Chapter VIII
. London, 1578).
[609] _Transcripts from the MS. Archives_, ed. Bayley, 1856.
[610] News-letter to the Earl of Shrewsbury, _Hist. MSS. Commis._ VI. 455.
[611] _Machyn’s Diary_, ed. J. Gough Nichols. Camden Soc., No. 42, p. 310.
[612] _Ibid._ p. 396 (note by Nichols); and Guildhall Records, in Furnivall, _l. c._
[613] _Abstract_, &c. as above.
[614] Stow’s _Memoranda_ (Lambeth MS.), Camden Soc., 1880, p. 123.
[615] _Abstract_, &c. as above.
[616] Stow, _ibid._
[617] Record Office. _State Papers_, Elizabeth, vol. XLVIII., No. 70.
[618] Endorsed “An abstract of such orders as have been heretofore for the preventing and decreasing of the plague in and about London.”
[619] The searchers are mentioned at Shrewsbury as early as 1539 (Phillips).
[620] _Survey of London_, _ed. cit._ p. 119.
[621] Holinshed, III. p. 1260.
[622] John Bell, _London’s Remembrancer_. Lond. 1665.
[623] _Liber Albus Londinensis._ Rolls series, ed. Riley. The following instances occur in the report of the commissioners of 1343: P. 446: A water-gate “obturatur ratione unius gutturi exeuntis de una latrina,” etc. P. 449: the Ebbegate obstructed by certain persons named, “qui fecerunt in eadem venella latrinas supra dentes, quarum putredo cadit supra capita hominum transeuntium.” Same page: Wendegoslane “obturatur per fimos et garderobas.” Same page: Rethersgate obstructed “per fimos et alia hujusmodi foetida.” Same page: Dowgate. Two householders named “in eisdem aedificiis diversas latrinas fecerunt, pendentes ultra vicum ejusdem venellae; quarum putredines cadunt supra homines per eandem venellam transeuntes.” P. 450: at Queenhithe a “communis latrina.” P. 451: at Saltwharf the way to the river obstructed “pulvere et aliis putredinibus in eadem projiciendis.” P. 452: Lekynggeslane has two latrinae and is impassable owing to want of paving. Same page: Another venel obstructed by the Earl Marshall; three latrinae in it. In a perambulation of the ground outside the walls, 26 Ed. III. (1552), the following encroachments are noted among others: Outside Ludgate, one has erected a shed (_camera_) 16 ft. × 12¾ ft., and made there “unum profundum puteum et quadratum pro latrina”--a deep well and a latrine-pit together. Also outside Ludgate, William of Wircestre has a house there and two shelters for beasts, and a latrine, and part of the said house is 14 ft. × 7½ ft.
[624] _Statutes of the Realm_, 17 Ric. II.
[625] Riley, _op. cit._, p. 614.
[626] Stow’s _Survey_.
[627] Art. “Shakespeare,” _Encycl. Britan._
[628] Wodderspoon’s _Memorials of Ipswich_, p. 285, p. 259.
[629] “Now first printed.” Exeter, 1765, p. 181.
[630] Poulett Scrope, _op. cit._ p. 333.
[631] _D. Erasmi Epistolar. lib. XXX._ London, 1642, Lib. xxii. Epist. 12 (without date).
[632] Richard of Devizes. Eng. Hist. Soc. p. 60: “Apud Bristolliam nemo est qui non sit vel fuerit saponarius; et omnis Francus saponarios amat ut stercorarios.”
[633] William Harrison’s _Description of England_ (in Holinshed) gives proof enough that the filthy floors described by Erasmus had no existence two generations later, even among the poorer classes.
[634] The correspondence is in _Remembrancia_, under the head of “Plague.”
[635] From a memorandum of Lord Burghley’s, dated Hertford Castle, 21 Nov. 1582, it appears that a survey had shown 577 beds available for strangers in one parish of Hertford, and 451 in another, “so that there are lying two a bed above 2000 people.” _Cal. State Papers._ Domestic series, Elizabeth 1581-90, p. 75.
[636] Stow’s _Survey_.
[637] _Remembrancia_, p. 332.
[638] _Remembrancia._
[639] Baddeley, _Parish of St Giles, Cripplegate_. Lond. 1888.
[640] _Ibid._, under date August, 1672, p. 193.
[641] Broadsheets in the collection of the Society of Antiquaries. Cited by W. Rendle, F.R.C.S., _Old Southwark and its People_. London, 1878, p. 198. Mr Rendle, in one place, seems to imply disapproval of this mode of coffinless burial; but in another (p. 225, note) he says it was “a sort of forecast of Mr Seymour Haden’s wise proposals.” His first thoughts appear to have been the best.
[642] Sermon on Third Sunday in Advent, 1552.
[643] Stow’s _Memoranda_. Camden Society, N. S. XXVIII., 1880, p. 125.
[644] Stow, _Annales_, p. 662.
[645] _Cal. State Papers._
[646] _Cat. Cecil MSS._
[647] On July 15, 1570, the Duke of Norfolk craved his release from the Tower, on account of the great risk to his bodily health and the infection of the pestilence in that part of the city. (_Calendar of Cecil MSS._)
[648] _Report Hist. MSS. Commis._
[649] Anthony Wood, _op. cit._
[650] _Remembrancia_, p. 38.
[651] Turnor’s _History of Hertford_, pp. 236, 268.
[652] _The Loseley Manuscripts_, ed. Kempe. London, 1836, p. 280.
[653] Holinshed, III. p. 1240.
[654] Letter to Cecil, _Cal. Cecil MSS._, II. 106 (under the year 1575).
[655] Corporation records, in _Notes and Queries_, 6th series, II. 524.
[656] _Notes and Queries_, 6th series, II. 390.
[657] Ormerod’s _Hist. of Cheshire_, I. Harl. MS. 2177 (a death from plague, 3 Nov. 1574).
[658] _Cal. Cecil MSS._, II. 107:--For the week ending 9 September, 1575, in St Margaret’s, 25 deaths (of plague 13), St Martin’s 3 of plague, Savoy, none, St Clement’s 3 (2 of plague).
[659] Cecil to Earl of Lincoln. _Ibid._ 10 September, 1575.
[660] _The Maire of Bristowe, is Kalendar._ Camden Soc. 1872, p. 59.
[661] Wells corporation MSS., _Hist. MSS. Com._, I. 107.
[662] Owen and Blakeway.
[663] _Calendar of State Papers_, Domestic, 1591-94, p. 269.
[664] Tickell’s _Hist. of Kingston upon Hull_, 1798.
[665] Records of the Burgh of Kirkcudbright. _Hist. MSS. Commiss._, IV. 539.
[666] _Remembrancia_, p. 333 (27 Nov. and 6 Dec. 1582).
[667] By permission of the Marquis of Salisbury. The contents of this small volume have not been included in the published Calendar of the Cecil MSS.
[668] ‘A sermon preached at Powles Crosse on Sunday, the third of November, 1577, in the time of the Plague’ by T. W. London, 1578 (February 20).
[669] Strype’s ed. of Stow’s _Survey_, Bk. IV. p. 34. Nonsuch was near Epsom.
[670] _Remembrancia of the City of London_, p. 331.
[671] _Calendar of Cecil MSS._, Part II. under the dates.
[672] Turnor’s _Hist. of Hertford_, p. 236.
[673] _Cal. Cecil MSS._
[674] Blomefield, vol. III. (“Norwich,” under the date).
[675] _Ibid._ “Yarmouth.”
[676] Morant’s _Hist, of Essex_, I. 50.
[677] _Hist. MSS. Commission_, IX. 277 b.
[678] _Notes and Queries_, 6th series, II. 524.
[679] _Cal. State Papers._
[680] Nichols, _Hist. of Leicestershire_.
[681] _Cal. S. P._
[682] _Cal. State Papers._ Eliz. 1581-90 (Lemon), pp. 45, 70.
[683] Graunt’s _Reflections on Bills of Mortality_. 3rd ed., Lond. 1665, p. 135.
[684] _Hist. MSS. Com._
[685] Saunders, _Hist. of Boston_, p. 228.
[686] Duke of Rutland’s MSS. _Hist. MSS. Com._, May 24, 1586.
[687] Saunders, _l. c._
[688] _Notes and Queries_, 2nd series, XI. 497.
[689] Blomefield’s _Norfolk_.
[690] _Ibid._ and Gawdy MSS. _Hist. MSS. Com._
[691] Glover’s _Hist. of Derby_, p. 613.
[692] _Archaeologia_, VI. 80.
[693] Townsend’s _Hist. of Leominster_, p. 59.
[694] Sykes, _Local Records of Northumberland and Durham_, p. 80.
[695] _Cal. S. P._, Domestic, Eliz. ed. Lemon.
[696] Corporation MSS. of Plymouth. _Hist. MSS. Com._ X. pt. 4, p. 539.
[697] _Notes and Queries_, 6th series, III. 477.
[698] Dunsford’s _Historical Memoirs of Tiverton_, p. 38.
[699] _Bill of Mortality for the week ending October 20, 1603._ Broadside in Guildhall Library, with summary, on margin, of the mortalities in 1563 and 1592-93.
[700] _Cal. State Papers_, 1591-94, p. 312.
[701] _Ibid._ p. 340.
[702] _Ibid._ 1595-97, p. 45, May 26, 1595:
“Arguments in proof of the advantages to be derived by the City of London from stopping up the town ditch:--It is the origin of infection, and the only noisome place in the city. In the last great plague, more died about there than in three parishes besides; these fields are the chiefest walks for recreation of the cityzens, and though the ditch were cast every second year, yet the water coming from the kennel and slaughter-houses will be very contagious. It is no material defence for the city, and half the ditch has been stopped these many years.”
[703] _London’s Remembrancer_, by John Bell, Clerk of the Company of Parish Clerks. London, 1665. He says: “I shall begin with the year 1593, being the first year in which any account of the christenings and burials was kept. I cannot find any record of more antiquity than that of this year in the Company of Parish Clerks Hall.” However we can now point to original weekly bills of mortality of 1532 and 1535, to abstracts of weekly plague-burials in 1563-66, to the figures from one weekly bill of a series in 1574, and to abstracts of 1578-83.
[704] The total of 25,886 was copied, probably from the broadside of 1603, into an anonymous essay of 1665, called _Reflections on the Bills of Mortality_, the total of plague alone being given as 11,503, evidently by a misprint for 15,003. At the same time a table was given, professing to be of the weekly deaths from all causes, in one column, and from plague in another, from March 13 to December 18, 1593. The column of plague-deaths sums up to 11,110, but the total of 11,503 (which originated in a misprint) is printed at the foot of the column as if that were the summation. The column of deaths from all causes is made to sum up to 25,886, the actual sum being 25,817. But the weekly mortalities in it for those weeks that had little plague are an absurdity for 1593. Whatever the source of this table, it is not genuine for 1593, and was disclaimed by Bell, the clerk of Parish Clerks’ Hall, whose essay was written in 1665 to correct that and other errors about former plagues in London.
[705] _Cal. State Papers._ Addenda. Elizabeth.
[706] Cussan’s _Hist. of Hertfordshire_.
[707] Turner’s _Hist. of Hertford_, p. 268.
[708] Glover’s _Hist. of Derby_, p. 613.
[709] Harwood’s _Hist. of Lichfield_, p. 304.
[710] Nichols, _Leicestershire_ (Town records of Leicester); Kelly, in _Trans. Roy. Hist. Soc._ VI. (1877), p. 391 (at least 20 houses shut up).
[711] Owen and Blakeway.
[712] Parish registers in Townsend’s _Leominster_, p. 59.
[713] Corporation MSS. Canterbury, in 9th Report of _Hist. MSS. Commission_, pp. 159 a, 160 a, b. “This plague continued from the end of September to the month of January.”
[714] Parish Register of Penrith: “A sore plage was in London, Nottinghome, Derbie and Lincolne in the year 1593” (Jefferson’s _Cumberland_, I. 19).
[715] _Cal. Stale Papers._ Addenda. Elizabeth.
[716] Syer’s _Memorials of Bristol_. The excessive mortality at Leominster (41 burials in September, 1597) may have been an effect of the famine. (Townsend’s _History_, p. 59.)
[717] _Cal. State Papers_, Domestic, 1597, § 10, p. 347.
[718] _Cal. State Papers_, Domestic, 1597, p. 501.
[719] Sykes, _Local Records_, p. 82.
[720] Clarkson’s _Hist. of Richmond_.
[721] Camden’s _Britannia_, p. 175.
[722] Jefferson’s _Cumberland_, I. 273. But these are the same figures as for Penrith.
[723] _Ibid._ I. 391.
[724] Parish register of Penrith, in Jefferson, _l. c._
[725] _Notes and Queries._ 6th series, II. 524.
[726] _Exchequer Rolls of Scotland_, X. 594. Edin. 1887.
[727] _Burgh Records of Aberdeen_ (Spalding Club), I. 66.
[728] _Exchequer Rolls Scot._, XI. p. lxviii.
[729] _Ibid._
[730] _Burgh Records_, pp. 88, 90, 130, 165.
[731] _Register of the Privy Council, Scotland_, I. 5.
[732] _Cal. S. P._ Scot. (Thorpe).
[733] _Burgh Records_, pp. 222, 231, 244, 246.
[734] _Cal. S. P._ Scot. 18 Nov. 1548. The Rhinegrave recovered, and came to Edinburgh on the 26th.
[735] _Reg. P. C. Scot._ I. 279-81.
[736] _Ibid._ I. 281-2.
[737] _Ane Breve Description of the Pest_, Edin. 1568. Reprinted, for the Bannatyne Club, by James Skene of Rubislaw. Edin. 1840.
[738] _Diurnall of Occurrences_, in Chambers.
[739] Cited by R. Chambers (_Domestic Annals of Scotland_, I.) from M. Napier’s notes to the Spottiswoode Club edition of Spottiswoode’s History.
[740] _Op. cit._ I. 53.
[741] _Burgh Records of Canongate._ Maitland Club, Miscellany, II. 313 (in Chambers).
[742] Chambers, I. 94.
[743] _Burgh Records of Glasgow, 1573-1581._ Maitland Club, p. 27.
[744] _Reg. P. C. Scot._, II. 415.
[745] _Ibid._ p. 419.
[746] _Hist. MSS. Com._, IV. 539.
[747] _Reg. Scots P. C._, III. 229.
[748] _Ibid._
[749] _Ibid._ III. 679.
[750] _Reg. Scots P. C._ s. d.
[751] _Chronicle of Perth_, Bannatyne Club, p. 4, and Chambers, I. 154.
[752] _Reg. Scots P. C._, III. 727.
[753] Calderwood’s _Hist. of Kirk of Scotland_, IV. 366: “It was first known to be in Simon Mercerbank’s house.” Birell’s _Diary_ (1532-1605) in Chambers, I. 157.
[754] _Scots P. C._, III. 746.
[755] _Ibid._ V. 56.
[756] Moysie, in Chambers, I. 157.
[757] _The Diary of Mr James Melville, 1556-1601._ Bannatyne Club. Edin. 1829, p. 153.
[758] Marioreybank’s _Annals_, in Chambers.
[759] Melville’s _Diary_, p. 162.
[760] Melville, p. 173; Calderwood, cited by Chambers; _Cal. Cecil Papers_, III. 298, 310.
[761] _Cal. Cecil Papers_, III. 321.
[762] _Memorabilia of Glasgow_, in Chambers.
[763] _Scots Privy Council._
[764] Birell, in Chambers.
[765] _Scots P. C._
[766] Calderwood, V. 655.
[767] Two men sent to buy nolt in Galloway for the needs of the borough of Dumfries were stopped, with 38 head of cattle, by the provost and others of Wigton, at the Water of Crie, the cattle being impounded at Wigton for eight days so that they became lean. A hundred merks compensation was demanded. _Scots Privy Council_, V.
[768] _Scots P. C._, VI. 164.
[769] _Aberdeen Kirk Session Records_, Spalding Club, 1846, Calderwood (cited by Chambers, I. 319) says that the year 1600 was one of famine, and that there was also a great death of young children, six or seven being buried in Edinburgh in a day.
[770] _Scots Privy Council_, VI. under the respective dates.
[771] _Burgh Records._
[772] Smith’s _Cork_, II. 34.
[773] _Cal. State Papers._ Domestic.
[774] Smith’s _Cork_, on the authority of MS. annals.
[775] _Annals of Loch Cé._ Rolls ed., II. 289.
[776] Brabazon to T. Cromwell. _Cal. State Papers._ Irish.
[777] _Cal. State Papers._ Irish, 1566-7.
[778] _State Papers_ (Record Office), Irish, 1567, No. 54. Letter from Lord Treasurer Winchester and Ed. Baeshe, to the Lord Deputy. Mr Froude’s summary of it is that “the clammy vapour had stolen into their lungs and poisoned them,” and again, “the reeking vapour of the charnel house.” I have had difficulty in deciphering the letter, but I can make out “being a graveyard where all their buriall,” etc.
[779] _Cal. State Papers._ Irish.
[780] Thady Dowling, p. 41.
[781] _Cal. State Papers._ Domestic. Sept. 1, 1575.
[782] Stubbs, in his edition of Roger of Howden (Rolls series, No. 51, II. 249), on the evidence of the Pipe Roll of 1166.
[783] _Memorials of London in the 13th, 14th and 15th centuries_, ed. Riley.
[784] Stow’s _Survey of London_, pop. ed. (1890), p. 66.
[785] Hall’s _Chronicle_, ed. of 1809, p. 632.
[786] This account of the Black Assizes at Oxford in 1577 was brought to light, like so many other things from the register of Merton, first by Anthony Wood in his _Hist. and Antiq. of the Univ. of Oxford_ (ed. Gutch, II. 189). It was copied in full, from the original Latin text, in 1758, by John Ward, LL.D., and sent to the Royal Society, in whose _Phil. Trans._ (vol. L. p. 699) it is printed, with remarks, by Tho. Birch, D.D., Sec. R. S.
[787] Howard, _The State of the Prisons in England and Wales_. 3rd ed., Warrington, 1784, p. 342.
[788] _Hist, and Antiq. Univ. Oxford_, ed. Gutch, II. 188-192.
[789] Georgius Edrichus, ‘In Libros aliquot pauli Aeginetae Hypomnemata quaedam.’ Londini apud Tomam East 1588 (without pagination).
[790] The passage which Anthony Wood thought to relate to the gaol fever at Oxford in 1577 is the following, under the heading “De morbis publicé grassantibus:” “Publice grassari morbos vidimus Oxonii, et una nocte simul plus sexaginta agrotasse (_sic_) novimus, et in vicinis postridie pagis, eo forte aëre delato, fere centum. Quod etiam eodem tempore, regnante tum Edwardo sexto, Cantabrigiae evenit, cum duo simul liberi ducis inclyti Suffolchiae ibi morerentur. Nec tamen Oxonienses ulli fere interierunt, quod coeli constitutio apud nos quam ibi salubrior sit. Sed iis ita succurrendum morbis putamus, ut Brittanico sudore (sic enim vocant) opitulari solemus.”
[791] Anthony Wood, as we have seen in the text, put together his version of the fever of 1577 from the Merton College register, from Stow’s _Annals_, and from Ethredge’s reference to the sweat of 1551. In 1758, John Ward, LL.D., copied the passage in the Merton register and sent it to the Royal Society; whose secretary, the Rev. Dr Thomas Birch, appended to it in the _Philosophical Transactions_ some annotations--“copying,” as Carlyle said of him with reference to some Cromwell matter, “from Wood’s _Athenae_; and has committed--as who does not?--several errors,” his annotations being “sedulous but ineffectual”--to the extent of fixing on the original correct narrative an accretion of mistakes (600 for 60, sweating sickness for gaol fever, &c.). Trusting to the respectable Birch, Bancroft in his _Essay on the Yellow Fever, with observations concerning febrile contagion &c._ (Lond., 1811) has based a theory that the Oxford epidemic was not typhus at all. Murchison (_Continued Fevers of Great Britain_, 2nd ed. 1873, p. 103) has also been misled, and has found himself therefore at a disadvantage in answering Bancroft’s empty verbalisms about the invariable reproduction of typhus from some previous case. F. C. Webb, in a paper “An Historical Account of the Gaol Fever,” _Trans. Epidem. Soc._ for 1857, p. 63, has not used the Oxford case for any argumentative purpose, but he has, like the others, given the facts erroneously. He gives no particulars of the Exeter Black Assize.
[792] Howard, _On Lazarettos in Europe_, &c. Warrington, 1789, p. 231: “But as I have found, in some prisons abroad, cells and dungeons as offensive and dirty as any I have observed in this country, where however the distemper was unknown, I am obliged to look out for some additional cause of its production. I am of opinion that the sudden change of _diet_ and lodging so affects the _spirits_ of _new_ convicts that the general causes of putrid fever exert an immediate effect upon them. Hence it is common to see them sicken and die in a short time with very little apparent illness.” The last words are important.
[793] _Sylva Sylvarum, or A Natural History._ In ten centuries. Cent. 10, §§ 914-15. Spedding’s ed. II. 646.
[794] Holinshed’s _Chronicle_. New edition by Hoker, London, 1587, pp. 1547-8.
[795] These statements by Hoker, chamberlain of Exeter, are sufficiently circumstantial; but they do not quite suit the theory of a writer in the _Dict. Nat. Biog._, under “Drake, Sir Bernard” that the ship was “a great Portugal ship,” called the Lion of Viana, with an English master, taken by Bernard Drake in Brittany. No doubt such a capture is stated in the _Cal. State Papers_, 1585, p. 295 (the reference given), Sir W. Raleigh’s ship the “Jobe” being included in the same petition; but nothing is said of Dartmouth as the port to which the two vessels were brought, or of Exeter as the place where their captains were imprisoned. It is of importance for the theory of the Exeter gaol fever to know whether Drake’s prisoners were Portuguese fishermen or not, and Hoker may be supposed to have known.
[796] The author of the misadventure. He succeeded in getting home to Crediton, where he died on the 12th April, four weeks after the Assizes began.
[797] Sir George Nicholls, in his _History of the English Poor Law_, 1854, I. 113, threw out the suggestion that the decay was in the old walled towns, and that it was compensated by the rise of populations on less hampered sites. This theory has been adopted by some later writers.
[798] _Calendar of State Papers._ Domestic, Hen. VIII.
[799] Becon’s _Works_, 3 vols. II. fol. 15-16.
[800] Continuation of Fabyan’s _Chronicle_.
[801] Greyfriars _Chronicle_, Camden Soc. LIII., 1852. Preface by J. G. Nichols, xxiv.
[802] Strype’s ed. of Stow’s _Survey of London_.
[803] In the Rolls of the Middlesex Sessions (Middlesex Record Society), there occur numerous entries of inquests on deaths in the gaol of Newgate from the 25th year of Elizabeth: a few of these are from plague; but by far the larger number are from “the pining sickness,” a malady which sometimes cut off several prisoners in the same few days and after a brief illness. In one of these epidemics (Dec. 1586-Feb. 1587), a single case is called “pestilent fever,” the other seven being “pining sickness.” Next year, June 19, there is a case of bloody flux, and, on June 24, a case of “pining sickness.” The other periods when the disease so named was epidemic in Newgate were Feb.-May, 1595, June and July, 1597, March, 1598, and March-April, 1602. The pining sickness was probably a generic term, and may have included chronic disease; there is a solitary case entered as ailing for as long a period as eight months, the usual duration of the sickness being one, two, or three days up to three or four weeks.
This place will serve to notice the strange teaching about “parish infection” which has received currency among the writers of good repute as authorities. Guy (_Public Health_, Lectures, 1870, I. 23) says the gaol distemper was an old offender known as the _sickness of the house_: “I think I recognize it in the London Bills from 1606 to 1665 as the _Parish Infection_.” The column of figures in the London Bills which has been taken to show the weekly prevalence of a disease, otherwise unheard of, “parish infection,” really shows the number of “parishes infected.” The earlier bills showed, in the corresponding column, the number of parishes clear (“parish.clere” or “paroch.clere”). By adding up the number of parishes infected in each of the 52 weeks of a bad plague-year, a total of some thousands is got, and that total has been taken to be the annual mortality from “parish infection”--a pure myth. The original author of this singular mistake appears to have been Marshall, in his _Mortality of the Metropolis_, London, 1832, p. 67. Of the “parish infection,” he says: “The disease below is specified by Mr Bell in his _Remembrancer_ [1665]; it is probably the same as exhibited under the name of spotted fever.” What Bell “specifies” is not another disease, but the number of parishes in the City and suburbs infected with the plague in each week of the year.
[804] _Annales Monastici_, Rolls series, No. 19. Chronicle by an unknown author (St Albans) temp. Hen. VI., 1422-31:--“Quaedam infirmitas reumigata invasit totum populum, quae _mure_ dicitur: et sic senes cum junioribus inficiebat quod magnum numerum ad funus letale deducebat.”
In the Report of the Irish Local Government Board, Medical Department, 1890, influenza is identified under the name “slaedan,” or prostration, which was epidemic in Ireland in 1326 or 1328, the same epidemic being called “murre” in the _Annals of Clonmacnoise_. The use of the word “mure” in the St Albans Chronicle is just a century later. Murrain (or _morena_ in Latin chronicles) is probably the modern survival of “mure” or “murre.”
[805] I take this summary from Short (_Chronology_, etc. I. 204), who omits his authority, probably the foreign writers to whom he is usually indebted in the earlier period. The first part of Theophilus Thompson’s _Annals of Influenza_ (Sydenham Society) is little else than extracts from Short, and therefore of foreign origin.
[806] _Cal. State Papers._ Domestic, _sub dato_.
[807] Thus in the continuation of Fabyan’s Chronicle under the year 1512, the Marquis of Dorset, sent into Spain with 10,000 men, is said to have “returned in winter by reason of the flix (dysentery).” And in Hall’s _Chronicle_ (ed. of 1807, p. 523), we have particulars of the very serious sickness in his army in Biscay; owing to their diet being largely of garlic and fruits, and their drink being hot wines in hot weather, “there fell sick 3000 of the flix, and thereof died 1800 men.”
[808] Continuator of Fabyan’s _Chronicle_, sub anno. There is an almost identical entry in _A London Chronicle of Henry VII. and Henry VIII._ (Camden Miscellany, vol. V. 1859), but under the year 1539, in a hot and dry summer. The most discrepant date and designation of the epidemic of those years are those given in Hardiman’s _History of Galway_ (p. 40): “This charitable institution [St Bridget’s Hospital] was fortunately completed in the year 1543, when the sweating sickness broke out, and raged with great violence, destroying multitudes of the natives, and
## particularly the tradesmen of the town.”
[809] The term “hot ague” occurs as early as 1518, in a letter of 18 July (_Cal. State Papers_).
[810] Wriothesley, _A Chronicle of England during the reigns of the Tudors_ (1457-1559). Camden Society, II. 139.
Anthony Wood also enters for Oxford, under 1557, “A pestilential disease to the settling of some and the driving away of many; the causes of which proceeding from the eating of green fruit, the Commissary commanded that none should be sold in the market or elsewhere in Oxford.”
[811] Fabyan’s _Chronicle_, p. 711.
[812] Stow’s _Annales_, ed. Howse, p. 631. Speed also has a paragraph, unusual with him, on the state of health in the year of Queen Mary’s death (1658), in which the mortality among the clergy is specially mentioned.
[813] Extracts from Harrison’s MS. _Chronologie_ by Furnivall, in Appendix to _Elizabethan England_. Camelot series, 1890, p. 267. His famine prices, and the enormous fall of them after harvest, are the same as given by Stow.
[814] _State Papers_, Record Office.
[815] John Jones, M.D. _The Dyall of Ague_, London, 1564?
[816] _Calendar of State Papers._ Foreign, II. 1558, p. 398.
[817] _Calendar of State Papers._ Foreign, II. 1558, p. 400.
[818] _New Observations, Natural, Moral, Civil, Political and Medical, on City, Town and Country Bills of Mortality._ By Thomas Short, M.D., London, 1750.
[819] 2 vols. London, 1749.
[820] _Calendar of Cecil MSS._, II. 525.
[821] _Phil. Trans._ XVIII. 105
[822] Graunt, _Reflections on the Bills of Mortality_, 3rd ed. 1665.
[823] _Opera_, ed. Greenhill, p. 160.
[824] _Ibid._ p. 169.
[825] Giraldus Cambrensis, Rolls series, No. 21, vol. V. _Topogr. Hiberniae_, p. 67:--“Advenarum, tamen, una his fere est passio et unica vexatio. Ob humida namque nutrimenta, immoderatum ventris fluxum vix in primis ullus evadit.” Flux among the English troops in Ireland in 1172 is mentioned by Radulphus de Diceto, _Imag. Histor._ I. 348.
[826] _Works of James I._, p. 301.
[827] _Sloane MS._ (Brit. Mus.) No. 389, folios 147-153. It bears no date, but is marked in the catalogue “xv and xvi cent.,” as if belonging either to the end of the fifteenth century or the beginning of the sixteenth.
[828] Hensler, who reproduced in 1783 (_Geschichte der Lustseuche_, App. p. 53) these and other particulars from one of the two remaining copies of Pinctor’s work (in the possession of Professor Cotunni of Naples), collated with the other copy in the Garelli library at Vienna, finds in the concluding dedication of the book to Alexander Borgia a sinister meaning, as if the supreme pontiff had been himself a victim of the _grande maladie à la mode_; it is easier, he says, to extricate the sense than the syntax of the passage.
[829] There was another edition in 1539, and several more following. Paynel also added a short section, “A Remedy for the Frenche pockes,” to his book entitled, _A Moche Profitable Treatise against the Pestilence_. Translated into English by Thomas Paynel, chanon of Martin [Merton] Abbey, London, 1534.
[830] _Extracts from the Council Register of the Burgh of Aberdeen, 1398-1570._ Edited for the Spalding Club [by Dr John Stuart], vol. I. 1844, p. 425.
[831] _Phil. Trans._, vol. 42 (1743), p. 420: “Part of a Letter from Mr Macky, professor of History, to Mr Mac Laurin, professor of Mathematics in the University of Edinburgh, and by him communicated to the President of the Royal Society; being an Extract from the Books of the Town Council of Edinburgh, relating to a Disease there, supposed to be Venereal, in the year 1497.”
[832] Simpson (_l. c._) quotes the Proclamation from the original minute-book, almost in the above spelling; it is in Vol. I. of the _Town Council Records_, fol. 33-34, and is entitled in the rubric “Ane Grangore Act.”
[833] “On Syphilis in Scotland in the Fifteenth Century,” _Trans. Epidem. Soc._ N. S. 1. (1862), p. 149. Two of the entries are published in the _Criminal Trials of Scotland_, 1. 117; the others were collected for Simpson by Mr Joseph Robertson from the High-Treasurer’s Accounts in the Register House, Edinburgh. These accounts have since been published in the Rolls series (vol. I. 356, 361, 378 (_bis_), 386).
[834] _Op. cit._ I. 437.
[835] _Privy Purse Expenses of Elizabeth of York._ Edited by Nicolas, London, 1830, p. 104.
[836] Stow’s _Survey of London_, “Bridge Ward Without.” He ascribes these informations to “Robert Fabian,” both in the text and in the margin. The statement is certainly not made in Fabyan’s _Chronicle of England_ under the year 1506, or other year of the decade, nor is it indexed as occurring in some earlier connexion.
[837] Bernard André’s Works. Rolls series, No. 10.
[838] _Erasmi Epistolae_, folio. London, 1642, p. 1789 e.
[839] Anthony Wood, _Hist. Univ. Oxford_, ed. Gutch, I. 514. Freind (_Hist. of Physic_, Pt. II. p. 345) says that the French pox is mentioned in the will of Colet, dean of St Paul’s, 1518.
[840] _The Supplication of Beggers_ compyled by Symon Fyshe. Anno MCCCCCXXIIII. Lond. 1546.
[841] _Parliamentary History_, I. 494.
[842] Bullein’s _Dialogue of the Fever Pestilence, 1564_. Early English Text Society, Extra series, 1888, p. 122.
[843] Bullein’s _Bulwarke of Defence against all Sicknes, Sornes, and Woundes_, etc., 1562, foll. 2, 68.
[844] _Certain Works of Chirurgerie newly compiled and published by T. Gale._ London, 1563.
[845] _Dyall of Agues_, cap. VIII. “Of the Pestilential fever, or plage, or boche.”
[846] William Clowes, _A short and profitable Treatise touching the cure of the disease called (Morbus Gallicus) by unctions_, London, 1579.
[847] ‘A Prooved Practice for all young Chirurgeons, concerning burning with gunpowder, and woundes made with Gunshot, Sword, Halbard, Pike, Launce or such other. Hereto is adjoyned a Treatise of the French or Spanish Pocks, written by John Almenar, a Spanish Phisician. Also a commodious collection of Aphorismes, both English and Latine, taken out of an old written coppy. Published for the benefit of his country by William Clowes, Maister in Chirurgery.’ New ed., 1591.
[848] _A most excellent and compendious Method_, etc. London, 1588.
[849] Read uses, among other terms, one that has played a great part in the modern pathology of syphilis. Among the points to be noticed are,--“if recent or old, if the ulcers or whelks be many, whether pustulous matter or _gummie_ substance appear.”
[850] John Banister, ‘A needefull new and necessarie treatise of Chyrurgerie, briefly comprehending the generall and particular curation of ulcers ... drawen forth of sundrie worthy writers.... Hereunto is annexed certaine experimentes of mine owne invention.’ London, 1575.
[851] Peter Lowe, _An easie, certaine and perfect method to cure and prevent the Spanish sicknes_, Lond. 1596. For an account of the book see _The Life and Works of Maister Peter Lowe_. By James Finlayson, M.D. Glasgow, 1889.
[852] _A Treatise concerning the plague and the pox, discovering as well the means how to preserve from the danger of these infectious contagions, or how to cure those which are infected with either of them._ London, 1652.
[853] Burnet (_History of his own Time_, I. 395-6, Oxford, 1823) retails a good deal of unsavoury gossip concerning the disease in noble and princely personages after the Restoration.
[854] _Natural and Political Observations upon the Bills of Mortality._ By Captain John Graunt, F.R.S. Preface dated from Birchin Lane, January, 1662.
[855] The origin of syphilis from leprosy has been maintained in a modern work by Friedr. Alex. Simon, _Kritische Geschichte des Ursprungs, der Pathologie und Behandlung der Syphilis, Tochter und widerum Mutter des Aussatzes_. Hamburg, 1857-8.
[856] Hirsch, _Geographical and Historical Pathology_ (Translated), II. 67, 68, 81.
[857] In Hensler, p. 14, and Appendix, p. 11.
[858] _Ibid._, App. p. 15.
[859] In Hensler, Appendix, p. 66.
[860] The rise of the pox in the Italian wars, with its dispersion over all Europe, comes into “The Smallpox, a Poem” by “Andrew Tripe, M.D.,” London, 1748:
“Whip! thro’ both camps, halloo! it ran, Nor uninfected left a man ... Hence soon thro’ Italy it flew Veiled for a while from mortal view, When suddenly in various modes, It shone display’d in shankers, nodes, Swell’d groins, and pricking shins, and headaches And a long long long string of dread aches ... From thence with every sail unfurl’d It traversed almost all the world ... Until at length this Stygian fury Worked its foul way to our blest Drury, Where still Lord Paramount it reigns, Pregnant with sharp nocturnal pains,” etc.
[861] I do not include among the good evidence the often quoted letter of Peter Martyr to a professor of Greek at Salamanca, under the date of “nonis Aprilis, 1488,” in which “morbus Gallicus” is used as well as the Spanish name “las bubas.” It seems to me certain that the date should be 1498, or something else than 1488, the correspondence having gone on until 1525. The same kind of misdating occurs among the printed letters of Erasmus.
[862] This letter is printed in his _Opuscula_, Papiae, 1496. Attention was first called to it by Thiene, in his essay confuting the doctrine of the West-Indian origin of syphilis.
[863] In Hensler, App. p. 108.
[864] Manardus, _Epist. Med._ lib. VII. epist. 2. Basil, 1549, p. 137 (as cited by Hirsch). The first letter of Manardus “de erroribus Sym. Pistoris de Lypczk circa morbum Gallicum,” was printed in 1500 (Hensler, p. 47).
[865] I quote it from Hensler, _Geschichte der Lustseuche die zu ende des xv Jahr hunderts in Europa ausbrach_. Altona, 1783, Appendix, p. 109.
[866] Mezeray, _Histoire de France_, II. 777.
[867] The diagnosis in De Comines’ text appears to have struck the editors of the chief edition of his work, that of 1747; for they have appended a footnote to the passage, which is a superfluity unless it be meant to express surprise: “Charles VIII. malade de la petite vérole à l’age de vingt-deux ans.”
[868] Martin, _Histoire de France_, VII. 257, 283.
[869] _Handbook of Geographical and Historical Pathology._ Translated by C. Creighton, 3 vols. London, 1883-86, II. 92-98.
[870] _Miscellaneous Works of the late Robert Willan, M.D., F.R.S., containing an Inquiry into the Antiquity of the Smallpox, Measles, and Scarlet Fever, etc._ Edited by Ashby Smith, M.D., London, 1821.
[871] Th. Nöldeke, _Geschichte der Araber und Perser, nach Tabari_. Leyden, 1879, pp. 218, 219.
[872] The term “autonomy” in the foregoing is used according to the exposition which I originally gave of it in an address to the British Medical Association (1883) on “The Autonomous Life of the Specific Infections” (_Brit. Med. Journ._, Aug. 4, 1883). The semi-independence of constitutional states has been dealt with in my book, _Illustrations of Unconscious Memory in Disease_. London, 1885.
[873] The South-African controversy, which became acute, was carried on in journals of the colony (the _South African Medical Journal_ about 1883 and 1884 is a likely source of information), but some echoes of it were heard in letters to the _British Medical Journal_, 1884. A few years ago a similar diagnostic difficulty arose, not in an African race, but among the inmates of a Paris hospital. In the smallpox wards of the Hôpital St Antoine, a number of cases occurred, one of them in a nurse, another in an assistant physician, of a particular skin-disease, which was either discrete or confluent, lasted about ten days, and was attended by fever up to 40° C. or 41° C. Yet these cases were discriminated from smallpox; they were diagnosed, and have been recorded, as an epidemic of ecthyma. (Du Castel, _Gazette des Hôpitaux_, 1881, No. 122, quoted in the _Jahresbericht_.)
[874] _Krankheiten des Orients._ Erlangen, 1847, p. 127.
[875] _History of Physic_, II. 190.
[876] Gruner, a learned professor of Jena, who made collections of works or passages relating to syphilis and to the English sweat, published also in 1790 a collection of medieval chapters or sentences on smallpox, “De Variolis et Morbillis fragmenta medicorum Arabistarum,” including the whole of Gaddesden’s chapter but omitting the earlier and more important chapter from Gilbert. Gruner correctly says at the end of his extracts: “while the Arabists write thus, they seem to have followed their Arabic guides, and to have repeated what they received from the latter.” This is obvious from the text of the chapters themselves: some quote more often than others from Avicenna, Rhazes and Isaac; but it is clear that they all base upon the Arabians. The substance is the same in them all; it is a merely verbal handling of Arabic observation and theory. There are no concrete experiences or original additions, from which one might infer that they were familiar at first hand with smallpox and measles. Häser, however, seems to take these chapters in the medieval compends as evidence of the general prevalence of smallpox in Europe in the Middle Ages. As he finds little writing about smallpox when modern medical literature began, he is driven into the paradox that epidemics of smallpox had actually become rarer again in the sixteenth century (III. p. 69). But the sixteenth-century references to smallpox, although they are indeed scanty, are at the same time the earliest authentic accounts of it in Western Europe.
[877] This intention is most clearly expressed by Valescus de Tharanta: “Then let him be wrapped in a woollen cloth of Persian, or at least of red, so that by the sight of the red cloth the blood may be led to the exterior and so be kept at no excessive heat, according to the tenour of the sixth canon [of Avicenna].” _Apud_ Gruner, p. 46.
[878] _History of Physic_, Pt. II. p. 280.
[879] _Rosa Anglica._ Papiae, 1492.
[880] _Chronica Majora._ Rolls ed. V. 452.
[881] _Rolls of Parliament._
[882] Early English Text Society’s edition by Skeat. Passus xvi. (108), and Passus vii.
[883] Trench, in his _Select Glossary_, has adopted the derivation of measles from _misellus_, without apparently knowing that John of Gaddesden had actually used “mesles” for a form of _morbilli_. The derivation of measles from _misellus_ has been summarily rejected by Skeat, who thinks that “the spelling with the simple vowel _e_, instead of _ae_ or _ea_, makes all the difference. The confusion between the words is probably quite modern.” Perhaps I ought not to contradict a philologist on his own ground; but there is no help for it. I know of four instances in which the simple vowel _e_ is used in spelling the name of the disease that is associated with smallpox, the English equivalent of _morbilli_. In a letter of July 14, 1518, from Pace, dean of St Paul’s to Wolsey (_Cal. State Papers_, Henry VIII. II. pt. 1), it is said, “They do die in these parts [Wallingford] in every place, not only of the small pokkes and mezils, but also of the great sickness.” In the _Description of the Pest_ by Dr Gilbert Skene, of Edinburgh (Edin. 1568, reprinted for the Bannatyne Club, 1840, p. 9), he mentions certain states of weather “quhilkis also signifeis the Pokis, Mesillis and siclik diseisis of bodie to follow.” And if a Scotsman’s usage be not admitted, an Oxonian, Cogan, says, “when the small pockes and mesels are rife,” and another Oxonian, Thomas Lodge, in his _Treatise of the Plague_ (London, 1603, Cap. iii.) says: “When as Fevers are accompanied with Small Poxe, Mesels, with spots,” etc. On the other hand, Elyot, in the _Castel of Health_ (1541), Phaer in the _Book of Children_, (1553), Clowes in his _Proved Practice_, and Kellwaye (1593) write the word with _ea_. There is, indeed, no uniformity, just as one might have expected in the sixteenth century. Again, Shakespeare (_Coriolanus_, Act III., scene I) spells the word with _ea_ where it is clearly the same word that is used in _The Vision of Piers the Ploughman_ in a generic sense and in the spelling of “meseles:”--“Those meazels which we disdain should tetter us.” Lastly, there are not two words in the Elizabethan dictionaries, one with _e_ signifying lepers, and another with _ea_ signifying the disease of _morbilli_. In Levins’ _Manipulus Vocabulorum_, we find “ye Maysilles” = _variolae_, but there is no word “mesles” = _leprosi_. There was only one word, with the usual varieties of spelling; and in course of time it came to be restricted in meaning to _morbilli_, Gaddesden’s early use of “mesles” in that sense having doubtless helped to determine the usage.
[884] _Harl. MS._, No. 2378. So far as I have observed, there is no prescription for “mesles,” or for smallpox under its Latin name or under any English name that might correspond thereto. Moulton’s _This is The Myrror or Glasse of Helth_ (? 1540), which reproduces these medieval prescriptions with their headings, is equally silent about smallpox and measles.
[885] Willan’s _Miscellaneous Works_. “An Inquiry into the Antiquity of the Smallpox, Measles, and Scarlet Fever.” London, 1821, p. 98. The MS. is Harleian, No. 585.
[886] Sandoval, cited by Hecker, _Der Englische Schweiss_. Berlin, 1834, p. 80.
[887] MS. Harl., 1568.
[888] There is a fine copy of the earliest printed version in the British Museum, with “Sanctus Albanus” for colophon. The same text was reprinted often in the years following by London printers--in 1498, 1502, 1510, 1515 (twice), and 1528.
[889] Camden Society, ed. Gairdner, 1876, p. 87.
[890] Walsingham, _Hist. Angliae_, I. 299. Also _Chronicon Angliae a quodam Monacho_, _sub anno_ 1362.
[891] “Also manie died of the smallpocks, both men, women and children.”
[892] _History of the Smallpox_, 1817. Blomefield, also, in his _History of Norfolk_, quotes the passage about “pockys” correctly from the “Fruit of Times,” applies it to Norwich, to which city it had no special relation, and then says that this is the first mention of “small pocks.”
[893] Fabyan’s _Chronicle_. Ed. Ellis, p. 653.
[894] Levins, _Manipulus Vocabulorum_, 1570. Camden Society’s edition, column 158.
[895] _Lettres du Roy Louis XII._ Brusselle, 1712, IV. 335.
[896] _Cal. State Papers._
[897] “Item, que à son grand desplaisir il ait esté naguaires mal disposé d’une maladie nommée la petitte verolle, dont à present, graces à Dieu, il est recouvert et passé tout dangier.” _Lettres du Roy Louis XII._, IV. 260. Brusselle, 1712.
[898] _Cal. State Papers._
[899] _Cal. State Papers._
[900] Edited by Gairdner for the Camden Society, 1880.
[901] Bannatyne Club’s reprint, 1840, pp. 9-10.
[902] _The Loseley Manuscripts._ Edited by Kempe. London, 1836, p. 315.
[903] _A Defensative against the Plague ... whereunto is annexed a short treatise of the small Poxe, how to govern and help those that are infected therewith._ London, 1593.
[904] Francis Davison’s _Poetical Rapsodie_. The poem of Spilman occurs at p. 189 of the edition of 1611. In the piratical edition of 1621, after Davison’s death, “small” is left out before “Pocks,” and Spilman’s name omitted at the foot of the verses. The printer’s error has had the singular effect of leading Dr Farmer, the writer on Shakespeare, to conclude that the word “pox” in the Elizabethan period meant smallpox even in imprecations such as “a pox on it.”
[905] Sir Tobie Matthews’ _Letters (1577-1655)_, London, 1660. (1) Donne to Mrs Cockaine, p. 342; (2) Donne to Sir R. D----, both without date.
[906] _Court and Times of James I._
[907] _Court and Times of Charles I._ (Chamberlain to Carleton), I. 28.
[908] Anthony Wood.
[909] For Chester also, in the parish register of Trinity Church (Harl. MS. 2177) there is a note opposite 1636: “for this two or three years divers children died of smallpox in Chester.”
[910] _Cal. State Papers._
[911] _Ibid._
[912] _Hist. MSS. Commission_, V. 146, 151, 156, 168, 174, 201. See also the Diaries of Pepys and Evelyn.
[913] _Natural History of Oxfordshire._ Oxford, 1677, p. 23.
[914] _De contagione et contagiosis morbis_, etc. Venet. 1546.
[915] Titles in Häser, III. 383.
[916] _Opus de peste ... necnon de variolis_, Neap. 1577.
[917] _Les œuvres de M. Ambroise Paré._ 5th ed., Paris, 1598, Books XIX. and XX. The chapters on Plague, Smallpox, etc., were originally published, according to Häser, in 1568.
[918] See Purchas, _Pilgrimes_, III. 996, where syphilis and smallpox are included together as “infectious or pestilentiall pocks,” Ramusio being given as the authority for the smallpox and Oviedo for the great pox.
[919] For details of the increase of London population, with the sources of evidence, I beg to refer to my essay, “The Population of Old London,” _Blackwood’s Magazine_, April, 1891.
[920] Broadside in the Guildhall Library, bound up in a volume labelled _Political Tracts_, 1680.
[921] “The time when it began in the City of Westminster and these places following:
“Buried in Westminster from 14 July to 20 October, in the whole number 832, whereof of the plague 723. Buried in the Savoy from the 1st of June to the 20th of October, in the whole number 182, whereof of the plague, 171. Buried in the parish of Stepney from the 25th of March to the 20th of October, in all 1978, whereof of the plague, 1871. Buried at Newington-buts from the 14th of June to the 20th of October, in all 626, whereof of the plague, 562. Buried at Islington 201 in all, 170 of plague; at Lambeth 373 in all, 362 of plague; at Hackney 192 in all, 169 of plague. Buried in all within the 7 several places last aforenamed 4378, whereof of the plague, 3997. The whole number that hath been buried in all [to 20th October], both within London and the Liberties, and the 7 other severall places last before mentioned is 39,380, whereof of the number of the plague, 32,609.”
From the parish registers the burials for the whole year are known: Stepney, 2257; Lambeth, 566; Islington, 322; Hackney, 321 (of plague 269).
In Stow’s _Annales_, the mortality of 1603 is given as follows:--“There died in London and the liberties thereof from the xxiii day of December 1602 unto the xxii day of December 1603, of all diseases 38,244, whereof of the plague 30,578.”
[922] Baddeley, _l. c._
[923] _A short Dialogue concerning the Plague Infection._ Published to preserue Bloud through the blessing of God. London, 1603.
[924] _The Wonderfull Yeare 1603, wherein is shewed the picture of London lying sicke of the Plague._ London, 1603.
[925] In his _Seven Deadly Sins of London_ (1606) he returns to the mode of burial in the plague: “All ceremonial due to them was taken away, they were launched ten in one heap, twenty in another, the gallant and the beggar together, the husband saw his wife and his deadly enemy whom he hated within a pair of sheets.” As an after effect of this mode of interment, “What rotten stenches and contagious damps would strike up into thy nostrils!”
[926] _A Treatise of the Plague._ By Thomas Lodge, Doctor in Phisicke. London, 1603. It has been reprinted, among Lodge’s other works, by the Hunterian Club of Glasgow, 1880.
[927] _The opinion of Peter Turner, Doctor in Physicke, concerning Amulets or Plague-Cakes, whereof perhaps some hold too much and some too little._ London, 1603, p. 10. Turner held high offices at the College of Physicians, and died in 1614. There was another physician of the name, also a dignitary of the College, Dr George Turner, whose widow was the notorious Mrs Anne Turner, executed for having been an instrument in the poisoning of Sir T. Overbury. Scott has drawn from her the character of Mrs Suddlechop, in _The Fortunes of Nigel_, a work invaluable for realizing the London of King James. The reference in the Earl of Northumberland’s accounts, under date Feb. 6, 1607, to a Dr Turner, who was paid ten shillings for a “pomander” against the plague, would suit either Dr Peter or Dr George (_Hist. MSS. Commis._ VI. 2, 29).
[928] A letter from Hampstead, August 27, 1603, speaks of “the imprudent exposure of infected beds in the streets.” (_Cal. State Papers._)
[929] _A New Treatise of the Pestilence, etc. the like not before this time published, and therefore necessarie for all manner of persons in this time of contagion._ By S. H. Studious in Phisicke. London, 1603.
[930] This mystification was pointed out in a note to “Thayre” (the 1625 edition) in the printed Catalogue of the Library of the Royal Medical and Chirurgical Society.
[931] _An Epistle discoursing upon the present Pestilence, teaching what it is and how the people of God should carrie themselves towards God and their neighbours therein._ Reprinted, with some Additions, by Henoch Clapham. London, 1603.
[932] _A Short Dialogue, etc._, _ut supra_.
[933] In a volume with other pieces. London, 1605.
[934] But several warders in the Tower died of it. (_Cal. State Papers_, Sept. 16, 1603.)
[935] In Lysons, _Environs of London_.
[936] _Hist. MSS. Com._ X. pt. 4, p. 5.
[937] E.g. plague at Datchet (_Notes and Queries_, 3rd ser. VI. 217).
[938] John Bell, _London’s Remembrancer_. London, 1665 [1666].
[939] Extracts from _Harrison’s MS. Chronologie_ by Furnivall in Appendix (p. 268) to _Elizabethan England_. Camelot Series, 1890.
[940] _A Sermon preached at Powles Crosse_, etc. London, 1578.
[941] _Remembrancia_ (numerous extracts from the City records, under “Plays”).
[942] _Cal. State Papers_, Addenda, James I. p. 534.
[943] _Notes and Queries_, 6th series, II. 524. The mortality is stated on the authority of the parish registers of St George’s and St Michael’s, the dead having been “buried at the cabbin of Whitefryers.”
[944] There is _An Account of the Plague at Oxford, 1603_, in the Sloane MS. No. 4376 (14), extracted from the register of Merton College, which had also been the source of Anthony Wood’s account, as summarised in the text.
[945] _Cal. State Papers._ Addenda, 1580-1625.
[946] _Hist. MSS. Commis._ IX. 160.
[947] Izacke’s ‘Memorials of Exeter’ (in _N. and Q._, 3rd ser. VI. 217).
[948] Bailey, _Transcripts from the MS. Archives of Winchester, 1856_, p. 109.
[949] Cromwell.
[950] _Hist. MSS. Commis._ IX.
[951] _Ibid._ X. pt. I, p. 89.
[952] Thompson’s _Boston_.
[953] _Hist. MSS. Com._ IX.
[954] _Archæologia_, VI. 80.
[955] Rogers’ MS. in Hemingway’s _Hist. of Chester_. Harl. MS. 2177.
[956] Earwaker, _East Cheshire_, II. 471; I. 406.
[957] Bridges and Whalley, II. 53; I. 124.
[958] Drake’s _Eboracum_. Lond. 1736, p. 121.
[959] Sykes, _Local Records of Northumberland and Durham_.
[960] Phillips, Owen and Blakeway.
[961] _Cal. State Papers._ Addenda, 1580-1625.
[962] Parish Register (in a local history).
[963] _Notes and Queries_, 6th ser. II. 390.
[964] _Ib._
[965] _Ib._
[966] _Ib._
[967] _Cal. State Papers_, 1608-9.
[968] Hemingway.
[969] _Cal. S. P._
[970] _Hist. MSS. Com._ V. 570.
[971] _Archæologia_, VI. 80.
[972] Blomefield.
[973] Sykes.
[974] Nichols, III. 892-3.
[975] Nichols (parish registers); Kelly, _Trans. Roy. Hist. Soc._, 1877, VI. 395.
[976] Sykes.
[977] Hemingway.
[978] May, _Hist. of Evesham_, 1845; p. 371.
[979] Add. MS. 29,975. f. 25.
[980] _Hist. MSS. Com._ IX. 162.
[981] _Ib._ I. 101.
[982] Beesley, _Hist. of Banbury_.
[983] Dean Butler’s notes to Clyn’s and Dowling’s _Annals_.
[984] Smith’s _Cork_, from MS. Annals.
[985] Chambers, _Domestic Annals_.
[986] _Cal. State Papers._
[987] Chambers.
[988] _Cal. State Papers._
[989] Balfour’s _Annals of Scotland_ (in Chambers, I. 399).
[990] _Ibid._
[991] Chambers.
[992] _Aberdeen Burgh Records._
[993] Chambers.
[994] _Chron. of Perth._
[995] Chambers.
[996] _Ibid._
[997] The invaluable letters of Chamberlain, as well as those of Mead (of Cambridge) and others, were collected by Dr Thomas Birch in the last century, and printed in 1848 under the titles _The Court and Times of James I._, and _C. and T. Charles I._, without an index but with some useful notes.
[998] Chamberlain to Carleton, _C. and T. James I._, II. 504.
[999] _Chronological History of the Air, Weather, Seasons, Meteors, etc._ 2 vols. Lond. 1749, I. 306:--“This fever began, and raged terribly in England in 1623; was little, if at all, short of the plague.”
[1000] Chamberlain to Carleton, in _Court and Times of Charles I._, I. 28.
[1001] Salvetti’s Diary, in _Hist. MSS. Com._ XI. pt. I, p. 26.
[1002] _Cal. S. P._ 15 Sept.
[1003] Holland.
[1004] Bell, _London’s Remembrancer_.
[1005] _C. and T. Charles I._, letter of 2 July, 1625.
[1006] In a volume of Topographical Papers in the British Museum, 1298, m (18).
[1007] W. Heberden, Junr., _Increase and Decrease of Diseases_. Lond. 1801, p. 66. He gives no authority; “1626” is clearly a misprint.
[1008] _Calendar of State Papers_, 1625-26, p. 184.
[1009] _The Red Crosse_ (broadside). London, 1625.
[1010] Parish Histories, and in Lysons’ _Environs of London_.
[1011] _Britain’s Remembrancer, containing a Narrative of the Plague lately past._ London, 1628.
[1012] _The Fearfull Summer, or London’s Calamitie._ Printed at Oxford, 1625 (reprinted with additions, Lond. 1636).
[1013] Holland’s _Posthuma_. Cantab. 1626.
[1014] _The Weeping Lady, or London like Ninivie in Sackcloth._ By T. B. London, 1625.
[1015] _Hist. MSS. Commission_, XI. pt. I, p. 6.
[1016] Bradwell’s book, to be mentioned in the sequel, was written for practice during the plague. There is a reference to something of Sir Theodore Mayerne’s on the plague of 1625, which I have not succeeded in finding. His _Opera Medica_ contain ordinary cases treated by him in London in December, 1625, but there is no mention of plague-cases. Woodall’s essay on plague, published in 1639, thus refers to his experience in the epidemic of 1625: “In anno 1625 we had many signes contrarie to the plagues in other times; yea, and many did dye dayly without any signes or markes on their bodies at all.”
[1017] _C. and T. Charles I._ I. 48.
[1018] _A Watchman for the Pest, teaching the true Rules of Preservation from the Pestilent Contagion, at this time fearfully overflowing this famous Cittie of London. Collected out of the best authors, mixed with auncient experience, and moulded into a new and most plaine method._ By Steven Bradwell, of London, Physition. 1625.
[1019] _Cal. State Papers._
[1020] _Ib._
[1021] Th. Locke to Carleton, _Cal. S. P._, 14 Aug.
[1022] Salvetti.
[1023] Locke to Carleton, 27 Aug.
[1024] _Cal. S. P._
[1025] Mead, letter in _C. and T. Ch. I._ I. 43.
[1026] _Cal. S. P._
[1027] _Ibid._
[1028] Mostly from parish registers in Lysons’ _Environs of London_.
[1029] Winchester was probably a fair sample. In the city archives under the year 1625 there is this entry: “Item, it is also agreed that the decayed cottage where Lenord Andrews did dwell, he lately dying of the plague, shall be burned to the grounde for fear of the daunger of infection that might ensue if it should stande.” (Bailey, _Transcripts_, etc. Winchester, 1856, p. 110.) In a petition relating to Farnham, Jan. 1628, the town is described as being “impoverished through the plague and many charges,” which may mean that plague had been diffused in Surrey and Hampshire.
[1030] _Cal. State Papers._
[1031] _Cal. State Papers._
[1032] MSS. of the Corporation of Plymouth. _Hist. MSS. Commis._ IX. 278. Accounts are given (p. 280) of the monies collected for the relief of the poor and sick people of Plymouth “in the time of the infection of the pestilence from Sept. 29, 1625, to that day A.D. 1627.” But that does not imply that the infection lasted all that time. The civic year began with September 29, and the accounts are those that fall within two complete financial years.
[1033] _Cal. State Papers._
[1034] _Notes and Queries_, 6 ser. III. 477.
[1035] _Cal. S. P._
[1036] _Ib._
[1037] _Cal. S. P._
[1038] _Ib._
[1039] _Cal. S. P._
[1040] Letter from Mead in _C. and T. Charles I._ I. 51.
[1041] Blomefield.
[1042] At Coventry in 1626, £20 was paid to the poor in lieu of a feast at Lammas, by reason of the infection. (Dugdale, _Warwickshire_.)
[1043] The following curious extract was sent by J. A. Picton to _Notes and Queries_, 6th ser. I. 314 from the parish register of Malpas, Cheshire, 1625:
“Richard Dawson (brother of the above-named Thomas Dawson of Bradley) being sick of the plague and perceiving he must die, at that time arose out of his bed and made his grave, and caused his nephew John Dawson to cast straw into the grave, which was not far from the house, and went and laid him down in the said grave and caused clothes to be laid upon, and so departed out of this world. This he did because he was a strong man and heavier than his said nephew and another wench were able to bury. He died about the 24th of August. Thus much was I credibly tould. He died 1625.
“John Dawson, son of the above-mentioned Thomas, came unto his father when his father sent for him being sick, and having laid him down in a ditch died in it the 29th day of August, 1625, in the night.
“Rose Smyth, servant of the above-named Thomas Dawson, and last of that household, died of the plague and was buried by Wm. Cooke the 5th day of September, 1625, near unto the said house.”
[1044] Memoranda of Rev. Thomas Archer, of Houghton Conquest. MSS. Addit. Brit. Museum.
[1045] Blomefield.
[1046] Phillips’ _Hist. of Shrewsbury_. _Hist. MSS. Com._ X. pt. 4. p. 498.
[1047] _Hist. MSS. Com._ II. 258.
[1048] _Hist. of County of Lincoln_, II. 187. _Notitiae Ludae_, p. 41.
[1049] Tickell’s _Hist. of Kingston-upon-Hull_. Hull, 1798.
[1050] Gawdy MSS. (_Hist. MSS. Com._ X. pt. 2), various letters from Sept. 14, 1636, to Nov. 26, 1638, relating chiefly to Norwich.
[1051] Boys, _Hist. of Sandwich_, pp. 707-8.
[1052] R. Jenison, D.D., _Newcastle’s Call to her Neighbor and Sister Towns_. London, 1637.
[1053] Heberden says that it began in Whitechapel, but does not say where he got the information.
[1054] _Middlesex County Records_, III. 62.
[1055] _Ibid._
[1056] The College of Physicians reported also in May, 1637, on the causes of plague--overcrowding, nuisances, &c.; among the causes assigned the following is noteworthy: Those who died of the plague were buried within the City, and some of the graveyards were so full that partially decomposed bodies were taken up to make room for fresh interments. (Cited by S. R. Gardiner, _History, &c._, VIII. 237-9, from the State Papers.)
[1057] _Natural and Political Reflections on the Bills of Mortality._ London, 1662.
[1058] _Cal. State Papers._
[1059] Strype’s ed. of Stow’s _Survey of London_.
[1060] Rendle (_Old Southwark_, 1878, p. 96) quotes the following from a letter written in 1618 by Geoffrey Mynshall from the King’s Bench prison: “As to health, it hath more diseases predominant in it than the pest-house in the plague time ... stinks more than the Lord Mayor’s dog-house or Paris Garden in August ... three men in one bed.”
[1061] _Cal. S. P._ 1601-3, p. 209.
[1062] _Middlesex County Records_, II.
[1063] Cited by Gardiner, _History_, VIII. 289.
[1064] _Calendar of State Papers._
[1065] _Cal. S. P._
[1066] _Ibid._
[1067] _Ibid._ The coexistence of malignant fever with plague at Northampton in 1638 is decisively shown by particulars of cases published by Woodall, _Op. cit._ 1639. See also Freeman, _Hist. of Northampton_, p. 75 (but under the year 1637).
[1068] _Ibid._
[1069] _Ibid._
[1070] Camden’s _Britannia_, ed. Gough, II. 244.
[1071] _Notes and Queries_, 6th series, IV. 199.
[1072] _Hist. MSS. Com._ V. 173.
[1073] _Diatribae duae de Fermentatione et de Febribus._ Hagae, 1659.
[1074] _Morbus Epidemicus anni 1643; or the New Disease._ Published by command of his Majesty. Oxford, 1643.
[1075] From Rushworth.
[1076] “The City, with much emotion, ranks its trained bands under Essex: making up an Army for him, despatches him to relieve Gloucester. He marches on the 26th [August]; steadily along, in spite of rainy weather and Prince Rupert; westward, westward; on the night of the tenth day, September 5th, the Gloucester people see his signal-fire flame up, amid the dark rain, ‘on the top of Presbury Hill;’--and understand that they shall live and not die. The King ‘fired his huts,’ and marched off without delay. He never again had any real chance of prevailing in this war.... The steady march to Gloucester and back again, by Essex, was the chief feat he did during the war; a considerable feat, and very characteristic of him, the slow-going inarticulate, indignant, somewhat elephantine man.” Carlyle, _Letters and Speeches of Cromwell_.
[1077] From the translation by S. Pordage. London, 1681.
[1078] Anthony Wood, II. pt I. p. 469.
[1079] Dunsford’s _Histor. Mem. of Tiverton_, p. 184.
[1080] The military events from Rushworth.
[1081] Dunsford, _Histor. Memoirs of Tiverton_. Harding, _Hist. of Tiverton_.
[1082] Rushworth. Moore, _Hist. of Devonshire_, I. 149.
[1083] Beesley’s _Hist. of Banbury_, p. 387.
[1084] In Somers’s _Tracts_. Scott’s ed. V. 294.
[1085] Sykes.
[1086] Clarendon, referring to a proposed Royal visit to Bristol in April says: “The plague began to break out there very much for the time of the year.”
[1087] _Cal. State Papers._
[1088] Rushworth.
[1089] _Letters and Speeches_, I.
[1090] Seyer’s _Memorials of Bristol_, II. 466.
[1091] Whitaker, _History of Leeds_, p. 75.
[1092] Harwood, _Hist. of Lichfield_, p. 306.
[1093] Pordage’s translation of Willis’s _Remaining Works_, p. 131.
[1094] Nichols, III. 893.
[1095] Cornelius Brown, _Annals of Newark_. London, 1879, p. 164.
[1096] _Ibid._
[1097] _Notes and Queries_, 6th ser., III. 477.
[1098] Rushworth.
[1099] _Histor. MSS. Com._ XI. 7, p. 190.
[1100] _Ibid._ IX. 1, p. 201.
[1101] _Hist. of Carlisle_, 1838.
[1102] Chambers, _Domestic Annals of Scotland_.
[1103] Baillie’s _Letters_. 3 vols. Edited by D. Laing for the Bannatyne Club.
[1104] Kennedy, _Annals of Aberdeen_, I. 270 (expenses of the epidemic from the Council Register, vol. LIII. p. 130).
[1105] Hemingway, Ormerod. _The Report of the Hist. MSS. Commission_ (V. 339) notes that Dr Cowper’s MS. contains details of 2,099 deaths, but reproduces none of them.
[1106] _Hist. MSS. Commiss._ V. 342.
[1107] Owen and Blakeway.
[1108] Rushworth, Pt. 4, vol. II., pp. 1100, 1109.
[1109] _Annals of Ireland_ by Clyn and Dowling, Dean Butler’s notes pp. 64, 65 (ref. to Carte’s _Life of the Duke of Ormonde_).
[1110] _Cal. State Papers._
[1111] The weekly bills of mortality for Dublin, July 20--Aug. 2, 1662, showed only 14 baptisms and 20 burials in ten parishes; but these can hardly have been all the births and deaths in the city.
[1112] Smith’s _Cork_, vol. II. from Cox MSS.
[1113] _Cal. S. P._ Sept. 21, 1650.
[1114] H. Whitmore, M.D. _Febris Anomala; or the New Disease that now rageth throughout England, with a brief description of the Disease which this Spring most infested London._ London, 1659 (4 November).
[1115] _Hist. MSS. Commission_, X. pt. 4, p. 106.
[1116] Willis, _Diatribae duae_. Hagae, 1659.
[1117] _Pyretologia._ 2 vols. London, 1692-4. Appendix to 1st volume, p. 415.
[1118] Sent to _Notes and Queries_, 1st ser. XII. 281, by Mr H. Hucks Gibbs.
[1119] _Hist. MSS. Commiss._ V. 146 (Sutherland letters).
[1120] Greenhill’s edition (Sydenham Society, 1844), pp. 37, 93, 95-98.
[1121] Purchas, _His Pilgrimes_. 4 vols., folio. London, 1625, vol. I.
## Book II. p. 36.
[1122] Hakluyt, _The Principal Navigations_, &c. 3 vols. London, 1599, III. 225-6.
[1123] Pericarditis scorbutica--a condition which has been observed mostly in Russia in recent times. The whiteness of the heart would have been due to the fibrinous layer of lymph on its surface, from the pericarditis.
[1124] Hakluyt, III. 241.
[1125] Hakluyt, II. Part II., pp. 22, 36, 48.
[1126] Hakluyt, III. 501.
[1127] Sir James Stephen’s _Essays in Ecclesiastical Biography_, pop. ed. p. 125.
[1128] Hakluyt, II. pt. 2, p. 99.
[1129] The famous figure in _Paradise Lost_ (IV. 159) is taken from the route to India passing within Madagascar--a poetic colouring of dreary and painful realities:--
As when to them who sail Beyond the Cape of Hope, and now are past Mozambik, off at sea north-east winds blow Sabean odours from the spicy shore Of Araby the blest; with such delay Well pleas’d they slack their course, and many a league Cheer’d with the grateful smell old Ocean smiles:
[1130] _The World Encompassed_ &c., Hakluyt Society, ed. Vaux, p. 149, and Hakluyt, III. 740.
[1131] _A summarie and true discourse of Sir Francis Drake’s West Indian voyage begun in the year 1585._ Published by M. Thomas Cates. Shortened in Hakluyt, III. 542. The earlier part of the narrative is by Captain Bigges, and, after his death in the West Indies, by his lieutenant, Croftes.
[1132] Mr Froude (_History_, XII. 150) must be pronounced somewhat happy in his bold guess of “yellow fever.” At the same time the enthymeme by which he had reached his conclusion is altogether wrong: first, in assuming that the infection “broke out” after the capture of Cartagena, ignoring the fact of its disastrous prevalence in mid-ocean two or three months before, shortly after leaving the Cape de Verde islands; and secondly in assuming that the yellow fever for which Cartagena and other harbours of the Spanish Main became notorious in later times had existed as an infection there in the 16th century.
[1133] Sir Richard Hawkins, who commanded the galliot ‘Duck’ in Drake’s expedition of 1585, thus refers to the Cape de Verde islands, on the occasion of touching there in his own expedition to the Pacific in 1593 (Purchas, IV. 1368):
These islands are “one of the most unhealthiest climates in the world. In two times that I have been in them, either cost us the one half of our people, with fevers and fluxes of sundry kinds, some shaking, some burning, some partaking of both; some possesst with frensie, others with slouth; and in one of them it cost me six months’ sickness, with no small hazard of life.” He then gives a reason for the great risk to health: the north-east breeze about four in the afternoon seldom faileth, “coming cold and fresh, and finding the pores of the body open and for the most part naked, penetrateth the very bones, and so causeth sudden distemperature, and sundry manners of sickness, as the subjects are divers whereupon they work. Departing out of the calmes of the Islands, and coming into the fresh breeze, it causeth the like; and I have seen within two days after that we have partaked of the fresh air, of two thousand men above an hundred and fifty have been crazed in their health.” This seems to refer to the epidemic in Drake’s fleet, as given in the text; but it is clearly an imperfect account of the facts, and in theory altogether improbable, as a trade wind within the tropic cannot be credited with such effects, even if the forms of sickness were conceivably due at all to chill.
Darwin (_Naturalist’s Voyage in the Beagle_, p. 366) says: “The island of St Jago, at the Cape de Verde, offers another strongly-marked instance of a country, which anyone would have expected to find most healthy, being very much the contrary. I have described the bare and open plains as supporting, during a few weeks after the rainy season, a thin vegetation, which directly withers away and dries up; at this period the air appears to become quite poisonous; both natives and foreigners often being affected with violent fevers. On the other hand, the Galapagos Archipelago, in the Pacific, with a similar soil, and periodically subject to the same process of vegetation, is perfectly healthy.” But the Galapagos have been uninhabited, except in recent times by two or three hundred people banished from Ecuador. On the other hand the Cape de Verde islands are believed to have been at one time well wooded and not unfertile; and the Portuguese settlements in them, to say nothing of the native negro villages, had a fair population. It is not easy to understand the pernicious character of their fevers without assuming that spots of soil had become pestilential by human occupancy; but it is at the same time clear that a degree of befouling of the soil which would be innocuous in ordinary, would there engender deadly miasmata owing to the remarkable alternations of drought and wetness under a tropical sun.
[1134] Hakluyt, III. 286.
[1135] Mr Hubert Hall, of the Record Office, in _Society in the Elizabethan Age_. London, 1886, p. 120.
[1136] Hakluyt, III. 583.
[1137] Hakluyt, III. 804, 820; and other details in the 1st ed. (1589) pp. 809, 810.
[1138] Hakluyt, III. 842-52.
[1139] Purchas, IV. Bk. 7, Chap. 5, (reprinted from Hawkins’s own narrative of the voyage, published a few months after the author’s death in 1622).
[1140] Mr J. K. Laughton (_Dict. of National Biography._ Art. “Hawkins, Sir Richard”) points out that Hawkins’s narrative of the ‘Daintie’s’ voyage had not always been authenticated by reference to notes or documents. It seems probable also, from his remarks on the epidemic in Drake’s fleet after leaving the Cape de Verde islands in 1585, that he trusted his memory too much. But that objection of writing from memory has no force as against his general observations and reflections on scurvy.
[1141] Purchas, part IV. p. 1877.
[1142] _Ibid._ p. 1623.
[1143] Woodall defends the use of biscuit in his _Surgeon’s Mate_, published in 1617.
[1144] Purchas, III. 847.
[1145] _The Voyages of Sir James Lancaster, Knight, to the East Indies._ Hakluyt Society, ed. Clements Markham, 1878; and in Hakluyt’s _Principal Navigations_, II. pt. 2, p. 102.
[1146] The slowness of the passage round the Cape of Good Hope in old times was due less to the build or rig of the ships than to the course shaped: instead of steering southwest from Madeira across the Atlantic almost to the coast of Brazil at Cape San Roque, so as to get the north-east trade wind, and thence on another tack in a wide sweep round to the Cape with the south-east trade wind, the earlier navigators sailed past the Cape de Verde islands and along the Guinea coast, keeping within meridians 20 degrees to the eastward of the modern track, and so falling into the tropical calms at one part, and at another part of the voyage into the baffling south-east trades, varying in force according to the season.
[1147] Purchas, I. 147.
[1148] _Calendar of State Papers._ East Indies (under the respective dates).
[1149] It seems to have passed into common usage, as “to lie in cold obstruction and to rot” (_Meas. for Meas._ III. 1), and to have been kept up therein after the faculty had dropped it--if indeed Byron’s line, “Where cold Obstruction’s apathy” be a survival of medical terminology. There is an instance of the same kind of survival in the use of “scorbutic;” at one time land-scurvy was detected (under the influence of theory) in many forms, and we find in the _Pickwick Papers_ a late reminiscence of that singular dogma in the “young gentleman with the scorbutic countenance.”
[1150] The three earlier instances from Purchas, I. 248, 466, the later from the _Cal. State Papers_, East Indies.
[1151] _Cal. S. P._ Colonial. East Indies. Dec. 24, 1628.
[1152] _Ibid._ Feb. 6, 1626, p. 146.
[1153] _William Hedges’ Diary._ Hakluyt Society, 1887, I. 24, 54.
[1154] _A Letter of M. Gabriel Archar_, in Purchas, pt. IV. p. 1733; Smith’s _Virginia_, in Pinkerton, XIII. 99; W. Strachey, in Purchas, pt. IV. p. 1753.
[1155] Theobald makes this the storm and shipwreck which Shakespeare brings into the _Tempest_.
[1156] Purchas, IV. p. 1762.
[1157] _Cal. S. P._ America and West Indies.
[1158] Dermer, in Purchas, IV. p. 1778: Belknap’s _American Biography_ (“Life of Gorges”), I. 355.
[1159] John Winthrop’s _Journal_, p. 11.
[1160] Winthrop, I. pp. 119, 123.
[1161] _Ibid._ II. 310.
[1162] Refs. in Noah Webster’s _Hist. of Epid. and Pestil. Diseases_. Hartford, 1799, I. 189, 191, 193.
[1163] Letter of Norris, in _Hist. of S. Carolina_, I. 142.
[1164] Saco, _History of African Slavery in the New World_ (Spanish). Barcelona, 1879.
[1165] Oviedo, in Purchas, III. 996:--“Extract of Gonzalo Ferdinando de Oviedo:--‘I had acquaintance with divers which went in the first and second voyages of Columbus; of which was Peter Margarite, commendator in the second voyage, of most respect with the king and queen, who complained of those paines. [Syphilis was prevalent in Barcelona and Valencia previous to 1494. See