chapter II

. of this manuscript, preserved in our archives at Rome, will give a collection of facts about New [2] France, which are not found in the letters we publish.

Among the gentlemen who offered themselves to Henry the Great, of happy memory, to undertake the colonization of New France, was sieur de Potrincourt. The king granted him all that he asked, but at the same time gave him to understand that he must take with him some religious persons from our Society for the purpose of securing, according to his orders, the salvation of the savages; furthermore, that the expense of this mission would in no respect devolve upon him, but would be provided for from the royal Treasury.

The Reverend Father Pierre Coton, then confessor and preacher to the king, and who was very highly esteemed by His Majesty, as we know, was commissioned by him to select, from his Society, some men capable of conducting to a successful issue this perilous and holy enterprise.

Many of our religious offered themselves for this distant mission. Among them was noticed Father Pierre Biard, a man whose integrity equaled his talent and who then occupied the chair of theology at Lyons. The choice of the superiors fell upon him and upon Father Ennemond Masse, of whom we shall speak hereafter.

They both departed in 1608 for Bordeaux, where they intended to embark, but they were obliged to wait three years. For the gentleman, of whom we have already spoken, postponed his departure; then he offered as an excuse the necessity of making a trial voyage, in order, said he, to prepare a suitable dwelling for the Fathers. In fact he did make this journey, accompanied by a secular priest, who, yielding to a thoughtless zeal, baptized a hundred savages without having sufficiently instructed and tested them. Later, it was discovered that these poor people had not even understood what they had received.

Three years afterwards, on returning from his voyage, sieur de Potrincourt, urged by the queen-mother, undertook to convey our Fathers to [3] Canada. But it was not without great difficulty and much suffering that they reached Port Royal, upon the coast of Acadia.

The year following their arrival, two others of our Society went to join them, namely, Father Quentin and Gilbert du Thet, a Brother-coadjutor.[30] A two years' sojourn in Port Royal demonstrated to them the impossibility of making that the center of their mission, either on account of the difficulty of attracting there a great assemblage of savages, or because of the bickerings of those in command. They transferred the seat of their mission to another point upon the same coast, in latitude 45° 30', according to a decree of the king. This settlement received the name of Saint Savior. They had been established there but a short time, when the English, coming upon them suddenly, took possession of the French ship, seized the letters-patent of the commander, and, by a piece of outrageous rascality, treated him as a pirate. At the moment of attack several Frenchmen were killed, and among them brother Gilbert du Thet, a man remarkable for his courage and piety.

The victorious English, after having pillaged as much as they liked, abandoned part of the French in a miserable bark, and took with them to Virginia Fathers Biard and Quentin. Our two prisoners expected to be condemned to death, especially when, being taken back to Port Royal they refused to make known the hiding-place of the French who were concealed in the neighborhood. Turning their course a second time toward Virginia, they would probably have met death there, had not divine Providence frustrated all the efforts of the English sailors to land. A violent storm cast them upon the Azores islands, which belong to Portugal; and there, in spite of all their efforts, they were obliged to disembark.

Even the English were forced to admire the loyalty and charity [4] of our Fathers, who, by showing themselves to the Portuguese, might have caused the seizure of the ship, and had the English condemned and executed as pirates. Before entering port they exacted from their prisoners the promise not to denounce them, and to keep themselves concealed during their entire sojourn at the Azores. While the Portuguese were visiting the ship, the Fathers remained in the bottom of the hold, where they escaped observation. This generosity and loyalty in keeping their word so surprised the English that they immediately changed their treatment of their captives, and took them directly to England, where they publicly eulogized them.

The French ambassador, on hearing of their arrival, hastened to reclaim them, and had them taken back honorably into their own country, in the month of May, 1614.

This first voyage of our missionaries, apparently so futile, had, however, fortunate results. Beside the experience acquired, of which good use was made, the zeal of French catholics, revived by the stories of the Fathers, created new resources; and as soon as the French colony was delivered from the English, the Jesuits resumed their voyages to Canada, where they finally founded one of the finest missions of the Society.--[Carayon.]

[9] Lettre du P. Biard, au R. P. Christophe Baltazar, Provincial de France a Paris.

(_Copiée sur l'autographe conservé aux Archives du Jésus à Rome._)

MON REVEREND PERE, Pax Christi.

Enfin, par la grace et faveur de Dieu, nous voicy arrivez à Port-Royal, lieu tant désiré, et après avoir paty et surmonté, pendant l'espace de sept mois, force contradictions et traverses, que nous susciterent à Dieppe quelques-uns de la pretendue religion, et sur mer, les fatigues, orages et tourmentes de l'hyver, des vents et des tempestes. Par la misericorde de Dieu et par les prieres de Vostre Reverence et de nos bons Peres et Freres, nous voicy au bout de nostre course, et au lieu tant souhaité. Voicy aussi la premiere commodité qui se presente pour escrire à Vostre Reverence, et lui faire sçavoir de nos nouvelles et de l'estat auquel nous nous retrouvons. Je suis marry que le peu de temps de nostre arrivée en ce pays ne me permette pas d'en discourir, et comme je désirerois [10] plus amplement, et de l'estat de cette pauvre nation; neantmoins je m'efforceray de vous descrire non-seulement ce qui s'est passé en nostre voyage, mais aussy tout ce qu'avons peu apprendre de ce peuple depuis que nous y sommes, selon que, je pense, tous nos bons seigneurs et amis avec Vostre Reverence (doivent) l'attendre et le desirer.

Et, pour commencer par le préparatif de nostre voyage, Vostre Reverence aura sceu l'effort que firent deux marchants de Dieppe de la religion pretendue, qui avoient charge de fretter le navire, pour empescher que n'y fussions reçus. Il y avoit jà quelques années que ceux qui avoient commencé et continué le voyage de Canada, avoient desiré quelques uns de nostre Compagnie pour s'employer à la conversion de ce peuple là; et le feu Roy d'heureuse memoire Henry le Grand avoit assigné cinq cents escus pour le voyage des premiers qui y seroient envoyés, quand le R. P. Enmond Masse et moy, deputés pour ce voyage, après avoir salué la Reyne Regente, entendu de sa propre bouche le saint zele qu'elle avoit de la conversion de ces peuples barbares, reçu les susdicts cinq cents escus pour nostre viatique, aydés aussi de la pieuse libéralité de Mesdames les Marquises de Guercheville, Verneuil et de Sourdis, partis de Paris, arrivasmes à Dieppe au jour que nous avait assigné [11] Monsieur de Biancourt, fils de Monsieur de Potrincourt, pour nous y prendre, sçavoir le 27 d'Octobre 1610.

Les deux susdicts marchants, aussitost qu'ils ouïrent que deux Iesuites debvoient aller au Canada, s'adresserent à Monsieur de Biancourt[III.] et luy denoncerent que si lesdicts Iesuites entroient au navire, ils n'y vouloient rien avoir. On leur respondit que la venuë des Iesuites ne leur nuyroit en rien; que, Dieu mercy et la Reyne, ils avoient moyen de payer leur pension sans grever aucunement leur fret. Ils persistent toute fois en leur negative; et quoyque Monsieur de Sicoine, gouverneur de la ville, fort zelé catholique, s'en entremeslast de bonne affection, si ne pût-il rien obtenir d'eux. A cette cause, Monsieur Robbin,[IV.] le fils, autrement de Coloigne, associé avec Monsieur de Biancourt pour le voyage, se delibera d'aller en Cour et déclarer à la Reyne cet accrochement; ce qu'il fit. La Reyne sur cela donna lettres addressantes à Monsieur de Sicoigne, à ce qu'il eust à declarer la volonté du Roy à present regnant, être telle, et avoir pareillement [12] esté telle celle du feu Roy d'eternelle memoire, que lesdicts Iesuites allent en Canada; et par ainsy entendissent les contrariants sur ce fait, qu'ils se trouveroient en opposition contre le bon plaisir de leur Prince. Les lettres estoient fort affectueuses; et plût à Monsieur de Sicoigne de mander à soy tout le consistoire, et leur en faire lecture. Si est-ce que pour tout cela, les marchants sus mentionnés ne voulurent en rien démordre; seulement fut accordé que, laissant à part la question des Iésuites, on chargeroit promptement le vaisseau, de peur que cet embarras et dispute n'apportast du retardement au secours qui promptement debvoit estre donné à Monsieur de Potrincourt.

Lors je pensois bien quasi toutes nos attentes estre mises au rouët, et ne sçavois quelle clef nous en pourroit assez desgager. Mais Monsieur de Coloigne ne desespera point; ains, se montrant de sa grâce toujours plus ardent à poursuivre pour nous, fit entendre en Cour, par un second voyage qu'il fit, y avoir bien moyen de debouter les susdits marchants, sçavoir est, en leur payant leur marchandise, et ainsi les dédommageant. Madame de la Guercheville, dame de grande vertu, recognoissant cet expédient, et jugeant n'estre convenable à la piété de la cour que pour si peu un oeuvre de Dieu fust arresté, et satan en eust ainsi le [13] dessus, se délibera de faire un queste pour mettre ensemble la somme de deniers requise, et le fist avec telle diligence et si heureusement, par la pieuse liberalité de plusieurs des Seigneurs et Dames de la cour, qu'elle assembla bientost quatre mil livres, et les envoya à Dieppe. Ainsy lesdits marchants furent exclus de tout le droict qu'ils eussent pû avoir sur le vaisseau, sans rien perdre, et nous y fusmes introduits.

Cet affaire et plusieurs autres qui survinrent dans l'aprest de nostre voyage, furent cause que ne pusmes partir de Dieppe avant le 26 janvier 1611. Monsieur de Biancourt, jeune seigneur fort accomply et expert en la maryne, estoit nostre conducteur, et chef du vaisseau. Nous estions 36 personnes dans un navire appelé _la Grace de Dieu_, d'environ soixante tonneaux. Nous n'eusmes que deux jours de bon vent; au troisiesme, nous nous vismes subitement, par un vent et marées contraires, emportés jusques à cent ou deux cents pas des esquillons l'isle d'Wytht, en Angleterre; et bien nous en print que nous y rencontrasmes bon ancrage; sans cela resoluement c'estoit faict de nous.

Eschappés de là, nous relaschasmes à Hyrmice et depuis à Niéport; en quoy nous consumasmes 18 jours. Le 16 de février, premier jour de caresme, [14] un bon norouest s'élevant, nous donna moyen de partir, et nous accompagna jusques hors de la Manche. Ors ont accoustumé les mariniers, venant à Port-Royal, de ne point prendre la droite route des isles Ouessants jusqu'au Cap de Sable, ce qui abregeroit beaucoup le chemin; car en cette façon, de Dieppe à Port-Royal, n'y auroit qu'environ mil lieues; ains leur coustume est de descendre vers le Sud jusqu'aux Açores, et de là tirer au grand banc, pour du grand banc, selon que les vents se présentent, viser au Cap de Sable, ou bien à Campseaux, ou bien autre part. Ils m'ont dict que pour trois raisons ils descendent ainsi aux Açores: la première pour esviter la mer du nort, qui est fort haute, disent-ils; la seconde, pour s'ayder des vents du sud, qui volontiers reignent le plus; la troisiesme, pour assurer leur estime: autrement il est difficile qu'ils se recognoissent et dressent leur voyage sans erreur. Mais nulle de ces causes a eu effet quant à nous, qui neantmoins avons suivy cette coustume: non la premiere, parce que nous avons experimenté tant de tempestes et la mer si rude, que je ne pense pas y avoir beaucoup de gain, nort ou sud, sud ou nort; non la seconde, parce que souvent, quand nous voulions le Sud, le Nort souffloit, et à retours; non enfin la troisiesme, d'autant que nous ne pusmes point voir ces Açores, quoyque nous fussions [15] descendus jusqu'à 39 degrés et demy. Ainsi toute l'estime de nos conducteurs s'embrouilla, et nous n'estions pas encore aux Açores du grand banc, quand quelques-uns opinoient que nous l'eussions desjà passé.

Le grand banc aux molües n'est pas, comme j'estimois en France, quelque banc de sablon ou terre qui apparoisse hors de la mer, ains est une grande lisiere de terre soubs l'eau à 35, 40 et 45 brasses, large en quelques endroits de 25 lieuës. On l'appelle banc, parce que c'est là premierement où venant des abismes de l'ocean, l'on trouve terre avec la sonde. Or, sur le bord de ce grand banc, les vagues sont d'ordinaire fort furieuses trois ou quatre lieues durant, et ces trois ou quatre lieues on appelle les Açores.

Nous estions environ ces Açores le mardy de Pasques, quand nous voicy en prouë notre ennemy conjuré, l'Ouest, avec telle furie et opiniastreté, que peu s'en fallut que nous ne perissions. De huict jours entiers, il ne nous donna relasche, adjoustant à sa malice le froid et souvent la pluie ou la neige.

Naviger en ce traject de la Nouvelle-France, si dangereux et si aspre, principalement en petits vaisseaux et mal munitionnez, est un sommaire de toutes les miseres de la vie. Nous n'avions repos ni [16] jour ni nuict. Si nous pensions prendre nostre refection, nostre plat subitement eschappoit contre la tête de quelqu'un; un autre tomboit sour nous, et nous contre quelque coffre, et tourneboulions avec d'autres pareillement renversez; nostre tasse se versoit sur nostre lict, et le bidon dans nostre seing, ou bien un coup de mer mandoit nostre plat.

Monsieur de Biancourt m'honoroit de tant, que je couchois dans sa chambre. Une belle nuict ainsy qu'estant au lict nous pensions prendre quelque repos, voicy qu'un gentil et hardy coup de mer qui faussa les fermetures de la fenestre, la rompt et nous vient couvrir bien hautement; autant en eusmes nous une autre fois de jour. En outre, le froid estoit si violent, et l'a esté plus de six semaines durant, qu'à peine nous sentions nous d'engourdissement et de gel. Le bon Père Masse a pati beaucoup. Il a demeuré quelques quarante jours malade sans manger que bien peu, et quasi sans bouger du lict; encore vouloit-il jeusner avec tout cela. Après Pasque, il meliora tousjours, Dieu mercy de plus en plus. Pour moy, j'estois gaillard, quand mesme plusieurs des matelots se rendoient, et la Dieu grâce, je n'ay jamais tenu le lict pour mal que j'eusse.

Eschappés des tourmentes, nous entrasmes dans les glaces sur les Açores du banc, degrez du nort 46. Aucunes des glaces sembloient des isles, autres [17] des petits bourgs, autres des grandes églises ou dômes bien haults, ou superbes chasteaux: toutes flottoient. Pour les esviter, nous prismes au sud; mais ce fut tomber, comme l'on dict, de Charybdis en Sylla, car de ces haults rochers, nous tombasmes en un pavé de basse glace, la mer en estant toute couverte autant que la vue pouvoit porter. Nous ne savions en passer; et n'eust esté la hardiesse de M. de Biancourt, nos mariniers demeuroient sans expedient; mais il fit passer outre, non obstant le murmure de plusieurs, par où la glace estoit plus rare, et Dieu, par sa bonté, nous assista.

Le 5 de may, nous descendismes à Campceau, et eusmes le moyen d'y celebrer la sainte messe après tant de temps, et nous sustenter de ce pain qui nourit sans deffaut, et console sans fin. Depuis, nous costoyames terre jusqu'à Port-Royal, et y sommes arrivés à bons et heureux auspices le saint jour de Pencoste de bon matin, sçavoir est le 22 de may,[V.] jour auquel le soleil entre dans les Iumeaux. Nostre voyage avoit duré quatre mois.

Il n'est possible d'exprimer l'ayse que reçurent de nostre arrivée Monsieur de Potrincourt et les siens, lesquels, durant tout cet hyver, se trouvèrent [18] en de très-grandes necessités, comme je vous vais declarer.

Monsieur de Potrincourt avoit accompagné son fils revenant en France sur la fin de juillet 1610, et y estoit venu jusques au port Saint Iean,[VI.] autrement dict Chachippé, distant du Port-Royal 70 lieuës est et sud. Revenant et ayant redoublé le Cap de Sable, se trouvant en la baye courante, accablé de fatigues, il fut contraint de ceder le gouvernail pour un peu dormir, donnant mandement à celuy qui succedoit de suivre toujours terre, jusqu'au plus profond de la Baye. Ce successeur, ne sçay pourquoy, ne suyvit pas le commandement, ains peu de temps après changea, et abandonna terre.

Le Sauvage Membertou, qui suyvoit dans sa chaloupe, fut estonné de cette route; néanmoins, n'en sçachant pas la cause, n'en imita pas l'exemple, et si n'en dit rien. Aussi arriva-t-il bientost à Port-Royal, là où M. de Potrincour erra par six semaines en danger de se perdre; car le bon seigneur, s'estant esveillé, fut bien esbahy de se veoir en pleine mer, à perte de terre, dans une chaloupe. Il avait beau regarder son cadran, car ne sçachant [19] quelle route son gentil gouverneur avoit tenué, il ne pouvoit deviner ni où il estoit, ni où il convenoit addresser. Un autre mal, sa chaloupe ne pouvoit aller à la boline,[VII.] ayant esté, ne scay comment, brisée par les flancs. Ainsi, voulust-il ou non, il estoit necessité à prendre toujours vent derriere.

Un tiers inconvenient et grief: ils n'avoient de vivres. Néantmoins, c'est une homme qui ne se rend pas facilement, et bonheur l'accompagne. Donc, en cette perplexité de route, il se determina heureusement de prendre au nord, et Dieu lui envoya ce qu'il souhaitoit, un favorable Sud. Contre le mal de la faim, sa prudence luy servit; car il avoit chassé et gardé certain nombre de cormorans.[VIII.] Mais quel moyen de les rôtir en une chaloupe, pour les manger et garder? De bonne fortune, il se trouva avoir quelque planche, sur laquelle il dressa un foyer, et ainsi rotit son gibier, à l'ayde duquel il arriva à Pentegouët, anciennement la Norembegue, et de là aux Etechemins, puis à l'embouscheure du Port-Royal, où, par desastre, il pensa faire naufrage.

Il faisoit obscur quand il se trouva en cette entrée, et ses gens commencerent à lui, contredire, [20] niant assurément que ce fust l'embouscheure du Port-Royal. Luy ouït volontiers les opinions de ses gens, et malheur qu'encore les suyvit-il, et aynsi prenant en bas de la Baye Françoise, il s'en alla roder bien loing à la mercy des vents et des marées. Cependant ses gens estoient bien en peine au Port-Royal, et jà quasi tenoient-ils pour tout assuré qu'il fust peri; à cela aydoit le sauvage Membertou, qui affirmoit luy avoir veu prendre vers la mer à perte de vuë; d'où l'on inferoit, comme l'on croit autant facilement ce que l'on craint comme ce que l'on ayme, que puisque tels ou tels vents avoient régné, il estoit impossible qu'avec une chaloupe, il eust peu eschapper. Et jà traitoit-on du retour en France. Or bien esbahis, et ensemble bien joyeux furent-ils, quand ils virent leur Thésée, revenu de l'autre monde; ce fut six semaines après son depart, au même temps que M. de Biancourt arrivoit en France, le retour duquel estoit attendu à Port-Royal pour tout Novembre de la même annèe 1610. Mais on fut bien estonné, quand non seulement on ne le vit pas à Noël, mais aussi on perdit espérance, à cause de l'hiver, de le revoir avant la fin d'apvril ensuivant.

Cette fut raison pour quoy on se retrancha de vivres; mais ce retranchement profitoit peu, d'autant que le Sieur de Potrincourt ne rabattoit rien [21] de ses libéralités vers les Sauvages, craingnant les aliener de la foy chrestienne. C'est un seigneur vrayment liberal et magnanime, mesprisant toute recompense des biens qu'il leur fait; de maniere que les Sauvages, quand par fois on leur demande pourquoy ils ne lui redonnent quelque chose pour tant de biens qu'il leur faict, ont de coustumes de respondre malitieusement: _Endries ninan metaij Sagamo_: c'est-à-dire, Monsieur ne se soucie point de nos peaux de castor. Néantmoins ils envoyoient par fois quelques pieces d'orignac, qui aydoyent à toujours gagner le temps. Or, bon moyen pour espargner, voicy que, l'hyver venu, leur moulin se glace, et n'y avoit moyen de faire farine. Bon pour eux, qu'ils trouverent provision de pois et febves; cette fut leur manne et ambroisie sept semaines durant.

Là estoit venu Apvril, mais non pas le navire, et lors le moulin eut beau se glacer, car aussi bien n'y avoit-il rien pour la tremye. Que fera-on? la faim est un meschant mal. On se met à pescher sur eau, et fouiller soubs terre: sur eau, on eut des esplans et du harang; soubs terre, on trouva de fort bonnes racines, qu'on appelle _chiqueli_, et abondent fort en de certains endroits.

Ainsi contentoit-on aucunement cet importun crediteur; je dis aucunement parce que, le pain leur [22] manquant, toute autre chose leur estoit peu, et jà faisoit-on estat que, si le navire ne venoit pour tout le mois de may, que l'on se mettroit par la coste en recherche de quelques navires, pour repasser au doux pays de froment et vignoble. C'estoyent les gens de Monsieur de Potrincourt qui parloient ainsi; car pour luy, il avoit le courage, et si sçavoit bien les moyens de faire attendre jusques à la saint Iean. Il n'en fut pas de besoing, Dieu mercy, car comme dict est, nous arrivasmes le 22 de may. Or si, à cette venue, l'allegresse de Monsieur de Potrincourt et de ceux de l'habitation fut grande, ceux là le pourront conjecturer, qui sçavent ce que c'est de la faim, du desespoir, de la crainte, de patir, d'estre pere, et veoir ses entreprises et travaux à volleau.

Nous pleurasmes tous au rencontre, et nous estimions quasi songer; puis, quand nous fusmes un peu revenus et entrez en propos, cette question fut mise en avant, sçavoir: mon (de vrai) qui estoit le plus ayse des deux, ou M. de Potrincourt et les siens, ou M. de Biancourt et nous. De vray, nous avions bien tous le coeur bien eslargy, et Dieu, par sa misericorde, donna signe d'y prendre plaisir; car, après la messe et le disner, comme ce ne fusse qu'allée et venue du navire à l'habitation et de l'habitation au [23] navire, chacun voulant caresser, et estre caressé de ses amis, comme après l'hyver on se resjouït du beau temps, et après le siége de la liberté, il arriva que deux de l'habitation prindrent un canot des sauvages pour aller au navire. Ces canots sont tellement faits que, si on ne s'y tient pas bien juste et à plomb, aussitost on vire; arriva donc que, voulant retourner dans le mesme canot du navire à l'habitation ne sçay comment ne charrierent pas droict, et eux dans l'eau.

Le bonheur porta que pour lors je me promenois avec M. de Potrincourt à la rive. Nous voyons l'accident, et, à nostre pouvoir faisions signe avec nos chapeaux à ceux du navire, de courir au secours; car de crier, rien n'eust proffité, tant le navire estoit esloigné, et le vent faisoit du bruit. Personne n'y prenoit garde du commencement; de maniere que nostre recours fut à l'oraison, et de nous mettre à genou, n'y voyant autre remede; et Dieu eut pitié de nous. L'un des deux se saisit du canot renversé, et se jette dessus; l'autre, à la parfin, fut secouru d'une chaloupe, et tous deux ainsi retirez et sauvez nous comblerent de liesse, voyant comme la bonté divine, par sa toute parternelle douceur, n'avoit point voulu permettre que le malin esprit nous enviast et funestast un si bon jour. A elle soit gloire à tout jamays. Ainsy soit-il.

[24] Or maintenant il est temps qu'arrivés par la grâce de Dieu en santé nous jettions les yeux sur le pays, et y considerions un peu l'estat de la chrestienté que nous y trouvons. Tout son fondement consiste après Dieu en cette petite habitation d'une famille d'environ vingt personnes. Messire Iessé Flesche, vulgairement dict le Patriarche, en a eu la charge, et, dans un an qu'il y a demeuré, a baptizé quelque cent ou tant des Sauvages. Le mal a esté qu'il ne les a pu instruire comme il eust bien désiré, faute de sçavoir la langue, et avoir de quoy les entretenir; car celui qui leur nourrit l'âme faut quand et quand qu'il se delibere de sustenter leur corps. Ce bon personnage nous a fait beaucoup d'amitié, et a remercié Dieu de nostre venue; car il avoit jà de longtemps resolu de repasser en France à la premiere commodité; ce qu'il est bien ayse de faire maintenant, sans le regret d'abandonner une vigne qu'il auroit plantée.

On n'a pû jusques à maintenant traduire au langage du pays la croyance commune ou symbole, l'oraison de nostre Seigneur, les commandemens de Dieu, les Sacremens et autres chefs totalement necessaires à faire un chrestien.

Estant dernièrement au port Saint-Iean, je fus adverty qu'entre les autres Sauvages, il y en avoit cinq jà chrestiens. Ie prends de là occasion de leur [25] donner des images, et planter une croix devant leur cabane, chantant un _Salve Regina_. Ie leur fis faire le signe de la croix; mais je me trouvois bien esbahy, car autant quasi y entendoient les non-baptizés, que les chrestiens. Ie demandois à un chacun son nom de baptesme; quelques-uns ne le sçavoient pas, et ceux-là s'appeloient _Patriarches_; et la cause est parce que c'est le Patriarche qui leur impose le nom; car ils concluënt ainsy, il faut qu'ils s'appellent _Patriarches_, quand ils ont oublié leur vray nom.

Il y eut aussi pour rire, car lorsque je leur demandois s'ils estoient chrestiens, ils ne m'entendoient pas; quand je leur demandois s'ils estoient baptizés, ils me respondoient: _Hetaion enderquir Vortmandia Patriarché_; c'est à-dire: "Oui, le Patriarche nous a fait semblables aux Normans." Or, appellent-ils Normans tous les Françoys hormis les Malouins, qu'ils appellent Samaricois, et les Basques qu'ils disent Bascua.

Le _sagamo_, c'est-à-dire le seigneur du port Saint-Iean, est un appelé Cacagous, fin et matois s'il n'y en a point en la coste; c'est tout ce qu'il a rapporté de France (car il a esté en France), et me disoit qu'il avoit esté baptizé à Bajonne, me racontant cela comme qui raconteroit d'avoir esté par amitié conduit à un bal. Sur quoy, voyant le mal, et [26] voulant esprouver si je luy esmouverois point la conscience, je luy demandois combien il avoit de femmes. Il me respondit qu'il en avoit huict; et de fait, il m'en compta sept, qu'il avoit là presentes, me les désignant avec autant de gloire, tant s'en faut qu'avec honte, comme si je luy eusse demandé combien il avoit de fils legitimes.

Un autre, qui cherchoit plusieurs femmes, comme je luy dissuadasse, luy alleguant qu'il estoit chrestien, me paya de cette response: _Reroure quiro Nortmandia_: c'est à-dire Cela est bon pour vous autres, Normans. Aussi ne voit-on gueres de changement en eux après le baptesme. La mesme sauvagine et les mesmes moeurs demeurent, ou peu s'en faut, mesmes coustumes, ceremonies, us, façons et vices, au moins à ce qu'on en peut sçavoir, sans point observer aucune distinction de temps, jours, offices, exercices, prieres, debvoirs, vertus ou remedes spirituels.

Membertou, comme celuy qui hante le plus M. de Potrincourt dés long temps, est aussi le plus zelé, et montre le plus de foy; mais encore il se plaint de ne nous pas assez entendre, et desireroit d'estre prescheur, dit-il, s'il estoit bien instruict. Ce fut luy qui me fit l'autre jour une plaisante repartie; car, comme je luy enseignois son _Pater_, selon la traduction que m'en a fait M. de Biancourt, sur ce [27] que je lui faisois dire: _Nui en caraco nac iquem esmoi ciscou_; c'est-à-dire, donne-nous aujourd'huy nostre pain quotidien. "Mais, dit-il, si je ne luy demandois que du pain, je demeurerois sans orignac ou poisson."

Le bon vieillard nous contoit avec grande affection comme Dieu l'assiste depuis qu'il est chrestien, et nous disoit que ce printemps, luy arriva de patir grande faim luy et les siens; que sur ce il luy souvint qu'il estoit chrestien, et par ce il pria Dieu. Après sa prière, allant veoir à la riviere, il trouva des esplans à suffisance. Et puisque je suis sur ce vieux sagamo, premices de cette gentilité, je vous diray encore ce qui luy est arrivé cet hyver.

Il a esté malade, et ce qui est plus, jugé à mort par les _aoutmoins_ ou sorciers du pays. Or est la coustume que dès aussitost que les Aoutmoins ont sentencié la maladie ou plaie estre mortelle, dès lors le patient ne mange plus; aussy ne luy donne-t-on rien. Ains, prenant sa belle robe, il entonne luy-mesme le chant de sa mort; après lequel cantique, s'il tarde trop à mourir, on luy jette force seaux d'eau dessus, pour l'advancer, et quelquefois l'enterre-t-on à demy vif. Or les enfants de Membertou, quoy que chrestien, se preparoient à user de ce beau devoir de pieté envers leur père; jà ils ne luy donnoient plus à manger, et luy ayant prins sa [28] belle robe de loutre, avoit, comme un cygne, chanté et conclu sa Nænie ou chant funerail. Une chose l'affligeoit encore, c'est qu'il ne sçavoit pas pomment il debvoit bien mourir en chrestien, et qu'il ne disoit point adieu à M. de Potrincourt. Ces choses entendues, M. de Potrincourt vint à luy, luy remonstre et l'asseure qu'en despit de tous les Aoutmoins et Pilotois, il vivroit et recouvreroit santé, s'il vouloit manger; ce qu'il estoit tenu de faire, estant chrestien. Le bon homme crut, et fut sauvé; aujourd'huy il raconte cecy avec grand contentement, et rememore bien à propos comme Dieu a misericordieusement en cela fait entendre la malice et mensonge de leurs aoutmoins.

Je raconteray icy un autre faict du mesme Sieur de Potrincourt, et qui a beaucoup proffité à toute cette gentilité. Un sauvage chrestien estoit mort, et (marque de sa constance) il avoit mandé icy à l'habitation, pendant sa maladie, qu'il se recommandoit aux prieres. Après sa mort, les autres Sauvages se preparoient de l'enterrer à leur mode: leur mode est qu'ils prennent tout ce qui appartient au defunct, peaux, arcs, utensiles, cabannes, etc. bruslent tout cela, hurlants, brayants avec certains clameurs, sorceleries et invocations du malin esprit. M. de Potrincourt delibera de vertueusement resister à ces ceremonies. Il met donc en armes toutes ses gens, et [29] s'en va aux Sauvages en main forte, obtient par ce moyen ce qu'il demandoit, sçavoir est que le corps fust donné à M. le Patriarche, et ainsi l'enterrement fut faict à la chrestienne. Cet acte, d'autant qu'il n'a pû estre contrarié par les Sauvages, a esté loué par eux, et l'est encores.

La chappelle qu'on a eue jusque à maintenant, est fort petite, pirement accomodée, et en toutes façons incommode à tous exercices de religion. Pour remede, M. de Potrincourt nous a donné tout un quartier de son habitation, si nous pouvons le couvrir et accomoder. Seulement j'adjousteray encore un mot, que plusieurs seront bien ayses et édifiés d'ouïr.

Après mon arrivée icy à Port-Royal, j'ay esté avec M. de Potrincourt jusque aux Etechemins. Là, Dieu voulut que je rencontrasse le jeune du Pont de Sainct Malo, lequel ne sçays comment effarouché,[IX.] avoit passé toute l'année avec les Sauvages, vivant de mesme qu'eux. C'est un jeune homme d'une grande force d'esprit et de corps, n'y ayant sauvage qui courre, agisse ou patisse ou parle mieux que luy. Il estoit en grandes apprehensions de M. de [30] Potrincourt; mais Dieu me donna tant de croyance envers luy, que sur ma parole il vint avec moy dans nostre navire, et, après quelques submissions et debvoir rendu par luy, la paix fut faite au grand contentement de tous. Au départir, comme les canonades bruyèrent, il me pria de luy assigner heure pour sa confession. Au lendemain matin, luy mesme prevint l'heure, tant il estoit en ferveur, et se confessa en l'orée de la mer, en la présence de tous les Sauvages, qui s'émerveilloient d'ainsy le voir à genoux devant moy si long temps. Depuis, il communia avec grand exemple, et puis dire que les larmes m'en vinrent aux yeux, et ne fus pas seul. Le diable fut confus de cet acte: aussy pensa-il subitement tout troubler l'aprés disnée suivante; mais Dieu mercy, par l'équité et bonté de M. de Potrincourt, le tout a esté remis en son entier.

Voilà, mon Révérend Pere, le discours de nostre voyage et des choses survenues tant en yceluy que devant celuy, et depuis nostre arrivée à cette habitation. Reste maintenant à vous dire que la conversion de ce pays à l'Evangile, et de ce peuple à la civilité, n'est pas petite, ni sans beaucoup de difficultez; car en premier lieu, si nous considerons le pays, ce n'est qu'une forest, sans autre commodité pour la vie que celles qu'on apportera de France, et avec le temps on pourroit retirer du terroir, après qu'on [31] l'aura cultivé. La nation est sauvage, vagabonde, mal habituée, rare et d'assez peu de gens. Elle est, dis-je, sauvage, courant les bois, sans lettres, sans police, sans bonnes moeurs; elle est vagabonde, sans aucun arrest, ni des maisons ni de parenté, ni des possessions ni de patrie; elle est mal habituée, gens extremement paresseux, gourmans, irreligieux, traitres, cruels en vengeance, et adonnés à toute luxure, hommes et femmes, les hommes ayant plusieurs femmes et les abandonnant à autruy, et les femmes ne leur servant que d'esclaves qu'ils battent et assomment de coups, sans qu'elles osent se plaindre; et après avoir esté demy meurtries, s'il plaist au meurtrier, il faut qu'elles rient et luy fassent caresses.

Avec tous ces maux, ils sont extrêmement glorieux: ils s'estiment plus vaillans, que nous, meilleurs que nous, plus ingenieux que nous, et, chose difficile à croire, plus riches que nous. Ils s'estiment, dis-je, plus vaillants que nous, se vantant qu'ils ont tué des Basques et Malouins, et fait beaucoup de mal aux navires, sans que jamays on en ait tiré vengeance, voulant dire que ce a esté faute de coeur. Ils s'estiment meilleurs: "Car, disent-ils, vous ne cessez de vous entrebattre et quereller l'un l'autre; nous vivons en paix. Vous estes envieux les uns des autres, et détractez les uns des autres ordinairement; [32] vous estes larrons et trompeurs; vous estes convoiteux, sans liberalité et misericorde: quant à nous, si nous avons un morceau du pain, nous le partissons entre nous."

Telles et semblables choses disent-ils communement, voyant les susdictes imperfections en quelques-uns de nos gens; et, se flattent de ce que quelques-uns d'entre eux ne les ont si éminentes, ne considerant (pas) qu'ils ont tous des vices beaucoup plus énormes, et que la meilleure part des nostres n'ont pas mesmes les vices susdicts, concluent universellement qu'ils vallent mieux que tous les chrestiens. C'est l'amour propre qui les aveugle, et le malin esprit qui les seduit, ne plus ne moins que vous voyez en nostre France les desvoyés de la foy s'estimer et se vanter estre meilleurs que les catholiques, d'autant qu'en quelques-uns ils voyent beaucoup de vices, ne regardants ni les vertus des autres catholiques, ni leurs vices beaucoup plus grands; ne voulant, comme Cyclopes, avoir, qu'un seul oeil, et celuy fiché sur aucuns vices de quelques catholiques, et jamays sur les vertus des autres, ni sur eux, sinon pour se tromper.

Ils s'estiment aussi plus ingenieux, d'autant qu'ils nous voyent admirer aucunes de leurs manufactures, comme oeuvres de personnes si rudes et grossieres, [33] et admirent peu ce que nous leur monstrons, quoy que beaucoup plus digne d'estre admiré, faute d'esprit. De là vient qu'ils s'estiment beaucoup plus riches que nous, quoy qu'ils soyent extremement pauvres et souffreteux.

Cacagous, duquel j'ai cy-devant parlé, a bonne grace, quand il a un peu haussé le ton; car pour monstrer sa bonne affection envers les Françoys, il se vante de vouloir aller veoir le Roy, et luy porter un present de cent castors, et fait estat, ce faisant, de le faire le plus riche de tous ses predecesseurs. La cause aussy de ce jugement leur vient de l'extreme et bruslante convoitise de leurs castors qu'ils voyent regner en quelques-uns des nostres.

Non moins plaisant est le discours d'un certain Sagamo, qui ayant ouy raconter de M. de Potrincourt, que le Roy estoit jeune et à marier: "Peut-estre, dit-il, luy pourray-je donner ma fille pour femme; mais, selon les us et coustumes du pays, il faudroit que le Roy lui fist de grands presens: sçavoir, quatre ou cinq barriques de pain, trois de pois ou de febves, un de petun, quatre ou cinq chapots de cent sols pièce, avec quelques arcs, flesches, harpons, et semblables denrées."

Voylà les marques de l'esprit de cette nation, qui est fort peu peuplée, principalement les Soriquois et Etechemins qui avoysinent la mer, combien, que [34] Membertou assure qu'en sa jeunesse il a veu _chimonuts_, c'est-à-dire des Sauvages aussi dru semés que les cheveux de la teste. On tient qu'ils sont ainsi diminués depuis que les François ont commencé à y hanter: car, depuis ce temps-là, ils ne font tout l'esté que manger; d'où vient que, prenant une tout autre habitude, et amassant de humeurs, l'automne et l'hyver ils payent leurs intemperies par pleurésies, esquinances, flux de sang, qui les font mourir. Seulement cette année, soixante en sont morts au Cap de la Hève, qui est la plus grande partie de ce qu'ils y estoient; et neantmoins personne du petit peuple de M. de Potrincourt n'a esté seulement malade, nonobstant toute l'indigence qu'ils ont paty; ce qui a faict apprehender les Sauvages que Dieu nous deffend et protége comme son peuple particulier et bien-aymé.

Ce que je dis de cette rareté d'habitants de cette contrée, se doict entendre de ceux qui paroissent en la coste de la mer; car, dans les terres, principalement des Etechemins, il y a force peuple, à ce qu'on dit. Toutes ces choses conjoinctes avec la difficulté du langage, le temps qu'il y faudra consommer, les despends qu'il y faudra faire, les grandes incommoditez et labeurs et disettes qu'il faudra endurer, declarent assez la grandeur de cette entreprise, et les difficultés qui la pourront traverser. Toutes [35] fois plusieurs choses m'encouragent à la poursuite d'icelle.

Premierement l'esperance que j'ay en la bonté et providence de Dieu. Esaïe nous assure que le royaume de nostre Redempteur doict estre recognu par toute la terre, et qu'il ne doict avoir ni antres de dragons, ni cavernes de basilisques, ni rochers inaccessibles, ni abysmes tant profonds que son humanité n'adoucisse, son salut ne guerisse, son abondance ne fertilise, son humilité ne surhausse, et enfin que sa croix ne triomphe victorieusement. Et pour quoy n'esperay-je que le temps est venu auquel cette prophetie doict estre accomplie en ces quartiers? Que si cela est, qu'y a-t-il de tant difficile que nostre Dieu ne puisse faciliter?

En second lieu, je mets la consideration du Roy nostre Sire. C'est un Roy qui nous promet rien de moindre que le feu Roy son pere l'incomparable Henri le Grand. Cet oeuvre a commencé avec son reigne, et peut on dire que depuis cent années la France s'est approprié ce pays, ou en a si veritablement pris possession, ny tant faict, que depuis son reigne, que Dieu remplisse de toutes benedictions. Il ne voudra permettre que son nom et ses armes paroissent en ces regions avec le paganisme, son authorité avec la barbarie, sa renommée avec la sauvagine, son pouvoir avec l'indigence, [36] sa foy avec manquement, ses subjects sans ayde ni secours. Sa mère aussy, une autre Reyne Blanche, visant à la gloire de Dieu, contemplera ces deserts et nouveliers siens, où, au commencement de sa Regence, le coutre de l'Evangile a par son moyen ouvert quelque esperance de moisson, et se souviendra de ce que le feu Roy, grand de sagesse aussi bien que de valeur, prononça au Sieur de Potrincourt venant en ce pays: "Allez, dit-il, je trace l'édifice; mon fils le bastira." Ce que nous supplions vostre Reverence de luy representer, et ensemble le bon oeuvre que leurs Majestés peuvent faire en ces quartiers, si c'estoit leur bon playsir de fonder et donner quelque honneste revenu à cette residence, de laquelle se pourroit s'epandre par toute cette contrée ceux qui y seroyent eslevés et entretenus.

Voylà le second fondement de nostre esperance, auquel j'adjousteray la pieté et largesse que nous avons experimenté sur nostre depart ès-seigneurs et dames de cette tres-noble et tres-chrestienne cour, me promettant qu'ils ne voudront manquer de favoriser de leurs moyens cette entreprise, pour ne perdre ce que desjà ils y ont employé, ce qui leur sert d'ares de gloire et de felicité immortelle devant Dieu.

M. de Potrincourt, Seigneur doux et équitable, [37] vaillant, amé et experimenté en ces quartiers, et M. de Biancourt son fils, imitateur des vertus et belles qualitez de son pere, tous deux zelés au service de Dieu, qui nous honorent et cherissent plus que nous ne meritons, nous donnent aussi grand courage de nous employer en ceste ouvrage de tout nostre pouvoir.

Finalement, l'assiete et condition de ce lieu, qui promet beaucoup pour l'usage de la vie humaine, s'il est cultivé, et sa beauté, qui me fait esmerveiller de ce qu'il a esté si peu recherché jusques à maintenant, où est ce port où nous sommes, fort propre pour d'icy nous estendre aux Armouchiquois, Iroquois et Montagnes, nos voisins, qui sont grands peuples, et labourent les terres comme nous; ce lieu, dis-je, nous fait esperer quelque chose à l'advenir. Que si nos Souriquois sont peu, ils se peuvent peupler; s'ils sont sauvages, c'est pour les domestiquer et civiliser qu'on vient icy; s'ils sont rudes; nous ne devons point estre pour cela paresseux; s'ils ont jusqu'ici peu profité, ce n'est merveille, ce seroit rigueur d'exiger si tost fruict d'un gref, et demander sens et barbe d'un enfant.

Pour conclusion, nous esperons avec le temps les rendre susceptible de la doctrine de la foy et religion chrestienne et catholique, et après, passer [38] plus avant aux regions de deçà plus habitées et cultivées, comme dict est; esperance que nous appuyons sur la bonté et misericorde de Dieu, sur le zele et fervente charité de tous les gens de bien qui affectueusement desirent le royaume de Dieu, particulierement sur les sainctes prieres de Vostre Reverence et de nos RR. PP. et très-chers FF. auxquels très-affectueusement nous nous recommandons.

Du Port-Royal en la Nouvelle-France, ce dixiesme juin mil six cents onze.

PIERRE BIARD.

NOTES:

[III.] Charles de Biencourt, écuyer, sieur de Saint-Just et fils de M. de Poutrincourt. Il était alors âgé de dix-neuf ou vingt ans. (_Lescarbot_ et _Champlain_.)

[IV.] Thomas Robin, écuyer, sieur de Cologne, demeurant en la ville de Paris. (_Lescarbot._)

[V.] Champlain et Charlevoix, qui l'a copié, mettent à tort le 12 de juin.

[VI.] Lescarbot dit: «Son père le conduisit jusque au port de la Hève, à cent lieues loin, ou environ du Port-Royal.» Ce qui donnerait à entendre que Chachippè, Port Saint-Jean et la Hève sont une même chose.

[VII.] Aller à la bouline, c'est-à-dire tenir le plus près du vent.

[VIII.] Le _cormoran_ est un oiseau de mer, qui a le cou fort long, les pattes très-hautes, et qui vit de poisson.

[IX.] «L'année prochainement passée, il avoit été fait prisonnier par le Sieur de Potrincourt, d'où s'estant esvadé subtilement, il avoit esté contraint courrir les bois en grande misere.» (_Relation imprimée._)

[9] Letter from Father Biard to Reverend Father Christopher Baltazar, Provincial of France, at Paris.

(_Copied from the autograph preserved in the Archives of Jesus, at Rome_).

MY REVEREND FATHER, The peace of Christ be with you.

At last by the grace and favor of God, here we are at Port-Royal, the place so greatly desired, after having suffered and overcome, during the space of seven months, a multitude of trials and difficulties raised up against us at Dieppe by those belonging to the pretended religion; and after having survived at sea the fatigues, storms, and discomforts of winter, winds, and tempests. By the mercy of God, and through the prayers of Your Reverence and of our good Fathers and Brothers, here we are at the end of our journey and in the long-wished-for place. And I am now taking the first opportunity which presents itself to write to Your Reverence, and to communicate to you news of ourselves and of our present situation. I am sorry that the short time we have been in this country does not permit me to write about it at length, as I was desirous [10] of doing, and about the condition of these poor people; however, I will try to describe to you not only what happened in our voyage, but also all that we have been able to learn of these peoples since our arrival, as I believe all our good noblemen and friends, as well as Your Reverence, expect and desire me to do.

So, to begin with the preparations for our voyage, Your Reverence must know about the effort put forth by two Dieppe merchants of the pretended religion, who were charged with freighting the ship, to prevent our being received upon it. For a number of years past, those who began and continued to make voyages to Canada have wished some of our Society to be employed for the conversion of the people of that country; and Henry the Great, the late King, of happy memory, had set aside five hundred écus[34] for the voyage of the first ones who should be sent there: at this time Reverend Father Enmond Masse and I, chosen for this mission, after having saluted the Queen Regent and learned from her own utterances the holy zeal which she felt for the conversion of this barbarous people, and having received the above-mentioned five hundred écus for our viaticum,[35] aided also by the pious liberality of the Marchionesses de Guercheville, Verneuil, and de Sourdis,[36] left Paris and arrived at Dieppe upon the day which [11] Monsieur de Biancourt, son of Monsieur de Potrincourt, had designated for our departure, the 27th of October, 1610.

The two above-mentioned merchants, as soon as they heard that two Jesuits were going to Canada, addressed themselves to Monsieur de Biancourt[X.] and warned him that, if the said Jesuits intended to embark upon the ship, they would have nothing to do with it: they were told that the presence of the Jesuits would in no wise interfere with them; that, thanks to God and the Queen, they had the money to pay their passage without in the least disturbing their cargo. They still persisted, however, in their refusal; and although Monsieur de Sicoine, governor of the city, a very zealous catholic, kindly interposed, he could gain nothing from them. For this reason, Monsieur Robbin,[XI.] his son, otherwise called de Coloigne,[37] a partner of Monsieur de Biancourt in this voyage, thought he would go to Court and make known this difficulty to the Queen; he did so. The Queen, thereupon, sent letters addressed to Monsieur de Sicoigne, telling him to announce that the will of the present King, as well as [12] that of the late King of eternal memory, was that these Jesuits should go to Canada; and that those who were opposing their departure were doing so against the will of their Prince. The letters were very kind: and Monsieur de Sicoigne was pleased to assemble the consistory, and read them to that body. Notwithstanding all this, the merchants would not yield in the least; it was merely granted that, leaving the Jesuits out of the question, they should promptly load their ship, lest these perplexities and disputes should cause some delay in bringing the succor to Monsieur de Potrincourt, which must be given promptly. Then I almost made up my mind that all our hopes were doomed to disappointment, for I did not see how we were to be extricated from these difficulties. Monsieur de Coloigne did not despair; but, showing himself in his kindness always more eager to pursue the case for us, by a second journey he convinced the Court of an excellent plan for thwarting the merchants; namely, by paying them for their cargo, and thus indemnifying them. Madame de la Guercheville, a lady of great virtue, recognizing the expediency of this plan, and deeming it inconsistent with real piety to allow a godly work to be checked for such a trifle, and thus [13] that satan should be permitted to triumph, determined to try and raise the sum of money required; and she did so with such diligence and success, through the pious generosity of several Noblemen and Ladies of the court, that she soon collected four thousand livres and sent them to Dieppe. Thus the merchants were deprived of all the rights which they might have had in the vessel, without losing anything, and we were admitted into it.

This, and other incidents interfering with the preparations for our voyage, were the reasons why we could not leave Dieppe before the 26th of January, 1611. Monsieur de Biancourt, a very accomplished young gentleman, and well versed in matters pertaining to the sea, was our leader and commander. There were thirty-six of us in the ship, which was called _la Grace de Dieu_, of about sixty tons burden. We had only two days of favorable winds; on the third day we suddenly found ourselves carried, by contrary winds and tides, to within a hundred or two hundred paces of the breakers of the isle of Wight, in England; and it was fortunate for us that we found good anchorage there, for otherwise we certainly should have been lost.

Leaving this place we put into port at Hyrmice, and then at Newport; by which we lost eighteen days. The 16th of February, first day of lent, [14] a good northwester arising allowed us to depart, and accompanied us out of the English Channel. Now mariners, in coming to Port Royal, are not accustomed to take the direct route from the Ouessant islands to Cape Sable, which would lessen the distance, for in this way, from Dieppe to Port Royal, there would only be about one thousand leagues; but they are in the habit of going South as far as the Azores, and from there to the great bank, thence, according to the winds, to strike for Cape Sable, or Campseaux, or elsewhere. They have told me that they go by way of the Azores for three reasons: first, in order to avoid the north sea, which is very stormy, they say; second, to make use of the south winds, which usually prevail there; third, to be sure of their reckonings; for otherwise it is difficult to take their bearings and arrange their route without error. But none of these causes affected us, although we followed this custom. Not the first, for we were so tossed about by tempests and high seas, that I do not think we gained much by going north or south, south or north; nor the second, because often when we wanted the South, the North wind blew, and vice versa; and certainly not the third, inasmuch as we could not even see the Azores, although we went [15] down as far as 39° 30'. Thus all the calculations of our leaders were confounded, and we had not yet reached the Azores of the great bank when some of them thought we had passed it.[38]

The great codfish bank is not, as I thought in France, a kind of sand or mud-bank, appearing above the surface of the sea; but is a great sub-marine plateau 35, 40 and 45 fathoms deep, and in some places twenty-five leagues in extent. They call it bank, because, in coming from the deep sea, it is the first place where bottom is found with the sounding lead. Now upon the border of this great bank, for the space of three or four leagues, the waves are generally very high, and these three or four leagues are called the Azores.

We were near these Azores on Tuesday of Easter week, when suddenly we became a prey to our sworn foe, the West wind, which was so violent and obstinate that we very nearly perished. For eight entire days it gave us no quarter, its vindictiveness being augmented by cold and sometimes rain or snow.

In taking this route to New France, so rough and dangerous, especially in small and badly-equipped boats, one experiences the sum total of all the miseries of life. We could rest neither [16] day nor night. When we wished to eat, a dish suddenly slipped from us and struck somebody's head. We fell over each other and against the baggage, and thus found ourselves mixed up with others who had been upset in the same way; cups were spilled over our beds, and bowls in our laps, or a big wave demanded our plates.

I was so highly honored by Monsieur de Biancourt as to share his cabin. One fine night, as we were lying in bed, trying to get a little rest, a neat and impudent wave bent our window fastenings, broke the window, and covered us over completely; we had the same experience again, during the day. Furthermore, the cold was so severe, and continued to be for more than six weeks, that we lost nearly all sensation from numbness and exposure. Good Father Masse suffered a great deal.[39] He was ill about forty days, eating very little and seldom leaving his bed; yet, notwithstanding all that, he wanted to fast. After Easter he continued to improve, thank God, more and more. As for me, I was gay and happy, and, by the grace of God, was never ill enough to stay in bed even when several of the sailors had to give up.

After escaping from these trials, we entered the ice at the Azores of the bank, 46 degrees north latitude. Some of these masses of ice seemed like islands, others [17] little villages, others grand churches or lofty domes, or magnificent castles: all were floating. To avoid them we steered towards the south; but this was falling, as they say, from Charybdis into Scylla, for from these high rocks we fell into a level field of low ice, with which the sea was entirely covered, as far as the eye could reach. We did not know how to steer through it; and had it not been for the fearlessness of Monsieur de Biancourt, our sailors would have been helpless; but he guided us out, notwithstanding the protests of many of them, through a place where the ice was more scattered, and God, in his goodness, assisted us.

On the 5th of May, we disembarked at Campceau,[40] and there had the opportunity of celebrating holy mass after so long a time, and of strengthening ourselves with that bread which never fails to nourish and console. Then we coasted along until we reached Port Royal, where we arrived under good and happy auspices early in the morning[41] of the holy day of Pentecost, the 22nd of May,[XII.] the day upon which the sun enters the constellation Gemini. Our voyage had lasted four months.

The joy of Monsieur de Potrincourt and his followers, at our arrival, is indescribable. They had been, during the entire winter, reduced [18] to sore straits, as I am going to explain to you.

Monsieur de Potrincourt had accompanied his son a part of the way upon the latter's return to France the last of July, 1610, and had gone as far as port Saint John,[XIII.] otherwise called Chachippé,[42] 70 leagues east and south of Port Royal. When he was returning, as he veered around Cape Sable, he found himself in a strong current; weakened by hardships, he was obliged to yield the helm, in order to take a little rest, commanding his successor to always keep near the shore, even in the deepest part of the Bay. This pilot, I know not why, did not follow his orders, but soon afterward changed his course and left the shore.

The Savage, Membertou, who was following in his boat, was astonished that Poutrincourt should take this route; but, not knowing why he did so, neither followed him nor said anything about it. So he soon arrived at Port Royal, while Monsieur de Potrincourt drifted about for six weeks, in danger of being hopelessly lost; for this worthy gentleman, when he awoke, was very much surprised at seeing himself in a small boat in the open sea, out of sight of land. He looked at his dial in vain, for not knowing [19] what route his amiable pilot had taken, he could not guess where he was, nor in what direction to turn. Another misfortune was that his boat would not sail on a bowline,[XIV.] having been somehow damaged in the sides. So, whether he wished to do so or not, he was always obliged to sail before the wind.

A third inconvenience and misfortune was a lack of food. However, he is a man who does not easily give up, and good luck follows him. Now in this perplexity about the route, he fortunately decided to turn to the north, and God sent him what he desired, a favorable South wind. His thrift served him against the misfortune of hunger, for he had hunted and kept a certain number of cormorants.[XV.] But how could they be roasted in a small boat, so as to be eaten and kept? Fortunately he found he had a few planks, upon which he built a fire-place, and thus roasted the game; by the aid of which he arrived at Pentegouët, formerly Norembegue, and from there to the Etechemins, thence to the harbor of Port Royal, where by a piece of ill luck, he was nearly shipwrecked.

It was dark when he entered this harbor, and his crew began to oppose him, stoutly denying [20] that they were in the harbor of Port Royal. He was willing to listen to their objections, and unfortunately even yielded to them; and so turning to the lower part of French Bay, he went wandering away off at the mercy of the winds and waves. Meanwhile the colonists of Port Royal were in great anxiety and had already nearly made up their minds that he was lost; the savage, Membertou, strengthened this fear by asserting that he had seen him sail out of sight upon the sea; whence it was inferred, since people believe as easily what they fear as what they favor, that as such and such a wind had prevailed, it was impossible for them to escape in such a boat. And they were already planning their return to France. Now they were greatly astonished, and at the same time exceedingly happy when they saw their Theseus return from another world; this was six weeks after his departure, just when Monsieur de Biancourt arrived in France, whose return was expected at Port Royal during the whole month of November of the same year, 1610. But they were very much surprised when they did not see him at Christmas; then they lost all hope, on account of the winter weather, of seeing him again before the end of the following April.

For this reason they cut down their rations; but such economy was of little avail, since Sieur de Potrincourt did not lessen [21] his liberality toward the Savages, fearing to alienate them from the Christian faith. He is truly a liberal and magnanimous gentleman, refusing all recompense for the good he does them; so when they are occasionally asked why they do not give him something in return for so many favors, they are accustomed to answer, cunningly: _Endries ninan metaij Sagamo_, that is to say, "Monsieur does not care for our beaver skins." Nevertheless, they have now and then sent him some pieces of elk meat, which have helped him to gain time [i.e., to save his own provisions]. But they, the French, had a good chance of economizing when winter came, for their mill froze up, and they had no way of making flour. Happily for them they found a store of peas and beans, which proved to be their manna and ambrosia for seven weeks.

Then April came, but not the ship; now it was just as well that the mill was frozen up, for they had nothing to put in the hopper. What were they to do? Hunger is a bad complaint. Some began to fish, others to dig. From their fishing they obtained some smelts and herrings; from their digging some very good roots, called _chiqueli_, which are very abundant in certain places.

Thus this importunate creditor was somewhat satisfied; I say somewhat, because, when there was no bread, [22] everything else was of little account; and they had already made up their minds that, if the ship did not come during the month of May, they would resort to the coast, in search of ships to take them back to the sweet land of wheat and vines. It was Monsieur de Potrincourt's followers who talked this way; as for him, he was full of courage and knew well how he could manage to hold out until saint John's day [midsummer]. Thank God, there was no need of this, for, as has been said, we arrived the 22nd of May. Those who know what hunger, despair, fear and suffering are, what it is to be a leader and see all one's enterprises and hard work come to nought, can imagine what must have been the joy of Monsieur de Potrincourt and his colony upon seeing us arrive.

We all wept at this meeting, which seemed almost like a dream; then when we had recovered ourselves a little and had begun to talk, this question (mine, in fact) was proposed, to wit: Which was the happier of the two, Monsieur de Potrincourt and his people, or Monsieur de Biancourt and his? Truly, our hearts swelled within us, and God, in his mercy, showed that he took pleasure in our joy; for, after mass and dinner, there was nothing but going and coming from the ship to the settlement, and from the settlement to the [23] ship, each one wanting to embrace and be embraced by his friends, just as, after the winter, we rejoice in the beautiful spring, and after a siege, in our freedom. It happened that two persons from the settlement took one of the canoes of the savages to go to the ship. These canoes are so made that, if you do not sit very straight and steady, they immediately tip over; now it chanced that, wishing to come back in the same canoe from the ship to the settlement, somehow they did not properly balance it, and both fell into the water.

Fortunately, it occurred at a time when I happened to be walking upon the shore with Monsieur de Potrincourt. Seeing the accident, we made signs with our hats as best we could to those upon the ship to come to their aid; for it would have been useless to call out, so far away was the ship, and so loud the noise of the wind. At first no one paid any attention to us, so we had recourse to prayer, and fell upon our knees, this being our only alternative; and God had pity upon us. One of the two caught hold of the canoe, which was turned upside down, and threw himself upon it: the other was finally saved by a boat, and thus both were rescued; so our cup of joy was full in seeing how God in his all paternal love and gentleness, would not permit the evil one to trouble us and to destroy our happiness upon this good day. To him be the glory forever. Amen!

[24] But now that we have arrived in good health, by the grace of God, it is time we were casting our eyes over the country, and were giving some consideration to the condition in which we find christianity here. Its whole foundation consists, after God, in this little settlement of a family of about twenty persons. Messire Jessé Flesche, commonly called the Patriarch, has had charge of it; and, in the year that he has lived here, has baptized about one hundred Savages. The trouble is, he has not been able to instruct them as he would have wished, because he did not know the language, and had nothing with which to support them; for he who would minister to their souls, must at the same time resolve to nourish their bodies. This worthy man has shown great friendliness toward us, and thanked God for our coming; for he had made up his mind some time ago to return to France at the first opportunity, which he is now quite free to do without regret at leaving a vine which he has planted.

They have not yet succeeded in translating into the native language the common creed or symbol, the Lord's prayer, the commandments of God, the Sacraments, and other principles quite necessary to the making of a christian.

Recently, when I was at port Saint John, I was informed that among the other Savages there were five who were already christians. Thereupon I took occasion to give them [25] some pictures, and to erect a cross before their wigwams, singing a _Salve Regina_. I had them make the sign of the cross; but I was very much astonished, for the unbaptized understood almost as much about it as the christians. I asked each one his baptismal name; some did not know theirs, so they called themselves _Patriarchs_, because it is the Patriarch who gives them their names, and thus they conclude that, when they have forgotten their own names, they ought to be called _Patriarchs_.

It was also rather amusing that, when I asked them if they were christians, they did not know what I meant; when I asked them if they had been baptized, they answered: _Hetaion enderquir Vortmandia Patriarché_, that is to say, "Yes, the Patriarch has made us like the Normans." Now they call all the French "Normans," except the Malouins,[43] whom they call Samaricois, and the Basques, Bascua.

The name of the _sagamore_, that is, the lord of port Saint John, is Cacagous, a man who is shrewd and cunning as are no others upon the coast; that is all that he brought back from France (for he has been in France); he told me he had been baptized in Bayonne, relating his story to me as one tells about going to a ball out of friendship. Whereupon, seeing how wicked he was, and [26] wishing to try and arouse his conscience, I asked him how many wives he had. He answered that he had eight; and in fact he counted off seven to me who were there present, pointing them out with as much pride, instead of an equal degree of shame, as if I had asked him the number of his legitimate children.

Another, who was looking out for a number of wives, made the following answer to my objections on the ground that he was a Christian: _Reroure quiro Nortmandia_: which means, "That is all well enough for you Normans." So there is scarcely any change in them after their baptism. The same savagery and the same manners, or but little different, the same customs, ceremonies, usages, fashions, and vices remain, at least as far as can be learned; no attention being paid to any distinction of time, days, offices, exercises, prayers, duties, virtues, or spiritual remedies.

Membertou, as the one who has most associated with Monsieur de Potrincourt for a long time, is also the most zealous and shows the greatest faith, but even he complains of not understanding us well enough; he would like to become a preacher, he says, if he were properly taught. He gave me a witty answer the other day, as I was teaching him his _Pater_, according to the translation made of it by M. de Biancourt, when [27] I had him say: _Nui en caraco nac iquem esmoi ciscou_; that is, "Give us this day our daily bread." "But," said he, "if I did not ask him for anything but bread, I would be without moose-meat or fish."

The good old man told us, with a great deal of feeling, how God is helping him since he has become a Christian, saying that this spring it happened that he and his family were suffering much from hunger; then he remembered that he was a christian, and therefore prayed to God. After his prayer, he went to the river and found all the smelts he wanted. And while I am speaking of this old sagamore, the first fruit of this heathen nation, I will tell you also what happened this winter.

He was sick, and what is more, had been given up to die by the native _aoutmoins_, or sorcerers. Now it is the custom, when the Aoutmoins have pronounced the malady or wound to be mortal, for the sick man to cease eating from that time on, nor do they give him anything more. But, donning his beautiful robe, he begins chanting his own death-song; after this, if he lingers too long, a great many pails of water are thrown over him to hasten his death, and sometimes he is buried half alive. Now the children of Membertou, though christians, were prepared to exercise this noble and pious duty toward their father; already they had ceased giving him anything to eat and had taken away his [28] beautiful otter robe, and he had, like the swan, finished his Nænie, or funeral chant. One thing still troubled him, that he did not know how to die like a christian, and he had not taken farewell of Monsieur de Potrincourt. When M. de Potrincourt heard these things, he went to see him, remonstrated with him, and assured him that, in spite of all the Aoutmoins and Pilotois, he would live and recover his health if he would eat something, which he was bound to do, being a christian. The good man believed and was saved; to-day he tells this story with great satisfaction, and very aptly points out how God has thereby mercifully exposed the malice and deceit of their aoutmoins.

I shall here relate another act of the same Sieur de Potrincourt, which has been of great benefit to all these heathen. A christian savage had died, and (as a mark of his constancy) he had sent word here to the settlement during his sickness, that he desired our prayers. After his death the other Savages prepared to bury him in their way; they are accustomed to take everything that belongs to the deceased, skins, bows, utensils, wigwams, etc., and burn them all, howling and shouting certain cries, sorceries, and invocations to the evil spirit. M. de Potrincourt firmly resolved to oppose these ceremonies. So he armed all his men, and [29] going to the Savages in force, by this means obtained what he asked, namely, that the body should be given to the Patriarch, and so the burial took place according to christian customs. This act, inasmuch as it could not be prevented by the Savages, was and still is, greatly praised by them.

The chapel they have been using until now is very small, badly arranged, and in every way unsuited for religious services. To remedy this, M. de Poutrincourt has given us an entire quarter of his habitation, if we can roof it over and adapt it to our needs. But I shall add one more word which will be pleasant and edifying news to many.

After my arrival here at Port Royal, I went with M. de Potrincourt as far as the Etechemins. There God willed that I should meet young du Pont, of Sainct Malo,[44] who, having been for some reason frightened away [from the settlement],[XVI.] had passed the entire year with the Savages, living just as they did. He is a young man of great physical and mental strength, excelled by none of the savages in the chase, in alertness and endurance, and in his ability to speak their language. He was very much afraid of M. de [30] Potrincourt: but God inspired me with so much faith in him that, relying upon my word, Du Pont came with me to our ship; and after making some apologies and promises, peace was declared, to the great satisfaction of all. When he departed, as the cannon were sounding, he begged me to appoint an hour to receive his confession. The next morning, in his great eagerness, he anticipated the hour, and made his confession upon the shores of the sea in the presence of all the Savages, who were greatly astonished at thus seeing him upon his knees so long before me. Then he took communion in a most exemplary manner, at which I can say tears came into my eyes, and not into mine alone. The devil was confounded at this act; so he straightway planned trouble for us that very afternoon; but thank God, through the justice and goodness of M. de Potrincourt, harmony was everywhere restored.

And now you have had, my Reverend Father, an account of our voyage, of what happened in it, and before it, and since our arrival at this settlement. It now remains to tell you that the conversion of this country to the Gospel, and of these people to civilization, is not a small undertaking nor free from great difficulties; for, in the first place, if we consider the country, it is only a forest, without other conveniences of life than those which will be brought from France, and what in time may be obtained from the soil after [31] it has been cultivated. The nation is savage, wandering and full of bad habits; the people few and isolated. They are, I say, savage, haunting the woods, ignorant, lawless and rude: they are wanderers, with nothing to attach them to a place, neither homes nor relationship, neither possessions nor love of country; as a people they have bad habits, are extremely lazy, gluttonous, profane, treacherous, cruel in their revenge, and given up to all kinds of lewdness, men and women alike, the men having several wives and abandoning them to others, and the women only serving them as slaves, whom they strike and beat unmercifully, and who dare not complain; and after being half killed, if it so please the murderer, they must laugh and caress him.

With all these vices, they are exceedingly vainglorious: they think they are better, more valiant and more ingenious than the French; and, what is difficult to believe, richer than we are. They consider themselves, I say, braver than we are, boasting that they have killed Basques and Malouins, and that they do a great deal of harm to the ships, and that no one has ever resented it, insinuating that it was from a lack of courage. They consider themselves better than the French; "For," they say, "you are always fighting and quarreling among yourselves; we live peaceably. You are envious and are all the time slandering each other; [32] you are thieves and deceivers; you are covetous, and are neither generous nor kind; as for us, if we have a morsel of bread we share it with our neighbor."

They are saying these and like things continually, seeing the above-mentioned imperfections in some of us, and flattering themselves that some of their own people do not have them so conspicuously, not realizing that they all have much greater vices, and that the better part of our people do not have even these defects, they conclude generally that they are superior to all christians. It is self-love that blinds them, and the evil one who leads them on, no more nor less than in our France, we see those who have deviated from the faith holding themselves higher and boasting of being better than the catholics, because in some of them they see many faults; considering neither the virtues of the other catholics, nor their own still greater imperfections; wishing to have, like Cyclops, only a single eye, and to fix that one upon the vices of a few catholics, never upon the virtues of the others, nor upon themselves, unless it be for the purpose of self-deception.

Also they [the savages] consider themselves more ingenious, inasmuch as they see us admire some of their productions as the work of people so rude and ignorant; [33] lacking intelligence, they bestow very little admiration upon what we show them, although much more worthy of being admired. Hence they regard themselves as much richer than we are, although they are poor and wretched in the extreme.

Cacagous, of whom I have already spoken, is quite gracious when he is a little elated about something; to show his kindly feelings toward the French he boasts of his willingness to go and see the King, and to take him a present of a hundred beaver skins, proudly suggesting that in so doing he will make him richer than all his predecessors. They get this idea from the extreme covetousness and eagerness which our people display to obtain their beaver skins.

Not less amusing is the remark of a certain Sagamore, who, having heard M. de Potrincourt say that the King was young and unmarried: "Perhaps," said he, "I may let him marry my daughter; but according to the usages and customs of the country, the King must make me some handsome presents; namely, four or five barrels of bread, three of peas or beans, one of tobacco, four or five cloaks worth one hundred sous apiece, bows, arrows, harpoons, and other similar articles."

Such are the marks of intelligence in the people of these countries, which are very sparsely populated, especially those of the Soriquois and Etechemins, which are near the sea; although [34] Membertou assures us that in his youth he has seen _chimonuts_, that is to say, Savages, as thickly planted there as the hairs upon his head. It is maintained that they have thus diminished since the French have began to frequent their country; for, since then they do nothing all summer but eat; and the result is that, adopting an entirely different custom and thus breeding new diseases, they pay for their indulgence during the autumn and winter by pleurisy, quinsy and dysentery, which kill them off. During this year alone sixty have died at Cape de la Hève, which is the greater part of those who lived there; yet not one of all M. de Potrincourt's little colony has even been sick, notwithstanding all the privations they have suffered; which has caused the Savages to apprehend that God protects and defends us as his favorite and well-beloved people.

What I say about the sparseness of the population of these countries must be understood as referring to the people who live upon the coast; for farther inland, principally among the Etechemins, there are, it is said, a great many people. All these things, added to the difficulty of acquiring the language, the time that must be consumed, the expenses that must be incurred, the great distress, toil and poverty that must be endured, fully proclaim the greatness of this enterprise and the difficulties which beset it. Yet [35] many things encourage me to continue in it.

First, my trust in the goodness and providence of God. Isaiah assures us that the kingdom of our Redeemer shall be recognized throughout the earth; and that there shall be neither caves of dragons nor dens of cockatrices, nor inaccessible rocks, nor abysses so deep, that his grace will not soften and his salvation cure, his abundance fertilize, his humility raise up, and over which his cross will not at last victoriously triumph. And why shall I not hope that the time has come when this prophecy is to be fulfilled in these lands? If that be so, what can there be so difficult that our Lord cannot make it easy?

In the second place, I rely upon the King, our Sire. He is a Sovereign who promises us nothing less than the late King, his father, the incomparable Henry the Great. This work began in the latter's reign, and it may be said that in the century since France has appropriated this country, or has so completely taken possession of it, there has not been so much accomplished at any time as since our present king became sovereign; may God fill his reign with all blessings. He will not permit his name and arms to stand in these regions side by side with paganism, his authority with barbarism, his renown with savagery, his power with poverty, [36] his faith with lack of works, nor leave his subjects without aid or succor. His mother also, another Queen Blanche,[45] looking to the glory of God, will contemplate these lately-acquired wildernesses, where in the beginning of her Regency the Gospel plough has, through her instrumentality, created some hope of a harvest; and will recall what the late King, great in wisdom as well as in courage, said to Sieur de Potrincourt when he came to this country: "Go," said he. "I plan the edifice; my son will build it." We beg your Reverence to lay this matter before him, together with the work which might be done by their Majesties in these lands, if it were their good pleasure to endow and to give a fair revenue to this mission, from which all those who would be educated and maintained here might go forth through the whole country.

That is the second resource upon which our hopes are founded; to which I will add the piety and liberality which we experienced upon our departure from the lords and ladies of this most noble and most christian court, who promised me that they would not fail to assist this enterprise with their means, in order not to lose what they have already invested in it, which serves them as monuments of glory and of eternal happiness before God.

M. de Potrincourt, a mild and upright Gentleman, [37] brave, beloved and well-known in these parts, and M. de Biancourt, his son, who reflects the virtues and good qualities of his father, both zealous in serving God, and who honor and cherish us more than we deserve, also encourage us in devoting all our energy to this work.

Finally, we are encouraged by the situation and condition of this place, which, if it is cultivated, promises to furnish a great deal for the needs of human life; and its beauty causes me to wonder that it has been so little sought up to the present time. From this port where we now are, it is very convenient for us to spread out to the Armouchiquois, Iroquois, and Montagnais, our neighbors, which are populous nations and till the soil as we do; this situation, I say, makes us hope something for the future. For, if our Souriquois are few, they may become numerous; if they are savages, it is to domesticate and civilize them that we have come here; if they are rude, that is no reason that we should be idle; if they have until now profited little, it is no wonder, for it would be too much to expect fruit from this grafting, and to demand reason and maturity from a child.

In conclusion, we hope in time to make them susceptible of receiving the doctrines of the faith and of the christian and catholic religion, and later, to penetrate [38] farther into the regions beyond, which they say are more populous and better cultivated. We base this hope upon Divine goodness and mercy, upon the zeal and fervent charity of all good people who earnestly desire the kingdom of God, particularly upon the holy prayers of Your Reverence and of our Reverend Fathers and very dear Brothers, to whom we most affectionately commend ourselves.

From Port Royal, New France, this tenth day of June, one thousand six hundred and eleven.

PIERRE BIARD.

FOOTNOTES:

[X.] Charles de Biencourt, esquire, sieur de Saint-Just and son of Monsieur de Poutrincourt. He was then nineteen or twenty years old. (_Lescarbot_ and _Champlain_.)--[Carayon.]

[XI.] Thomas Robin, esquire, sieur de Cologne, living in the city of Paris. (_Lescarbot._)--[Carayon.]

[XII.] Champlain and Charlevoix, who copied this, were wrong in saying the 12th of June.--[Carayon.]

[XIII.] Lescarbot says: "His father accompanied him as far as port de la Hève, a hundred leagues, more or less, from Port Royal." This makes it appear that Chachippè, Port Saint John, and la Hève are one and the same place.--[Carayon.]

[XIV.] To sail on a bowline means to sail close to the wind.--[Carayon.]

[XV.] The _cormorant_ is a long-necked, high-stepping sea-bird, which lives upon fish.--[Carayon.]

[XVI.] "The year before he had been made a prisoner by Sieur de Potrincourt; and having slyly escaped from him, he had been obliged to wander about in the woods in great misery."--(_Printed Relation._)--[Carayon.]

[39] Lettre du Père Ennemond Masse au R. P. Claude Aquaviva, Général de la Compagnie de Jésus.

_(Traduite sur l'original latin._)

PORT-ROYAL, 10 juin 1611.

MON TRÈS-RÉVÉREND PÈRE, Pax Christi.

Si Votre Paternité a vu avec plaisir ma lettre du 13 octobre, j'en ai éprouvé bien davantage à recevoir la sienne du 7 décembre; d'autant plus que je suis le premier de la Compagnie qui ait reçu la première lettre que Votre Paternité ait jamais envoyée au Canada. Je prends ce fait comme un heureux augure, et je l'accepte comme venant du ciel, pour m'exciter _à courir avec ferveur dans la carrière_, afin de mériter et de recevoir _le prix de cette vocation céleste_, et enfin de me sacrifier moi-même plus promptement et plus complétement pour le salut de ces peuples.

Je vous l'avoue; _j'ai dit alors_ franchement à Dieu: _Me voici: Si vous choisissez ce qu'il y a de faible et de méprisable dans ce monde, pour renverser_ [40] et _détruire ce qui est fort_, vous trouverez tout cela dans Ennemond. _Me voici: envoyez-moi, et rendez ma langue_ et _ma parole intelligible, afin que je ne sois pas barbare pour ceux qui m'entendront._

Vos prières, j'en ai la confiance, ne seront pas sans succès, comme semble le présager notre arrivée ici, le très-saint jour de la Pentecôte. _Nous sommes faibles en Jésus-Christ, mais_, je l'espère, _nous vivrons avec lui par la force de Dieu_. Que Votre Paternité, je l'en conjure, obtienne par ses saintes prières et ses saints sacrifices, que le Seigneur accomplisse toutes ces choses en nous.

Le fils indigne en Jésus-Christ de la Compagnie de Jésus.

ENNEMOND MASSE.

Port-Royal, dans la Nouvelle-France, le 10 juin 1611.

[39] Letter from Father Ennemond Masse to Reverend Father Claude Aquaviva, General of the Society of Jesus.

(_Translated from the Latin original._)

PORT ROYAL, June 10, 1611.

MY VERY REVEREND FATHER, The peace of Christ be with you

If Your Reverence read with pleasure my letter of October 13th, I felt a great deal more in receiving yours of December 7th, especially as I am the first of the Society to receive from Your Reverence the first letter which you have ever sent to Canada. I take this event as a happy omen, and accept it as coming from heaven, to incite me _to run with ardor in the race_, in order to merit and receive _the reward of this heavenly vocation_, and to sacrifice myself more promptly and more completely for the salvation of these people.

I admit to you _that I said then_ freely to God: _Here I am; if you choose what is weak and despicable in this world to overthrow_ [40] _and destroy that which is strong_, you will find all this in Ennemond. _Here I am; send me, and make my tongue and my words intelligible, so that I may not be a barbarian to those who will hear me._

Your prayers, I am sure, will not be in vain, as our arrival here upon the most holy day of Pentecost seems to presage. _We are weak in Jesus Christ, but_, I hope, _we shall live with him by the power of God_. It is my earnest entreaty that Your Reverence, by your prayers and holy sacrifices, may prevail upon the Lord to accomplish all these things in us.

The unworthy son in Jesus Christ, of the Society of Jesus,

ENNEMOND MASSE.

Port Royal, New France, June 10, 1611.

[41] Lettre du P. Pierre Biard, au T.-R. P. Claude Aquaviva, Général de la Compagnie de Jésus.

(_Traduite sur l'original latin._)

PORT-ROYAL, 11 juin 1611.

MON TRÈS-RÉVÉREND PÈRE, Pax Christi.

Après quatre mois d'une navigation vraiment trèspénible et très-périlleuse, nous sommes enfin arrivés, grâce à la protection de Dieu et aux prières de Votre Paternité, à Port-Royal, dans cette Nouvelle-France, terme de notre voyage.

Nous avons en effet quitté Dieppe le 26 janvier de cette année 1611, et nous sommes arrivés cette même année le 22 mai. Je donne en français au R. P. Provincial la relation de toute notre entreprise et de l'état où nous avons trouvé les choses ici. C'est ce qui me paraissait plus urgent et plus utile, puisque j'étais dans l'impossibilité de le faire en même temps en latin. Je ne me suis pas encore arrêté huit jours à Port-Royal, et tout le temps est [42] absorbé par des interruptions continuelles et par les nécessités de la vie. Au reste, le P. Masse et moi, nous nous portons assez bien, grâce à Dieu: mais il nous a fallu prendre un serviteur pour les travaux matériels. Nous ne pouvions nous en passer sans un grand détriment pour l'esprit et pour le coeur.

M. de Potrincourt, qui commande ici au nom du Roi, nous aime et nous estime en proportion de sa piété.

A la première occasion nous nous empresserons, avec la grâce de Dieu, de dire quelles sont nos espérances de succès.

Le vaisseau s'est déjà éloigné. Je vais être obligé d'aller le rejoindre en canot, pour qu'il ne parte sans mes lettres.

Je conjure Votre Paternité, par les mérites de Jésus-Christ, de se souvenir de nous et de ces contrées très-solitaires, et de venir à notre secours, autant qu'elle le pourra, non-seulement par le moyen des prières très-ferventes de notre Compagnie, mais aussi par la bénédiction et les faveurs de notre Saint-Père le Pape (comme je les ai déjà demandées).

Assurément nous semons dans une grande pauvreté et dans les larmes; daigne le Seigneur nous accorder de moissonner un jour dans la joie. C'est ce qui arrivera, comme je l'espère et comme je l'ai [43] dit, grâce aux prières et aux bénédictions de Votre Paternité, que je sollicite humblement,

de Votre Paternité, Le fils et serviteur indigne, PIERRE BIARD, S. J.

A Port-Royal, dans la Nouvelle-France, ou Canada, le 11 de juin 1611.

[41] Letter from Father Pierre Biard, to the Very Reverend Father Claude Aquaviva, General of the Society of Jesus.

(_Translated from the Latin original._)

PORT ROYAL, June 11, 1611.

MY VERY REVEREND FATHER, The peace of Christ be with you.

After four months of very painful and perilous navigation, we have at last arrived, thanks to the protection of God and to the prayers of Your Reverence, at Port Royal, in New France, the end of our journey.

In truth we left Dieppe the 26th of January this year, 1611, and arrived May 22nd of this same year. I am giving to the Reverend Father Provincial the narrative in French of our whole undertaking, and of the condition in which we found things here. This seemed to me the more necessary and useful, as it was impossible for me to write it at the same time in Latin. I have not yet been settled a week in Port Royal, and all the time has [42] been taken up by continual interruptions and in providing the necessities of life. As to ourselves, Father Masse and I, we are feeling very well, thank God; but we have been obliged to take a servant to do the drudgery. We could not dispense with one without a great deal of anxiety and trouble.

M. de Potrincourt, who commands here in the name of the King, loves and esteems us in proportion to his piety.

We shall take the first opportunity to impart to you what may be, by the grace of God, our prospects of success in this country.

The ship has already gone. I shall be obliged to overtake it in a canoe, that it may not leave without my letters.

I conjure Your Reverence, through the merits of Jesus Christ, to remember us and these solitary lands, and to come to our aid in so far as you are able, not only by the fervent prayers of our Society, but also by the blessing and favor of our Holy Father the Pope (which I have already invoked). Surely we sow in great poverty and in tears; may the Lord grant that we some day reap in joy. Which will come to pass, as I hope and have said, [43] through the prayers and blessings of Your Reverence, which are humbly solicited by your

Unworthy son and servant, PIERRE BIARD, S. J.

Port Royal, New France, or Canada, June 11, 1611.

[Illustration: FIGVRE DE LA TERRE NEVVE, GRANDE RIVIERE DE CANADA, ET CÔTES DE L'OCEAN EN LA NOVVELLE FRANCE

_Ian Swelinc fecit I Millot excudit_ MARCVS: LESCARBOT _nunc primum delin'auit publicauit donauit Avec privilege du Roy_

FROM LESCARBOT'S HISTOIRE DE LA NOVVELLE FRANCE; PARIS, 1612.

[Reduced to 2/3 the dimensions of original.]]

VII

JOUVENCY'S CANADICÆ MISSIONIS RELATIO

ROME: GIORGIO PLACKO, 1710

SOURCE: We follow the general style of O'Callaghan's Reprint No. 4. The Title-page, Eulogy of Biard, and Table of Contents, are the work of that Editor. The Text, and List of Missions in 1710, he reprinted from Jouvency's _Historia Societatis Jesu_ (Rome, 1710),

## part v., pp. 321-325, 961, 962; the proof of these we have read

from a copy of that work, found in the library of the College of St. Francis Xavier, New York. The bracketed pagination in Arabic figures is that of Jouvency; that in Roman, of O'Callaghan.

CANADICÆ

MISSIONIS

RELATIO

_Ab anno 1611 usque ad annum 1613, cum statu ejusdem Missionis, annis 1703 & 1710_,

Auctore JOSEPHO JUVENCIO, Societatis Jesu, Sacerdote.

[Illustration]

Ex Historiæ Soc. Jesu. Lib. xv. Part. v, impressa

ROMÆ Ex Typographia Georgii Plachi M. D. CC. X.

AN ACCOUNT OF THE

CANADIAN

MISSION

_From the year 1611 until the year 1613, with the condition of the same Mission in the years 1703 and 1710_,

By JOSEPH JOUVENCY, a Priest of the Society of Jesus.

Printed from the History of the Society of Jesus, Book xv., Part v.

ROME From the Press of Giorgio Placko 1710.

[i] P. Petri Biardi Eulogium ac Vita.

DE Patre Petro Biardo qui tantam in Missione Canadica inchoanda partem gessit hæc scribit Pater Josephus Juvencius in sua Historiâ sub anno 1622.

"Ex omnibus qui hoc anno vivere in provincia Lugdunensi desierunt, luctu maximo elatus est Avenione P. PETRUS BIARDUS Gratianopolitanus. Religionis propagandæ studio navigaverat ad barbaros Canadenses, fueratque inter primos ejus terræ cultores, ut in quinta parte narratum est. Inde pulsus ab hæreticis Anglis, & redire in Galliam coactus, totum se impendit [ii] juvandis popularibus suis, quorum ut saluti consuleret, nihil sibi reliqui ad laborem diligentiamque faciebat. Ejus tamen industriam experti maxime sunt Parodienses in præfectura Carolitana, quam civitatem per usitata ordinis ministeria diu coluit. Novissime regionis præfectus Marchio Ragnius, jussus a rege copias in Campaniam ducere contra Ernestum Mansfeldium Galliæ finibus imminentem, Biardum sibi adsciverat comitem expeditionis, & sacrorum ministrum. Per eam occasionem nescias, utrum spectata magis sit apostolici viri charitas, an patientia. Magna erat in castris inopia commeatuum. Diaria militibus præbebantur adeo maligne, ut nonnulli fame perirent. Biardus cibario, & demensum suum, ac siquid præterea pecuniolæ a ditioribus emendicando corrogasset, inter egentissimos militum partiebatur, se ipsum fraudans diurno victu, ut aliis benigne faceret. Avenionem concesserat [iii] denique, ut attritas tot laboribus vires paucorum dierum otio reficeret. Verum quasi divinans, instare sibi omnium laborum & vitæ finem, totum illud tempus impendit excolendo piis commentationibus animo inter tirones, seque ad primam tirocinii formam senex emeritus ita composuit, ut nullam omitteret earum exercitationum, quibus ad sui mundique contemptum erudiri solent novitii. His intentum, nihilque jam præter cælestia cogitantem mors oppressit, xv. Cal. Decembris."

Adhæc non inutile forsan videbitur adjicere quæ ab auctore antiquiore Philippo scilicet Alegambe scripta sunt in Catalogo Scriptorum Societatis Jesu, sub verbo Biard:

"PETRUS BIARDUS natione Gallus, patriâ Gratianopolitanus, operarius magni zeli, atque adeò multarum palmarum, quas [iv] in horridis et inuiis Canadensium Septentrionalis Americæ populorum siluis primus legit. Extrema ibi omnia passus, nihil tamen inhumanum magis, quàm Hæreticos, expertus est. Feritatis oblita gens barbara integerrimi hominis innocentiam venerari discebat; cùm ecce tibi sanctitatis inimica, Deumque nesciens Hæresis, cum Anglis Canadæ oras irrupit; difficillimæ expeditionis ingens pretium fuit, exosum inde abducere Jesuitam. Habitus est in vinculis aliquamdiu; & vix tandem in Galliam nudus ab omni remissus. Intereà verò dum integrum illi esset ad noualia Canadæ redire, damnum ab Hæreticis illatum sanctè vitus est: reliquo vitæ tempore quæsiuit intentissimis studiis ad vitam illos, à quibus ad necem adductus fuerat. Docuerat olim Theologiam Lugduni, non sine laude. Reuersus è Missione Castrensi, cùm Auenionem diuertisset, & opportunitate temporis vsus secessisset in Nouitiatum, in ipsis [v] penè spiritualium Exercitiorum initiis, ad paradisi contemplationem, vt credimus, euocatus est, die XIX. Nouembris, Anno MDCXXIJ.

Præter _Epistolam ad R. P. Præpositum Generalem è Portu Regali_, et _Relationem Expeditionis Anglorum in Canadam_, P. Biardus scripsit _Librum pro auctoritate Pontificis_, contra Martinettum Ministrum. Gallicè etiam edidit seorsim _Relationem Novæ Franciæ & itineris Patrum Societatis Jesu ad illam_. Lugduni apud L. Muguet, MDCXVI. in 12."

[i] Eulogy and Life of Father Peter Biard.

CONCERNING Father Peter Biard, who performed so great a part in the establishment of the Canadian Mission, Father Joseph Juvency[46] writes these things in his History, under the year 1622:

"Of all who during the present year have departed this life in the province of Lyons, the most regretted was FATHER PETER BIARD, of Grenoble, who, was taken away at Avignon. With the desire of propagating religion, he had journeyed to the barbarous Canadians, and had been among the first settlers of that country, as has been narrated in the fifth part (of this volume). Upon being driven thence by the heretical English, and compelled to return to France, he entirely devoted himself [ii] to the service of his countrymen; and, that he might provide for their salvation, in no respect showed himself deficient either in labor or diligence. His industry, however, was especially enjoyed by the Paray le Monial, in the prefecture of Charolles, which community he long served with the customary ministrations of the order. Finally, the prefect of the district, Marchio Ragne, upon being ordered by the king to lead troops into Campania against Ernest von Mansfeld,[47] who was threatening the frontiers of France, had selected Biard as his companion during the expedition, and as a minister of sacred rites. Upon that occasion one would doubt whether the charity of the apostolic man, or his patience, were the more remarkable. There was in the camp a great scarcity of provisions. Rations were so poorly furnished to the soldiers that some perished with hunger. Biard divided among the most needy of them, both his own allowance and whatever small sums of money he had collected by begging from the more wealthy, depriving himself of daily sustenance, that he might do a kindness to others. He had retired to Avignon, [iii] at last, that he might with a few days' leisure refresh his energies, which had been worn out by so many toils. But divining, as it were, that the end of all labors and of life was at hand, he spent all that period in disciplining his spirit by pious meditations among the novices; and, although an aged man who had served his time, so adapted himself to the earliest form of the novitiate, that he omitted none of those exercises by which beginners are educated to a contempt of themselves and of the world. While intent upon these, and already thinking of nothing but heavenly things, death seized him on the 17th day of November."

To these things it will perhaps not seem useless to add what has been written by an earlier author, namely, Philip Alegambe,[48] in the Bibliography of the Authors of the Society of Jesus, under the word Biard:

"PETER BIARD, a French citizen, born in Grenoble, a laborer of great zeal, and of very many laurels which [iv] he first gathered in the dreadful and pathless forests of the Canadian tribes of North America. Although suffering there every extremity, he still experienced nothing more brutal than the Heretics. The barbarous race, forgetting its savageness, was learning to venerate the character of this most righteous man; when, behold, Heresy, hostile to holiness and ignorant of God, burst, together with the English, upon the shores of Canada. The reward of a very laborious expedition was great,--to drive thence the hated Jesuit. For some time he was kept in bonds; and at last, stripped of everything, he was with difficulty restored to France. But meanwhile, until it was safe to return to the wilds of Canada, he took vengeance in a holy manner for the injury inflicted by the Heretics; during the rest of his life he sought with the greatest enthusiasm to win to life those by whom he had been devoted to death. He had formerly taught Theology at Lyons, not without commendation. On his return from the Military Mission, when he had turned aside to Avignon, and, making use of his opportunity, had retired into the Novitiate, in [v] almost the very beginning of his spiritual Exercises, he was called away to the contemplation of paradise, as we believe, on the 19th day of November, in the year 1622.

Besides a _Letter to R. P. General Commander from Port Royal_, and _An Account of the Expedition of the English against Canada_, Father Biard wrote _A Book Advocating the authority of the Pontiff_ against Martinet, a minister. In French, also, he published separately _An Account of New France and of the journey thither of the Fathers of the Society of Jesus_. Lyons, by L. Muguet, 1616, in 12mo."--[O'CALLAGHAN.]

[vii] Tabvla Rervm. Pag.

_SOCIETAS Jesu, in Canadam, seu Novam Franciam inducta_ 5

II _Initium Canadicæ Missionis, & primi fructus_ 7

III _Domicilia Societatis & Missiones in Nova Francia_ 18

IV _Missio Canadensis ab Anglis proturbata_ 25

V _Unus è Societate interficitur; alii Canada ejiciuntur_ 27

VI _Missiones Societatis Jesu in America septentrionali, Anno 1710_ 37

[vii] Table of Contents.

[_The page numbers refer to O'Callaghan's Reprint._]

Page.

_THE Society of Jesus introduced into Canada or New France_ 5

II _Beginning and first fruits of the Canadian Mission_ 7

III _Settlements and Missions of the Society in New France_ 18

IV _The Canadian Mission driven out by the English_ 25

V _One of the members of the Society is killed; the others are expelled from Canada_ 27

VI _Missions of the Society of Jesus in North America, in the year 1710_ 37

Missionis Canadicæ Relatio.

[321 §. II.] SOCIETAS JESU, IN CANADAM, SEU NOVAM FRANCIAM INDUCTA.

AMERICAM septentrionalem tres præcipuè nationes obtinent, Hispani, Galli, & Angli. Mexicum, Floridæ pars & Californiæ, sunt Hispanæ ditionis. Littora orienti foli opposita & ad Austrum devexa occuparunt variis temporibus Angli, Sueci, & Hollandi. Quod inter illos & Mexicanos versus septentriones & occasum campi jacet, Galli tenent, ac Novam Franciam, sive Canadam, vulgo vocant. Nihil tetrius immaniusve barbaris Canadensibus fingi poterat, prius quam inducta religione mitescerent, ut patebit ex iis quæ Paragrapho decimo referentur. Nunc barbaries, & foeda scelerum cohors, rationi ac virtuti locum dedit, videturque huic oraculo [_Isai. c. 35._] veteri constare fides: _Lætabitur deserta & invia, & exultabit solitudo, & florebit quasi lilium._

An Account of the Canadian Mission.

[321 §. II.] THE SOCIETY OF JESUS INTRODUCED INTO CANADA, OR NEW FRANCE.

NORTH AMERICA is occupied principally by three nations--the Spanish, the French, and the English. Mexico, a part of Florida and of California, belongs to the Spanish dominions. The shores opposite to the rising sun, and stretching Southward, have been occupied at various times by the English, the Swedes, and the Dutch. The French possess the territory which lies between these and the Mexicans, towards the north and west, commonly called New France or Canada. Nothing fouler and more hideous than the savage Canadians could have been imagined, before they began to soften under the influence of religion, as will appear from matters to be presented in the tenth Paragraph. Now, barbarism and the vile array of sins have given place to reason and virtue, which seems to confirm our faith in this ancient prophecy: [_Isaiah, c. 35._] _The land that was desolate and impassable shall be glad, and the wilderness shall rejoice, and shall flourish like the lily._

INITIUM CANADICÆ MISSIONIS, & PRIMI FRUCTUS.

AMERICÆ littora, Franciæ obversa, Galli jam inde ab anno MDXXIV. identidem lustraverunt: sed obiter, & quasi prætereuntes. Demum superiori seculo ineunte, regionem interiorem subiit Samuel Camplenius, qui Canadensis coloniæ parens merito dici potest. Jamque negotiatio bellissimè procedebat, cum Henricus IV. de religione magis, quàm de commercio solicitus, in hanc Orbis novi partem inferre Christiana sacra decrevit, anno MDCVIII. ac Societatis homines ad hanc Apostolicam expeditionem postulavit. Certior de consilio Regis factus P. Petrus Cotonus, regiæ conscientiæ moderator, jussusque strenuos quamprimum designare sacerdotes, qui solida tanti operis jacerent fundamenta, Societatis Præpositum admonuit. Ex omni, non juvenum modo, sed etiam senum, numero, laboriosam Missionem flagitantium, delecti sunt P. Petrus Biardus, Gratianopolitanus, theologiæ professor in collegio Lugdunensi; & P. Enemundus Massæus, Lugdunensis. Moram consiliis felicibus attulit Regis improvisa mors; & Societatis amicorum studia, qui navem & reliqua itineri necessaria comparabant, debilitavit. Sed invicta rebus adversis Cotoni pietas, Reginæ auctoritatem interposuit, ut difficultates objectas profligaret. Ergo indicitur profectio: Patres Deppam advolant, inde vela Novam in Franciam facturi. Ecce autem repentè inexpectatus obex. Ea navis erat Potrincurtii, nobilis Galli: duobus tamen mercatoribus Calvinianis obnoxia, utpote qui sumptus non leves ad illam armamentis instruendam fecerant. Isti simul atque imponendos in hanc homines Societatis audierunt, negant enimvero se passuros ut è portu solvat. Opponitur imperium Reginæ, mandata ingeminantur. Respondent per se non stare quin sacerdotes alii quilibet admittantur; at sibi cum nostris hominibus nihil esse rei velle. Ubi vidit Cotonus improborum pertinaciam frangi non posse, alia rem aggressus est via. Erat matrona non pietate minus quàm genere nobilis, Antonia Guerchevillæa. Hæc negotium Missionis haud secus procurabat, ac suum: utque non vulgarem apud multos gratiam, virtutis opinione collegerat, magnam subito pecuniæ vim corrogavit, qua mercatoribus hæreticis summa rependeretur, ab iis in adornandam navim contributa. Sic illis rejectis & invitis, Patres admissi suerunt. At, quia interim extractum tempus fuerat, non ante VII. Kalend. Februarias, cum hyemaret asperum æquor, vela sunt facta. Hinc mensium quatuor cursus fuit, qui vulgo duorum est; ac morbis intus, tempestatibus foris, infestus. Ingressi demum ostia Laurentiani fluvii XI. Kal. Junias, ipso sacro Pentecostes die, vestigia Christianæ religionis aliqua invenere, leviter ab iis quos è Gallia profectos in hanc plagam diximus, impressa. Cum enim illis ignotus [322] gentis sermo, nec certum constansque in humo barbara domicilium esset, facultas non suppetebat erudiendi quos obiter baptizabant: quique pristinos in mores revoluti, Christianum vix retinebant nomen, illudque popularibus vitiis conspurcabant. Prima Patribus cura fuit ut sacellum construerent, perdiscerent linguam vernaculam, excolerent Gallos, qui è veteri Francia in novam navigaverant. Instituta est solennis supplicatio; Christus sanctissimi Sacramenti velo tectus, & quanto fieri potuit maximo apparatu circumvectus, in terræ felicis, tot sanctis postea frequentandæ veluti possessionem auspicatò venit. Proxima infantibus sacro lavandis fonte cura est data, quorum nonnulli, post susceptum salutis sacramentum, ad terram viventium possidendam, quasi gentis totius nomine, demigrarunt. Puellam annos natam novem, oppressam gravi morbo, parentes abjecerant. Cum enim artis medicæ prorsus ignara natio sit, ægrotos facile desperat, neque cibo, aut curatione ulla, juvat. Depositam Patres à parentibus postularunt, ut expiarent lympha salutari. Ultro illis permissa est, quippe quæ instar mortui canis haberetur. Abductam in mapale separatum curavere sedulo: edoctam, quantum erat necesse; baptizatam, ac nona post luce mortuam, coelo intulerunt. Eadem Sociorum caritas lætiorem exitum in juvene sortita est. Ejus pater Membertous, primus omnium, uti narrant, barbarorum, cum è Gallia navigatum illuc fuit, in Christianorum numerum venerat; homo strenuus, & omnium popularium testimonio, ceteris longè præstans animi robore, belli scientia, clientelarum multitudine, & gloriosi claritudine cognominis; quippe Magni Imperatoris titulum publico suffragio consecutus. Hunc obtinebat locum Membertous inter Souriquios, qui Acadiam, circa ostia Laurentiani amnis, incolunt. Ejus filium difficili ægritudine conflictatum P. Biardus invisit. Miratur nihil triste in tugurio; non planctum, non flebiles nænias: imo epulum, choream, & duos tresve canes alligatos. Quærit quid hæc sibi velint. Respondent juvenem brevi esse moriturum, amicos vocatos: illis epulum parari: funebrem choream postea ducendam: canes, quos videbat, interficiendos, placandis mortui Manibus. Exclamavit Pater nequaquam ista Christianis hominibus convenire, & impias consuetudines graviter increpuit. Senior, adolescentis parens, ignorantiam excusavit; ceterum se ac filium in ipsius esse potestate; doceret, juberet, imperata facturos. Sacerdos vetuit ne canes interficerentur: saltatores importunos amandavit: epuli partem, quæ superstitionis habere nihil videbatur, permisit: in primis autem, ne deponeretur penitus ægroti cura prohibuit; imo suasit ut ad Gallorum domicilia, quamvis longè disjuncta, deportaretur; sperare se, favente Deo, futurum ut convalesceret. Benignè auditus est à Membertoo: delatus æger ad nos fuit, ridentibus, ac bolum tantum tam subito è faucibus ereptum sibi dolentibus veneficis, & circulatoribus, quorum sententiâ conclamatus adolescens vivere posse negabatur. Ac sane agebat animam, cùm triduo post ad Gallorum domicilia pervenit, fractus itinere ac morbo. Patrum tamen arte ac studio, & scilicet Dei benignitate, recreatus est; nec ipse tantum in fide catholica confirmatus, sed ejus capessendæ desiderio complures inflammati.

Incidit aliquanto post in morbum pater adolescentis, & ad nos similiter deferri voluit, ubi nostrum in tugurium, atque adeo in unius è Patribus lectum acceptus, piè vitam clausit; quodque barbaris novum accidit ac molestum, illatus est in commune Christianæ plebi sepulcrum: nam ipsi a sepulcris majorum ægerrime divelluntur. Curatum funus illustri, ut rerum ferebant angustiæ, pompa. Nec honore isto qualicumque indigna barbari virtus erat, qui etiam ante quàm Christum nosset, non potuerat adduci ut plures una duceret uxores: id naturæ ac rationi magis consentaneum arbitratus. Post susceptam vero Christi Fidem ita vixerat, ut barbaris admirationi esset, Christianis exemplo.

Hæc domi gesta. Egressi deinde quasi pomerio præcones Evangelici magnam regionis partem lustravere. Divina res, ubicumque licuit, facta: impositæ manus ægrotis, conciliati munusculis parentes ac liberi; data Gallis, novas condentibus sedes, opera; necnon classiariis atque vectoribus. Non defuit patientiæ læta seges, ac tanta interdum exstitit annonæ penuria, ut singulis hebdomadis certum [323] unicuique demensum daretur, quod vix sufficiebat in unum diem, videlicet panis unciæ decem, selibra carnis sale maceratæ, & pisorum, fabarumve aliquantulum. Adhæc, erat sibi quisque faber, sarcinator, pistor, coquus, lignator, & aquator. Occurrebant interdum Patribus, in his ærumnis, voces illorum, quibus Moses provinciam explorandæ Chananitidis dederat, [_Num. c._ 13, 14.] _Terra hæc devorat habitatores suos; ibi vidimus monstra quædam filiorum Enac, de genere Giganteo, quibus comparati, quasi locustæ videbamur_. At simul veniebat in mentem oratio Josue, & Calebi, plena divinæ fiduciæ: _Terra valde bona est. Si propitius fuerit Dominus, inducet nos in eam. Neque timeatis populum terræ hujus, Dominus nobiscum est._

BEGINNING AND FIRST FRUITS OF THE CANADIAN MISSION.

THE French had, since the year 1524, often visited the coasts of America opposite to France, but cursorily, and, as it were, while passing by. Finally, at the beginning of the last century, Samuel Champlain, who well deserves to be called the parent of the Canadian colony, entered the region of the interior. Already was the undertaking progressing very favorably, when Henry IV., more solicitous for religion than for commerce, resolved, in the year 1608, to introduce Christian rites into this part of the new World, and asked members of the Society to undertake this Apostolic enterprise. Upon being informed of the plan of the King, and ordered to choose as soon as possible energetic priests who would lay solidly the foundations of so great a work, Father Coton, the confessor of the king, informed the Commander of the Society. From the whole number, not only of youths but also of old men, who sought this laborious Duty, there were chosen Father Peter Biard, of Grenoble, a professor of theology in the college of Lyons, and Father Enemond Massé, of Lyons. The unforeseen death of the King delayed this auspicious enterprise, and diminished the enthusiasm of the friends of the Society, who were providing a ship and other necessaries for the voyage. But the pious Coton, unconquered by adversity, brought in the authority of the Queen, in order that he might overcome the difficulties in his way. As a result, the time was set for their departure, and the Fathers hastened to Dieppe, in order that they might sail thence for New France. But, lo! suddenly an unexpected obstacle. Their ship belonged to Poutrincourt, a French nobleman; it was, however, subject to the control of two Calvinistic merchants, since they had incurred no light expense toward providing her with equipments. As soon as they heard that members of the Society were to be embarked upon her, they refused to allow her to leave the port. The authority of the Queen was invoked; her commands were reiterated. They answered that they would not refuse admission to any other sort of priests, but that they were unwilling to have anything to do with our men. When Coton saw that the stubbornness of the rascals could not be overcome, he approached the matter by another way. There was a lady distinguished not less for piety than for birth, Antoinette de Guercheville. This woman was as solicitous for the interests of the Mission as for her own; and since she had acquired an uncommon influence among many, because of her reputation for integrity, she quickly collected a large sum of money, by means of which the heretical merchants were repaid the amount which they had spent in equipping the ship. So, although the merchants were disappointed and unwilling, the Fathers were admitted. But, because of the intervening delay, they did not sail until the 26th of January, when the storms of winter caused a raging sea. On this account the voyage was of four months' duration, although ordinarily of two, and was terrible because of disease within and tempests without. Having entered at last the mouth of the St. Lawrence river on the 22nd day of May, on the holy day of Pentecost, they came upon some traces of the Christian religion, which had been superficially impressed by those whom we have mentioned as having journeyed from France into this region. For, since the speech of the people was unknown [322] to them, and they had no certain and fixed residence in this savage land, there was no opportunity for educating those whom they chanced to baptize, and who, plunging again into their former habits, scarcely retained the Christian name, while defiling it with their native vices. The first concern of the Fathers was to build a chapel, to learn the language of the country, and to instruct the Frenchmen who had emigrated from old to new France. A solemn Thanksgiving was enjoined; the figure of Christ, covered with a canopy, was carried about with the greatest possible ceremony; and he came auspiciously into the possession, so to speak, of the happy land afterwards to be frequented by so many holy men. Next, attention was given to laving the infants in the sacred font, of whom some, after receiving the sacrament of salvation, departed to their homes in the land of the immortals, in the name, as it were, of the whole race. A girl aged nine years, afflicted with a grievous disease, had been abandoned by her parents. For, since the race is altogether ignorant of the art of medicine, they readily despair of the sick, and neither provide them with food nor care for them in any way. The Fathers asked her parents to give them the forsaken child, in order that they might sanctify her with the water of salvation. She was readily handed over to them; and naturally, inasmuch as she was considered no better than a dead dog. Taking her apart to their hut they gave her assiduous care; she was baptized, and, dying on the ninth day afterward, they introduced her into Heaven. The same charity of the Associates resulted more fortunately in the case of a young boy. His father was Membertou, who, they say, in the early days of navigation thither from France, first of all the savages became a Christian; he was an energetic man, and, according to the testimony of all his countrymen, far excelled others in vigor of mind, in knowledge of war, in number of dependents, and the distinction of a glorious name, for by public vote he had acquired the title of "Great Chief." This position Membertou held among the Souriquois, who inhabit Acadia about the mouth of the St. Lawrence river. Father Biard visited Membertou's son, who was suffering from a dangerous illness. He was surprised that there was no grief in the wigwam; no lamentations, no tearful dirges; instead, a feast, a dance, and two or three dogs fastened together. He asked what these things meant. They answered that the youth would die in a short time; that the friends had been invited, and for them the banquet was being prepared; that afterwards a funeral dance was to be conducted; and that the dogs which he saw were to be killed to appease the Spirit of the dead boy. The Father exclaimed that these things were quite unfitting for Christian men, and severely censured the impious custom. The parent of the youth excused his ignorance; he said that henceforth he and his son should be under the Father's direction; he begged him to instruct and command them, and said that they would execute his orders. The Priest forbade the killing of the dogs; he dismissed the rude dancers; a part of the repast he allowed, as not devoted to superstitious rites. He insisted that the patient should no longer be neglected; still more, he persuaded them that the boy should be taken to the dwellings of the French, although these were far distant, saying that he hoped, by the favor of God, for his recovery. The priest was favorably heard by Membertou; the patient was brought to us, although the sorcerers and medicine-men, who declared that the unhappy youth could not live, ridiculed this decision, and grieved that such a morsel should be snatched suddenly from their jaws. And indeed he was at the point of death, when, three days afterward, exhausted by the journey, and by sickness, he arrived at the French settlement. Nevertheless, by the skill and devotion of the Fathers, and by the kindness of God, he was restored; nor was he alone established in the Catholic faith, but many of his countrymen were inflamed with the desire of adopting it.

Some time afterward, the father of the young man fell sick, and wished to be also brought to us, where, after being received into our hut and even into the bed of one of the Fathers, he piously departed this life; and, what was novel and displeasing to the savages, he was buried among Christian people; for they themselves are very reluctant to be separated from the tombs of their ancestors. His funeral was observed, as far as the limitations of the case permitted, with marked ceremony. Nor was this savage's virtue unworthy in any respect of that honor; for, even before he had learned of Christ, he could not be induced to marry more than one wife, considering this more in harmony with nature and reason. But, after his acceptance of the Faith of Christ, he so lived that he was to the savages an object of admiration, to the Christians an example.

These things were accomplished at home. Then going forth, as it were, from the city walls, the heralds of the Gospel traversed a great part of the country. A godly act was performed whenever opportunity allowed; hands were laid upon the sick; parents and children were conciliated by means of little gifts; services were rendered to the French who were establishing new homes; nor were the seamen and ships' passengers neglected. There was not lacking a glad harvest for their patience. Meanwhile, so great a scarcity of provisions existed, that for each week [323] a ration was allotted, so scanty that it was hardly sufficient for one day; namely, ten ounces of bread, half a pound of salted meat, and a handful of peas or beans. In addition to this, each man was his own mechanic, mender, miller, cook, hewer of wood, and drawer of water. There occurred sometimes to the Fathers, in the midst of the miseries, the words of those to whom Moses had given the task of reconnoitering Canaan: [_Num. c. 13, 14._] _This land ... devoureth its inhabitants; ... there we saw certain monsters of the sons of Enac of the Giant-kind: in comparison of whom, we seemed like locusts._ But at the same time there came into mind the speech of Joshua and of Caleb, full of divine trust: _The land which we have gone round is very good. If the Lord be favorable, he will bring us into it.... Fear ye not the people of this land, ... the Lord is with us._

DOMICILIA SOCIETATIS & MISSIONES IN NOVA FRANCIA.

ET esse cum servis suis, ac militibus Dominum, exitus comprobavit. Nam hoc anno MDCCIII. ineunte, cum hæc scribimus, præter Quebecense collegium, numerantur in hac _terra deserta_ prius _& invia_ triginta & amplius florentissimæ cultissimæque Missiones nostræ Societatis. Prima in conspectu Quebeci, decimo ab urbe lapide, Lauretana dicitur. Altera in pago Tadussaco sedet: ad ripam fluvii Laurentiani, leucis infra Quebecum LX. versus ortum. Tres aliæ supra Quebecum ipsum, longe procurrunt in Boream, circa lacum S. Joannis: una in eo loco, qui à septem insulis nomen habet; altera, in pago Chigoutimino; tertia, secus amnem Saguenæum. Excoluntur ibi Montagnæi, Papinachii, Mistassini, & aliæ passim gentes errabundæ. Jam, si versus obeuntis solis partes & fluminis Laurentiani fontem tendas, occurret in ejus ripâ septentrionali pagus Trium fluminum dictus, quia ibi tria quædam flumina confluunt: abest Quebeco septem octove dierum iter. Florebat illic AlgonKinorum Missio longe pulcherrima, sed hanc vinum igne vaporatum & stillatum, à mercatoribus Europæis, facilem inde quæstum male captantibus invectum, vehementer labefactavit inducta ebrietate. Pensat hæc damna virtus ac pietas AbnaKisorum. Triplex apud illos statio collocata una Quebeco non procul, in XLVI. gradu latitudinis, nomine S. Francisci Salesii & patrocinio insignita: aliæ duæ sunt remotiores; loco nomen est NipisiKouit. Trans amnem Laurentianum ad Meridiem funduntur Iroquæorum quinque nationes. Septem sunt apud illos præconum Evangelii domicilia, per centum quinquaginta leucas sparsa. Ex iis sex profligata fuerant bello Gallos inter & Iroquæos conflato circa annum MDCLXXXII. Revocata cum religione pax anno MDCCII. omnia priorem in statum restituit. In iis Iroquæorum Missionibus ea præcipuè floret, quæ à S. Francisco Xaverio nomen habet, ad Montem-Regalem.

Supra Iroquæos, versus occasum & Aquilonem, intra quadragesimum gradum & XLV. cernere est majores duos lacus angusto freto junctos: alter, isque amplior, Ilinæorum; alter Huronum dicitur. Hos ingens terræ lingua dividit, cujus in apice sedet Missio S. Ignatii, sive MissilimaKinacana. Supra duos istos lacus tertius est, ambobus major, quem superiorem lacum appellant. Hujus in aditu constituta est Missio S. Mariæ à Saltu. Interjectum inter hunc, & binos inferiores lacus spatium occupant OutaouaKi, apud quos plurima stativa Societas habet. Ejusmodi arces religionis (sic enim appellare Missiones licet) unde suos profert milites, & sacra explicat vexilla, tres circa lacum Ilinæorum positæ sunt, prima inter Puteatamisos: Missio Sancti Josephi nuncupatur: altera inter KiKarousos, MasKoutensos, & Outagamisos; S. Francisci Xaverii nomen obtinet: tertia inter Oumiamisos, Angeli Custodis. Infra memoratos lacus, supra ipsam Floridam, vastissimos pererrant campos Ilinæi. Ibi amplissima statio, cui nomen ab immaculata Virginis Matris conceptione impositum, tres in Missiones secatur, & ad fluvium usque Missisipum procurrit. Insidet ejusdem fluminis ripis missio Baiogulana, in trigesimo primo gradu latitudinis: demum ultima protenditur secundum eundem amnem versus Mexicanum sinum. Hæc visum est enucleare paulo distinctius, & quasi sub uno statim aspectu ponere, ut intelligatur quò singula referenda sint, quæ postea de Nova Francia narrabuntur.

Restat ignota Europæis adhuc pars Canadæ immensa, ultra Missisipum fluvium, clementiori subjecta coelo, frequens incolis, armentis frugibusque læta; vitæ veræ ac salutis expers. Hæc generosos Christi milites vocat. Nec non altera [324] longe isti dissimilis, quæ rigidis circa Hudsonium finum, à gradu LV. ad LX. aut LXX. subjecta septentrionibus, nivibus ac pruinis demersa, tanto æquiùs implorat opem, quanto gravioribus incommodis conflictatur. Hic Societas ante annos paucos prima coepit figere vestigia. Illucescet illa, spero, dies, cum obvallatum periculis ac laboribus iter eadem perrumpet. Non sine magno molimine claustra Tartari, oppressas injusta servitute animas retinentis, perfringuntur; neque illa ipsa, tot florens modo coloniis, Missio Canadica statim suam est maturitatem adepta. Ægrè per sexdecim annos tanquam in salebris hæsit, nec suam quandam nacta formam est, nisi anno seculi superioris quinto & vigesimo, cùm se aliquando ex illis angustiis explicuit, P. Petri Cotoni, cui sua debebat primordia, beneficio, ut sexta Pars Historiæ fusius exponet.

Nunc ærumnarum ac periculorum plenos natales referimus laboriosæ Missionis, quæ vix nata, in ipsis cunis per Anglos propemodùm extincta est.

SETTLEMENTS AND MISSIONS OF THE SOCIETY IN NEW FRANCE.

AND that the Lord is with his servants and soldiers, the outcome has proved. For, in the beginning of this year 1703, while we are writing these things, there are numbered in this formerly _solitary and unexplored country_ more than thirty very prosperous and well-equipped Missions of our Society, besides the college of Quebec. The first of these, in sight of Quebec, at the tenth mile-stone from the city, is called Lorette. Another is situated in the district of Tadoussac, on the shore of the river St. Lawrence, sixty leagues below Quebec toward the east. Three others, above Quebec itself, extend far into the North about lake St. John; one in that place which takes its name from the seven islands;[49] another in the district of Chigoutimini;[50] the third on the Saguenay river. There they minister to the Montagnais, the Papinachois, the Mistassins, and other wandering tribes. Now, if you journey towards the regions of the setting sun, and the source of the St. Lawrence river, you will find upon its northern bank a district called Three rivers, because there three rivers flow together: it is distant from Quebec seven or eight days' journey. Here, there formerly flourished the most successful Mission of the Algonquins; but it has been much weakened through the drunkenness induced by brandy, brought in by European merchants who thus wickedly derive an easy profit. But these losses are compensated by the virtue and piety of the Abenakis. Among them a mission of three stations has been established; one located among them, not far from Quebec, on the forty-sixth parallel of latitude, distinguished by the name and patronage of St. Francis de Sales: the other two are more remote, at a place named Nipisikouit. Across the St. Lawrence river, to the South, extend the five nations of the Iroquois. There are among them seven stations of the Evangelists, scattered through a hundred and fifty leagues. Of these, six were destroyed in the war which arose between the French and Iroquois, about the year 1682. Peace, together with the recall of the missionaries, in the year 1702 restored all things to their previous condition.[51] Among these Missions of the Iroquois, that one is especially flourishing which is named for St. Francis Xavier, at Montreal.[52]

Above the Iroquois, toward the west and North, between the fortieth and forty-fifth parallels, one may see two great lakes joined by a narrow strait; the larger one is called the lake of the Ilinois,[53] the other the lake of the Hurons.[54] These are separated by a large peninsula, at the point of which is situated the Mission of St. Ignatius, or Missilimakinac.[55] Above these two lakes there is a third, greater than either, called lake superior. At the entrance of this lake has been established the Mission of Ste. Marie at the Sault.[56] The space between this and two smaller lakes is occupied by the Outaouaki, among whom the Society has many stations. Three such citadels of religion (for thus it is proper to call the Missions), whence she leads forth her soldiers and unfurls her sacred standards, have been located about the lake of the Ilinois: the first, among the Puteatamis, and called the Mission of St. Joseph; another, among the Kikarous, Maskoutens, and Outagamies, and possessing the name of St. Francis Xavier:[57] the third, among the Oumiamis,[58] has the name of the Guardian Angel. Below the lakes which have been mentioned, above Florida, the Ilinois roam through most extensive territories. There, a very large station, named from the immaculate conception of the Virgin Mother, is divided into three Missions, and extends as far as the river Mississippi. Upon the banks of the same river is situated the mission of Baiogula, at the thirty-first parallel of latitude;[59] and it extends down that stream towards the gulf of Mexico. It has seemed best to explain these matters somewhat fully, because the individual facts here specified will be referred to in what is to be hereafter narrated concerning New France.

There remains unknown to Europeans, up to the present time, an immense portion of Canada, beyond the Mississippi river, situated beneath a milder sky, well-inhabited, and abounding in animal and vegetable life; the whole, deprived of true life and of salvation. This region calls to the generous soldiers of Christ. So is it, likewise, [324] with another region far dissimilar to that, around the frozen Hudson bay, from the fifty-fifth parallel to the sixtieth or seventieth; lying at the north, plunged in snows and frosts, it even more justly implores aid, as it is afflicted by more weighty ills. Here the Society, a few years ago, first began to plant its footsteps. That day will dawn, I hope, when it shall break through the barriers of dangers and toils. Not without great exertion are the gates of Tartarus, which hold burdened souls in unmerited bondage, broken down; nor did the Canadian Mission itself, now flourishing with so many settlements, all at once attain its full development. Grievously, through sixteen years did it, so to speak, stick in a rough road; indeed, it did not take shape until 1625, when it was extricated from its perplexities by the aid of Father Peter Coton, to whom it owed its origin, as the sixth Part of this History will more fully explain.

Now we return to the natal days, full of hardships and dangers, of the toilsome Mission, which, scarcely born, was almost exterminated in its cradle by the English.

MISSIO CANADENSIS AB ANGLIS PROTURBATA.

SOCIIS illic degentibus venerant auxilio Idibus Maii anni MDCXIII. Pater Quintinus, & Frater Gilbertus Thetus, regio diplomate instructi, quo facultas ipsis dabatur novi domicilii commodo loco ædificandi. Gallos reperiunt incumbentes in condendam urbem, & periculi, quod instabat, ignaros. Angli paucis ante annis occupaverant Virginiam. Hæc Americæ septentrionalis ad ortum portio maritima, inter Floridam Novamque Franciam sita, tricesimo sexto, septimo, & octavo gradibus substernitur. Eò cum tenderent Angli æstivis anni MDCXIII. mensibus, & inscii locorum errarent, ob exortam caliginem, quæ huic mari densissima solet per eos menses incubare, paulatim delapsi sunt ad littus, ubi Galli consederant, haud procul portu Sancti Salvatoris. Postquam cognoverunt Gallicas naves ibi consistere, arma expediunt, & in portum invehuntur. Interea Galli ancipiti opinione suspensi, amicos an hostes censerent, quos recta in suam stationem ventus inferebat, eventum trepidi opperiebantur. Brevi, quinam essent patuit. Angli facto impetu in Gallicum navigium, paucis instructum propugnatoribus, ceteris ad condenda domicilia digressis, id nullo negotio expugnant.

THE CANADIAN MISSION DRIVEN OUT BY THE ENGLISH.

TO OUR COMRADES residing in that place there had come as a reinforcement, on the 15th day of May, 1613, Father Quentin and Brother Gilbert du Thet, provided with a royal commission, by which they were empowered to establish a new settlement in a suitable location.[60] They found the French intent upon founding a city, and unaware of the danger which threatened. The English, a few years before, had occupied Virginia. This eastern coast-region of North America, situated between Florida and New France, is comprised between the thirty-sixth and thirty-eighth parallels. While the English were sailing thither in the summer months of the year 1613, and, having lost their bearings and strayed from their course, on account of the fogs, which usually are very heavy upon this sea in the summer, they were gradually borne to the shore where the French had settled,[61] not far from the port of St. Sauveur. When they learned that a French ship was stationed there, they made ready their weapons and entered the harbor. Meanwhile the French, uncertain whether they should consider as friends or foes those whom the wind was bearing directly towards their position, tremblingly awaited the outcome. Who they were was soon apparent. The English attacked the French ship,[62] wherein few were drawn up in defense--for the others had departed to work on the buildings--and with no trouble captured her.

UNUS È SOCIETATE INTERFICITUR; ALII CANADA EJICIUNTUR.

PRIMO in conflictu Gilbertus Thetus, domesticæ rei adiutor è Societate, confossus lethali plaga, postridie religiosa morte occubuit. Ceteri Patres qui stabant in littore, in potestatem Argalli, prætoris Angli, venerunt. Ille, dum Gallicæ navis prædam & supellectilem recenset, subduxit clam è Saussæii, navis Gallicæ gubernatoris, qui huic expeditioni præerat, scrinio regium diploma, cujus fide tota novæ coloniæ ratio nitebatur. Mox ipsum Saussæium è littore subeuntem adortus, quærit ex eo quo jure, cujus auctoritate, novas tam prope Virginiam sedes moliatur. Laudavit Saussæius regium diploma, quod se in capsis rite conscriptum habere dixit. Ad eas ubi ventum est, vidit integras, & obseratas, suisque omnia digesta locis agnovit, diploma nullum apparuit. Tum Argallus, vultu & voce ad severitatem compositis, fugitivos & prædones conclamat, ac necem commeruisse pronunciat, simulque navim suis diripiendam tradit. Illum interea Patres obsecrant ut victis benignè consulat, quibus objici nihil noxæ possit aliud, quàm quod in pacato solo fuerint nimium securi: auctoritatem Regis Galliæ non dubiam ac voluntatem testantur. Prætor probè sibi conscius vera narrari, comiter eos audivit, & omnibus potestatem in Galliam redeundi fecit. Duas in naviculas infelix turba imponitur, quarum una cursum in Galliam rectà dirigeret; altera cum aliquot Anglis solveret in Virginiam, inde Franciam petitura. Hanc PP. Biardus & Quintinus, illam P. Massæus, & Saussæius conscenderunt. Utriusque sors longè dispar fuit. Quæ Saussæium & P. Massæum vehebat dum oram maritimam legit, annonâ, nautis, armamentis destituta, incidit in geminas naves reditum in Galliam adornantes. Jungit se illis læta, cumque suis vectoribus Maclovium, Britanniæ Aremoricæ oppidum, paucis diebus tenuit.

Interim Argallus, classis Anglicæ præfectus, Patres Biardum & Quintinum deducturus in Virginiam, ut constitutum fuerat, paululum iis præivit cum sua navi prætoria. Virginiam obtinebat Anglus ferox, nomini Gallico, ac Societati nostræ [325] perinfensus. Ubi adventare Jesuitas audivit, vociferatur perdendos homines improbissimos, busta pietatis ac religionis. Argallus contra nitebatur; seque vivo nihil molestiæ damnive Patribus inferendum affirmabat: hanc enim ipsis dederat fidem; & regium diploma, cujus auctoritate colonia Gallica in Novam Franciam deducebatur, protulit. Hoc diplomate inflammatus homo furiosus, exturbandos è Nova Francia Gallos clamat. In hanc sententiam Angli proceres iverunt. Jubetur Argallus viam remetiri; Gallos, quicumque superessent, ejicere, domicilia evertere, & æquare solo. Rediit: arces in ora Canadensi extructas incendit, omnia delevit, ac naves duas in Regio Portu deprehensas, invasit.

Dum hæc in Canada geruntur, naves Anglicæ, præeuntem Argallum secutæ, aliæ procul à Virginia ventorum vi abreptæ; aliæ undis haustæ sunt. Una, cui Turnellus Anglus præerat, & qua Patres Quintinus ac Biardus vehebantur, continentibus sexdecim dierum procellis vexata, in Azores, Lusitanorum ad Africæ littus insulas, celerrimè defertur. Hic vero novum exoritur periculum. Turnellus poenam metuens, quòd Societatis sacerdotes per summam immanitatem domicilio avulsos spoliatosque secum traheret, indignisque habuisset modis, de illorum nece agitare consilia coepit. Satius denique illi visum ad eorum clementiam & humanitatem, quam in gravissimis injuriis perspexerat, confugere. Operam tamen dedit, ne intraret portum; sed stante in ancoris navigio, necessariam annonam immissâ scaphâ pararet. Contra quàm speraverat accidit. Secundo enim vento impulsus, portum quamlibet invitus reluctansque subiit. Nostri de illo, quamvis non ita merito, ne verbum quidem ullum, quo accusaretur, interposuere: læti quod hostem ita servassent. Agnovit beneficium gubernator Anglus; ac deinceps sæpenumero cum summa Patrum laude prædicavit. Id vero multo fecit impensiùs, cùm tempestate ad Angliæ urbem Penbrochium projectus, ejus oppidi magistratibus movit suspicionem maritimi latronis, quòd & Francicâ veheretur navi, neque scriptam auctoritatem proferret, qua suam navigationem tueretur. Asseveranti se à prætore suo Argallo tempestate divulsum, fides non habebatur. In tanto discrimine sacerdotes duos Societatis testes citavit, quos haberet in navi, & quorum incorrupta fides nemini venire posset in dubium. Cum Patres interrogati rem ita se habere confirmassent, periculo liberatus est. Reddidit quam debebat illorum humanitati vicem; utque ipsis non solum esset impune, sed etiam ut à magistratu honor haberetur, curavit. Certior interim factus Regis Christianissimi orator de Patrum navigatione difficili, & in Angliam adventu, egit cum Angliæ Rege de remittendis illis in Galliam. Quo annuente, Ambianum decimo, quàm fuerant capti, mense ad Socios læti sospitesque pervenerunt.

ONE OF THE MEMBERS OF THE SOCIETY IS KILLED; THE OTHERS ARE EXPELLED FROM CANADA.

IN THE FIRST onset, Gilbert du Thet, a household assistant of the Society, was stricken with a mortal wound, and on the following day piously departed this life. The rest of the Fathers, who were standing on the shore, were captured by Argall, the English commander.[63] This man, while he was taking an inventory of the plunder and equipment of the French ship, surreptitiously removed from the trunk of Saussaye, the captain of the French vessel, and commander of the expedition, the royal commission upon whose authority all the proceedings of the new colony were based. Soon meeting Saussaye himself, returning from the shore, Argall asked him by what right, by whose authority, he was founding a new colony so near Virginia. Saussaye cited the royal commission, which he asserted that he had, duly drawn up, in one of his trunks. When they came to these, he saw them untouched and locked, and all things disposed in their proper places; but no commission appeared. Thereupon Argall, changing his countenance and voice to severity, pronounced them runaways and pirates, and declared that they deserved death; while at the same time he delivered over the ship to his men to be plundered. Meanwhile the Fathers besought him to adopt mild measures toward the vanquished, against whom no other fault could be charged than that, in a peaceful situation, they had been too careless; they testified that the authority and favor of the King of France had certainly been given to the colony. The captain, who was thoroughly conscious of the truth of their statements, listened to them kindly, and gave to all the opportunity of returning to France. The unhappy crowd was placed upon two small ships, one of which directed its course straight towards France; the other, with some of the English, sailed for Virginia, thence to depart for France. Fathers Biard and Quentin embarked upon the latter; Father Massé and Saussaye upon the former. The fortunes of these ships were widely diverse. While that which carried Saussaye and Father Massé was coasting along the shore, destitute of provisions, of seamen, and of equipment, she fell upon two ships preparing to return to France. She gladly joined herself to these, and, with her passengers, arrived in a few days at St. Malo, a town of Brittany.

Meanwhile Argall, the commander of the English fleet, in order that he might conduct Fathers Biard and Quentin to Virginia, as had been resolved upon, preceded them a little with his flag-ship. Virginia was then ruled by a ferocious Englishman,[64] who was extremely hostile to the French name and to our Society. [325] When he heard that Jesuits had arrived, he exclaimed that such extremely wicked men, the sepulchers of piety and religion, ought to be destroyed. Argall strove against him, and declared that, while he lived, no annoyance or injury should be offered to the Fathers, for he had given them this assurance; and he produced the royal commission, by authority of which the French colony was brought to New France. Incensed by this commission, the man declared in a rage that the French must be driven from New France. In this decision the English councilors agreed. Argall was ordered to retrace his path; to expel those of the French who remained; to destroy their buildings, and level them with the ground. He returned, burned the forts built upon the Canadian coast, destroyed everything, and seized two ships which he found at Port Royal.[65]

While these things were taking place in Canada, of the English ships which were following the lead of Argall some were driven far from Virginia by the violence of the wind; others were swamped by the waves. One, which the Englishman Turnell[66] commanded, and in which Fathers Quentin and Biard were being conveyed, after being driven continuously for sixteen days by tempests, was quickly borne to the Azores, islands on the coast of Africa belonging to the Portuguese. But here a new danger arose. Turnell, fearing punishment because he was carrying with him and was holding under unjust conditions priests of the Society, who had been torn from their homes and robbed with the greatest brutality, began to consider plans for making way with them. Finally it seemed better to him to take refuge in their clemency and mildness, which he had observed amid the most grievous injuries. Nevertheless, he took measures that they should not enter the port, thinking that while the ship stood at anchor he might procure the necessary provisions by sending in a small boat. The contrary to what he had expected happened. For, impelled by an inshore breeze, he entered the harbor, although unwillingly and reluctantly. Our friends, contrary to his deserts, interposed not even a word by which he might be accused, rejoicing because they had, in this manner, saved an enemy. The English captain recognized their kindness, and afterwards often spoke with great praise of the Fathers. But this he did much more unreservedly when, borne by a storm to Pembroke, a city of England, he was suspected by the officials of that town of piracy on the high seas, because he was sailing in a French ship and produced no written authority by which he might justify his voyage. When he asserted that he had been separated by a storm from his commander, Argall, no credence was given to him. In this crisis he mentioned as witnesses the two priests of the Society whom he had in the ship, and whose uncorrupted integrity could be doubted by no one. When the Fathers, on being questioned, had given assurance that the affair was thus, he was released from danger. He made the requital which was due to their kindness, and took care that they should not only suffer no harm, but even that they should be shown honor by the officials. Meantime the ambassador of the Most Christian King, upon being informed of the toilsome voyage of the Fathers, carried on negotiations with the King of England concerning their restoration to France. With his consent, they arrived, in the tenth month after their capture, joyfully and safely among their Brethren at Amiens.

APPENDIX.

Missiones Societatis Iesv in America Septentrionali Anno M.DCC.X. [961]

APUD Abnaquæos missiones. _Aux Abnaquis._

S. Angeli Custodis missio. _De l'Ange Gardien._

Baiogulana miss. _Baiogula._

Chigutiminiana miss. _Chigoutimini._

S. Francisci Salesii miss. _De S. François de Sales._

S. Francisci Xaverii miss. _De S. François Xavier._

Huronica res. _Aux Hurons._

S. Ignatii miss. _De S. Ignace._

Immaculatæ Conceptionis miss. _De l'Immaculée Conception._

Ad septem Insulas miss. _Aux Sept Isles._

S. Josephi miss. _De S. Joseph._

Apud Ilinæos missiones. _Aux Ilinois._

Apud Iroquæos missiones. _Aux Iroquois._

Lauretana missio. _De Lorette._

Ad ripas, & ostium fluvii Mississipi missiones. _Aux bords, & a l'embouchure du Mississipi._

[962] Montis regalis res. _Mon[t]-real._

Nipisikouitana missio. _Nipisikovit._

Apud Outakouacos missiones _Aux Outakovacs._

Saguenæa missio. _Du Saguenai._

Saltensis missio. _Du Sault de Sainte Marie._

In silvis missiones. _Dans les forests._

Tadussacensis miss. _De Tadoussak._

Trifluviana miss. _Aux trois Rivieres._

_Numerantur Socii_ 42.

APPENDIX.

Missions of the Society of Jesus in North America in the Year 1710. [961]

MISSIONS among the Abenakis.

Mission of the Holy Guardian Angel.

Baiogula mission.

Chigoutimini mission.

Mission of St. Francis de Sales.

Mission of St. Francis Xavier.

Huron residence.

Mission of St. Ignatius.

Mission of the Immaculate Conception.

Mission at the seven Islands.

Mission of St. Joseph.

Missions among the Ilinois.

Missions among the Iroquois.

Mission of Lorette.

Missions on the banks and at the mouth of the Mississippi river.

[962] Residence of Montreal.

Nipisikouit mission.

Missions among the Outakouacs.

Saguenay mission.

Mission of Sault de Sainte Marie.

Forest missions.

Tadoussac mission.

Mission at Three Rivers.

_Number of brethren_ 42

VIII

JOUVENCY'S

De Regione ac Moribus Canadensium

ROME: GIORGIO PLACKO, 1710

SOURCE: We follow the general style of O'Callaghan's Reprint No. 5. The Title-page, Tabula Rerum, and Rerum Insigniorum Indiculus, are the work of that Editor. The Text, he reprinted from Jouvency's _Historia Societatis Jesu_ (Rome, 1710), part v., pp. 344-347; we have read the proof thereof, from a copy of that work found in the library of the College of St. Francis Xavier, New York. The bracketed pagination is that of Jouvency; except in the Tabula Rerum and Rerum Insigniorum Indiculus, which is that of O'Callaghan.

DE

REGIONE ET MORIBUS

CANADENSIUM

SEU BARBARORUM

NOVÆ FRANCIÆ

Auctore JOSEPHO JUVENCIO, Societatis Jesu, Sacerdote.

[Illustration]

Ex Historiæ Soc. Jesu. Lib. xv. Parte v, impressa

ROMÆ: Ex Typographia Georgii Plachi M. D. CC. X.

CONCERNING THE

COUNTRY AND MANNERS

OF THE CANADIANS,

OR THE SAVAGES OF

NEW FRANCE

By JOSEPH JOUVENCY, a Priest of the Society of Jesus.

Printed from the History of the Society of Jesus, Book xv., Part v.

ROME: Printing House of Giorgio Placko 1710.

[3] Tabula Rerum

Pag.

I _FLUMINA Novæ Franciæ; soli natura; feræ, pisces, aves, &c._ 5

II _Canadensium domus & res familiaris; morbi; ægrorum cura & mortuorum_ 16

III _Belli gerendi ratio; arma; crudelitas in captivos_ 27

IV _Indoles animi: corporis cultus; cibi, convivia; supellex; religio, & superstitiones_ 33

[3] Table of Contents.

[_The page numbers refer to O'Callaghan's Reprint._]

Page.

I _RIVERS of New France; nature of the soil; wild beasts, fish, birds, etc._ 5

II _Homes and household economy of the Canadians; diseases; treatment of the sick and of the dead_ 16

III _Mode of warfare; weapons; cruelty to prisoners_ 27

IV _Mental characteristics; care of the body; food: feasts; household utensils; religion and superstitions_ 33

[344 §. x.] De regione ac moribus Canadensium, seu barbarorum Novæ Franciæ.

FLUMINA NOVÆ FRANCIÆ; SOLI NATURA; FERÆ, PISCES, AVES, &C.

DUO sunt in Nova Francia majores fluvii. Unus ab indigenis Canada nominatus, & à quo tota regio nomen traxit, nunc fluvius Sancti Laurentii dicitur, & ab occasu in ortum amplissimo fluit alveo. Alter, cui nomen Missisipus, per vasta, & ignota magnam adhuc partem, terrarum spatia fertur à Septentrione in Meridiem. Habent hoc singulare hujus regionis fluvii, quòd certis in locis ex editiore solo præcipitant in humiliorem planitiem ingenti cum strepitu. Ea loca saltus vocant Franci. Catadupa recte dixeris, qualia in Nilo celebrantur. Aqua tota fluminis, in morem arcuati fornicis, ita sæpe cadit, ut infra suspensum altè amnem sicco vestigio transire liceat. Barbari, cum huc ventum est, suas naviculas, è levi compactas cortice, imponunt humeris, & in placidam fluminis, alveo depressiore fluentis, partem eas deportant, cum sarcinulis. Urbs novæ Franciæ primaria Kebecum nuncupatur, S. Laurentii fluvio imposita. Coelo salubri tota regio utitur; at hyeme frigida, & diuturna vexatur. Hanc efficit partim fluminum & lacuum crebritas; partim opacitas & amplitudo nemorum, quæ vim solis calidam infringunt; denique nivium copia, quibus terra tres quatuorve menses, in iis locis quæ ab Boream propius accedunt, & eidem ac vetus Gallia parallelo subjacent, continenter inhorrescit. Humus omnium arborum plantarumque feracissima, præsertim ubi excisæ silvæ locum culturæ majorem præbuerunt. Quadrupedes eædem, quæ in Europa: nonnullæ regionis propriæ sunt, ut alces. Magnam belluam indigenæ appellant. Id nominis invenit à mole corporis: bovem enim æquat magnitudine. Mulum capite refert; cervum cornibus, pedibus, & cauda. Eam canibus immissis barbari agitant; defatigatam conficiunt jaculis & missilibus. Si desunt venatici canes, ipsi vicem illorum obeunt. Per medias quippe nives incredibili celeritate gradiuntur, ac ne corporis pondus vestigia pedum altius in nivem deprimat, substernunt plantis, inseruntque pedibus, lata reticula, illis simillima, quibus pilam lusores vulgò pulsant. Hæc reticula, spatium nivis ac soli satis magnum amplexa, currentes facile sustinent. Alces vero crura exilia defigens alte in nivem, ægrè se expedit. Illius carnibus vescuntur, teguntur pelle, ungula posterioris sinistri pedis sanantur. Huic ungulæ mira quædam & multiplex virtus inest, medicorum celeberrimorum testimonio commendata. Valet in primis adversus morbum comitialem, sive admoveatur pectori, qua parte cor micat; sive indatur palæ annuli, quem digitus lævæ minimo proximus gestet; sive demum teneatur in ejusdem sinistræ vola, in pugnum contracta. Nec minorem vim habet ad sanandam pleuritidem, capitis vertigines, & sexcentos alios, si credimus expertis, morbos.

Alterum animantis genus illic notissimum & frequentissimum est fiber, cujus pelle, cum Europæis mercibus mutanda, commercii Canadensis ratio fere tota constat. Color castaneæ colorem imitatur; modus cor[po]ris idem, qui exigui vervecis: curti pedes & ad natandum compositi, nam in aquis perinde ac in terra degit; cauda glabra, crassa & plana, quæ natanti pro gubernaculo sit: dentes duo, majores ceteris, ex ore utrimque prominent: iis tanquam gladio & serra utuntur fibri ad arbores exscindendas, cum domos extruunt; in iis enim fabricandis mira pollent industria. Eas ponunt ad lacuum fluviorumve ripas: muros è stipitibus componunt, interjecto cespite uliginoso ac tenaci, calcis instar; vix ut multa vi effringi opus & convelli possit. Tota casæ fabrica variis contignationibus distinguitur: infima è transversis lignis crassioribus constat, instratis desuper ramis, ac relicto foramine & ostiolo, per quod in fluvium subire, cum videtur, possint: Hæc modice supra fluminis aquam exstat, aliæ assurgunt altius, in easque, si fluvius intumescens imum tabulatum vicerit, se receptant. In una è superioribus contignationibus cubant; præbet molle stratum alga siccior, & arborum muscus, quo se tutantur a frigore; in altera penum habent, & provisa in hyemem cibaria. Ædificium fornicato tecto clauditur. Sic hyemem exigunt: nam æstate, opacum in ripis frigus captant, aut undis immersi calores æstivos fugiunt. In una sæpe domo ingens, & multorum capitum familia stabulatur. Quod si loci premuntur angustiis, discedunt juniores ultro, & sua sibi domicilia moliuntur. In eam curam incumbunt sub prima autumni frigora, & mutuas sibi invicem operas commodant, tum ad secanda ligna, tum ad comportanda, ita ut plures uni eidemque succedant oneri, & ingentia ramalia, nemorisque stragem, devehant. Si quem fluvium nanciscuntur ad suos accommodatum usus, non tamen satis alto gurgite, struunt aggerem coercendis aquis, donec ad idoneam altitudinem assurgant. Ac primo quidem arbores grandiores arrodendo dejiciunt: deinde transversas ab una ripa ducunt ad alteram. Duplicem versum & ordinem arborum faciunt; relicto inter illas obliquè sic positas spatio sex fere pedum, quod referciunt cæmentis, argilla, ramis, tam solerter, nihil ut perfectius à summo architecto expectes. Operis longitudo major minorve est, pro fluvii, quem coercere volunt, modo. Ducenûm aliquando passuum ejusmodi aggeres reperti. At, si amnis plus justo intumescit, diffringunt aliquam molis partem, ac tantum emittunt aquæ, quantum satis videtur.

Ut feris silvæ, sic piscibus abundant flumina. Unus est in Iroquæorum lacu, de quo nihil à priscis legitur proditum scriptoribus. Causarus ab indigenis vocatur: octo pedes longus, aliquando decem. Crassitudo, humani femoris; color leucophæus, candido tamen propior; squamis totus horret tam duris, tamque validè consertis, ut aciem pugionis, & hastilium, excludant. Caput amplum, & cranio præduro, tanquam casside, munitum. Hinc piscis armati nomen illi à Gallis inditum. Et vero perpetua cum aliis piscibus bella gerit, quorum exitio pascitur. Pro telo rostrum immane gerit, humani brachii longitudine, gemino dentium ordine instructum. Hoc venabulo non solum reliquos mactat pisces, verum etiam avibus, cum mutare dapes cupit, insidiatur & illudit. Eam ob rem occultat se inter carecta: rostrum exertat aquis, ac paulisper diducit. Sic perstat immotus donec accedant volucres, & incautæ rostro insideant, arundinem aut virgultum ratæ: continuo perfidus insidiator, misellarum pedes contracto rostro stringit, & in gurgitem demersas vorat.

Non minor volucrum est copia, quàm piscium. Certis mensibus palumbes è silvis prorumpunt in agros tanto numero, ut arborum ramos prægravent; quibus postquam infederunt noctu, facile capiuntur, & barbaras mensas regali ferculo cumulant. Præterea in vastissimo sinu, in quem evolvit se flumen sancti Laurentii, cernitur exigua insula, seu potius biceps scopulus: insulam volucrum dicunt. Tot enim eò convolant è finitimo pelago, ut inire numerum nequeas. Indigenæ fustibus prædam non difficilem comminuunt, aut pedibus conculcant; cymbasque lautis dapibus, & inemptis [345] plenas referunt. Ludunt in aquis passim anseres, anates, ardeæ, grues, olores, fulicæ; & aves aliæ, victum ex undis petere solitæ. Peculiare quiddam habet una, gallinæ similis, si molem spectes; pennis in tergo nigricantibus, sub alvo candidis. Pedum alter unguibus aduncis armatur; alter digitos levi & continua pelle junctos habet, qualis est anatum; hoc natat; illo pisces trahit & eviscerat.

[344 § x.] Concerning the country and manners of the Savages of New France.

RIVERS OF NEW FRANCE; NATURE OF THE SOIL; WILD BEASTS, FISH, BIRDS, ETC.

THERE are two great rivers in New France. One, called by the natives Canada, a name thence extended to the whole country, is now called the river St. Lawrence, and flows in a very broad channel from west to east. The other, named Mississippi, flows from North to South, through vast regions, for the most part still unknown. The rivers of this land are remarkable because in certain places they are precipitated with a great uproar from the higher to the lower levels. The French call those places water-falls. You might justly call them cataracts, such as are famous in the case of the Nile. The water of an entire river often falls in the form of an arch, in such fashion that it is possible to walk dry-shod beneath the stream which rushes overhead. The savages, when they come to such a spot, shoulder their boats, which are constructed of light bark, and carry them, together with the baggage, to the calm portion of the river flowing below. The chief city of new France is called Kebec, and is situated on the St. Lawrence river. The whole country possesses a healthful climate, but is harassed by a cold and long winter. This is caused partly by the frequency of the rivers and lakes; partly by the thickness and great extent of the forests, which diminish the force of the sun's heat; finally, by the abundance of snow with which the land, in its most Northern regions, which lie upon the same parallel as old France, is continually desolated for three or four months. The soil is extremely productive of all sorts of trees and plants, especially where the clearing of the forest has furnished additional space for cultivation. The same quadrupeds are found as in Europe; some, as the moose, are peculiar to the country. The natives call it the "great beast." This name it receives because of the huge size of its body, for it is as large as an ox. Its head resembles that of a mule; its horns, hoofs, and tail, those of a stag. The savages hunt this animal with the aid of dogs; when it is worn out they dispatch it with spears and missiles. If hunting-dogs are lacking, they themselves go in place of them. Indeed, they proceed through the midst of the snow with incredible swiftness; and, in order that the weight of the body may not sink their feet too deeply into the snow, they place beneath their soles, and fasten to their feet, broad pieces of net-work, very similar to those with which players commonly strike the ball. These pieces of net-work, which cover a sufficiently large portion of the surface of the snow, readily support them while running. But the moose, planting their slender legs deeply into the snow, with difficulty extricate themselves. The savages eat its flesh, are clothed with its skin, and are cured by the hoof of its left hind leg. In this hoof there is a certain marvelous and manifold virtue, as is affirmed by the testimony of the most famous physicians. It avails especially against the epilepsy, whether it be applied to the breast, where the heart is throbbing, or whether it be placed in the bezel of a ring, which is worn upon the finger next to the little finger of the left hand; or, finally, if it be also held in the hollow of the left hand, clenched in the fist. Nor does it have less power in the cure of pleurisy, dizziness, and, if we may believe those familiar with it, six hundred other diseases.

Another well-known and common sort of animal there, is the beaver; its skins, which are exchanged for European merchandise, being the basis of almost the entire system of Canadian commerce. Its color resembles that of the chestnut; the shape of its body is like that of a small wether; its legs are short and formed for swimming; its tail, which it uses as a rudder while swimming, is smooth, thick and flat; two teeth, larger than the others, project from its mouth on each side; these, the beavers use like a sword and a saw in cutting down trees when they build their houses, for in the construction of these they exhibit wonderful industry. They locate them on the banks of lakes or rivers; they build walls of logs, placing between them wet and sticky sods in the place of mortar, so that the work can, even with great violence, scarcely be torn apart and destroyed. The entire house is divided into several stories; the lowest is composed of thicker cross-beams, with branches strewn upon them, and provided with a hole or small door through which they can pass into the river whenever they wish; this story extends somewhat above the water of the river, while the others rise higher, into which they retire if the swelling stream submerges the lowest floor. They sleep in one of the upper stories; a soft bed is furnished by dry seaweed and tree moss, with which they protect themselves from the cold; on another floor they have their store-room, and food provided for winter. The building is covered with a dome-shaped roof. Thus they pass the winter, for in summer they enjoy the shady coolness upon the shores, or escape the summer heat by plunging into the water. Often a great colony of many members is lodged in one house. But, if they be incommoded by the narrowness of the place, the younger ones depart of their own accord and construct homes for themselves. Upon the advent of cool weather in autumn, they devote themselves to this task, and lend mutual services in turn, both in cutting and carrying logs, so that many assist at one and the same burden, and thus carry down great branches and logs of forest trees. If they find any river suitable for their purposes, except in having sufficient depth, they build a dam to keep back the water until it rises to the required height. And first, by gnawing them, they fell trees of large size; then they lay them across, from one shore to the other. They construct a double barrier and rampart of logs, obliquely placed, leaving between them a space of about six feet, which they so ingeniously fill in with stones, clay, and branches that one would expect nothing better from the most skillful architect. The length of the structure is greater or less, according to the size of the stream which they wish to restrain. Dams of this kind a fifth of a mile long are sometimes found. But, if the river swell more than is safe, they break open some part of the structure, and let through as much water as seems sufficient.

As the forests abound in wild beasts, so the rivers teem with fish. There is one in the lake of the Iroquois,[67] which is not mentioned by early authors. It is called by the natives "Causar," and is eight feet long, sometimes ten. It is as thick as the human thigh; it is dun-colored, approaching white; it bristles all over with scales, so hard and so firmly set together that they turn the edge of a knife or the point of a spear. The head is large, and protected by an exceedingly hard skull, like a helmet. Hence, the name of "armored fish" has been given it by the French. It carries on perpetual war with, and feeds upon, other fishes. For a weapon it carries an immense beak, of the length of a man's arm and furnished with a double row of teeth. With this hunting-spear it not only devours other fishes, but also, whenever it wishes to vary its diet, deceives and ensnares birds. For this latter purpose it hides itself among the sedge; it projects its beak from the water and opens it slightly. It thus remains motionless until the birds approach and thoughtlessly perch upon the beak, deeming it a reed or a bush; then the treacherous ensnarer seizes the feet of the unfortunate birds by closing its beak, and, dragging them into the water, devours them.[68]

The birds are fully as abundant as the fishes. During certain months of the year the pigeons sally forth from the woods into the open country in such great numbers that they overload the branches of the trees. When they have settled upon the trees at night they are easily captured, and the savages heap their tables with royal abundance. Besides this, in the huge gulf into which the river saint Lawrence flows may be seen a small island, or rather a double rock; they call it the isle of birds.[69] For so many congregate there from the neighboring ocean that it is impossible to count their numbers. The natives make an easy prey of them with clubs, or by trampling them under foot, and bring back their canoes filled with sumptuous food acquired without price. [345] Everywhere may be seen, sporting in the water, geese, ducks, herons, cranes, swans, coots and other birds whose habit it is to seek their living from the waves. A certain peculiarity attaches to one, which is about the size of a cock; its wings are black on the outside and white beneath. One of its feet is armed with hooked claws, the other has webbed toes, like those of a duck; with the latter it swims, with the former it seizes and disembowels fishes.

CANADENSIUM DOMUS & RES FAMILIARIS; MORBI; ÆGRORUM CURA & MORTUORUM.

JAM, si mores & indolem gentis requiras, partim vagi degunt, in silvis per hyemem, quò venationis uberioris vocat spes; æstate, ad amnium ripas, ubi præbet facilem annonam piscatus: aliqui pagos incolunt. Casas fabricantur infixis humi perticis: latera corticibus intexunt; pellibus, musco, ramis operiunt fastigia. In media casa focus: in summo tecto foramen, emissarium fumi. Is ægre eluctatus totam, ut plurimum, casam sic opplet, ut coactis habitare in hoc fumo advenis sæpe oculorum acies obtundatur, & hebescat: barbari, durum genus & his assuetum incommodis, rident. Domesticæ rei cura, & quidquid in familia laboris est, imponitur feminis. Illæ domos figunt, ac refigunt; aquam, & ligna devehunt, cibos apparant: vicem & locum mancipiorum, opificum, & jumentorum, implent. Venationis & belli cura, virorum est. Hinc gentis solitudo, & paucitas. Mulieres enim, ceteroquin haud infecundæ, his districtæ laboribus, neque maturos edere queunt fetus, neque alere jam editos: itaque aut abortum patiuntur, aut partus recentes destituunt, aquationi, lignationi, ceterisque operibus intentæ; vix ut trigesimus quisque infans adolescat. Accedit rei medicæ inscitia, cujus ignoratio facit ut è morbis paulo gravioribus raro emergant.

Duos maximè fontes morborum statuunt: unum ex ipsa ægrotantis mente ortum, quæ desideret quidpiam, ac tandiu corpus ægrum vexet, dum re desiderata potiatur. Putant enim inesse in hominum unoquoque innata quædam desideria, sæpe ipsis ignota, quibus singulorum felicitas contineatur. Ad ejusmodi desideria & innatas appetitiones cognoscendas adhibent hariolos, quibus hanc divinitus concessam facultatem arbitrantur, ut animorum intimos recessus pervideant. Illi, quodcumque primum occurrit, aut ex quo fieri quæstum aliquem posse suspicantur, ab ægro desiderari pronunciant. Nec dubitant parentes, amici, & consanguinei ægrotantis, quidquid illud sit, quantivis pretii, comparare ac largiri ægro, nunquam postea reposcendum. Ille dono fruitur, & lucri partem hariolis aspergit; ac sæpe postridie vita cedit. Vulgo tamen relevantur ægroti, quippe levibus tentati morbis: nam in gravioribus timidiores sunt isti præstigiatores, negantque inveniri posse quid ægrotus desideret: tunc eum depositum conclamant, auctoresque sunt consanguineis ut hominem tollant è medio. Ita longiore morbo vexatos necant, aut senio fessos; eamque caritatem summam interpretantur, quia mors ærumnis languentium finem ponit. Eandem benevolentiam adhibent erga pueros parentibus orbatos, quos nullos esse malunt, quam miseros. Alterum fontem morborum esse censent veneficorum occultas artes, & præstigias, quas ridiculis cærimoniis conantur averruncare. Sæpe noxios humores ejiciunt sudando. Certum casæ locum corticibus includunt, ac tegunt pellibus, ne qua possit aer aspirare. Intro congerunt lapides deustos & igne multo saturos. Subeunt nudi & brachia cantitantes jactant. Sed, quod mireris, ab his thermis egressi & sudore diffluentes, hyeme perfrigida, in lacum aut amnem se conjiciunt, de pleuritide securi.

Mortuorum cadavera nunquam efferunt per casæ januam, sed per eam partem, in quam conversus eger exspiravit. Animam putant evolare per camini spiraculum; ac ne moras trahat, casæ pristinæ desiderio, neu puerulorum aliquem discedens afflet, hoc afflatu videlicet moriturum, ut putant; crebro fuste tundunt parietes tugurii, ut eam citius exire compellant. Immortalem esse arbitrantur. Ne porro emoriatur fame, magnam vim ciborum infodiunt cum corpore; vestes, item, ollas, variamque supellectilem, magno sumptu, & multorum annorum labore conquisitam, ut iis utatur, inquiunt, ac decentius versetur in regno mortuorum. Sepulcra nobilium exstant paulum ab humo: iis perticas in morem pyramidis compactas imponunt: arcum addunt, sagittas, clypeum, & alia militiæ decora: feminarum vero tumulis, torques & monilia. Infantium corpora sepeliunt propter viam, ut eorum anima, quam ab ipsorum corporibus abire longius non putant, illabatur in prætereuntis alicujus feminæ sinum, & adhuc informem animare fetum possit. In luctu vultum inficiunt fuligine. Moniti de funere affines, vicini, & amici concurrunt in funestum tugurium. Unus aliquis, si mortui conditio ferat, verba facit, neque rationem ullam ex iis prætermittit, quæ ad leniendam ægritudinem à dicendi magistris afferri solent. Excurrit in demortui laudes: hominem eum natum fuisse admonet, atque adeo morti obnoxium: qui casus emendari nequeant, fieri patientia leviores; alia id genus in eandem sententiam edisserit. Tertio die funus ducitur. Epulum funebre apponitur toti pago, singulis suam symbolam, nec malignè, conferentibus. Hujus epuli causas afferunt maximè tres: primam, ut communem mærorem leniant: alteram, ut qui amici peregrè ad funus veniunt, accipiantur honestius: tertiam, ut gratificentur extincti Manibus, quem ea liberalitate delectari existimant, & appositis etiam dapibus pasci. Peracto convivio præfectus funeris, quem in singulis familiis clarioribus, certum atque insignem habent, adesse tempus exequiarum proclamat. Omnes continuo lamentari, & ululare. Effertur cadaver propinquorum humeris, intectum fibrinis pellibus, & in feretro, è corticibus juncisve confecto compositum, collectis in glomum artubus, ut eo modo terræ mandetur, inquiunt, quo in alvo materna olim jacuit. Deponitur feretrum in constituto loco, munera quæ quisque offert mortuo, præfiguntur perticis: & appellantur illorum auctores à funeris præfecto: instauratur planctus; denique juvenes ludicro certamine inter se dimicant.

Majori sepeliuntur apparatu & luctu, qui aquis obruti perierunt. Nam eorum cadavera laniantur: carnium pars cum visceribus in ignem projicitur. Id sacrificii quoddam genus est, quo placare coelum contendunt. Iratum enim esse genti non dubitant, cum in undis quispiam extinguitur: ac si quid rite atque ordine peractum in istis funeribus non fuerit, huic piaculo calamitates omnes, quibus postea conflictantur, acceptas ferunt. Indulgent luctui per annum integrum. Primis diebus decem jacent humi, diu noctuque in ventrem proni: nefas tunc vocem ullam, nisi quæ dolorem significet, mittere; aut accedere ad ignem, aut conviviis interesse. Anno reliquo luctus continuatur; at levius. Omittuntur omnia urbanitatis officia, colloquia cum vicinis, congressus amicorum; ac si conjugem amiserint; coelibes, donec annus fluxerit, perstant. Post octavum aut decimum quemque annum Hurones, quæ natio latè patet, omnia cadavera certum in locum ex omnibus pagis deportant, & in foveam prægrandem conjiciunt. Eum diem Mortuorum vocant. Is ubi de procerum sententia constitutus est, eruunt corpora sepulcris; alia jam consumpta, & ossibus vix hærentia; alia putri carne leviter amicta: alia scatentia foedis vermibus, & graviter olentia. Ossa, dissoluta in saccos abdunt: cadavera nondum dissuta componunt in sarcophagis, & supplicantium ritu deferunt in destinatum locum, alto silentio, & composito gradu procedentes, non sine suspiriis, & lamentabili eiulatu. Ne vero memoria nobilium, & arte præsertim bellica insignium, qui prole carent, intercidat, eligunt aliquem ætate ac robore florentem, cui demortui nomen imponunt. Ille militum statim delectum habet, ac bellum capessit, ut præclaro quopiam edito facinore, probet se non tantum nominis, sed etiam virtutis ejus, cui substituitur, heredem esse. Inferioris notæ nomina æterno silentio damnant. Itaque simul ac in pago quispiam è vita cessit, ejus nomen alta voce pronunciatur per omnes casas, ne quis illud temere usurpet. Quod si mortuum tamen appellare necesse fuerit, utuntur verborum circuitione, & præfantur quidpiam, quo mortis ominosa [346] memoria leniatur. Idque si omittatur, accipiunt in gravem contumeliam: neque atrociori maledicto vulnerari filium aut parentem posse putant, quam si huic filius, illi parens, mortuus exprobretur.

HOMES AND HOUSEHOLD ECONOMY OF THE CANADIANS; DISEASES; TREATMENT OF THE SICK AND OF THE DEAD.

NOW, if you inquire concerning the customs and character of this people, I will reply that a part of them are nomads, wandering during the winter in the woods, whither the hope of better hunting calls them--in the summer, on the shores of the rivers, where they easily obtain their food by fishing; while others inhabit villages. They construct their huts by fixing poles in the ground; they cover the sides with bark, the roofs with hides, moss and branches. In the middle of the hut is the hearth, from which the smoke escapes through an opening at the peak of the roof. As the smoke passes out with difficulty, it usually fills the whole hut, so that strangers compelled to live in these cabins suffer injury and weakening of the eyes; the savages, a coarse race, and accustomed to these discomforts, ridicule this. The care of household affairs, and whatever work there may be in the family, are placed upon the women. They build and repair the wigwams, carry water and wood, and prepare the food; their duties and position are those of slaves, laborers and beasts of burden. The pursuits of hunting and war belong to the men. Thence arise the isolation and numerical weakness of the race. For the women, although naturally prolific, cannot, on account of their occupation in these labors, either bring forth fully-developed offspring, or properly nourish them after they have been brought forth; therefore they either suffer abortion, or forsake their new-born children, while engaged in carrying water, procuring wood and other tasks, so that scarcely one infant in thirty survives until youth. To this there is added their ignorance of medicine, because of which they seldom recover from illnesses which are at all severe.

They believe that there are two main sources of disease: one of these is in the mind of the patient himself, which desires something, and will vex the body of the sick man until it possesses the thing required. For they think that there are in every man certain inborn desires, often unknown to themselves, upon which the happiness of individuals depends. For the purpose of ascertaining desires and innate appetites of this character, they summon soothsayers, who, as they think, have a divinely-imparted power to look into the inmost recesses of the mind. These men declare that whatever first occurs to them, or something from which they suspect some gain can be derived, is desired by the sick person. Thereupon the parents, friends, and relatives of the patient do not hesitate to procure and lavish upon him whatever it may be, however expensive, a return of which is never thereafter to be sought. The patient enjoys the gift, divides a portion of it among the soothsayers, and often on the next day departs from life. Commonly, however, the sick recover, plainly because their illnesses are slight; for, in the case of more severe complaints, these soothsayers are more cautious, and deny the possibility of ascertaining what the patient desires; then they bewail him whom they have given up, and cause the relatives to put him out of the way. Thus they kill those afflicted with protracted illness, or exhausted by old age, and consider this the greatest kindness, because death puts an end to the sufferings of the sick. They display the same benevolence towards children deprived of their parents, whom they prefer to see dead rather than to see them miserable. They believe that another source of disease is the hidden arts and the charms of sorcerers, which they seek to avert by means of absurd ceremonies. Often they expel noxious humors by sweating. They inclose a certain portion of the hut with pieces of bark and cover it with hides, in order that no air may enter. Within they pile stones heated to a high temperature. They enter naked and toss their arms while singing. But, strange to say, they will leave this heat, dripping with perspiration, and in the very coldest part of winter cast themselves into a lake or river, careless of pleurisy.

They never bear out the corpses of the dead through the door of the lodge, but through that part toward which the sick person turned when he expired. They think that the soul flies out through the smoke-hole; and, in order that it may not linger through longing for its old home, nor while departing breathe upon any of the children, who by such an act would be, as they think, doomed to death, they beat the walls of the wigwam with frequent blows of a club, in order that they may compel the soul to depart more quickly. They believe it to be immortal. That it may not thereafter perish with hunger, they bury with the body a large quantity of provisions; also, garments, pots, and various utensils of great expense, and acquired by many years' labor, in order, they say, that he may use them and pass his time more suitably in the kingdom of the dead. The tombs of the chiefs are raised a little from the ground; upon them they place poles joined in the form of a pyramid; they add a bow, arrows, shield and other insignia of war; but upon the tombs of the women they place necklaces and collars. They bury the bodies of infants beside paths, in order that their souls, which they think do not depart very far from the body, may slip into the bosoms of women passing by, and animate the yet undeveloped fetus. In mourning, they stain the face with soot. When informed of a death, the relatives, neighbors, and friends assemble at the lodge where the corpse lies. If the condition of the dead permit, one of them makes a speech, in which he employs all those arguments that the most eloquent speakers are wont to use for the solace of grief. He rehearses the praises of the dead; he reminds them that the latter was born a man, and therefore liable to death; that those misfortunes which cannot be repaired are made lighter by patience; he sets forth other things of that sort to the same effect. On the third day the funeral is held. A funeral feast is provided for the whole village, each individual liberally furnishing his share. For this feast they advance three main reasons: first, that they may assuage the general grief; secondly, that those friends who come from a distance to the funeral may be more fittingly entertained; thirdly, that they may please the spirit of the dead, which, they believe, is delighted by this exhibition of liberality, and also partakes of the repast placed for him. When the feast is completed the master of the funeral, who, in each distinguished family, permanently holds this office and is greatly honored, proclaims that the time for the burial has come. All give utterance to continuous lamentations and wailings. The corpse, wrapped in beaver skins, and placed upon a bier made of bark and rushes, with his limbs bent and pressed tightly against his body in order that, as they say, he may be committed to the earth in the same position in which he once lay in his mother's womb, is borne out on the shoulders of the relatives. The bier is set down at the appointed place, the gifts which each one offers to the dead are fastened to poles, and the donors are named by the master of the funeral. The mourning is renewed; finally, boys vie with each other in a mock contest.

Those who have been drowned are buried with greater ceremony and lamentation. For their bodies are cut open, and a portion of the flesh, together with the viscera, thrown into the fire. This is a sort of sacrifice, by means of which they seek to appease heaven. For they are sure that heaven is enraged against the race whenever any one loses his life by drowning. If any part of these funeral rites has not been duly and regularly performed, they believe that all the calamities from which they afterwards may suffer are a punishment for this neglect. They indulge their grief throughout an entire year. For the first ten days they lie upon the ground day and night, flat upon their bellies; it is impious then to utter any sound unless significant of grief, or to approach the fire, or to take part in feasts. During the remainder of the year the mourning continues, but less vigorously. All the duties of politeness, conversation with neighbors, and association with friends, are neglected; and, if a man has lost a wife he remains unmarried until the year has expired. Every eight or ten years the Hurons, which nation is widely extended, convey all their corpses from all the villages to a designated place and cast them into an immense pit. They call it the day of the Dead. When this has been decreed by resolution of the elders, they drag out the corpses from their graves, some already decomposed, with flesh scarcely clinging to the bones, others thinly covered with putrid flesh, others teeming with vile worms and smelling fearfully. The loose bones they place in sacks, the bodies not yet disintegrated they place in coffins, and bear them, in the manner of suppliants, to the appointed place, proceeding amid deep silence and with regular step, uttering sighs and mournful cries. But, in order that the memory of chiefs and of those especially famous in the art of war, who lack offspring, may not fail, they choose some person in the flower of his age and strength, to whom they give the name of the dead man. The namesake immediately makes a levy of warriors and starts for battle, in order that by the achievement of some glorious deed he may prove himself the heir not only of the name but also of the valor of him whose place he has taken. Names of lesser note are condemned to everlasting silence. Therefore, as soon as any one in the village has departed this life his name is proclaimed in a loud voice throughout all the lodges, in order that no one may rashly use it. But if, nevertheless, it be necessary to name the dead man, they use a circumlocution and preface something by which the unpleasant [346] recollection of his death may be softened. If that be omitted they consider it a deadly insult: nor do they think that son or parent can be wounded by more savage abuse than when their dead relatives are defamed before them.

BELLI GERENDI RATIO; ARMA; CRUDELITAS IN CAPTIVOS.

BELLA temere ac ferociter suscipiunt, nulla sæpe, aut perlevi de causa. Duces communi suffragio legunt, eosque vel familiarum præcipuarum natu maximos, vel quorum virtus bellica, aut etiam eloquentia perspecta sit. Civili bello nunquam inter se concurrunt; arma in finitimos tantum movent; neque imperii ac ditionis proferendæ causa, sed ferè ut illatam sibi, vel foederatis, injuriam ulciscantur. Gladios, & gravidas nitrato pulvere fistulas, à Batavis & Anglis accepere, quibus armis freti, certiùs & audacius in hostium, atque adeò Europæorum perniciem conspirant. Interdum bella singulari certamine finiunt. Agmina duo, hinc Montanorum, quos vocant, inde Iroquæorum constiterant ante aliquot annos, velut in procinctu. Duces antegressi jam designabant locum ad aciem explicandam, cum unus alterum sic allocutus fertur: Parcamus nostrorum sanguini, imo nostro: manibus nudis rem agamus. Uter alterum dejecerit, is vincat. Placuit conditio. Manus ambo conferunt. Montanus Iroquæum ita delassavit, dolum artemque virtuti miscens, ut humi denique prostratum ligaverit, impositumque humeris ad suum agmen victor detulerit. Clypeos conficiunt è ligno dolato, plerumque cedrino; paulum ad oras incurvos: leves, prælongos & peramplos, ita ut totum corpus protegant. Jam, ne jaculis, aut securibus perrumpantur omnino ac dissiliant, eos intus consuunt restibus ex animalium corio contextis, quæ totam clypei molem continent connectuntque. Non gestant è brachio suspensos, sed funem ex quo pendent, rejiciunt in humerum dextrum: adeo ut latus corporis sinistrum clypeo protegatur; mox ubi jaculum emiserunt, aut ferream disploserunt fistulam, paulum retrahunt dextrum latus, ac sinistrum clypeo tectum obvertunt hosti.

In prælio id maximè student, vivos ut hostes capiant. Captis & in suos abductis pagos primum vestes detrahunt; deinde ungues crudis dentibus singillatim avellunt: tum palo alligatos verberant ad satietatem. Mox vinculis solutos cogunt ire, ac redire, geminum inter ordinem armatorum spinis, fustibus & ferramentis. Denique, accenso circum foco, lentis ignibus miseros torrent. Interim torosas carnes fodicant candentibus laminis, & verubus, aut recisas ac semiustulatas, sanie fluentes & sanguine, vorant. Nunc tædis ardentibus totum corpus, ac præsertim hiatus vulnerum, pertentant: nunc detracta capitis cute inspergunt nudæ calvæ favillam, & fervidos cineres: nunc brachiorum nervos ac pedum vellunt, lancinant, aut hebeti secant lente ferro, derepta parumper cute, in pedis malleolo, & manus carpo. Sæpe cogunt captivum infelicem ingredi per subjectos ignes: aut frusta suæ carnis mandere, ac vivo sepulcro condere. Hujusmodi carnificinam non pauci è Patribus Societatis pertulere. Hanc porro extrahunt in multos dies; utque novis cruciatibus tristis victima suppetat, intermittunt eosdem aliquandiu, donec ad extremum fatiscant corpora, & concidant. Tunc è pectore cor avellunt, torrent subjectis prunis; & cruore condîtum juvenibus avidè comedendum objiciunt, si captivus suppliciorum acerbitatem generosè fuerit perpessus: ut viri fortis, inquiunt, masculum robur juventus bellatrix combibat. Laudatur qui rogum, cultros, vulnera, irretorto vultu aspexerit, & exceperit: qui non ingemuerit, qui risu cantuque tortoribus illuserit: nam canere tot inter mortes, amplum ac magnificum esse putant. Itaque cantilenas ipsi multo ante componunt, quas capti, si sors ferat, recitent. Reliqua multitudo cadaver absumit in ferali convivio. Dux reservat sibi verticis pellem cum coma, monumentum victoriæ, trophæum crudelitatis.

METHODS OF WARFARE; WEAPONS; CRUELTY TO PRISONERS.

THEY engage in war rashly and savagely, often with no cause, or upon a very slight pretext. They choose as leaders, by general vote, either the eldest members of illustrious families or those whose warlike valor, or even eloquence, has been approved. In civil war they never engage; they carry arms only against their neighbors, and not for the sake of extending their dominion and sway, but usually, in order that they may avenge an injury inflicted upon themselves or their allies. They have obtained swords and guns from the Dutch and English, and, relying upon these weapons, they plan with greater determination and boldness the destruction of their enemies, and even of the Europeans. Sometimes they decide their wars by single combat. Two bands, one of the so-called Montagnais,[70] the other of Iroquois, had met a few years ago in readiness for battle. The leaders had advanced and were already designating the positions for the formation of the lines of attack, when it is said that one thus addressed the other: "Let us spare the blood of our followers; nay, rather let us spare our own. Let us settle the matter with our bare hands, and he who overcomes the other shall be the victor." The proposition was accepted, and the two joined battle. The Montagnais, by means of a combination of strategy and skill with courage, so wearied the Iroquois that he finally hurled the latter to the ground, bound him, and triumphantly carried him off upon his shoulders to his own band. They make their shields of hewn wood, principally cedar, with slightly-curving edges, light, very long and very large, so that they cover the entire body. Next, in order that they may not be penetrated and split by spears or tomahawks, they overlace them on the inner side with thongs made from the skins of animals, which hold together and connect the whole mass of the shield. They do not carry the shield suspended from the arm, but cast by a cord over the right shoulder, so that it protects the left side of the body; when they have cast their spears or fired their guns they slightly retire the right side and turn toward the enemy the left side, which is protected by the shield.

In battle they strive especially to capture their enemies alive. Those who have been captured and led off to their villages are first stripped of their clothing; then they savagely tear off their nails one by one with their teeth; then they bind them to stakes and beat them as long as they please. Next they release them from their bonds, and compel them to pass back and forth between a double row of men armed with thorns, clubs and instruments of iron. Finally, they kindle a fire about them, and roast the miserable creatures with slow heat. Sometimes they pierce the flesh of the muscles with red-hot plates and with spits, or cut it off and devour it, half-burned and dripping with gore and blood. Next, they plant blazing torches all over the body, and especially in the gaping wounds; then, after scalping him they scatter ashes and live coals upon his naked head; then they tear the tendons of the arms and legs, lacerate them, or, after removing a little of the skin, leisurely cut them with a knife at the ankle and wrist. Often they compel the unhappy prisoner to walk through fire, or to eat, and thus entomb in a living sepulchre, pieces of his own flesh. Torture of this sort has been borne by not a few of the Fathers of the Society. Moreover, they prolong this torment throughout many days, and, in order that the poor victim may undergo fresh trials, intermit it for some time, until his vitality is entirely exhausted and he perishes. Then they tear the heart from the breast, roast it upon the coals, and, if the prisoner has bravely borne the bitterness of the torture, give it, seasoned with blood, to the boys, to be greedily eaten, in order, as they say, that the warlike youth may imbibe the heroic strength of the valiant man. The prisoner who has beheld and endured stake, knives and wounds with an unchanging countenance, who has not groaned, who with laughter and song has ridiculed his tormentors, is praised; for they think that to sing amid so many deaths is great and noble. So they themselves compose songs long beforehand, in order that they may repeat them if they should by chance be captured. The rest of the crowd consume the corpse in a brutal feast. The chief reserves for himself the scalp as a sign of victory, a trophy of cruelty.

INDOLES ANIMI: CORPORIS CULTUS: CIBI, CONVIVIA; SUPELLEX: RELIGIO, & SUPERSTITIONES.

SIC hostes accipiunt: at domi colunt pacem, rixasque diligenter cavent, nisi quas ebrietatis impotentia excitavit. Fortunati, si nunquam illis hanc pestem Europa importasset! Irasci ne norunt quidem, ac vehementer initio mirabantur, cum inveherentur Patres in vitia pro concione, eosque furere existimabant, qui pacatos inter auditores, & amicos, tanta contentione se jactarent. Liberalitatis & munificentiæ famam aucupantur: sua largiuntur ultro; ablata vix repetunt: nec fures aliter, quam risu & sannis ulciscuntur. Si quem, oborta simultate nefarie aliquid moliri suspicantur, non minis deterrent hominem, sed donis. Ex eodem concordiæ studio fit ut assentiantur ultro, quidquid doceas; nihilo tamen secius tenent mordicus insitam opinionem aut superstitionem: eoque difficilius erudiuntur. Quid enim agas cum annuentibus verbo & concedentibus omnia; re nihil præstantibus? Miserorum egestatem benignè sublevant; viduarum ac senum sustentant orbitatem, nisi cum senio ætas vieta marcet, vel morbus gravior incidit: tunc enim abrumpere infelicem vitam satius arbitrantur, quàm alere ac producere. Quæcumque calamitas ingruat, nunquam se dimoveri de animi tranquillitate patiuntur, qua felicitatem potissimum definiunt. Inediam multorum dierum, morbos, & ærumnas lenissime & constantissimè perferunt. Ipsos partus dolores, licet acerbissimos, ita dissimulant feminæ vel superant, ut ne ingemiscant quidem: ac si cui lacryma vel gemitus excideret, æterna flagraret ignominia, neque virum, à quo duceretur, præterea inveniret, Nihil unquam amicus cum amico, uxor cum viro, cum uxore vir, queritur & expostulat. Liberos mira caritate complectuntur: sed modum non tenent; in eos enim neque animadvertunt ipsi, neque ab aliis animadverti sinunt. Hinc petulantia puerorum & ferocitas, quæ, postquàm se corroboravit ætate, in omne scelus erumpit. Quam autem erga liberos & familiares comitatem præ se ferunt, eandem cum ceteris civibus suis, ac popularibus, usurpant. Si quis amariore joco quempiam momordit, (nam dicaces vulgo sunt, & in jocos effusi) belle dissimulant, aut vicem reponunt, & absentes remordent; nam præsentes cavillari, aut coram dictis incessere, religio est. Non aliud libentiùs convicium regerunt lacessiti, quàm si hominem ingenio carere dicant. Scilicet ingenii laudem vindicant sibi; nec temere. Nemo inter illos hebes, ac tardus; quod nativa illorum in deliberando prudentia, & in dicendo facundia, declarat. Auditi quidem sæpe sunt tam appositè ad persuadendum perorare, idque ex tempore, ut admirationem exercitatissimis in dicendi palæstra moverent.

Respondet ingenio corpus, aptum membris, proceritate formosum, robore validum. Idem, qui Gallis, color; tametsi corrumpunt illum unguine, & oleo putri, quo se perungunt; necnon pigmentis variis, quibus sibi pulcri, nobis ridiculi, videntur. Alios cernas naso cæruleo, genis vero & superciliis atratis: alii frontem, nasum, & genas, lineis versicoloribus discriminant: totidem larvas intueri te putes. Ejusmodi coloribus credunt se hostibus esse terribiles; suum pariter in acie metum, quasi velo, tegi: demum pellem ipsam corporis indurari, ad vim hiberni frigoris facilius tolerandam. Præter istos colores induci pro cujusque libidine ac deleri solitos, non pauci stabiles ac perpetuas avium aut animalium, putà serpentis, aquilæ, bufonis, imagines imprimunt cuti, hunc in modum. Subulis, cuspidibus, aut spinis collum, pectus, genasve ita pungunt, ut rudia rerum istarum lineamenta effingant: mox in punctam & cruentam cutem immittunt atrum è carbone comminuto pulverem, qui cum sanguine concretus impressas effigies ita inurit vivæ carni, ut eas nulla temporis diuturnitas expungat. Totæ quædam nationes, ea præsertim quæ a Tabaco nomen habet, itemque alia quæ Neutra dicitur, id constanti more ac lege usurpat, nec sine periculo interdum; maxime si est tempestas frigidior, aut debilior [347] corporis constitutio. Tunc enim dolore victi, licet eum ne gemitu quidem significent, linquuntur animo, & exanimes aliquando concidunt. Laudant oculos exiles, labra repanda & prominentia: pars radunt comam, pars alunt: his nudum sinciput, illis occiput: aliis coma tota surrigitur in vertice, aliis parcè ad tempora utrimque propendet. Barbam, instar monstri, execrantur; ac si quis in mento succrescat pilus, statim vellunt. Viri æque ac feminæ imas auriculas pertundunt: & iis inaures è vitro, testisve piscium, inferunt. Quo foramen amplius est, eo censent formosius. Nunquam ungues resecant. Europæos rident, qui defluentem è naribus humorem candidis sudariis excipiant, &, Quo, inquiunt, rem adeo sordidam reservant isti? Saltantes curvant arcuatim corpus prono capite, & brachia sic agitant, ut qui farinam manibus subigunt, raucùm identidem grunnientes. Alvum infimam succingunt lato cortice, vel animantis pelle, aut versicolore panno, cetera nudi. Feminæ pelles ex humeris & collo promittunt ad genua. Zonas atque armillas, è concha veneria, quam vulgo porcellanam appellamus, aut seta hystricis non inscite contextas, gestant: torques hunc in modum confectos magno habent in pretio. Storeas è marisco (junci marini genus est) satis eleganter elaborant: iis pavimentum sternunt, in iisdem carpunt somnos, aut in vitulorom marinorum, fibrorumve mollibus exuviis. Dormiunt circa focum in mapali medio semper ardentem, si frigus est: sub dio, si æstas.

Mensam, aut cathedram, in casa tota videas nullam; in clunes subsidunt, simiarum instar: is vescentium, is deliberantium, & confabulantium habitus est. Adeuntes amicos salutant inepto risu; sæpius ho, hho, hhho, conclamantes. Cum vescuntur, potum dapibus non intermiscent, neque identidem bibunt; sed semel tantùm, sumpto cibo. Qui amicos convivio accipit, cum iis neque accumbit, nec ciborum partem ullam attingit, sed epulantibus dividit: aut, si quem adhibet structorem, sedet seorsum jejunus, & spectat. Inter edendum silent: salem aversantur, & condimenta: ossa canibus projicere piaculum arbitrantur: igni cremant, vel terræ infodiunt. Si enim, inquiunt, ursi, fibri, & aliæ, quas venando captamus, feræ, ossa sua permitti canibus, & comminui, rescirent; non tam facile capi se paterentur. Adipem è pinguibus collectum cibis, abstergunt coma; genis interdum brachiisve allinunt, elegantiæ, ut aiunt, causa, & valetudinis: nam adipe non solum nitere cutem, sed corroborari membra existimant. Non alio cibo vescuntur libentius quàm Sagamita. Pulmentum est è farina, præsertim Indici tritici, confectum: admisto, quod illis condimentum præcipuè sapit, oleo. Itaque in conviviis pars dapum prima oleum, aut adeps, in quem concretum & spissum ita dentes infigunt, ut nos in panem aut pomum. Antequam illis lebetes, cortinæ, aliaque id genus vasa ærea deferrentur è Gallia, utebantur cacabis è cortice compactis; verùm quia imponi flammis non poterant impunè, hanc ad coquendas carnes artem excogitaverant. Silices plurimos conjiciebant in focum, donec penitus ignem combibissent. Candentes in ollam frigida plenam & carnibus alios atque alios subinde immittebant. Ad hunc modum aqua calefacta carnes citius opinione faciliusque percoquit. Ad tergendas manus utuntur piloso canum tergo, cui illas affricant; item scobe ligni putris. Hæc matribus vice panniculorum est, ad purgandas infantium sordes; hæc instar culcitæ languidis corporibus substernitur. Vasa coquinaria, non extergunt. Quo sunt crasso pingui magis oblita, eo melius, illorum judicio, nitent. Turpe ducunt & superbum inambulare inter colloquendum. Odorem mosci graviter ferunt, & meram esse mephitim putant, præ carnis rancidæ, aut adipis mucidi frusto.

Sexcenta sunt ejus generis, in quibus longissimè recedunt ab Europæorum institutis: sed ab illorum vitiis propius absunt, eaque vel æquant, vel superant. Gulæ irritamenta, & inimicas bonæ ac sanæ menti potiones, ab Europæis mercatoribus acceperunt, quibus lucri bonus est odor, etiam ex flagitio, & scelerata nundinatione. Tandiu esse pergunt, dum adest quod edant: nihil in crastinum, aut hyemem, reponunt: nec famem valde reformidant, quia se ferre diuturnam posse confidunt. Conviviis ea lex posita consensu moribusque gentis est, ut omnia fercula consumantur. Si quis edit parciùs, & excusat valetudinem, plectitur, aut ejicitur, ut insulsus, quasi qui vivendi artem nesciat. Primaria supellectilis domesticæ pars, olla est, sive ahenum, in quo carnes coquuntur. Opes lebetum numero metiuntur: nec regem Galliæ aliam ob causam initio magni æstimabant; quàm quòd plures habere ollas dicebatur. Quanta sit apud exleges, & omni freno solutos, intemperantiæ impunitas & licentia, præsertim in adolescentibus, promptum est intelligere: nam grandiores natu libidinem certis finibus circumscribunt, cùm æstus cupiditatum deferbuit: nec impune est peccanti feminæ.

Religionis apud illos neque lex ulla, neque cura. Nullo stato & certo cultu Numen prosequuntur. Esse tamen aliquod, velut in sublustri nocte, vident. Quod quisque puer aspicit in somnis, cum lucescere ratio incipit, hoc illi deinceps numen est, canis, ursus, avis. Vivendi normam & agendi plerumque ducunt è somniis; ut si quem interficiendum, exempli causa, somniaverint, non conquiescant donec hominem insidiis exceptum necaverint. Piget fabulas referre, quas de mundi opificio comminiscuntur. His implent otiosas & avidas plebis aures harioli, & circulatores nequissimi, impietate quæstuosa. Malorum auctorem genium nescio quem vocant Manitoù, ac vehementissime perhorrescunt. Hostem procul dubio generis humani, qui à nonnullis divinos honores & sacrificia quædam extorquet. Circa naturam animarum non levius delirant. Simulacra fingunt corporea, cibi & potionis egentia. Destinatum animabus versus occidentem solem, pagum credunt, in quem obita morte se recipiant: & ubi epulis, venationi, & choreis indulgeant. Hæc enim apud illos summa.

Cum primum de sempiternis ignibus, & incendiis sceleri destinatis audierunt, immane quantum obstupuere: fidem tamen pertinaciter abrogabant, quòd dicerent ibi esse ignem non posse, ubi nihil ligni sit: tum, quænam silvæ alere tot ignes, tam diuturnos, possent? Hæc ratio ineptissima tantam vim apud barbaras mentes habebat, ut iis persuaderi veritas evangelica non posset. Quippe in homine carnali, ut ait è SS. PP. nonnemo, tota ratio intelligendi est consuetudo cernendi. Expugnavit nihilominus pertinaciam sacerdos acer & ingeniosus. Fidenter affirmavit inferorum terram vices obire ligni, & ipsam ardere per sese. Risu barbaræ multitudinis exceptus est. Imo, inquit, hujus Avernalis terræ frustum proferam vobis, ut, quoniam verbis divinis non creditis, vestris ipsi oculis credatis. Accendit curiositatem promissi novitas & fiducia. Convenerunt è tota regione ad diem constitutum, & in ingenti planitie, collibus instar amphitheatri cincta, consederunt. Primores gentis duodecim lecti fuere, viri graves & cordati, qui sacerdotem observarent, numquid fraudis ac præstigiarum lateret. Ille sulphuris glebam depromit, dat istis arbitris & cognitoribus tractandam: hanc oculis, naso, manu scrutati, haud dubie terram esse confessi sunt. Aderat olla cum prunis candentibus. Tunc sacerdos populo procul spectante; inhiantibus, demisso in prunas naso, judicibus, excussit in carbones è sulphurea gleba particulas aliquot, quæ subito conceperunt ignem & odore fetido nares curiosas impleverunt. Hoc iterum, ac tertiò cum esset factum, assurrexit multitudo attonita, manum planam imponens ori, quo gestu summam admirationem testantur; & inferos esse dicenti Deo credidit.

MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS; CARE OF THE BODY; FOOD; FEASTS; HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS; RELIGION AND SUPERSTITIONS.

THUS they treat their enemies; but at home they cultivate peace and carefully avoid quarrels, except those which the fury of drunkenness has aroused. Fortunate would they be if Europe had never introduced this scourge among them! They know nothing of anger, and at first were greatly surprised when the Fathers censured their faults before the assembly; they thought that the Fathers were madmen, because among peaceful hearers and friends they displayed such vehemence. These people seek a reputation for liberality and generosity; they give away their property freely and very seldom ask any return; nor do they punish thieves otherwise than with ridicule and derision. If they suspect that any one seeks to accomplish an evil deed by means of false pretences, they do not restrain him with threats, but with gifts. From the same desire for harmony comes their ready assent to whatever one teaches them; nevertheless they hold tenaciously to their native belief or superstition, and on that account are the more difficult to instruct. For what can one do with those who in word give agreement and assent to everything, but in reality give none? They kindly relieve the poverty of the unfortunate; they provide sustenance for widows and old men in their bereavement, except when, with old age, vitality is withering away, or some grievous disease arises; for then they think it better to cut short an unhappy existence than to support and prolong it. Whatever misfortune may befall them, they never allow themselves to lose their calm composure of mind, in which they think that happiness especially consists. They endure many days' fasting, also diseases and trials, with the greatest cheerfulness and patience. Even the pangs of childbirth, although most bitter, are so concealed or conquered by the women that they do not even groan; and if a tear or a groan should escape any one of them, she would be stigmatized by everlasting disgrace, nor could she find a man thereafter who would marry her. Friends never indulge in complaint or expostulation to friends, wives to their husbands, or husbands to their wives. They treat their children with wonderful affection, but they preserve no discipline, for they neither themselves correct them nor allow others to do so. Hence the impudence and savageness of the boys, which, after they have reached a vigorous age, breaks forth in all sorts of wickedness. Moreover, they exercise the same mildness which they exhibit toward their children and relatives, toward the remainder of their tribe and their countrymen. If any person has injured another by means of a rude jest (for they are commonly very talkative, and are ready jesters), the latter carefully conceals it, or lays it up, and in retaliation injures his detractor behind his back; for to jest in the victim's presence, or to make a verbal attack, face to face, is characteristic of religion. There is nothing which they are more prone to use as a counter-allegation, when provoked, than to charge a man with a lack of intelligence. For they claim praise because of their intelligence, and not without good reason. No one among them is stupid or sluggish, a fact which is evident in their inborn foresight in deliberation and their fluency in speaking. Indeed, they have often been heard to make a peroration so well calculated for persuasion, and that off-hand, that they would excite the admiration of the most experienced in the arena of eloquence.

Their bodies, well proportioned, handsome because of their height, vigorous in strength, correspond to their minds. They have the same complexion as the French, although they disfigure it with fat and rancid oil, with which they grease themselves; nor do they neglect paints of various colors, by means of which they appear beautiful to themselves, but to us ridiculous. Some may be seen with blue noses, but with cheeks and eyebrows black; others mark forehead, nose and cheeks with lines of various colors; one would think he beheld so many hobgoblins. They believe that in colors of this description they are dreadful to their enemies, and that likewise their own fear in line of battle will be concealed as by a veil; finally, that it hardens the skin of the body, so that the cold of winter is more easily borne. Besides these colors, which are usually applied or removed according to the pleasure of each person, many impress upon the skin fixed and permanent representations of birds or animals, such as a snake, an eagle, or a toad, in the following manner: With awls, spear-points, or thorns they so puncture the neck, breast or cheeks as to trace rude outlines of those objects; next, they insert into the pierced and bleeding skin a black powder made from pulverized charcoal, which unites with the blood and so fixes upon the living flesh the pictures which have been drawn that no length of time can efface them. Some entire tribes--that especially which is called the Tobacco nation, and also another, which is called the Neutral nation--practice it as a continuous custom and usage; sometimes it is not without danger, especially if the season be somewhat cold or the physical constitution rather weak. [347] For then, overcome by suffering, although they do not betray it by even a groan, they swoon away and sometimes drop dead. They praise small eyes and turned-up and projecting lips. Some shave their hair, others cultivate it; some have half the head bare, others the back of the head; the hair of some is raised upon their heads, that of others hangs down scantily upon each temple. They detest a beard as a monstrosity, and straightway pull out whatever hair grows upon their chins. The men as well as the women pierce the lobes of their ears, and place in them earrings made of glass or shells. The larger the hole, the more beautiful they consider it. They never cut their nails. They ridicule the Europeans, because the latter wipe off the mucus flowing from the nose with white handkerchiefs, and say: "For what purpose do they preserve such a vile thing?" In dancing, they bend the body, with the head lowered, in the form of a bow, and move their arms like those who knead dough, at the same time emitting hoarse grunts. They gird the lower portion of the belly with a broad piece of bark or hide or a

## parti-colored cloth, and leave the rest of the body naked. The women

wear skins hanging from the shoulders and neck to the knees. They wear belts and bracelets ingeniously manufactured from Venus shells,[71] which we commonly call porcelain, or from porcupine quills; and necklaces made in this fashion they value highly. They make very neat mats from marisco (a variety of marine rush); with these they cover their floors, and also take their rest upon them, or upon the soft furs of the seal or the beaver. In winter they sleep about a fire constantly burning in the middle of the lodge, in summer under the open sky.

Neither table nor chair can be seen in the hut. They squat upon their haunches like monkeys; this is their custom while eating, deliberating or conversing. They greet approaching friends with silly laughter, more often exclaiming, ho, hho, hhho. When they eat they do not take beverages with their food, nor do they drink often, but only once after eating. Whoever entertains his friends at a feast neither sits with them nor touches any part of the food, but divides it among the feasters; or, if he has some one act as carver, sits apart fasting and looks on. While eating they keep silence; they reject salt and condiments; they consider it a sin to throw the bones to the dogs; they either burn them in the fire or bury them in the ground. For, they say, if the bears, beaver, and other wild animals which we capture in hunting should know that their bones were given to dogs and broken to pieces, they would not suffer themselves to be taken so easily. They wipe off upon their hair the grease which is collected from fatty foods; sometimes they smear their cheeks or arms for the sake, as they say, of elegance and health; for they think that not only is the skin made resplendent with grease, but that the limbs are thus strengthened. For no other food do they have such fondness as for Sagamita. It is a relish made from flour, especially that of Indian corn, mixed with oil, which as a flavor is held in especial esteem among them. Therefore, in feasts the first course consists of oil or fat, in hard and compact lumps, into which they bite as we do into a piece of bread or an apple. Before pots, kettles and other vessels of the sort were brought to them from France, they used receptacles of closely joined bark; but, because they could not place them with safety over the flames, they devised the following way of cooking meat: They cast a large number of flint stones into the fire until they had become red-hot. Then they would drop these hot stones one after another into a vessel full of cold water and meat. In this manner the water was heated and the meat cooked more quickly and more easily than one would suppose. For wiping their hands they use the shaggy back of a dog, also powder of rotten wood. The last-named is used by mothers, in the place of wash-cloths, to clean the dirt from their infants; it is also used as a mattress to support the weary body. They do not cleanse their cooking utensils. The more they are covered with thick grease, so much the better are they, in their judgment. They consider it disgraceful and arrogant to walk while conversing. They dislike the odor of musk, and consider it a downright pest in comparison with a piece of rancid meat or moldy fat.

There, are six hundred matters of this sort in which their customs differ very widely from those of Europeans; but they are less removed from the faults of the latter, and either equal or excel them. They have received stimulants of the appetite, and drinks hostile to a good and sound mind, from European traders, who think much of profit, even when tainted with the disgrace of a wicked traffic. They continue to exist so long as they have anything to eat; they store up nothing for to-morrow, or for the winter; nor do they greatly dread famine, because they are confident of their ability to bear it for a long time. In feasts it is the rule, by general consent and custom of the race, that all the food shall be consumed. If any one eats sparingly and urges his poor health as an excuse, he is beaten or ejected as ill-bred, just as if he were ignorant of the art of living. The principal article of their household utensils is the pot or kettle in which the meat is cooked. They measure property by the number of kettles, and in the beginning conceived a high opinion of the king of France, for no other reason than because he was said to possess a good many kettles. How great is the impunity and wantonness of licentiousness among men uncivilized and free from all restraint, especially among the youth, maybe readily observed; for the elder men confine their lust within fixed limits, after the violence of their passions has subsided, and an erring woman does not go unpunished.

There is among them no system of religion, or care for it. They honor a Deity who has no definite character or regular code of worship. They perceive, however, through the twilight, as it were, that some deity does exist. What each boy sees in his dreams, when his reason begins to develop, is to him thereafter a deity, whether it be a dog, a bear, or a bird. They often derive their principles of life and action from dreams; as, for example, if they dream that any person ought to be killed, they do not rest until they have caught the man by stealth and slain him. It is wearisome to recount the tales which they invent concerning the creation of the world. Soothsayers and worthless quacks fill with these the idle and greedy ears of the people in order that they may acquire an impious gain. They call some divinity, who is the author of evil, "Manitou," and fear him exceedingly. Beyond doubt it is the enemy of the human race, who extorts from some people divine honors and sacrifices. Concerning the nature of spirits, they go none the less astray. They make them corporeal images which require food and drink. They believe that the appointed place, for souls, to which after death they are to retire, is in the direction of the setting sun, and there they are to enjoy feasting, hunting, and dancing; for these pleasures are held in the highest repute among them.

When they first heard of the eternal fire and the burning decreed as a punishment for sin, they were marvelously impressed; still, they obstinately withheld their belief because, as they said, there could be no fire where there was no wood; then, what forests could sustain so many fires through such a long space of time? This absurd reasoning had so much influence over the minds of the savages, that they could not be persuaded of the truth of the gospel. For, plainly, in the physical man, as some one from Sts. Peter and Paul says, the entire system of knowledge is based on vision. Nevertheless, a clever and ingenious priest overcame their obstinacy. He confidently declared that the lower world possessed no wood, and that it burned by itself. He was greeted by the laughter of the crowd of savages. "But," said he, "I will exhibit to you a piece of this land of Avernus, in order that, since you do not believe the words of God, you may trust the evidence of your own eyes." The novelty and boldness of the promise aroused their curiosity. Upon the appointed day they assembled from the whole neighborhood, and sat down together in an immense plain, surrounded by hills like an amphitheater. Twelve leading men of the tribe, persons of dignity and sagacity, were chosen to watch the priest, in order that neither fraud nor sorcery might be concealed. He produced a lump of sulphur and gave it to the judges and inspectors to be handled; after examining it with eyes, nose, and hand, they admitted that it was certainly earth. There stood near by a kettle containing live coals. Then the priest, under the eyes of the people at a distance, while the judges were gaping with their noses thrust down toward the coals, shook some grains from the lump of sulphur upon the coals, which suddenly took fire and filled the curious noses with a stifling odor. When this had been done a second and a third time, the crowd arose in astonishment, placing their hands flat over their mouths, by which gesture they signify great surprise; and believed in the word of God that there is a lower world.

[51] Rerum Insigniorum Indiculus.

_ALCES consideratio_, 7

_virtus mira ungulæ ejus_, 8

_Angli barbaris gladios et gravidas nitrato pulvere fistulas suppeditant_, 27

_Animarum de natura delirant Canadenses_, 20, 46

_Aves Novæ Franciæ_, 14

_Avis prædatrix_, 15

_Batavi barbaris arma vendunt_, 27

_Canada fluvius_, 5

_Canadensium domus_, 16 _mulierum labores_, 17 _morbi et ægrorum cura_, 18 _funera_, 20 _bella_, 27 _arma_, 28 _crudelitas in captivos_, 29 _indoles_, 33 _corporis cultus_, 37 _cibi_, 42 _convivia_, 44 [52] _Canadensium supellex_, 44 _religio et superstitiones_, 45

_Captivorum crudelis sors_, 29

_Casæ Canadensium_, 16 _cadavera perjanuam nunquam esseruntur_, 20

_Casæ fibrorum_, 10

_Causarus seu Piscis armatus_, 12

_Clypei barbarorum_, 28

_Coquendi ratio in cacabis è cortice confectis_, 42

_Ebrietas ab Europæis discitur_, 44

_Exequiarum ritus_, 20

_Feminis imponitur quidquid laboris est_, 17

_Fibri consideratio_, 9

_Fluvii quid habent singulare_, 6

_Franciæ Novæ descriptio, flumina_, 5 _coelum_, 6 _soli natura_, 7 _feræ_, 7

_Galliæ rex cur magni æstimabatur_, 45

_Hurones diem Mortuorum celebrant_, 25

_Infantium mira mortalitas_, 17 _cur corpora propter viam sepeliunt_, 21

_Infernales ignes esse probat sacerdos_, 48

[53] _Iroquæi bellum cum Montanis singulari certamine finiunt_, 28

_Iroquæorum lacus_, 12

_Kebecum, urbs primaria Novæ Franciæ_, 6

_Magna Bellua, quid_, 7

_Manitoù, genius malorum_, 46

_Missisipus fluvius_, 6

_Montani bellum singulari certamine finiunt_, 28

_Morborum fontes duo_, 18

_Mortuorum festa celebritas apud Hurones_, 25

_Mos Canadensis mortuos suscitandi_, 25

_Naviculæ barbarorum_, 6

_Neutra Natio_, 38

_Numen nullo certo cultu prosequuntur_, 44

_Palumbes absque numero_, 14

_Pisces armatus_, 13

_Patres non pauci Societatis Jesu dire torquentur_, 31

_Religio Canadensium_, 45

_Reticula pedibus substrata ut super nives de ambulent_, 8

_S. Laurentii fluvius_, 5, 6

_Sagamita quid_, 42

[54] _Saltus seu catadupæ in fluviis_, 6

_Sinus Sancti Laurentii_, 14

_Somniorum vanitas_, 46

_Sudando noxios humores ejiciunt_, 19

_Tabacum, natio ejus nominis_, 38

_Trophæus_, 32

_Volucrum insula_, 14

[51] Index of Prominent Topics.

[_The page numbers refer to O'Callaghan's Reprint._]

_ELK: description_, 7 _wonderful efficacy of its hoof_, 8

_The English supply swords, guns and ammunition to the savages_, 27

_Absurd ideas of Canadians concerning the soul_, 20, 46

_Birds of New France_, 14

_A bird of prey_, 15

_The Dutch sell arms to the savages_, 27

_The river Canada_, 5

_Homes of the Canadians_, 16 _tasks of the women_, 17 _diseases and treatment of the sick_, 18 _funerals_, 20 _wars_, 27 _weapons_, 28 _cruelty to prisoners_, 29 _character_, 33 _care of the body_, 37 _food_, 42 _feasts_, 44 [52] _Implements of the Canadians_, 44 _religion and superstitions_, 45

_Cruel fate of prisoners_, 29

_Houses of the Canadians_, 16 _corpses are never carried out through the door_, 20

_Houses of the beavers_, 10

_The Causar or armored Fish_, 12

_Shields of the savages_, 28

_Manner of cooking in vessels made from bark_, 42

_Drunkenness is learned from the Europeans_, 44

_Rites of sepulture_, 20

_Whatever work there is, is placed upon the women_, 17

_Description of the beaver_, 9

_Peculiarities of the rivers_, 6

_Description of New France, rivers_, 5 _climate_, 6 _nature of the soil_, 7 _wild animals_, 7

_Why the king of France was greatly respected_, 45

_The Hurons celebrate the day of the Dead_, 25

_Remarkable mortality among infants_, 17 _why they bury the bodies near the road_, 21

_A priest proves that there is hell fire_, 48

[53] _The Iroquois conclude a war with the Montagnais by single combat_, 28

_Lake of the Iroquois_, 12

_Kebec, the chief city of New France_, 6

_The Great Beast, what it is_, 7

_Manitou, the spirit of evil_, 46

_Mississippi river_, 6

_The Montaignais conclude a war by single combat_, 28

_Two sources of disease_, 18

_Festival of the Dead among the Hurons_, 25

_Canadian manner of honoring the dead_, 25

_Boats of the savages_, 6

_The Neutral Nation_, 38

_They revere a deity with no fixed form of worship_, 44

_Innumerable pigeons_, 14

_The armored fish_, 13

_Fathers of the Society of Jesus are cruelly tortured_, 31

_Religion of the Canadians_, 45

_Network bound under the feet, to walk over the snow_, 8

_St. Lawrence river_, 5, 6

_Sagamita, what it is_, 42

[54] _Water-falls, or cataracts, in the rivers_, 6

_Gulf of St. Lawrence_, 14

_Ignorant belief in dreams_, 46

_They expel noxious humors by sweating_, 19

_Tobacco, the nation of that name_, 38

_The trophy_, 32

_Isle of Birds_, 14

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL. I

I

Our text of Lescarbot's _La Conversion_ follows, to the close of p. 44 (original pagination), the copy at Lenox Library: pp. 45, 46, the "Regitre de Bapteme," follow the copy at John Carter Brown Library, Providence, R. I., as the Lenox copy does not have these two pages.

It is a rare book; the two copies above cited are the only ones known to us, in America. Leclerc, in _Bibliotheca Americana_ (Paris, 1867), p. 206, says: "Cette pièce est plus rare que l'Histoire de la Nouvelle France," referring to Lescarbot's better-known work. Sabin speaks of it (vol. x., no. 40167), as "probably the rarest of Lescarbot's works."

See further references in the John Carter Brown Catalogue (Bartlett's _Bibliotheca Americana_, Providence, 1882), vol. ii., no. 99: Graesse's _Trésor de Livres Rares et Précieux_ (Dresden, 1863), vol. iv., p. 175; Harrisse's _Notes sur la Nouvelle France_ (Paris, 1872), no. 21; Ternaux's _Bibliothèque Américaine_ (Paris, 1837), no. 330; Winsor's _Narrative and Critical History of America_, vol. iv., p. 299; and Lenox _Catalogue of Jesuit Relations_ (N. Y., 1879), p. 3.[XVII.]

_Title-page._ This is given in photographic facsimile, in this reissue. The Lenox and Brown copies are alike, in this. It will be noticed that there is no date of publication, this being established from the Privilege.

_Collation._ Title, 1 p.; blank at back of title, 1 p.; dedication "A LA ROYNE," 3 pp., signed "MARC LESCARBOT;" privilege, 1 p., dated "Paris, 9 Sep., 1610," and signed "Brigard;" text, pp. 7-44. Page 7 is misnumbered 1. (The Brown Catalogue says: Page 1 is misnumbered 7." This is a misprint in the Catalogue.) "FIN," at end of p. 24; then pp. 23 and 24 are reprinted, all except the last sentence on p. 24: "Dieu vueille par sa | grace conduire le tout en sorte que la chose | reüssisse à sa gloire & à l'édification de ce peu-| ple, pour lequel tous Chrétiens doivent faire | continuelles prieres à sa divine bonté, à ce qu'il | lui plaise confirmer & avancer l'oeuvre qu'il | lui a pleu susciter en ce temps pour l'exaltation | de son nom, & le salut de ses creatures. | FIN."

It is evident that the intention was to have the first leaf (pp. 23, 24) cut out. This duplication of pp. 23, 24 is in both the Brown and Lenox copies.

The "Extrait du Regitre de Bapteme" in the Brown copy (it is not in the Lenox Copy) forms 2 pages at the end of text. The first page of this "Regitre" is not numbered; the second is numbered "-4-6" (intended for 46), and this ends the book. The same "Regitre" appears in somewhat different order in Lescarbot's _Nouvelle France_, (1612 ed.), pp. 638-640, chap. 5, book v.; also, according to Harrisse's _Notes_, in chap. 3, book v., of the 1611 ed.

II

In Bertrand's _Lettre Missive_, we follow the original Paris edition, in Lenox. It is a rare publication, the Lenox copy being apparently the only one in the United States; Brown has a manuscript copy, made from that at Lenox. Sabin (vol. x., no. 40682), says: "It is a piece of unusual rarity." Sabin has a previous reference in vol. ii., no. 5025, under caption "Bertrand," wherein a misprint makes him cite the date of the letter as "28 June, 1618" (eight years later than the actual date); a further misprint causes Sabin to record the pamphlet as having "48 pages or less," the actual number being 8. In his _Notes_, Harrisse omits a line-ending after the second "nouuelle" in his description of the title-page. See, for further references: Ternaux, no. 329; Winsor, p. 299; Lenox Catalogue, p. 3; Brown Catalogue, vol. ii., no. 103.

_Title-page._ Given in photographic facsimile, in present volume.

_Collation._ Title, 1 p.; blank at back of title, 1 p.; text, pp. 3-6; dated on p. 6, "Port Royal xxviij. Iuin, 1610," and signed "Bertrand." Blank leaf at end, completing 4 leaves = 8 pp.

III-VI

In these four letters, by Biard and Massé, we follow Carayon's _Première Mission des Jésuites au Canada_ (Paris, 1864). It is a scarce book, and brought $8 at the Barlow Sale, in New York, 1890. See references in Harrisse, p. 285; Sabin, no. 10792; Winsor, pp. 151, 292, 300; and Lenox Catalogue, p. 15. The origin of the letters in the volume is found at the top of the first page of each letter; and these data, with accompanying notes by Carayon, are reproduced in the present series, which will, in strict chronological order, contain all of the papers given by that editor; although in many cases we shall follow the original issues of the letters, whenever found. Documents III., V., and VI. were written in Latin; and Document IV. in French.

_Collation._ Blank, 2 pp.; bastard title, 1 p.; blank, 1 p.; title proper, 1 p.; blank, 1 p. Preface begins on p. vii. (not numbered), and ends on p. xvi. Preface acknowledges indebtedness to F. Felix Martin, S. J., for copying and translating into French (from the Latin) most of the letters in the volume. Text, pp. 1-302; Table at end, 2 pp.; the last of these is numbered 304.

VII

We follow the style and make-up of Dr. E. B. O'Callaghan's Reprint (Albany, N. Y., 1871) of the _Canadicæ Missionis_, in Jouvency's _Hist. Soc. Jesu_, part v., commencing p. 321. In the Lenox Catalogue, it is designated "O'Callaghan's Reprint, No. 4." This numbering of O'Callaghan's reprints, is merely a device peculiar to the Lenox Catalogue, for sake of easy reference, and has been followed by Winsor; the reprints themselves bear no numbers.

The text of this document, however, we have compared with the original folio edition of Jouvency's work, in the library of St. Francis Xavier College, New York, and the pagination thereof is indicated instead of that of the O'Callaghan Reprint. The list, "Missiones Societatis Jesu in America Septentrionali Anno M. DCC. X.," which O'Callaghan reprints as if a part of the original _Canadicæ Missionis_, is on pp. 961, 962 of the same volume of Jouvency in which the latter appears (part v.).

_Title-page._ The O'Callaghan Reprint is closely imitated.

_Collation of O'Callaghan Reprint._ Title, 1 p.; reverse of title, with inscription: "Editio viginti quinque exemplaria. O'C.," 1 p.; Biardi Eulogium ac Vita, pp. i-v.; blank, 1 p.; Tabula, 1 p.; blank, 1 p.; text, pp. 5-33; colophon: "Albaniae Excvdebat Joel Munsellius | Mense Aprilis Anno | CI[C=]. I[C=]CCC. LXXI.," 1 p.; half-title, "Appendix," 1 p.; blank, 1 p.; "Missiones Societatis Iesu | in America Septentrionali |Anno M.DCC.X.," 2 pp., the last of which is numbered 38.

VIII

We follow the style and make-up of O'Callaghan's Reprint (Albany, 1871), which is numbered 5 in the Lenox Catalogue. The text and pagination follow the original, in Jouvency's _Hist. Soc. Jesu_, part v., commencing p. 344.

_Title-page._ The O'Callaghan Reprint is closely imitated.

_Collation of O'Callaghan Reprint._ Title, 1 p.; reverse of title, with inscription: "Editio viginti quinque exemplaria. O'C.," 1 p.; Tabula Rerum, 1 p.; blank, 1 p.; text, pp. 5-49; blank, 1 p.; Rerum Insigniorum Indiculus, 4 pp.; colophon: "Albaniae Excvdebat Joel Munsellius | Mense Qvintilis Anno | CI[C=]. I[C=]CCC. LXXI.," 1 p.

FOOTNOTES:

[XVII.] In order to save needless repetition of long titles, bibliographical works, when once cited in full, will thereafter be referred to by the usual cut-shorts: e.g., the John Carter Brown Catalogue will be hereafter known in our Bibliographical Data as "Brown Catalogue;" the list of Jesuitica in Winsor's _Narrative and Critical History_ vol. iv., as "Winsor;" the Lenox _Catalogue of Jesuit Relations_, as "Lenox Catalogue;" Harrisse's _Notes sur la Nouvelle France_, as "Harrisse's _Notes_," or simply as "Harrisse;" etc., etc. The student who is familiar, in a general way, with these bibliographical sources,--and it is presumed that those are, for whom this series of reprints is designed,--will not be confused by the customary method of brief citation.

NOTES TO VOL. I

(_Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages of English text._)

1. (p. 55)--Marie de Médicis, queen regent, widow of Henry of Navarre; appointed regent by the king, the day before his assassination, May 14, 1610. She was accused of having been privy to his murder.

2. (p. 55)--The reports of Champlain, and the maps and charts with which, upon returning from his voyage of 1603, he entertained Henry IV., so interested the latter that he vowed to encourage the colonization of New France. To carry on this work he commissioned, as his lieutenant-general in Acadia, Pierre du Gua, Sieur de Monts, governor of Pons, a Huguenot resident at court, and, according to Champlain, "a gentleman of great respectability, zeal, and honesty." De Monts' commission is given at length in Baird's _Huguenot Emigration to America_, vol. i., p. 341; his charter of "La Cadie" embraced the country between the 40th and 46th degrees of latitude, and he held therein a monopoly of the fur trade. J. G. Bourinot, in _Canadian Monthly_, vol. vii., pp. 291, 292, says the name Acadia (also written Acadie, and La Cadie) "comes from àk[^a]de, which is an affix used by the Souriquois or MIC Macs ... to signify a place where there is an abundance of some particular thing."--See, also, Laverdière's _Oeuvres de Champlain_ (Quebec, 1870), p. 115. In 1604, De Monts sailed from France with a colony composed of Catholics and Huguenots, served by "a priest and a minister." Champlain and Poutrincourt were with the expedition, and Pontgravé commanded one of the two ships. The cancelling of his monopoly (1607), deprived De Monts of the means to carry on his colonization schemes. The title to Port Royal he had already ceded to Poutrincourt. The king renewed De Monts' monopoly for one year, upon his undertaking to found a colony in the interior. Thereupon De Monts sent Champlain to the St. Lawrence (1608), as his lieutenant. Upon the death of Henry IV. (1610), De Monts, now financially ruined, surrendered his commission, selling his proprietary rights to the Jesuits.

"Jean de Biencourt, Baron de Poutrincourt, a gentleman of Picardy, a brave chevalier, had carried arms against Henry IV. in the ranks of the Catholics, during the wars of the League. Lescarbot tells how 'The king, holding him besieged in his castle of Beaumont, wished to give him the dukedom of this place in order to attach him to his service.' Poutrincourt refused. But, when the king had abjured his faith, he served this prince loyally and followed him to battle, where he accumulated more honor than fortune. In 1603, he lived in retirement with his wife, Jeanne de Salazar, and his children, in his barony of Saint-Just, in Champagne, struggling painfully against the difficulties of an embarrassed situation, and striving to improve the tillage and crops of his little domain. It was here that De Monts, his former companion in arms, found him. He knew his courage, his intelligence, and his activity, and did not doubt that a voyage to Canada and an agricultural colony in these distant lands, so fertile and primeval, would appeal to his ardent soul. Poutrincourt, in fact, received with enthusiasm the plan of his old friend; however, before binding himself definitely, he wished to find out, on his own account, something about the state of the country, and for this purpose to make a trial voyage."--Rochemonteix's _Les Jésuites et la Nouvelle France_ (Paris, 1896), vol. i., p. 11.

Pleased with Annapolis harbor, Poutrincourt decided to settle there with his family, and De Monts gave him a grant of the place. In 1606, Poutrincourt made a second voyage to Port Royal, exploring the coast with Champlain and Lescarbot. After the abandonment of the colony (1607), he went to France, returning to Acadia in 1610, inspired with zeal to convert the savages, but without the aid of the Jesuits. See Parkman's _Pioneers of France in the New World_ (ed. 1885, which will hereafter be cited, unless otherwise noted), pp. 244-322; also Shea's ed. of Charlevoix's _History of New France_, vol. i., p. 260. By the destruction of Port Royal in 1613, he was the heaviest loser--the total loss to the French, according to Charlevoix, being a hundred thousand crowns. In 1614, Poutrincourt visited the ruins of Port Royal for the last time, thence returning to France to engage in the service of the king. He was fatally wounded by a treacherous shot after the taking of Méry (1615). Baird (_Hug. Emig._, vol. i., p. 94), says: "This nobleman, if nominally a Roman Catholic, appears to have been in full sympathy with his Huguenot associates, De Monts and Lescarbot. His hatred of the Jesuits was undisguised." Lescarbot's account of Poutrincourt's dispute with them differs essentially from that given by Biard, _post_.

3. (p. 55)--Marc Lescarbot (or L'Escarbot), parliamentary advocate, was born at Vervins, France, between 1570 and 1580. He was more given to literature than to law, and appears to have been a man of judgment, tact, and intelligence. He spent the winter of 1606-07 at Port Royal, which Slafter (Prince Soc. ed. of _Voyages of Samuel Champlain_, vol. ii., p. 22, _note_ 56) locates "on the north side of the bay [Annapolis Basin] in the present town of Lower Granville; not, as often alleged, at Annapolis." See Bourinot's "Some Old Forts by the Sea," in _Trans. Royal Society of Canada_, sec. ii, pp. 72-74, for description of Port Royal, which he places on the site of the present Annapolis. In the spring of 1607, Lescarbot explored the coast between the harbor of St. John, N. B., and the River St. Croix. On the abandonment of De Monts' colony, the same year, he returned to France, where he wrote much on Acadia and in praise of Poutrincourt. Larousse gives the date of his death as 1630. Parkman's _Pioneers_, pp. 258 _et seq._, gives a lively account of Lescarbot's winter at the colony. Abbé Faillon, in _Histoire de la Colonie Française en Canada_ (Montreal, 1865), vol. i, p. 91, says he has given us the best accounts extant (in the present document, his _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, 1609, and his _Les Muses de la Nouvelle France_, 1618) of the enterprises of De Monts and Poutrincourt; and that while a Catholic in name, he was a Huguenot at heart.

4. (p. 57)--_Clameur de Haro, Chartre Normand_, an expression used in all the privileges or licenses granted by the king to booksellers. The latter phrase refers to a deed containing numerous privileges or concessions, accorded to the inhabitants of Normandy by Louis X., Mar. 19, 1313, and repeatedly confirmed afterward. _Haro_ is supposed to be derived from, _Ha Rou!_ or _Ha Rollo!_ Hence an appeal to Rollo, the first Duke of Normandy.

5. (p. 59)--The first attempt of the Huguenots to establish a colony in America was at Rio Janeiro, under Villegagnon (1555). A reinforcement was sent thither in 1557, and among its Calvinist preachers was Jean de Léri, the historian of the disastrous undertaking. See his _Historia Navigationis in Brasiliam_ (1586), quoted in Parkman's _Pioneers_, p. 28.

6. (p. 61)--The St. Lawrence; so named by Cartier (1535), but frequently called "The Great River," "The River of the Great Bay," etc., by early annalists. In the account of his second voyage, Cartier styles it _le grand fleuve de Hochelaga_. See Winsor's _Narrative and Critical History of America_, vol. iv., p. 163; also his _Cartier to Frontenac_, p. 28.

7. (p. 61)--Concerning early European acquaintance with American Indians:

"In the yeere 1153 ... it is written, that there came to Lubec, a citie of Germanie, one Canoa with certaine Indians, like vnto a long barge: which seemed to haue come from the coast of Baccalaos, which standeth in the same latitude that Germanie doth." (Antoine Galvano, in Goldsmid's ed. of _Hakluyt's Voyages_, vol. xvi., p. 293.)

Harrisse (_Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima_, no. 71) cites the _Chronicon_ of Eusebius (Paris, 1512) as having, "under the date 1509, a notice saying that there had been brought to Rouen seven Savages from North America."

The Indians of Newfoundland, when first discovered by the French, called codfish _bacalos_, which Lescarbot and other early French writers say is identical with the Basque word for codfish. Many evidences led Cartier, upon his first voyage (1534), to believe that the natives had had previous intercourse with Europeans.

8. (p. 61)--Probably André Thevet. A translation of his description of the Isles of Demons (now known as Belle Isle and Quirpon), is given in Parkman's _Pioneers_, p. 191. Thevet's _Cosmographie Universelle_ (Paris, 1558), and _Singularitez de la France antarctique_ (Paris, 1558), must have been familiar to Lescarbot. De Costa gives a translation of so much of the _Cosmographie_ as relates to New England, in _Magazine of American History_, vol. viii., p. 130: "The production of the mendacious monk, André Thevet." It seems clear that Thevet never saw the American coast, that his imagination amplified the accounts of navigators who had visited the region, particularly those of Cartier. Priceless as are first editions of Thevet, he has a poor reputation for veracity.

9. (p. 61)--The Armouchiquois (or Almouchiquois of Champlain) were, according to Parkman (_Jesuits of N. America_, p. xxi.), the Algonkin tribes of New England,--Mohicans, Pequots, Massachusetts, Narragansetts, and others,--"in a chronic state of war with the tribes of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia." Williamson, in _History of the State of Maine_ (Hallowell, 1832, vol. i., p. 477), says they were an Etchemin tribe, the Marechites of the St. John River; but Champlain, who had, like Biard, visited the Armouchiquois country, says that it lies beyond Choüacoet (Saco), and that the language is different from those of the Souriquois and Etchemins. Laverdière affirms that "the French called Almouchiquois several peoples or tribes that the English included under the term Massachusetts;" and he conjectures that these two names are etymologically allied.--See his _Champlain_, pp. 200, 205, 206.

10. (p. 61)--Lescarbot here refers to his _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_. The first edition (Paris, 1609) is a rare prize to collectors,--a London catalogue of 1878 pricing it at £45. The edition of 1612 is followed in the Tross reprint (Paris, 1866); that of 1618 contains Lescarbot's assault upon the Jesuits. The fourth and sixth books, only, were "translated out of the French into English" by P. Erondelle, 1609. A German version of a brief summary of the work appeared in 1613.

11. (p. 67)--The term Norembega, variously spelled, was applied indifferently to the entire range of Acadian and New England coast; but apparently the Penobscot is here meant. See Winsor's _N. and C. Hist._, vol. iv., index; _Documentary History of State of Maine_, vol. ii., pp. lii., liii.; Prince Society's ed. of _Champlain_, memoir and index. The claim is made for Bangor, Me., that it is on the site of an ancient town called Norumbega. Much information on this point is given in _Maine Hist. Soc. Colls._, vols. ii., iv., v., vii., viii., and ix. Sewall claims that the true form of Norumbegua is Arâmbec, and that it was the name of a city of the savages, situated near the head-waters of the Damariscotta, above Pemaquid.--_Ancient Dominions of Maine_, pp. 30-46. Horsford, in _Discovery of the Ancient City of Norembega_ and _Defences of Norembega_ (Boston, 1890 and 1891), claims, on slender evidence, that Watertown, Mass., occupies the site of an old town of that name founded by Norse vikings in 1000 A. D.

12. (p. 67)--Bay of Fundy; first shown on map of Diego Homem (1558); named by De Monts Grande Baye Française (shown on Lescarbot's chart of Port Royal); appears as Argal's Bay, on Alexander's map (1624); Golfo di S. Luize, on Dudley's (1647); Fundi Bay, on Moll's (1712); and Bay of Fundy, or Argal, on that of the English and French Commissioners (1755). Bourinot (_Canad. Mo._, vol. vii., p. 292) says that Fundy is a corruption of _Fond de la Baie_, as the lower part of the bay was called; he follows here Ferland's suggestion, in _Cours d'Histoire du Canada_ (Quebec, 1861), vol. i., p. 65.

13. (p. 67)--The son of Pontgravé, who, according to Parkman (_Pioneers_, p. 290) had exasperated the Indians by an outrage on one of their women, and had fled to the woods.

14. (p. 69)--_Palourdes_ is Breton for a kind of shellfish.

15. (p. 73)--The Souriquois, or Micmacs, of Nova Scotia. Champlain's map of 1632 places them east of Port Royal.

16. (p. 73)--Raphael Maffei, Maffeus Volaterranus, or Raffaello Volterrano, savant and historian; born in Volterra 1451, died 1521 or 1522. Harrisse (_Bib. Amer. Vet._, p. 88) gives a catalogue of his works, and says, "The _Commentary_ of Maffei has a peculiar interest from the fact that it preceded the publication of Peter Martyr's _Decades_" (1511-46).

Laverdière (_Champlain_, p. 70, _note_) says that _sagamo_ is a Montagnais word; and he cites Laflèche as deriving it from _tchi_ and _okimau_, meaning "great chief."

17. (p. 73)--Berosus (325-255 B. C., _circa_), a Chaldean priest, astrologer, and historian. His best known work is the _Babylonica_, a history of Babylonia; its remaining fragments have been reproduced by several European writers, especially in Richter's _Berosi Chald. Historiæ quae supersunt_ (Leipsic, 1825).

18. (p. 75)--The Tolosains were a tribe of the Volcæ of Gaul. Another tribe of the Volcæ were the Tectosages--so called from their _sagum_ (frock or cloak).

19. (p. 75)--Membertou was chief of all the Micmac groups from Gaspé to Cape Sable. Champlain writes, that he was "a friendly savage, although he had the name of being the worst and most traitorous man of his tribe." Lescarbot called him "the _chef d'oeuvre_ of Christian piety," and Biard had strong faith in him. He claimed to remember the first visit of Cartier (1534).

20. (p. 77)--Biard, six years later, complains bitterly of this overhaste in baptizing, declaring that these savages, when he went among them in 1611, did not know the first principles of the Faith, and had even forgotten their Christian names.

21. (p. 81)--In the original edition, pp. 25 and 26, apparently through an error in make-up, are verbal repetitions of the two preceding pages. This duplication has been omitted in the present edition.

22. (p. 105)--Marked changes occurred in the population of the St. Lawrence valley, between the visits of Cartier (1535) and Champlain (1603). Morgan, in _League of the Iroquois_ (Rochester, 1851), p. 5, maintains the correctness of a tradition that the aborigines whom Cartier found at Hochelaga were Iroquois, and that they then were subject to the Algonkins, whom Champlain found in possession of the valley. Cf. Parkman's _Pioneers_, p. 208, and Schoolcraft's _Hist. of Indian Tribes of the U. S._, vol. vi., pp. 33, 188. For further treatment of the migrations of the Iroquois, see Introduction to Hale's _Iroquois Book of Rites_ (Phila., 1883), and Faillon's _Col. Fr._, vol. i., pp. 524, _et seq._

23. (p. 107)--_Tabagie._ A feast described fully in one of the later Relations.

24. (p. 107)--This easy victory of the French and Algonkins over the Iroquois (July 29, 1609), on the western shores of Lake Champlain, cost New France dearly, as it secured for the struggling colony the deadly enmity of the most warlike savages on the continent, for nearly a century and a half. It was impossible for New France to make permanent headway when sapped by such an enemy. Slafter's exhaustive notes to _Champlain's Voyages_ (Prince Soc.), vol. i., p. 91, and vol. ii., p. 223, make it clear that the site of this momentous skirmish was Ticonderoga.

25. (p. 109)--Jessé Fléché, a secular priest from the diocese of Langres, was invited by Poutrincourt to accompany the first colony to Acadia. The papal nuncio gave him authority to absolve in all cases, except those reserved to the pope.--Faillon's _Col. Fr._, vol. i., p. 99. Poutrincourt evidently meant to Christianize Acadia without the aid of the Jesuits. The wholesale baptism of savages by Fléché, before the arrival of Biard and Massé, was, according to Faillon (_Ibid._, vol. i., p. 100), condemned as a profanation by good Catholics, "tous les théologiens, and notamment la Sorbonne."--Cf. also note 19, _ante_, and Sagard's _Histoire du Canada_, p. 97. He had been at Port Royal nearly a year before the arrival of the Jesuits. The name is variously spelled: Fleche, Fléche, Flèche, Fléché, Flesche, Fleuchy, and Fleuche; see Sulte's _Poutrincourt en Acadie_, p. 38. See Bourinot's picturesque description of the baptismal scene, in _Can. Royal Soc. Trans._, sec. ii, p. 73. Fléché was much esteemed by the Micmacs; his nickname, "Le Patriarch," is still current among them corrupted into "Patliasse," as the name for a priest.--See Ferland's _Cours d'Histoire_ (Quebec, 1861), vol. i, p. 80.

26. (p. 127)--The four letters here given (Biard, Jan. 21, June 10, and June 11, 1611; and Massé, June 11, 1611) are from Carayon's _Première Mission des Jésuites au Canada: Lettres et Documents Inédits_ (Paris, 1864). All of the documents in Carayon's collection will be published in this series, in chronological order, with that Editor's valuable footnotes.

Auguste Carayon, S. J., a leading authority upon the history of his order in New France, was born in Saumur, France, 1813, and died in Poitiers, 1874. His principal works were: _Bibliographie historique de la Compagnie de Jésus; Catalogue des ouvrages relatifs à l'histoire des Jésuites depuis leur origine jusqu'à nos jours_ (Paris, 1864); _Documents inédits concernant la Compagnie de Jésus_ (Poitiers, 1863-1875, 18 vols.); _Première Mission des Jésuites au Canada_ (Paris, 1864); _Bannissement des Jésuites de la Louisiane_ (Paris, 1865); _Établissement de la Compagnie de Jésus à Brest, par Louis XIV._ (1865); _Prisons du Marquis de Pombal, ministre du Portugal, journal de 1759 à 1777_ (1865); _Notes historiques sur les parlements et les Jésuites au dix-huitième siécle_ (1867). Carayon also edited numerous important historical works, between 1864 and 1871.

27. (p. 127)--Pierre Biard, S. J., writer of several of the early Acadian _Relations_, was born at Grenoble, France, 1567, and died at Avignon, November 17, 1622. In 1608, he was called from a chair of scholastic theology and Hebrew, in Lyons, by Father Coton, the King's confessor and preacher, to take charge of the Jesuit mission in Acadia. His several accounts of the colony, with the part taken by himself in notable episodes, do not always agree with the version of Lescarbot. See Parkman's _Pioneers_, part ii., chaps, v.-viii.; also, R. P. Felix Martin's _Life of R. P. Pierre Biard,_ S. J. (Montreal, 1890).

28. (p. 127)--Claude Aquaviva, S. J., born 1544; elected general of the Society of Jesus, 1581; died, 1615; a Neapolitan nobleman; chamberlain of the Court of Rome; fifth general of the order, and ranked by some historians as its ablest legislator and second founder. See Nicolini's _History of the Jesuits_, pp. 210, 257.

29. (p. 127)--Fathers Biard and Massé sailed January 26.

30. (p. 129)--_Brother-coadjutor._ The six classes of the order of Jesuits were: (1) novices, (2) lay-brothers, (3) scholars, (4) coadjutors, (5) Jesuits of the Third Order, and (6) Jesuits of the Fourth Order. See Thomas D'Arcy McGee's _Lecture on the Jesuits_.

31. (p. 133)--Biencourt and Robin de Coulogne, not having means to equip and provision the vessel which was to convey Biard and Massé to Port Royal, made an arrangement with Dujardin and Duquesne, two merchants of Dieppe, by which the latter undertook to furnish the equipment and supplies in consideration of being admitted as partners in Poutrincourt's fur-trading and cod-fishing enterprise. Concerning this _Contract d'Association des Jésuites au Trafique du Canada_, made January 20, 1611, see Parkman's _Pioneers_, p. 288, _note_. Cf. also, Rochemonteix's _Jésuites_, vol. i., p. 32. These partners, being Huguenots, objected to the shipment of the Jesuits, but finally sold their interests for 2,800 livres to Madame de Guercheville, whose

## part in this expedition is related in note 33, _post_. See Biard's

succeeding letter, for fuller details of this adventure.

32. (p. 133)--_Formal order of the Queen._ October 7, 1610, the young King, Louis XIII., wrote from Monceaux to Baron de Poutrincourt: "Monsieur de Poutrincourt, as Father Pierre Biard and Father Ennemond Massé, religious of the Society of Jesus, are being sent over to New France to celebrate the divine services of the church and to preach the Gospel to the people of that country, I wish to hereby recommend them to you, that you may, upon all occasions, assist and protect them in the exercise of their noble and holy calling, assuring you that I shall consider it a great service."

The Queen Mother also wrote: "Monsieur de Poutrincourt, now that the good Jesuit Fathers are about to try, under the authority of the King, my son, to establish our faith over there, I hereby request you to give them, for the success of this good work, all the courtesy and assistance in your power, as a service very near our heart, and very acceptable to us, praying God, Monsieur de Poutrincourt, to keep you under his holy and watchful care."--David Asseline's _Antiquities and Chronicles of the City of Dieppe_ (Dieppe, 1874; 2 vols.) The letters are reproduced in Faillon's _Col. Fr._, vol. i., p. 102.

33. (p. 135)--Antoinette de Pons, Marquise de Guercheville, patroness of Jesuit missions in New France, was lady of honor to Marie de Médicis, and accounted one of the most beautiful and zealously religions women of her time. Taking up the defence of the Jesuits against Poutrincourt, she not only bought the ship in which to transport them to America, but the cargo and the royal patent of De Monts, thus succeeding the latter as proprietor of all Acadia, excepting Port Royal, which still remained in Poutrincourt's possession. Concerning her rupture with De Monts, see Shea's _Charlevoix_, vol. i., p. 274. She resolved to plant a strictly Catholic colony at Pentagoet (site of Bangor, Me.), and sent out, under La Saussaye, some fifty settlers and three Jesuit missionaries (1613). Upon reaching Port Royal, they were joined by Biard and Massé, and thence proceeded to the eastern side of Mount Desert Island. For the location of their mission, St. Sauveur, see Parkman's _Pioneers_, p. 304, _note_. The descent of the English under Argall (1613), was the end of Madame de Guercheville's mission. See _N. Y. Colonial Documents_, vol. iii., pp. 1, 2, concerning reparation allowed her by the government of Great Britain for the loss of her vessel. Cf. Faillon's _Col. Fr._, vol. i., pp. 110-117; and Baird's _Hug. Emig._, vol. i., p. 103. Upon the queen regent's high regard for the Jesuits, see _Col. Fr._, vol. i., pp. 101, 102.

34. (p. 141)--Several of the old French coins were called écus. They date from the period of Charles VII.,--_écus à la couronne_, or crowns of gold, from the crown which formed the type of the reverse.--Prime's _Coins, Medals, and Seals_, p. 150. The écu of Louis XIV. is first given in Dye's _Coin Encyclopedia_, p. 621; value in United States currency, $1.10S. The early écu was equal to three francs; later, to about five.

35. (p. 141)--_Viaticum._ In Père de Ravignan's _On the Existence and Institutions of the Jesuits_ (Paris, 1862), p. 190, _note_ ii., mention is made of a custom in connection with the viaticum of missionaries, which was frequently observed at this time. The founders or benefactors of missions, in order to obtain with greater certainty and abundance the money which they intended for missionary work in distant lands, charged the merchants, who acted as agents, to sell the merchandise which they consigned to them, and to remit the price of it to the missionaries for their support. Thus Madame de Guercheville furnished considerable money to Biencourt to invest in the fish and fur trade, which he was about to undertake, with the sole condition that, for her share, he should support the missionaries. See Rochemonteix's _Jésuites_, vol. i., pp. 35-36, _note_.

36. (p. 141)--The Marchioness de Verneuil furnished their chapel, Madame de Sourdis their vestments and linen, and Madame de Guercheville provided other necessaries.--_Annuæ Litteræ S. J._, an. 1612, p. 570.

Madame de Verneuil founded a convent of Annunciades, and gave her declining years to religion. She died at Paris, 1633, aged 54.

37. (p. 143)--In his _Relation_ of 1616, chap, xi., Biard says: "Thomas Robin de Coulogne enjoyed a modest fortune; he had often heard about New France from the Dieppe merchants, and had wished to mingle in this colonization movement. What Baron de Poutrincourt told him about the attempts made at Port Royal pleased him greatly, and he promised to assist him."

The names of Monsieur de Coullogne (Coulogne) and of Madame de Sigogne (Sicoine) appear in Fléché's list of baptisms, _ante_. Other contemporary spellings of Coulogne are: Cologne, Coloigne, and Coloine.

38. (p. 147)--This is an interesting, and we believe a unique statement of Biard, that the islands off the Gulf of St. Lawrence were once called the "Azores of the Great Bank." The maps of many early cartographers and navigators represent Newfoundland as a group of islands, or a large island with a circlet of smaller ones, or "almost a single island."--See Winsor's _N. and C. Hist._, vol. i., pp. 74, 77, 79, 93, 379. As Newfoundland was the first land sighted by voyagers in New France, and as their last sight of land had been the Azores, the naming of the islands on the Great Bank the Azores is in keeping with their custom in this regard.

39. (p. 149)--Ennemond Massé, S. J., born at Lyons, 1574; died at Sillery, Canada, 1646; admitted to the Society of Jesus at the age of twenty, and assigned to a chair of theology in Lyons; in 1608, chosen by Father Coton to accompany Biard to Acadia. He was again sent to Canada in 1625, with Charles Lalemant, Jean de Brébeuf, and two lay brothers. During the English occupation of Canada (1629-32), he was in France, but returned with Brébeuf in 1633. Rochemonteix (_Jésuites_, vol. i., p. 24). says of him: "Of an impetuous and violent nature, he had all he could do to restrain it. But, by vigilance and perseverance, he conquered it so well that he no longer seemed to have any strong impulses or passions. Industrious, unwearying, of robust health, he was prepared for the hardships of a distant mission by a life of penitence and denial, frequently fasting, sleeping upon hard boards, accustoming his taste to everything, and his body to extreme cold and heat. Although innocent as a child, he led the life of a penitential anchorite; in 1608, they made him an Associate to Father Coton, then confessor and preacher to the king. But this austere apostle preferred a life of privation and sacrifice to that of the court. He chose Canada." Bressani's _Relatione_, to be given _post_, describes the death of Massé, who was one of the most notable of the missionaries of New France. A monument to his memory has been erected at Sillery. There is a difference of usage in the matter of accenting his name: Charlevoix, Winsor, and Parkman do not use the accent; but Champlain, Biard, and Cretineau-Joly do, and Faillon (_Col. Fr._, vol. i., p. 101) gives authorities for this usage, which we have preferred to adopt.

40. (p. 151)--Bourinot (_Canad. Mo._, vol. vii., p. 292) says _Canso_ is a Souriquois word meaning "facing the frowning cliff;" also, that "the strait was long called after the Sieur de Fronsac, one of the early gentlemen adventurers who held large estates in Acadia." It is shown as _detroit de Fronsac_ on Chabert's map (1750); it is Camceau on Champlain's map of 1632; it sometimes appears as Campceau on old French documents; and is spelled both Canceaux and Canso in the official correspondence between France and England in the eighteenth century. In 1779, the fisheries of Canso were worth £50,000 a year to England. See Murdoch's _History of Nova Scotia_ (Halifax, 1865-67), vol. ii, p. 597.

41. (p. 151)--Lescarbot states that they arrived at night, three hours after sunset.--_Relation dernière_ (Bans, 1612), to be given _post_.

42. (p. 153)--Cap de la Hève, now known as Cape La Have, is the southern point of La Have Island, off New Dublin Bay, one of many indentations of the coast of the township of New Dublin, Lunenburg County, Nova Scotia. The cape is a picturesque cliff or bluff rising 107 feet above tide level, and visible a long distance out to sea. When De Monts and Champlain left Havre de Grâce, France, in March, 1604, Cap de la Hève, in the suburb of St. Adresse, must have been the last land seen by them; as this cliff off New Dublin was probably the first sighted by them in La Cadie, it was natural that they should name it after the famous French landmark. There are evidences on La Have Island of an early French settlement, of which there appear to be no records; although it is known that Saussaye planted a cross there, May 16, 1613. De Laet, in describing Cadie (1633) says: "Near Cap de la Hève lies a port of the same name, 44° 5' north latitude, with safe anchorage."--See Des Brisay's _Hist. of Co. of Lunenburg, N. S._ (2d ed., Toronto, 1895), pp. 166 _et seq._ The Editor is also indebted to F. Blake Crofton, secretary of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, for information under this head.

43. (p. 163)--People from St. Malo, France. Spelled also by Biard, _post_, Malouines.

44. (p. 169)--Robert, the son of Pontgravé, who had escaped from custody, and had been in hiding in the forest. See Parkman's _Pioneers_, pp. 265, 290; also, Lescarbot's reference to him, _ante_.

45. (p. 181)--Referring to Queen Blanche of Castile (1187-1252), regent after the death of her husband, Louis VIII., during the absence of her son, Louis IX. (Saint Louis), in the Holy Land.

46. (p. 197)--Joseph Jouvency (also written Juvency, Jouvenci, and Jouvancy), Jesuit historian, an eminent litterateur of his time. Born in Paris, September 14, 1643; died at Rome, May 29, 1719. In 1659, he was admitted to the Society of Jesus, for many years filling the position of professor of rhetoric at La Flèche, and devoting much time to historical and classical research. After taking his vows in 1677, he was sent to Rome, as one of the staff of writers upon _Historia Societatis Jesu_.

47. (p. 197)--Count Ernest von Mansfeld, soldier of fortune, conspicuous in the Thirty Years War. Born, 1585; died, 1626, soon after his defeat by Wallenstein at the bridge of Dessau. His great army of mercenaries was, according to Motley (_John of Barneveld,_ vol. ii., p. 32), "the earliest type, perhaps, of the horrible military vermin destined to feed so many years on the unfortunate dismembered carcass of Germany." Cf. Kohlrausch's _History of Germany_ (Haas trans.), pp. 320, 326. Concerning the campaign of Louis XIII., against the Huguenots (1622), and Count von Mansfeld's part therein, see Kitchin's _History of France_, pp. 497, 498.

48. (p. 199)--Philip Alegambe, a Jesuit scholar (Flemish). Died in 1652, while superior of the house of his order at Rome. He was the leading writer upon _Bibliotheca Scriptorum Societatis Jesu_ (1643).

49. (p. 219)--_Seven Islands._ A group at the mouth of the St. Lawrence River, near the northerly shore of the gulf.

50. (p. 219)--Chicoutimi River, rising in numerous small lakes near Lake St. John, pursues a picturesque course, frequently interrupted by rapids, eastward and northeastward into the Saguenay. At the junction, seventy-five miles above the mouth of the latter, is now the important lumber-shipping port of Chicoutimi, at whose wharves ocean-going vessels are laden. The old missionary district of that name included the rugged country lying south and southwest of Lake St. John.

51. (p. 221)--The French Jesuits definitely abandoned the Iroquois field in 1687, owing to the rising power of the English. In 1701, Bruyas was again on the ground, being joined the year following by De Lamberville, Garnier, and Le Valliant, and later by D'Hue and De Marieul. The entire party was driven out in 1708, and many of their Iroquois converts retired with them to the mission of Caughnawaga, near Montreal.

52. (p. 221)--The Iroquois Mission of St. Francis Xavier was founded in 1669 by Iroquois Christians,--emigrants from the "castles" of the Five Nations. The mission was finally removed to Sault St. Louis, on the St. Lawrence, and called Caughnawaga, from the Indian village of that name on the Mohawk, where had also been a Jesuit mission.

53. (p. 221)--Lake Michigan. Called Lac des Puants on Champlain's map of 1632, in reference to the Winnebago tribe (Puants) on Green Bay; in several of the _Relations_, and on Marquette's map (1674), it is styled Lac des Illinois, from the Illinois Indians upon its southern coast; Allouez calls it (1675) Lac St. Joseph, because of Fort and River St. Josephs on the southeast coast; Coronelli's map (1688) honors the Dauphin by calling the lake after him; Hennepin comes the nearest to modern usage, in his name, Michigonong.

54. (p. 221)--Lake Huron, which has figured under many titles, in the old maps and chronicles. This name has reference to the Indian family upon its eastern shores. Champlain first named it La Mer Douce, ("The Fresh Sea"), and later Lac des Attigouantan, after the chief tribe of the Hurons; Sanson's map (1657) names it Karegnondi; Coronelli's map (1688) christens it Lac d'Orleans; Colden in one place gives it as Quatoghe, and in another as Caniatare. Lac des Hurons first appears in the map accompanying the _Relation_ for 1670-71.

55. (p. 221)--The mission of St. Ignace was founded by Marquette, in 1670, on Point St. Ignace, on the mainland north of and opposite the Island of Michillimackinac (now shortened to Mackinaw or Mackinac, as fancy dictates). The term Michillimackinac, variously spelled, was applied by the earliest French not only to the island and straits of that name, but in general to the great peninsula lying north of the straits.

56. (p. 221)--The mission of Sault Ste. Marie, at the outlet of Lake Superior, was founded by Raimbault and Jogues in 1640. The place was always an important rallying-point for the natives, and naturally became the center of a wide-spreading fur trade, which lasted, under French, English, and American dominations in turn, until about 1840.

57. (p. 221)--The Western mission of St. Francis Xavier was founded by Allouez in 1669, at the first rapids in the Fox River (of Green Bay), on the east side of the river, in what is now the city of Depere, Wis. An important Indian village had from the earliest historic times been located there.

58. (p. 223)--Outaouaki = Ottawas; Puteatamis = Pottawattomies; Kikarous = Kickapoos; Outagamies = Foxes; Oumiamis = Miamis.

59. (p. 223)--Bayagoulas, one of the Louisiana missions, of which Father Paul du Ru, S. J., was in charge in 1700. Shea's _Catholic Missions_, p. 443.

60. (p. 227)--An anonymous writer in _The Catholic World_, (vol. xii., p. 629) makes the statement that Quentin and Du Thet were sent out to replace Biard and Massé "if they had perished; otherwise to return to France." Contemporary writers, however, speak of their coming as a reinforcement.

61. (p. 227)--On what came to be known as Frenchman's Bay, on the east side of the island of Mount Desert. Parkman says (_Pioneers_, ed. 1865, p. 276, _note_): "Probably all of Frenchman's Bay was included under the name of the Harbor of St. Sauveur. The landing-place so called seems to have been near the entrance of the bay, certainly south of Bar Harbor. The Indian name of the Island of Mount Desert was Penetic. Its present name was given by Champlain."

62. (p. 227)--The "Jonas," conspicuous in the annals of Acadia from the time in which Poutrincourt and Lescarbot sailed in her for Port Royal, in 1606, to her capture by Argall in 1613. Parkman aptly calls her "the 'Mayflower' of the Jesuits."

63. (p. 229)--Samuel Argall, born in Bristol, England, 1572; died, 1639. See Cooke's _Virginia_ (Amer. Commonwealths ser.), pp. 111-113, for a fair estimate of this tempestuous character. Folsom's "Expedition of Captain Samuel Argal," to _N. Y. Hist. Colls._ (new ser.); vol. i., pp. 333-342, goes over that ground quite completely.

64. (p. 231)--Sir Thomas Dale, the predecessor of Argall as governor of Virginia; he was in the service of the Low Countries, 1588-95, and 1606-10; in 1611, he entered the service of the Virginia Company, where he remained five years as governor of the colony; and in 1619 he died at Masulipatam, while in command of an expedition to the East Indies.

65. (p. 233)--The charge was freely made at the time, that Biard and Massé, incensed at Biencourt, who had been unkind to them, piloted Argall to Port Royal. Poutrincourt and Lescarbot, disliking the Jesuits, naturally believed it, and the former addressed the French admiralty court on the subject, under the date of July 18, 1614.--See Lescarbot's _Nouv. France_, book v., chap. 14. Champlain discredited the charge, saying that Argall compelled an Indian to serve as pilot. Cf. Parkman's _Pioneers_, pp. 313 _et seq._, and Biard's own statements, _post_ (Letter to T.-R. Général, May 6, 1614; and _Relation_ of 1616).

66. (p. 233)--Argall's lieutenant, in command of the captured "Jonas." According to Parkman (_Pioneers_, p. 318), he was "an officer of merit, a scholar, and linguist," treating his prisoners with kindness.

67. (p. 251)--Reference is here made to Lake Champlain, the Mer des Iroquois and Lacus Irocoisiensis of the early French cartographers. Richelieu River was at first styled Rivière des Iroquois. In a letter of John Winthrop to Lord Arlington, dated Boston, Oct. 25, 1666, Lake Champlain is referred to as Lake Hiracoies.--_N. Y. Colon. Docs._, iii., p. 138. See also, Palmer's _History of Lake Champlain_ (Albany, 1866), pp. 12, 13; and Blaeu's maps of 1662 and 1685, in Winsor's _N. and C. Hist._, vol. iv., p. 391.

68. (p. 253)--The gar-pike (_Lepidosteus osseus_). A picture of this "armored fish" is given in Creuxius's _Historia Canadensis_ (Paris, 1664), p. 50.

69. (p. 253)--Jouvency plainly refers to what is still known as Bird Island, of Bird Rocks, in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, N. W. of Cabot Strait. Authorities disagree in locating the Bird Island of Cartier's first voyage. See _Hakluyt's Voyages_ (Goldsmid ed.), vol. xiii., pt. i, p. 78; Shea's _Charlevoix_, vol. i., p. 112, _note;_ both indicating that what is now called Funk Island, off the eastern coast of Newfoundland, was the Bird Island of Cartier. Kingsford, in _History of Canada_ (Toronto, 1887), vol. i., p. 3, identifies it, however, with the present Bird Island of the Gulf. Champlain's map of 1613 has a Bird Island near the mouth of the Bay of Fundy. Anspach, in _History of Newfoundland_ (London, 1819), p. 317, says: "Fogo Island [N. W. of Cape Freels] is described in the old maps by the name of Aves, or Birds' Island."

70. (p. 269)--The Montagnais, a wretched tribe of nomads, were, at this time, chiefly centered upon the banks of the Saguenay River.

71. (p. 281)--_Venus mercenaria_, the round clam, or quahaug.

[Illustration: MAP OF NEW FRANCE (PARTS OF UNITED STATES AND CANADA) 1610-1791.

To Illustrate THE JESUIT RELATIONS AND ALLIED DOCUMENTS.

THE BURROWS BROTHERS COMPANY, PUBLISHERS.]

Transcriber's Note.

Variable spelling and hyphenation have been retained. Minor punctuation inconsistencies have been silently repaired.

Corrections.

The first line indicates the original, the second the correction.

p. 49:

except the last sentence on p. 24; p. 49 numbered "[-4-6]." except the last sentence on p. 24; p. 46 numbered "[-4-6]."

p. 110:

8. La 5. fille dudit Louïs a eu nom IEHANNE ainsi nõmée par ledit sieur de Poutrincourt au nõ d'une de ses filles. [-46-]

8. La 5. fille dudit Louïs a eu nom IEHANNE ainsi nõmée par ledit sieur de Poutrincourt au nõ d'une de ses filles. [46]

p. 153:

while Monsieur de Potrincour soon arrived at Port Royal, while Monsieur de Potrincourt soon arrived at Port Royal,

p. 196:

charitas, an patienta. charitas, an patientia.

p. 198:

Deumque nesciens Hærisis Deumque nesciens Hæresis

p. 200:

cùm Auenionem diuertissit cùm Auenionem diuertisset

p. 224:

nisi anno seculi superioris quinto & vigemo nisi anno seculi superioris quinto & vigesimo

p. 276:

præterea in veniret præterea inveniret

p. 288:

Hæc ratio ineptissimat antam vim apud barbaras mentes habebat Hæc ratio ineptissima tantam vim apud barbaras mentes habebat

p. 311:

Pierre Biard, S. J., writer of several of the early Acadian _Relations_, was born at Grenoble, France, 1657

Pierre Biard, S. J., writer of several of the early Acadian _Relations_, was born at Grenoble, France, 1567