CHAPTER III
Face of the country--Change which a part has probably undergone-- Climate--Extent and importance.
This extensive portion of North America, has usually been described from a small part which is occupied by the settlements; as though {224} it were limited to the borders of the Mississippi, as Egypt is confined to the vicinity of the Nile. Some represent it, in general description, as a low flat country, abounding in swamps and subject to inundation. Others speak of it as one vast wilderness;
“_Missouri marches through his world of woods._” BARLOW.
If Louisiana were to be described like other countries, not from a particular section, but from the appearance of the whole, combined in a general view, we should say, that it is an extensive region of open plains and meadows, interspersed with bare untillable hills, and having some resemblance to the Steppes of Tartary, or the Saharas of Africa, but without the morasses and dull uniformity of the one, or the dreary sterility of the others. The tracts lying on the great rivers, it is true, constitute the most valuable parts of Louisiana; but these, in geographical extent, are very inconsiderable, when compared with the remainder. They are principally on the Mississippi, Missouri, Arkansas, and Red river; and are vallies, seldom exceeding ten or twelve miles in width, {225} of a soil exceedingly rich and productive, but much interspersed with lakes, and refluent currents, or bayous. To give a more perfect and satisfactory view of this country, it will be convenient to examine it under three divisions.
1. The regions beyond the settlements.
2. The territory of the Missouri.
3. The state of Louisiana.
Volney has properly called the country drained by the Mississippi and its waters, a valley; but it is to be observed, that the western side is nearly three times as large as the other, and traversed by much more considerable rivers: and the mountains which enclose it on the west and southwest, are of a much greater magnitude than the Alleghanies.
To pursue some plan in these views, I propose to take up the first book, with some general description of Louisiana, its rivers, soil and productions, and to give in the next book, a more detailed account of the territory of the Missouri, and of the state of Louisiana--
The Rocky Mountains are without doubt a continuation of the Andes. Their course is nearly north and south; in width and elevation, some of them are little inferior to the {226} mountains of South America. There are a number of peaks of immense height, and covered with perennial snows. Their highest elevation, (which may be considered the table land of North America,) is not further north than the 41° of lat. It is from this quarter that many of our greatest rivers take their rise, and flow in opposite directions;[56] the Colorado of California, Rio del Norte, the Arkansas, the Platte, and the Roche Jaune, (yellow stone.) It will be to the geologist an interesting work, to trace the various ridges, connexions, spurs and dependencies of these mountains. There is a long chain of hills, which generally separate the waters of the Missouri from those of the Arkansas and Mississippi, and which are commonly called the Black mountains. The hills in the White river country, and those west of the Mississippi, towards the head of the St. Francis and the Maramek, so abundant in minerals, may be dependencies of the Black mountains. There are high rugged hills, approaching to mountains, between the upper part of the Washita river and the Arkansas, of which {227} some account may be found in Hunter and Dunbar’s voyage up the Washita.[57]
Taking the distance from the Mississippi to the mountains, to be about nine hundred miles, of the first two hundred miles, the larger proportion is fit for settlements. There is a great deal of well timbered land and the soil is generally good; this quality, however, diminishes as we ascend north, where the soil becomes unproductive and almost barren, and as we advance westward the land becomes more bare of woods. For the next three hundred miles the country can scarcely be said to admit of settlements; the wooded parts form but trifling exceptions to its general appearance, and are seldom found except in the neighbourhood of streams; we may safely lay it down as a general remark, that after the first hundred miles, no timber is found on the upland except it be pine or cedar. The rest of the country is made up of open plains of immense extent, chequered with waving ridges which enable the traveller to see his journey of several days before him. Yet a great proportion of the soil would bear cultivation, the river bottoms, being generally fine, and many spots truly {228} beautiful: there are other places, however, barren in the extreme, producing nothing but hyssop and prickly pears. The same description will suit the rest of the country to the Rocky mountains; except that it is more mountainous, badly watered, and a great proportion entirely barren.[58] In the two last divisions the bodies of land fit for settlements, are so distant from each other, that there is scarcely any probability of any being formed for centuries, if ever.
A great proportion of the country watered by the Missouri and its tributary streams, appears to have undergone some wonderful change, from causes not easy to ascertain; the influence of fire is however evident. I have seen in places, banks of clay burnt almost to the consistence of brick; of this kind, there is above the Poncas village what is called the tower, a steep hill one hundred and fifty feet in height, and four or five hundred in circumference: it is so hard as not to be affected by {229} the washing of the rains. Large masses of pumice are seen near these places, and frequently in the high bluffs of the river banks. These appearances were formerly attributed to the existence of volcanoes on the Missouri, but they are now generally supposed to be the effects of coal banks continuing a long time on fire. I am well satisfied that this fossil abounds in every part of the great valley of the Mississippi. Many of the river hills present the appearance of heaps of clay, great quantities of which, on the melting of the snows, and in heavy rains, are precipitated and carried to the principal river. This clay is of a grey color, extremely tenacious, being mixed with a large proportion of calcarious earth; the incumbent soil having been first carried away; the rock on which it reposed being laid bare to the frost and sun, and perhaps affected by the burning of coal banks near it, gradually crumbled and united with the clay. In taking up a handful, one may pick out pieces of gypsum, (sulphat of lime) some of half an ounce weight. Near these spots are usually found glaubers salt, (sulphat of soda) and common salt, oozing with water out of the ground, and crystallized {230} on the surface. The most remarkable fact, is the appearance on these heaps of clay, of the remains of trees, in a state of petrifaction, and some of enormous size. Fragments may be every where picked up, but stumps of four or five feet in height, perfectly turned to stone, and the trunks of tall trees, may be seen and traced. This is extraordinary in a country, where even in the richest alluvions the timber attains but a stinted growth.
From these facts an ingenious theorist might conjecture, that the Missouri has not always brought down in its channel, that astonishing quantity of earth which it does at the present day. It is probable that other causes, as in Tartary, might have operated in preventing the growth of woods, in a great proportion of this western region; but something of a different kind must have effected a change in this country, which apparently was once covered with trees. What immense quantities of the earth must have been carried off to form the great alluvions of the Mississippi, by means of the Arkansas, Red river, and chiefly from the Missouri, not to mention the vast quantities lost in the gulf of Mexico. The result of a {231} calculation would be curious. The marks of this loss, are very evident in the neighborhood of nearly all the rivers which discharge themselves into the Missouri above the Platte. Some of the appearances may rank amongst the greatest natural curiosities in the world. The traveller on entering a plain, is deceived at the first glance by what appears to be the ruins of some great city; rows of houses for several miles in length, and regular streets. At the first view there appears to be all the precision of design, with the usual deviations representing palaces, temples, &c.; which appearances are caused by the washing away of the hills, as before described. These remains, being composed of more durable substance continue undecayed, while the rest is carried off. The strata have the appearance of different stories; the isolated and detached hills constitute the remainder. I had this description from hunters, and from persons of intelligence who have met with them, and I have myself seen places near the Missouri very similar.
There is but a small portion of this extensive region that is not calcarious; in this respect resembling the section of the valley which {232} lies east of the Mississippi. A fact which is singular enough, on the summits of many of the river hills, about one thousand miles up, large blocks of granite are found, of several tons weight; these continue to be seen until we reach the first range of primitive mountains. It is possible there may have been a lower range, which from the change produced by the wearing away of the earth has gradually disappeared.
Some of the peculiarities of climate may be noted in this place. The height of this western region, and the open plains which compose it, cause it to possess a pure elastic air. The sky has a more delightful blue than I ever saw any where else; the atmosphere in a serene calm evening is so clear, that a slight smoke can be discerned at the distance of many miles; and it is of great importance to the Indians in detecting their enemies, and in giving warning; but it also exercises their caution in the highest degree. In point of health, it is unnecessary to say any thing; such a country must necessarily be salubrious. The heat of the sun is greatest in the month of July, and at that time is not less intense than in other {233} parts of the continent, but it is rendered more supportable by the breezes which continually fan the air. Spring opens about the last of April, and vegetation is in considerable forwardness by the middle of May. Such fruits as the country affords, principally berries, sand cherries, and currants, do not ripen until the latter end of July. I found strawberries ripe about the fourth of that month, near the Mandan villages. Plums ripen in the latter end of August. The winter sets in the beginning of October, but there is frost frequently in August and September. The cold is excessive during the winter seasons; there are frequent storms which continue for several days, and render it dangerous for any but Indians to stir out, without running the risk of being frozen. These observations apply to the greater portion of this region, but with respect to the part which lies south of the Arkansas, must be taken with considerable allowance.
To the north of the river just mentioned, rains are not frequent, but when they set in, pour down in torrents. To the south, there is seldom any rain, its place being supplied by heavy dews. In the dry season, at a distance {234} from the great rivers, water is every where exceedingly scarce. The Indians in their journeys, generally so shape their course as to pass where ponds of water are known to be; but they most usually carry a sufficient quantity in bladders. In this season, a person in traversing the country, will be frequently surprised at crossing the beds or channels of large rivers, without finding a drop of water. After rains, or the melting of snows, torrents roll down these channels. It is not surprising that a country so distant from the sea, drained by a river which has a course of four thousand miles, before it reaches the great reservoir, should not be so well watered. This deficiency is another amongst the impediments to the settlements of that vast waste.
According to the boundaries before laid down, Louisiana is at least, one-third larger than the rest of the United States, and contains little short of one million and a half of square miles. But we should be greatly deceived if in estimating its importance we take into view only its geographical extent. Constituting the central or interior part of North America, the greater portion of it, is at too remote a distance {235} from the ocean to have an easy and advantageous communication with the rest of the world. When compared to other parts of America it may be considered as badly watered, and devoid of that facility of intercourse from navigable rivers which they possess. I am to be understood, as speaking of Louisiana generally; there are exceptions to these general observations: the territory of the Missouri, and the state of Louisiana, are amply sufficient to make amends for the unpromising character of the remainder, they may be justly reckoned amongst the most interesting portions of the American empire.
From what has been already said, it will be seen that the prevailing idea of those western regions, being like the rest of the United States, susceptible of cultivation, and affording endless out-lets to settlements, is erroneous. These out-lets when compared to the extent of country are extremely limited; they are much less considerable than on the eastern side of the Mississippi. The natives will probably remain in quiet and undisturbed possession, for at least a century, for until our country becomes in some degree surcharged with population, {236} there is scarcely any probability of settlers venturing far into those regions. A different mode of life, habits altogether new and suited to the situation, would have to be adopted. Settlements would have to be strung along water courses at such distances from each other, that they could not protect themselves from the wandering tribes. The distance from market, and the difficulties of reaching it, would render the agricultural produce of little or no value. Yet, I am convinced, that did not the Indians possess it, there would in a very short time, be many small groups of settlements scattered through it. This country, it is certain, can never become agricultural, but it is in many respects highly favorable to the multiplication of flocks and herds. Those delightful spots where the beauty and variety of landscape, might challenge the fancy of the poet, invite to the pastoral life. How admirably suited to that interesting animal, the sheep, are those clean smooth meadows, of a surface infinitely varied by hill and dale, covered with a short sweet grass intermixed with thousands of the most beautiful flowers, undeformed by a single weed.
{237} This contraction of the settlements will have its advantages. The territory we possessed before the acquisition of Louisiana, would not have been filled up for a great length of time: it will require ages, and even centuries before our lands can be cultivated as in Europe, or before the population presses on the means of subsistence. A thin and scattered population is a disadvantage, as it weakens a nation and retards the progress of improvements. There is also a consideration which will strike at the first view; the vast open plains which separate us from the Mexican provinces will for a long time prevent any serious difficulties as to boundary, where there exist so little data for determining it.
To dilate upon the political advantages of the acquisition of Louisiana would fill a volume. It may be regarded as one of the most fortunate occurrences in our history. Had this country continued in the hands of any other power, it is highly probable that we should have been involved in expensive wars, or perhaps a separation of the western states might have taken place. To these states the free navigation of the Mississippi is absolutely necessary, {238} and while Louisiana remained in the possession of any European nation it would always have been subject to interruption. This consideration alone would have been worth the price paid for the province. The connexion between the existence of a republic and the extent of its territory, is still a _vexata questio_ amongst politicians, and can only be decided by the experiment of ours. I will only venture to suggest one idea. In a small extent of country there is danger from the momentary bias of popular opinion; the _permanent interests_, may not be sufficiently diversified, and should the confederacy divide on this subject, into two great parties, nothing can long retain them in union. In an extensive region like ours, even with the aid of our _thousand newspapers_, popular feeling cannot be suddenly aroused to such a pitch of passion and phrenzy, as to break down the barriers of reason; and the northern and southern interests, (of which we hear,) are neutralized by the weight of several important states, whose interests are connected with that of both. The western states, like the southern, are devoted to agriculture, but at the same time, dependent on the commerce {239} of the northern for the conveniences and luxuries of life.
The security our western settlements will derive against the numerous tribes of savages, who would be at the disposal of any power holding Louisiana, may be ranked amongst the most certain advantages of the acquisition. Our vicinity to the Mexican provinces will enable us to carry on a trade, which, if permitted to be free, must in a short time become of incalculable value. It is ardently to be wished, that these people during their present struggles may be able to throw off the foreign government, which ruled them as it were by the spells of Circe, by using every art to retain them in ignorance, and to render them debased. Could these people become independent, and be regenerated by the ennobling spirit of freedom, the northern continent would be exclusively possessed by two great nations, Americans and Mexicans, united in friendship by harmonizing interests and sympathy of governments.
The intrinsic value of Louisiana, notwithstanding the vast extent which may be considered almost barren, is beyond calculation. The {240} territory of Missouri and the state of Louisiana, are equal in extent to any three of the largest states, containing every variety of soil and capable of producing whatever may administer to the convenience or luxury of man; rich in minerals, fertile in soil, and favorably situated for commerce and manufacture.
A TABLE OF DISTANCES[59]
_From the mouth of the Missouri to the Mandan Villages-- Rivers--Latitudes &c._
=============================+=======+========+=====+======+======== | Width | | | | Places | of | Side |Dis- | Total| |rivers,| of |tance| Dist.|Latitude | yds. |Missouri| | | -----------------------------+-------+--------+-----+------+-------- St. Charles | | N. E. | 21 | | 38° 59′ Osage river, (Little,) | 30 | N. E. | 20 | | Charles’ creek | 20 | S. W. | 27 | | Shepherd’s creek | | S. W. | 15 | | Gasconade river | 157 | S. W. | 17 | 100 | 38° 45′ Muddy river | 50 | N. E. | 15 | | Great Osage | 397 | S. W. | 18 | 133 | 38° 31′ Marrow Creek | 20 | S. W. | 5 | | Cedar Creek and island | 20 | N. E. | 7 | | Lead Mine hill | | S. W. | 9 | | Hamilton’s creek | 20 | S. W. | 8 | | Split Rock creek | 20 | N. E. | 8 | 170 | Saline or Salt river | 30 | S. W. | 3 | | Manitoo river | 30 | N. E. | 9 | | Good Woman’s river | 35 | N. E. | 9 | | Mine river | 70 | S. W. | 9 | 200 | Arrow prairies | | S. W. | 6 | | The Charitons }| 30 | N. E. | 14 | | }| 70 | | | | Ancient village of Missouri }| | | | | Indians, near which, fort }| | N. E. | 16 | | Orleans formerly stood }| | | | | {244} Grand River | 90 | N. E. | 4 | 240 | Snake creek | 18 | N. E. | 6 | | Ancient village of the }| | | | | Little Osage Indians }| | S. W. | 10 | 256 | Tiger creek and Island | 25 | N. E. | 20 | | A creek and island | | S. W. | 12 | | Fire prairie and creek | | S. W. | 12 | | Fort Clark or Osage | | S. W. | 6 | 306 | Hay Cabin creek | 20 | S. W. | 6 | | Coal bank | | S. W. | 9 | | Blue Water river | 30 | S. W. | 10 | | Kansas river | 233 | S. W. | 9 | 340 | 39° 5′ Little river Platte | 60 | N. E. | 9 | | 1. Old Kansas village | | S. W. | 28 | | Independence creek | | S. W. | 28 | | 2. Old Kansas village | | S. W. | 1 | | St. Michael’s prairie | | N. E. | 24 | | Nodawa river | 70 | N. E. | 20 | 450 | 39° 40′ Loup or Wolf river | 60 | S. W. | 14 | | Big Nimeha | 80 | S. W. | 16 | | Tarkio creek | 23 | N. E. | 3 | | Nish-na-botona | 50 | N. E. | 25 | 508 | Little Nimeha | 48 | S. W. | 8 | | Bald-pated prairie--the }| | | | | river Nish-na-bo-tona }| | | | | is at this place not }| | N. E. | 23 | | more than 150 yards }| | | | | from the bank of the }| | | | | Missouri. }| | | | | Weeping-water creek | 25 | S. W. | 29 | | RIVER PLATTE | 600 | S. W. | 32 | 600 | 41° 4′ Butterfly creek | 18 | S. W. | 3 | | Moscheto creek | 22 | N. E. | 7 | | Ancient village of Ottoes | | S. W. | 11 | | do. of Ayuwas | | N. E. | 6 | | {245} ---- river | 28 | N. E. | 11 | | Council Bluffs | | S. W. | 12 | 650 | 41° 17′ Soldier’s river | 40 | N. E. | 39 | | Little Sioux | 80 | N. E. | 44 | | Bad Spirit river | | S. W. | 55 | 788 | A bend in the river, 20 }| | | | | miles round, and but }| | | 21 | 809 | 900 yards across. }| | | | | An island 3 miles N. E. } | | | 27 | 836 | of Floyd’s village. } | | | | | Floyd’s river and bluff | 35 | N. E. | 14 | 850 | Big Sioux river | 110 | N. E. | 3 | 853 | 38° 48′ Commencement of the }| | | | | Cobell, Alum, and }| | S. W. | 27 | 880 | Copperas bluffs }| | | | | Hot or Burning bluffs | | S. W. | 30 | | White Stone river | 30 | N. E. | 8 | | An old village at the mouth }| | | | | of Little Bow creek }| | S. W. | 20 | | River a Jaque or James R. | 90 | N. E. | 12 | 950 | 42° 53′ Calumet bluff | | S. W. | 13 | | Ancient fortification, }| | | | | Good Man’s Isle }| | S. W. | 13 | 976 | Plumb creek | 12 | N. E. | 10 | | White Paint creek | 28 | S. W. | 8 | | Qui Courre creek | 150 | S. W. | 6 | 1000 | Poncas river and village | 30 | S. W. | 10 | | The village of dog prair. | | S. W. | 20 | | The island Cedar | | | 40 | | WHITE RIVER | 300 | S. W. | 60 | 1130 | The 3 rivers of the Sioux | 36 | N. E. | 22 | | An island in the upper }| | S. W. | 20 | | part of the Big Bend }| | | | | {246} Upper part of the } | | | | | Big Bend, the gorge } | | S. W. | 30 | | 1¼ mile across }| | | | | Tyler’s river | 35 | S. W. | 6 | 1208 | L’Oiselle’s post, Cedar }| | | | | island }| | | 18 | | 44° 12′ Titon river | 70 | S. W. | 37 | | The upper part of five old }| | | | | record villages of }| | S. W. | 42 | | Arikaras, reduced by }| | | | | the Sioux | | | | | Chienne river | 400 | S. W. | 5 | 1310 | 44° 20′ Old record village | | | 47 | | Ser-war-cerna | 90 | S. W. | 40 | 1397 | Waterhoo | 120 | S. W. | 25 | 1422 | 45° 35′ Old village on an island | | S. W. | 4 | | Arikara, 2 villages | | S. W. | 4 | | Stone Idol creek | 18 | N. E. | 18 | | Warecore | 35 | N. E. | 40 | | Cannon-ball river | 140 | S. W. | 12 | 1500 | 46° 29′ Old Mandan village | | S. W. | 40 | | do. | | S. W. | 40 | | Mandan village | | S. W. | 20 | 1600 | 47° 13′ Company’s Fort | | | 40 | 1640 |
[54] Brackenridge includes in his appendix, matter which is also given by Bradbury (vol. V of our series), and which therefore is here omitted: 1st, Sibley’s journey to the salines, incorporated by Bradbury in the text of his journal, pp. 191-194. 2d, extract from the Missouri _Gazette_, on voyage of the Astorians--Bradbury, appendix iii. 3d, oration of Big Elk--Bradbury, appendix ii.--ED.
[55] Brackenridge in the early part of 1811 wrote some articles on Louisiana for periodical publication. These he afterwards revised and enlarged, and incorporated in a volume entitled _Views of Louisiana_ (Pittsburgh, 1814). From this he has extracted chapter iii, to include in the appendix to the journal. See preface to the present volume.--ED.
[56] See Pike’s Journal.--BRACKENRIDGE.
_Comment by Ed._--Pike, _Account of Expeditions to Sources of Mississippi, and through Western Parts of Louisiana ... during the years 1805, 1806, and 1807_ (Baltimore, 1810); new edition, Coues ed. (New York, 1895).
[57] The journal of William Dunbar and Dr. Hunter up the Red and Washita rivers was published in Lewis and Clark, _Statistical Account_ (London, 1807), pp. 74-116.--ED.
[58] There are extensive tracts of moving sands similar to those of the African deserts. Mr. Makey informed me that he was several days in passing over one of these between the Platte and the Missouri, and near the mountains; there was no sign of vegetation.--BRACKENRIDGE.
[59] By comparison of this table with the more detailed list in Lewis and Clark’s _Narrative_ (Biddle ed., Philadelphia, 1814), ii, pp. 462-464, it will be noticed that several changes have been made by Brackenridge, both in the data and orthography, while the latitude is added. From internal evidence, there is some reason to believe that Brackenridge had access to the original journals of Lewis and Clark, but failed properly to interpret some of the proper names in the manuscript.--ED.
THE END
FRANCHÈRE’S NARRATIVE OF A VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST COAST, 1811-1814
Reprint of J. V. Huntington’s English translation (New York, 1854)
[Illustration: Astoria, as it was in 1813]
NARRATIVE
OF A
VOYAGE
TO
THE NORTHWEST COAST OF AMERICA
IN THE YEARS 1811, 1812, 1813, AND 1814
OR THE
FIRST AMERICAN SETTLEMENT ON THE PACIFIC
By GABRIEL FRANCHERE
TRANSLATED AND EDITED BY J. V. HUNTINGTON
[Illustration]
REDFIELD 110 AND 112 NASSAU STREET, NEW YORK 1854.
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1854, BY J. S. REDFIELD, in the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of the United States, in and for the Southern District of New York.
PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION
In 1846, when the boundary question (that of the Oregon Territory in particular) was at its height, the Hon. THOMAS H. BENTON delivered in the United States Senate a decisive speech, of which the following is an extract:--
“Now for the proof of all I have said. I happen to have in my possession the book of all others, which gives the fullest and most authentic details on all the points I have mentioned--a book written at a time, and under circumstances, when the author (himself a British subject and familiar on the Columbia) had no more idea that the British would lay claim to that river, than {4} Mr. Harmon, the American writer whom I quoted, ever thought of our claiming New Caledonia. It is the work of Mr. FRANCHÈRE, a gentleman of Montreal, with whom I have the pleasure to be personally acquainted, and one of those employed by Mr. ASTOR in founding his colony. He was at the founding of ASTORIA, at its sale to the Northwest Company, saw the place seized as a British conquest, and continued there after its seizure. He wrote in French: his work has not been done into English, though it well deserves it; and I read from the French text. He gives a brief and true account of the discovery of the Columbia.”
I felt justly proud of this notice of my unpretending work, especially that the latter should have contributed, as it did, to the amicable settlement of the then pending difficulties. I have flattered myself ever since, that it belonged to the historical literature of the great country, which by adoption has become mine.
The re-perusal of “Astoria” by WASHINGTON IRVING (1836) inspired me with an additional {5} motive for giving my book in an English dress. Without disparagement to Mr. IRVING’S literary fame, I may venture to say that I found in his work inaccuracies, misstatements (unintentional of course), and a want of chronological order, which struck forcibly one so familiar with the events themselves. I thought I could show--or rather that my simple narration, of itself, plainly discovered--that some of the young men embarked in that expedition (which founded our Pacific empire), did not merit the ridicule and contempt which Captain THORN attempted to throw upon them, and which perhaps, through the genius of Mr. IRVING, might otherwise remain as a lasting stigma on their characters.
But the consideration which, before all others, prompts me to offer this narrative to the American reading public, is my desire to place before them, therein, a simple and connected account (which at this time ought to be interesting), of the early settlement of the Oregon Territory by one of our adopted citizens, the enterprising merchant JOHN JACOB ASTOR. The importance {6} of a vast territory, which at no distant day may add two more bright stars to our national banner, is a guarantee that my humble effort will be appreciated.
_Note by Huntington_
It has been the editor’s wish to let Mr. Franchère speak for himself. To preserve in the translation the Defoe-like simplicity of the original narrative of the young French Canadian, has been his chief care. Having read many narratives of travel and adventure in our northwestern wilderness, he may be permitted to say that he has met with none that gives a more vivid and picturesque description of it, or in which the personal adventures of the narrator, and the varying fortunes of a great enterprise, mingle more happily, and one may say, more dramatically, with the itinerary. The clerkly minuteness {7} of the details is not without its charm either, and their fidelity speaks for itself. Take it altogether, it must be regarded as a fragment of our colonial history saved from oblivion; it fills up a vacuity which Mr. IRVING’S classic work does not quite supply; it is, in fact, the only account by an eyewitness and a participator in the enterprise, of the first attempt to form a settlement on the Pacific under the stars and stripes.
The editor has thought it would be interesting to add Mr. Franchère’s Preface to the original French edition, which will be found on the next page.
BALTIMORE, _February 6, 1854_.
PREFACE TO THE FRENCH EDITION
When I was writing my journal on the vessel which carried me to the northwest coast of North America, or in the wild regions of this continent, I was far from thinking that it would be placed one day before the public eye. I had no other end in writing, but to procure to my family and my friends a more exact and more connected detail of what I had seen or learned in the course of my travels, than it would have been possible for me to give them in a _viva voce_ narration. Since my return to my native city, my manuscript has passed into various hands and has been read by different persons: several of my friends immediately advised me to print it; but it is only quite lately that I have allowed {10} myself to be persuaded, that without being a learned naturalist, a skilful geographer, or a profound moralist, a traveller may yet interest by the faithful and succinct account of the situations in which he has found himself, the adventures which have happened to him, and the incidents of which he has been a witness; that if a simple ingenuous narrative, stripped of the merit of science and the graces of diction, must needs be less enjoyed by the man of letters or by the _savant_, it would have, in compensation, the advantage of being at the level of a greater number of readers; in fine, that the desire of affording an entertainment to his countrymen, according to his capacity, and without any mixture of the author’s vanity or of pecuniary interest, would be a well-founded title to their indulgence. Whether I have done well or ill in yielding to these suggestions, which I am bound to regard as those of friendship, or of good-will, it belongs to the impartial and disinterested reader to decide.
MONTREAL, 1819.
CONTENTS
Departure from Montreal--Arrival in New York--Description of that City--Names of the Persons engaged in the Expedition 189