnote 5: This inventory is printed in _Commons Journal_, XIII. 29, and, from a copy preserved by the Gardiner family at Gardiner's Island, in C.C. Gardiner, _Lion Gardiner and his Descendants_ (St. Louis, 1890), pp. 84-85. Judge Samuel Sewall headed the commission, and supervised the shipping of part of the treasure to London; _Diary_, Mass. Hist. Soc., _Collections_, XLVI. 7. The total of what was secured by the authorities--obtained from Kidd's box and chest, from the _Antonio_, from Campbell, and from Gardiner--was 1111 troy ounces of gold, 2353 ounces of silver, 17-3/8 ounces of jewels or precious stones, 57 bags of sugar, 41 bales of merchandise, and 17 pieces of canvas. How much leaked away in sloops from Long Island Sound to New York and elsewhere, or in the West Indies, or was destroyed in the burning of the _Quedah Merchant_ in Hispaniola, is matter for conjecture. The total capture, listed above, was thought to be worth L14,000.--Since writing the above, I have come upon Mr. Ralph D. Paine's _The Book of Buried Treasure_ (London, 1911), which presents, at p. 82, a photograph of the inventory mentioned above. Mr. Paine prints our docs. nos. 72, 76, 79, 82, 84, and part of 85.]

If I had kept Mr. Secretary Vernon's Orders for seizing and securing Kid and his associates with all their Effects with less Secrecy, I had never got him to come in: for his Country men, Mr. Graham[6] and Livingston, would have been sure to caution him to shift for him selfe and would have been well paid for their pains. I received the Lords Justices[7] Orders about Kid, and likewise Mr. Secretary Vernon's, about three moneths before my leaveing New-York, but I never discovered them to any body, and when I heard people say, that the neighbouring Governors had Orders from Court to seize him, I laughed, as if I believed noe such thing. I wish they may not let him escape here, as they have Bradish, a notorious Pyrate. About a fortnight ago, Bradish and another Pyrate got out of the Gaol of this Town and escaped with the Consent of the Gaoler as there is great reason to beleive.[8]

[Footnote 6: James Graham, another Scot, was attorney-general of New York and a member of the council.]

[Footnote 7: Acting as chief executive, in the absence of King William.]

[Footnote 8: Joseph Bradish and others of the crew of the ship _Adventure_ of London, on a voyage from London to Borneo in 1698, piratically seized the ship and ran away with it to Block Island. John Higginson of Salem, in a letter of Oct. 3, 1699, after mention of Kidd, adds, "And there was one Bradish, a Cambridge man, who sailed in an interloper bound for India, who, in some part of the East Indies, took an opportunity, when the captain and some of the officers were on shore, to run away with the ship, and came upon our coast, and sunk their ship at Block Island, and brought much wealth ashore with them; but Bradish, and many of his company, and what of his wealth could be found, were seized and secured. But Bradish, and one of his men, broke prison and run away amongst the Indians; but it is supposed that he will be taken again." Mass. Hist. Soc., _Collections_, XXVII. 210. Judge Sewall reports him as recaptured Oct. 26, 1699, and sent to England with Kidd Feb. 16, 1700. _Ibid._, XLV. 503; XLVI. 6.]

As the Law stands in this Country a Pyrate cannot be punished with Death; therefore I desire to receive orders what to do with Bradish's Crew, and also with Kid, and those Men of his I have taken.[9]

[Footnote 9: A Massachusetts act of 1692 punishing piracy with death had been disallowed by the crown. Judge Sewall, in the debate in the council as to the matter, declared that he knew of no power they had to send men out of the province to be tried. _Ibid._, XLVI. 4. He was probably right.]

Since my leaving New-York one of the four Ships has come in that went from thence to Madagascar last Summer and of which I informed your Lordships, and has brought Sixty Pyrates and a vast deall of Treasure. I hear that every one of the Pyrates paid 150 l. for his passage, and the owners, I am told, have cleared thirty Thousand pounds by this Voyage. It is observable that Mr. Hackshaw, one of the Merchants that petitioned against me to your Lordships, and Stephen Delancy, a hot headed saucy Frenchman and Mr. Hackshaw's Correspondent, are the cheife owners of this Ship. I hear there were 200 Pyrates at Madagascar when this Ship came away, who intended to take their passage in Frederick Phillips Ship and the other Two belonging to New York.

A great Ship has been seen off this Coast any time this Week; it is supposed to be one Maise, a Pyrate who has brought a vast deale of wealth from the red Seas.[10] There is a Sloop also at Rhoad Island, which is said to be a Pyrate. I hear the men goe a shoar there in the day time and return to the Sloop at night and spend their gold very liberally. We can do nothing towards the taking those Ships, for want of a man of War. I am manning out a Ship to go in Quest of the _Quidah-Marchant_ left by Kid on the Coast of Hispaniola: by some papers which we seized with Kid, and by his own Confession, wee have found out where the Ship lyes;[11] and according to his account of the Cargo we compute her to be worth seventy thousand pounds. The Ship that carries this is just upon Sailing, and will not be persuaded to stay any longer; so that I cannot send your Lordships the Inventories of the Goods brought in by Kid, nor the Informations we have taken about him from his own men, till next opportunity. I am, with Respect,

My Lords

Your Lordships most humble and obedient Servant

BELLOMONT.

[Footnote 10: William Maze or Mace was one of the pirates specifically named, along with Tew and Wake, in Kidd's commissions.]

[Footnote 11: For the benefit of treasure-hunters, one might wish one could be precise. But while the master of the _Antonio_ says at Sta. Catalina (_Commons Journal_, XIII. 27) and other sailors (_ibid._, 24) say in the Rio Romana, which would mean much the same, Henry Bolton (doc. no. 86) says in the Rio Higuey, which is 30 miles farther east, and Capt. Nicholas Evertse, a worthy New York skipper, says (_C.J._, XIII. 24) that on June 29 he saw the _Quedah Merchant_, on fire and burnt down almost to the water's edge, in a salt lagoon on "the Island St. Helena, nigh Hispaniola," meaning, apparently, Sta. Catalina.]

_78. Petition of Sarah Kidd. July 16 (?), 1699._[1]

[Footnote 1: Mass. Archives, vol. 62, no. 316. On May 16, 1691, Kidd received license to marry at New York Sarah Oort, widow of John Oort, merchant of New York. She was a daughter of Samuel Bradley. Kidd was her third husband. In 1703 she married a fourth. She died in New Jersey in 1744, leaving five children, one of whom was apparently a daughter of Kidd. Frederic de Peyster, in his _Bellomont_, p. 29, says that she "is said to have been a lovely and accomplished woman." Lovely she may have been, and evidently she was attractive, since she had four husbands, but she could not write her own name. To this document and to nos. 80 and 81 she affixes her mark, S.K., rudely printed; facsimile in _Memorial History of Boston_, II. 179.--Since this book was prepared, this petition has been printed in the _Proceedings_ of the American Antiquarian Society, XXXI. 50-51.]

To his Excellency the Earle of Bellomont, Captn. Gen. and Govr. in Chief of his Maj'tys provinces of the Massachusetts Bay, New Yorke, etca. in America, and of the Territorys thereon depending, and Vice Admiral of the same,

The petition of Sarah Kidd the wife of Captn. Wm. Kidd,

Humbly Sheweth

That on the sixth day of July Inst. some of the Magistrates and officers of this place came into your Pet'rs lodgings at the house of Duncan Campbell and did there Seize and take out of a Trunck a Silver Tankard, a Silver Mugg, Silver Porringer, spoons, forcks and other pieces of Plate, and two hundred and sixty pieces of Eight, your Pet'rs sole and proper Plate and mony, brought with her from New Yorke, whereof she has had the possession for several years last past, as she can truely make oath; out of which sd Trunck was also took Twenty five English Crowns which belonged to your Pet'rs Maid.[2]

[Footnote 2: The maid was most likely Elizabeth Morris, whose indenture of apprenticeship to Capt. William Kidd, Aug. 19, 1695, is printed in N.Y. Hist. Soc., _Coll._, 1885, pp. 571-572. She had then just come out from England in Kidd's old barkentine the _Antigua_, which Governor Codrington of the Leeward Islands had given him in 1690 to reward his services and replace the ship then stolen from him (see doc. no. 71, note 1, and _Portland MSS._, VIII. 78) and which had apparently been his ship ever since. She was indentured to him as a maidservant for four years, from July 14, 1695, to July 14, 1699. The council ordered Sarah Kidd's plate to be returned to her.]

The premisses and most deplorable Condition of your Pet'r considered, She humbly intreats your hon'rs Justice That Returne be made of the said Plate and mony.

SARAH S K KIDD.

_In Council July 18, 1699._

Advised that Mrs. Kidd makeing oath that she brought the Plate and money above mentioned from New York with her, It was restored unto her. As also that Capn. Kidd and Companys wearing Apparel under Seizure be returned to them.

_79. Narrative of John Gardiner. July [17], 1699._[1]

[Footnote 1: Public Record Office, C.O. 5:860, no. 64 XXI; _Commons Journal_, XIII. 30-31. John Gardiner (1661-1738), grandson of Lion Gardiner, was the third manorial proprietor of Gardiner's Island, an island lying three miles northward from Long Island, toward its eastern extremity and near the entrance to the Sound. The narrative was sent to the Board of Trade by Bellomont as an enclosure in no. 82.]

The Narrative of John Gardner of Gardners-Island, alias Isle of Wight, relating to Captain William Kidd.

That about twenty dayes agoe, Mr. Emot of New Yorke came to the Narrators House, and desired a boat to go for New Yorke, telling the Narrator he came from my Lord at Boston. Whereupon the Narrator furnished the said Emot with a boat, and he went for New Yorke, and that Evening the Narrator saw a Sloop with Six Guns rideing at an Anchor off Gardners Island. and two days afterwards in the Evening the Narrator went aboard said Sloop to enquire what she was, and so soon as he came on board Captain Kidd (then unknown to the Narrator) asked him how himselfe and Family did, telling him that he the said Kidd was going to my Lord at Boston, and desired the Narrator to carry three Negroes, two boys and a girle, ashore, to keep till he the said Kidd or his Order should call for them, which the Narrator accordingly did. That about two hours after the Narrator had got the said Negroes ashore, Captain Kidd sent his boat ashore with two bailes of Goods and a Negro Boy, and the morning after, said Kidd desired the Narrator to come immediately on board and bring Six Sheep with him for his the said Kidds Voyage for Boston, which the Narrator did, when Kidd asked him to spare a barrel of Cyder, which the Narrator with great importunity consented to, and sent two of his men for it, who brought the Cyder on board said Sloop, but whilst the men were gone for the Cyder, Captain Kidd offered the Narrator several Pieces of damnified[2] Muslin and Bengalls as a Present to his Wife, which the said Kidd put in a bagg, and gave the Narrator, and about a Quarter of an Hour afterwards the said Kidd tooke up two or three pieces of damnified Muslin and gave the Narrator for his proper Use. And the Narrators men then coming on board with the said Barrel of Cyder as aforesaid, the said Kidd gave them four pieces of Arabian Gold for their trouble and also for bringing him Wood. Then the said Kidd, ready to saile, told this Narrator he would pay him for the Cyder, to which the Narrator answered That he was already satisfied for it by the Present made to his Wife. And this Narrator observed that some of Kidds men gave to the Narrators men some inconsiderable things of small value, which this Narrator believes were Muslins for Neckcloths. And then the Narrator took leave of the said Kidd and went ashore, and at parting the said Kidd fired four Guns and stood for Block-Island.

[Footnote 2: Damaged. Bengals were striped goods, partly silk. Kidd gave Mrs. Gardiner more than this. A pitcher and fragments of a piece of cloth of gold are still in the hands of different descendants of two of John Gardiner's wives. See article by John R. Totten in _N.Y. Biog. Rec._, L. 17-25. The story is told in Thompson's Long Island, p. 203, from a letter of a descendant writing more than a hundred years ago. "He [Kidd] wanted Mrs. Gardiner to roast him a pig; she being afraid to refuse him, roasted it very nice, and he was much pleased with it. He then made her a present of this cloth."]

About three Dayes afterwards the said Kidd sent the Master of the Sloop and one Clarke in his boat for the Narrator, who went on board with them, And the said Kidd desired this Narrator to take on shore with him and keep for him, the said Kidd, and Order, a Chest, and a box of gold and a bundle of Quilts and Four Bayles of Goods, which box of gold the said Kidd told the Narrator was intended for my Lord; and the Narrator complied with the said Kidds request and took on shore the said Chest, box of gold, Quilts, and bayles of Goods.

And the Narrator further saith That two of Kidds Crew, who went by the Names of Cooke and Parrat,[3] delivered to him, the Narrator, two baggs of Silver, which they told the Narrator weighed thirty pound weight, for which he gave receipt. And That another of Kidd's men delivered to the Narrator a small bundle of gold, and gold dust of about a pound weight, to keep for him, and did also present the Narrator with a Sash and a pair of worsted Stockins. And just before the Sloop sayled Captain Kidd presented the Narrator with a bagg of Sugar, and then tooke leave and sayled for Boston.

[Footnote 3: Neither of these sailors was of the original crew. Hugh Parrott, of Plymouth, England, joined Kidd at Johanna, and was tried and condemned with him. His examination at Boston is in _Commons Journal_, XIII. 29.]

And the Narrator further saith, he knew nothing of Kidds being proclaimed a Pyrate, and if he had, he durst not have acted otherwise than he has done, having no force to oppose them, and for that he hath formerly been threatned to be killed by Privateers, if he should carry unkindly to them.

JOHN GARDINER.

The within named Narrator further saith That whilst Captain Kidd lay with his Sloop at Gardners Island, there was a New Yorke Sloop, whereof one Coster is Master, and his Mate was a little black man, unknown to the Narrator by name,[4] who, as it was said, had been formerly Captain Kidds Quarter Master, and another Sloop belonging to New-Yorke, Jacob Fenick[5] Master, both which lay near to Kidds Sloop three dayes together, and whilst the Narrator was on board with Captain Kidd, there was several Bayles of Goods and other things put out of the said Kidds Sloop and put on board the other two Sloops aforesaid, and the said two Sloops sayled up the Sound. After which Kidd sailed with his Sloop for Block Island, and being absent by the Space of three dayes returned to Gardners-Island again in company of another Sloop belonging to New-Yorke, Cornelius Quick Master, on board of which was one Thomas Clarke of Setauket, commonly called Whisking Clarke, and one Harrison of Jamaica, Father to a boy that was with Captain Kidd, and Captain Kidds Wife was then on board his own Sloop.[6] And Quick remained with his Sloop there from noon to the evening of the same day, and tooke on board two Chests that came out of the said Kidd's Sloop, under the observance of this Narrator, and he believes several Goods more, and then sailed up the Sound. Kidd remained there with his Sloop until next morning, and then set saile intending, as he said, for Boston. Further the Narrator saith That the next day after Quick sayled with his Sloop from Gardners Island, he saw him turning out of a Bay called Oyster-pan Bay,[7] although the wind was all the time fair to carry him up the Sound; the Narrator supposes he went in thither to land some Goods.

JOHN GARDINER.

[Footnote 4: Carsten Luersen and Hendrick van der Heul.]

[Footnote 5: Jacob Phoenix.]

[Footnote 6: Capt. Thomas Clarke, coroner of New York, was soon after arrested in Connecticut at the instance of Bellomont, who charged him with having privately deposited L10,000 worth of Kidd's treasure with a man at Stamford. Clarke promised restitution. _N.Y. Col. Docs._, IV. 595, 793; _Calendar of Council Minutes_, pp. 143, 144, 164.]

[Footnote 7: Not Oyster Bay, but Oyster-pond Bay, near Orient.]

Boston, July 1699.

The Narrator, John Gardiner, made Oath before his Excellency and Council unto the truth of his Narrative contained in this Sheet of Paper.

ISA. ADDINGTON, Secretary.

_80. Sarah Kidd to Thomas Payne. July 18, 1699._[1]

[Footnote 1: Public Record Office, C.O. 5:861, no. 4 XVIII. Captain Thomas Paine of Jamestown, R.I. (Conanicut Island), had come to Rhode Island in 1683, as a privateer with dubious papers. In 1690 he had defeated a body of Frenchmen at Block Island. He may have been an accomplice of pirates, as Bellomont charges in doc. no. 85 (in which this is an enclosure); he was certainly one of the founders of Trinity Church, Newport.]

From BOSTON Prison, July the 18 day 1699.

_Captain Payen:_

After my humble service to your selfe and all our good Friends this cometh by a trusty Friend of mine how[2] can declare to you of my great griefe and misery here in prison by how I would desire you to send me Twenty four ounces of Gold and as for all the rest you have in your custody shall desire you for to keep in your custody for it is all we have to support us in time of want; but I pray you to deliver to the bearer hereof the above mentioned sum, hows[3] name is Andrew Knott.[4] And in so doing you will oblige him how is your

SARAH S K KEEDE

the bare hereof can informe you more at large.

[Footnote 2: Who.]

[Footnote 3: Whose.]

[Footnote 4: See doc. no. 85.]

_81. Petition of Sarah Kidd. July 25, 1699._[1]

[Footnote 1: Mass. Archives, vol. 62, no. 317.]

To his Excell'cy the Earle of Bellomont,

Capt. Gen'll and Governor of his Maj'tys Collonies of the Massachusetts Bay in N. Engl'd etca. and to the honorable the Councill.

The Peticion of Sarah Kidd humbly Sheweth

That Your Petitioners husband Capt. Wm. Kidd, being comitted unto the Comon Goale[2] in Boston for Pyracie, and under Streight durance, as Alsoe in want of necessary Assistance, as well as from Your Petitioners Affection to her husband humbly pray's that your Excell'cy and Councill will be pleased to permitt the sd Sarah Kidd to have Communication with her husband, for his reliefe; in such due Season and maner, as by your Excelle'y and Councill may be tho't fitt and prescribed, to which Your Petitioner shall thankfully conforme herSelfe and ever pray etca.

SARAH S K KIDD

Boston 25 July 1699.

[Footnote 2: Gaol, jail.]

_82. Lord Bellomont to the Board of Trade. July 26, 1699._[1]

[Footnote 1: Public Record Office, C.O. 5:860, no. 64; _Commons Journal_, XIII. 19-21. The original is endorsed as received Sept. 20.]

BOSTON, 26th July 99.

_My Lords,_

I gave your Lordships a short Account of my taking Capt. Kidd, in my Letter of the 8th Instant:[2] I shall in this Letter confine myselfe wholly to an Account of my Proceeding with him.

[Footnote 2: Doc. no. 77.]

On the 13th of last Month Mr. Emot, a Lawyer of New-York, came late at Night to me and told me he came from Captain Kidd, who was on the Coast with a Sloop, but would not tell me where: That Kidd had brought 60 Pound Weight of gold, about a 100 Weight of Silver, and 17 Bales of East-India goods, (which was less by 24 Bales than we have since got in the Sloop), That Kidd had left behind him a great Ship near the Coast of Hispaniola that nobody but himselfe could find out, on board whereof there were in bale goods, Saltpetre, and other things to the Value of at least 30,000 L.: That if I would give him a pardon, he would bring in the Sloop and goods hither, and would go and fetch the great Ship and goods afterwards. Mr. Emot delivered me that Night Two French Passes, which Kidd took on board the Two Moors Ships which were taken by him in the seas of India (or, as he alleges, by his Men against his Will). One of the Passes wants a date in the original, as in the Copy I send your Lordships; and they go No. I. and No. II.[3]

[Footnote 3: See doc. no. 87, note 2.]

On Thursday, the 15 of June, I sent Mr. Campbel, the Post-Master of this town, Kidd's Countryman and acquaintance, along with Mr. Emot, to invite Kidd to come into this Port. Mr. Campbel returned hither on the 19 of June, and gave in a Memorial to my selfe and the Councel, containing what had passed between him and Kidd: The said Memorial goes No. 3.[4] On the said 19 June, as I sate in Councel, I wrote a Letter to Captain Kidd, and shewed it to the Councel, and they approving of it, I dispatched Mr. Campbel again to Kidd with my said Letter, a Copy whereof goes No. 4. Your Lordships may observe That the promise I make Captain Kidd, in my said Letter, of a kind reception, and promising the King's pardon for him, is conditionall; that is, provided he were as innocent as he pretended to be. But I quickly found sufficient Cause to suspect him very guilty, by the many lyes and Contradictions he told me. I was so much upon my guard with Kidd that, he arriving here on Saturday the [first] of this moneth, I would not see him but before witnesses; nor have I ever seen him since, but in Councel twice or thrice that we examined him; and the day he was taken up by the Constable, it happened to be by the door of my Lodging,[5] and he rushed in and came running to me, the Constable after him. I had him not seized till Thursday the 6th instant, for I had a mind to discover where he had left the great Ship, and I thought my selfe secure enough from his running away, because I took care not to give him the least umbrage of my Design of seizing him, Nor had I till that day that I produced my orders from Court for apprehending of Kidd, communicated them to anybody. And I found it necessary to shew my orders to the Councel, to animate them to join heartily with me in securing Kidd, and examining his Affair nicely, to discover what we could of his behaviour in his whole Voyage. Another reason why I took him not up sooner was that he had brought his wife and Children hither in the Sloop with him, who I believed he would not easily forsake. He being examined twice or thrice by me and the Councel, and also some of his men, I observed he seemed much disturbed, And the last time we examined him I fancied he looked as if he were upon the wing, and resolved to run away, and the Gentlemen of the Councel had some of them the same thought with mine, so that I took their Consent in seizing and committing him.[6] But the officers appointed to seize his men were so careless as to let 3 or 4 of his men escape, which troubled me the more because they were old New-York Pyrates. The next thing the Councel and I did, was to appoint a Committee of trusty persons to search for the goods and Treasure brought by Kidd and to secure what they should find till the King's pleasure should be known as to the Disposition thereof, as my orders from Mr. Secretary Vernon import. The said Committee were made up of Two Gentlemen of the Councel, Two Merchants, and the Deputy Collector, whose names are to the inclosed Inventory of the goods and Treasure. They searched Kidd's Lodging, and found hid and made up in Two sea-beds, a bag of gold dust and Ingots of the value of about 1000 L. and a bag of silver, part money and part pieces and piggs of silver, value as set down in the said Inventory. In the above bag of gold were several litle bags of gold; all particulars are, I believe, very justly and exactly set down in the Inventory. For my part, I have medled with no manner of thing, but put every thing under the management of the Councel, and into the Custody of the before mentioned Committee, that I might be free from the Suspicion and Censure of the World. The enameled box mentioned in the beginning of the Inventory is that which Kidd made a present of to my wife by Mr. Campbel, which I delivered in Councel to the said Committee to keep with the rest of the Treasure. There was in it a stone ring, which we take to be a Bristoll Stone;[7] if it were true, it would be worth about 40 L. And there was a small stone unset which we believe is also counterfeit, and a sort of a Locket, with four Sparks which seem to be right diamonds; for there is nobody here that understands Jewels. If the Box and all that is in it were right, they cannot be worth above 60 L.

[Footnote 4: Doc. no. 75.]

[Footnote 5: Peter Sergeant, a rich merchant, who had the finest house in Boston, had given it over to the new governor's use. Mass. Hist Soc., _Proc._, XXII. 123-131. Lord Bellomont held his council meetings in its best chamber. It was afterward the famous Province House, having been bought later by the province, for a residence for the governors. Hawthorne, at the beginning of