part one
of the two remaining in the last year's list[k]. And this case, thus circumstanced, is the only precedent in our books for the making these extraordinary sheriffs. It is true, the reporter adds, that it was held that the queen by her prerogative might make a sheriff without the election of the judges, _non obstante aliquo statuto in contrarium_: but the doctrine of _non obstante_'s, which sets the prerogative above the laws, was effectually demolished by the bill of rights at the revolution, and abdicated Westminster-hall when king James abdicated the kingdom. So that sheriffs cannot now be legally appointed, otherwise than according to the known and established law.
[Footnote d: 3 Rep. 72.]
[Footnote e: Montesq. Sp. L. b. 2. c. 2.]
[Footnote f: Stiernhook _de jure Goth._ _l._ 1. _c._ 3.]
[Footnote g: _de L.L._ _c._ 24.]
[Footnote h: 2 Inst. 559.]
[Footnote i: Jenkins. 229.]
[Footnote k: Dyer 225.]
SHERIFFS, by virtue of several old statutes, are to continue in their office no longer than one year; and yet it hath been said[l] that a sheriff may be appointed _durante bene placito_, or during the king's pleasure; and so is the form of the royal writ[m]. Therefore, till a new sheriff be named, his office cannot be determined, unless by his own death, or the demise of the king; in which last case it was usual for the successor to send a new writ to the old sheriff[n]: but now by statute 1 Ann. st. 1. c. 8. all officers appointed by the preceding king may hold their offices for six months after the king's demise, unless sooner displaced by the successor. We may farther observe, that by statute 1 Ric. II. c. 11. no man, that has served the office of sheriff for one year, can be compelled to serve the same again within three years after.
[Footnote l: 4 Rep. 32.]
[Footnote m: Dalt. of sheriffs. 8.]
[Footnote n: Dalt. 7.]
WE shall find it is of the utmost importance to have the sheriff appointed according to law, when we consider his power and duty. These are either as a judge, as the keeper of the king's peace, as a ministerial officer of the superior courts of justice, or as the king's bailiff.
IN his judicial capacity he is to hear and determine all causes of forty shillings value and under, in his county court, of which more in it's proper place: and he has also judicial power in divers other civil cases[o]. He is likewise to decide the elections of knights of the shire, (subject to the control of the house of commons) of coroners, and of verderors; to judge of the qualification of voters, and to return such as he shall determine to be duly elected.
[Footnote o: Dalt. c. 4.]
AS the keeper of the king's peace, both by common law and special commission, he is the first man in the county, and superior in rank to any nobleman therein, during his office[p]. He may apprehend, and commit to prison, all persons who break the peace, or attempt to break it: and may bind any one in a recognizance to keep the king's peace. He may, and is bound _ex officio_ to, pursue and take all traitors, murderers, felons, and other misdoers, and commit them to gaol for safe custody. He is also to defend his county against any of the king's enemies when they come into the land: and for this purpose, as well as for keeping the peace and pursuing felons, he may command all the people of his county to attend him; which is called the _posse comitatus_, or power of the county[q]: which summons every person above fifteen years old, and under the degree of a peer, is bound to attend upon warning[r], under pain of fine and imprisonment[s]. But though the sheriff is thus the principal conservator of the peace in his county, yet, by the express directions of the great charter[t], he, together with the constable, coroner, and certain other officers of the king, are forbidden to hold any pleas of the crown, or, in other words, to try any criminal offence. For it would be highly unbecoming, that the executioners of justice should be also the judges; should impose, as well as levy, fines and amercements; should one day condemn a man to death, and personally execute him the next. Neither may he act as an ordinary justice of the peace during the time of his office[u]: for this would be equally inconsistent; he being in many respects the servant of the justices.
[Footnote p: 1 Roll. Rep. 237.]
[Footnote q: Dalt. c. 95.]
[Footnote r: Lamb. Eiren. 315.]
[Footnote s: Stat. 2 Hen. V. c. 8.]
[Footnote t: _cap._ 17.]
[Footnote u: Stat. 1 Mar. st. 2. c. 8.]
IN his ministerial capacity the sheriff is bound to execute all process issuing from the king's courts of justice. In the commencement of civil causes, he is to serve the writ, to arrest, and to take bail; when the cause comes to trial, he must summon and return the jury; when it is determined, he must see the judgment of the court carried into execution. In criminal matters, he also arrests and imprisons, he returns the jury, he has the custody of the delinquent, and he executes the sentence of the court, though it extend to death itself.
AS the king's bailiff, it is his business to preserve the rights of the king within his bailiwick; for so his county is frequently called in the writs: a word introduced by the princes of the Norman line; in imitation of the French, whose territory is divided into bailiwicks, as that of England into counties[w]. He must seise to the king's use all lands devolved to the crown by attainder or escheat; must levy all fines and forfeitures; must seise and keep all waifs, wrecks, estrays, and the like, unless they be granted to some subject; and must also collect the king's rents within his bailiwick, if commanded by process from the exchequer[x].
[Footnote w: Fortesc. _de L.L._ c. 24.]
[Footnote x: Dalt. c. 9.]
TO execute these various offices, the sheriff has under him many inferior officers; an under-sheriff, bailiffs, and gaolers; who must neither buy, sell, nor farm their offices, on forfeiture of 500_l._[y]
[Footnote y: Stat. 3 Geo. I. c. 15.]
THE under-sheriff usually performs all the duties of the office; a very few only excepted, where the personal presence of the high-sheriff is necessary. But no under-sheriff shall abide in his office above one year[z]; and if he does, by statute 23 Hen. VI. c. 8. he forfeits 200_l._ a very large penalty in those early days. And no under-sheriff or sheriff's officer shall practice as an attorney, during the time he continues in such office[a]: for this would be a great inlet to partiality and oppression. But these salutary regulations are shamefully evaded, by practising in the names of other attorneys, and putting in sham deputies by way of nominal under-sheriffs: by reason of which, says Dalton[b], the under-sheriffs and bailiffs do grow so cunning in their several places, that they are able to deceive, and it may be well feared that many of them do deceive, both the king, the high-sheriff, and the county.
[Footnote z: Stat. 42 Edw. III. c. 9.]
[Footnote a: Stat. 1 Hen. V. c. 4.]
[Footnote b: of sheriffs, c. 115.]
BAILIFFS, or sheriff's officers, are either bailiffs of hundreds, or special bailiffs. Bailiffs of hundreds are officers appointed over those respective districts by the sheriffs, to collect fines therein; to summon juries; to attend the judges and justices at the assises, and quarter sessions; and also to execute writs and process in the several hundreds. But, as these are generally plain men, and not thoroughly skilful in this latter part of their office, that of serving writs, and making arrests and executions, it is now usual to join special bailiffs with them; who are generally mean persons employed by the sheriffs on account only of their adroitness and dexterity in hunting and seising their prey. The sheriff being answerable for the misdemesnors of these bailiffs, they are therefore usually bound in a bond for the due execution of their office, and thence are called bound-bailiffs; which the common people have corrupted into a much more homely appellation.
GAOLERS are also the servants of the sheriff, and he must be responsible for their conduct. Their business is to keep safely all such persons as are committed to them by lawful warrant: and, if they suffer any such to escape, the sheriff shall answer it to the king, if it be a criminal matter; or, in a civil case, to the party injured[c]. And to this end the sheriff must[d] have lands sufficient within the county to answer the king and his people. The abuses of goalers and sheriff's officers toward the unfortunate persons in their custody are well restrained and guarded against by statute 32 Geo. II. c. 28.
[Footnote c: Dalt. c. 118. 4 Rep. 34.]
[Footnote d: Stat. 13 & 14 Car. II. c. 21.]
THE vast expense, which custom had introduced in serving the office of high-sheriff, was grown such a burthen to the subject, that it was enacted, by statute 13 & 14 Car. II. c. 21. that no sheriff should keep any table at the assises, except for his own family, or give any presents to the judges or their servants, or have more than forty men in livery; yet, for the sake of safety and decency, he may not have less than twenty men in England and twelve in Wales; upon forfeiture, in any of these cases, of 200_l._
II. THE coroner's is also a very antient office at the common law. He is called coroner, _coronator_, because he hath principally to do with pleas of the crown, or such wherein the king is more immediately concerned[e]. And in this light the lord chief justice of the king's bench is the principal coroner in the kingdom, and may (if he pleases) exercise the jurisdiction of a coroner in any part of the realm[f]. But there are also particular coroners for every county of England; usually four, but sometimes six, and sometimes fewer[g]. This officer[h] is of equal antiquity with the sheriff; and was ordained together with him to keep the peace, when the earls gave up the wardship of the county.
[Footnote e: 2 Inst. 31. 4 Inst. 271.]
[Footnote f: 4 Rep. 57.]
[Footnote g: F.N.B. 163.]
[Footnote h: Mirror, c. 1. §. 3.]
HE is still chosen by all the freeholders in the county court, as by the policy of our antient laws the sheriffs, and conservators of the peace, and all other officers were, who were concerned in matters that affected the liberty of the people[i]; and as verderors of the forests still are, whose business it is to stand between the prerogative and the subject in the execution of the forest laws. For this purpose there is a writ at common law _de coronatore eligendo_[k]: in which it is expressly commanded the sheriff, "_quod talem eligi faciat, qui melius et sciat, et velit, et possit, officio illi intendere_." And, in order to effect this the more surely, it was enacted by the statute of Westm. I[l], that none but lawful and discreet knights should be chosen. But it seems it is now sufficient if a man have lands enough to be made a knight, whether he be really knighted or not[m]: and there was an instance in the 5 Edw. III. of a man being removed from this office, because he was only a merchant[n]. The coroner ought also to have estate sufficient to maintain the dignity of his office, and answer any fines that may be set upon him for his misbehaviour[o]: and if he have not enough to answer, his fine shall be levyed on the county, as a punishment for electing an insufficient officer[p]. Now indeed, through the culpable neglect of gentlemen of property, this office has been suffered to fall into disrepute, and get into low and indigent hands: so that, although formerly no coroner would condescend to be paid for serving his country, and they were by the aforesaid statute of Westm. I. expressly forbidden to take a reward, under pain of great forfeiture to the king; yet for many years past they have only desired to be chosen for the sake of their perquisites; being allowed fees for their attendance by the statute 3 Hen. VII. c. 1. which sir Edward Coke complains of heavily[q]; though they have since his time been much enlarged[r].
[Footnote i: 2 Inst. 558.]
[Footnote k: F.N.B. 163.]
[Footnote l: 3 Edw. I. c. 10.]
[Footnote m: F.N.B. 163, 164.]
[Footnote n: 2 Inst. 32.]
[Footnote o: F.N.B. 163, 164.]
[Footnote p: Mirr. c. 1. §. 3. 2 Inst. 175.]
[Footnote q: 2 Inst. 210.]
[Footnote r: Stat. 25 Geo. II. c. 29.]
THE coroner is chosen for life: but may be removed, either by being made sheriff, or chosen verderor, which are offices incompatible with the other; or by the king's writ _de coronatore exonerando_, for a cause to be therein assigned, as that he is engaged in other business, is incapacitated by years or sickness, hath not a sufficient estate in the county, or lives in an inconvenient part of it[s]. And by the statute 25 Geo. II. c. 29. extortion, neglect, or misbehaviour, are also made causes of removal.
[Footnote s: F.N.B. 163, 164.]
THE office and power of a coroner are also, like those of a sheriff, either judicial or ministerial; but principally judicial. This is in great measure ascertained by statute 4 Edw. I. _de officio coronatoris_; and consists, first, in enquiring (when any person is slain or dies suddenly) concerning the manner of his death. And this must be "_super visum corporis_[t];" for, if the body be not found, the coroner cannot sit[u]. He must also sit at the very place where the death happened; and his enquiry is made by a jury from four, five, or six of the neighbouring towns, over whom he is to preside. If any be found guilty by this inquest of murder, he is to commit to prison for further trial, and is also to enquire concerning their lands, goods and chattels, which are forfeited thereby: but, whether it be murder or not, he must enquire whether any deodand has accrued to the king, or the lord of the franchise, by this death: and must certify the whole of this inquisition to the court of king's bench, or the next assises. Another branch of his office is to enquire concerning shipwrecks; and certify whether wreck or not, and who is in possession of the goods. Concerning treasure trove, he is also to enquire who were the finders, and where it is, and whether any one be suspected of having found and concealed a treasure; "and that may be well perceived (saith the old statute of Edw. I.) where one liveth riotously, haunting taverns, and hath done so of long time:" whereupon he might be attached, and held to bail, upon this suspicion only.
[Footnote t: 4 Inst. 271.]
[Footnote u: Thus, in the Gothic constitution, before any fine was payable by the neighbourhood, for the slaughter of a man therein, "_de corpore delicti constare oportebat; i.e. non tam fuisse aliquem in territorio isto mortuum inventum, quam vulneratum et caesum. Potest enim homo etiam ex alia causa subito mori_." Stiernhook _de jure Gothor._ _l._ 3. _c._ 4.]
THE ministerial office of the coroner is only as the sheriff's substitute. For when just exception can be taken to the sheriff, for suspicion of partiality, (as that he is interested in the suit, or of kindred to either plaintiff or defendant) the process must then be awarded to the coroner, instead of the sheriff, for execution of the king's writs[w].
[Footnote w: 4 Inst. 271.]
III. THE next species of subordinate magistrates, whom I am to consider, are justices of the peace; the principal of whom is the _custos rotulorum_, or keeper of the records of the county. The common law hath ever had a special care and regard for the conservation of the peace; for peace is the very end and foundation of civil society. And therefore, before the present constitution of justices was invented, there were peculiar officers appointed by the common law for the maintenance of the public peace. Of these some had, and still have, this power annexed to other offices which they hold; others had it merely by itself, and were thence named _custodes_ or _conservatores pacis_. Those that were so _virtute officii_ still continue; but the latter sort are superseded by the modern justices.
THE kings majesty[x] is, by his office and dignity royal, the principal conservator of the peace within all his dominions; and may give authority to any other to see the peace kept, and to punish such as break it: hence it is usually called the king's peace. The lord chancellor or keeper, the lord treasurer, the lord high steward of England, the lord mareschal, and lord high constable of England (when any such officers are in being) and all the justices of the court of king's bench (by virtue of their offices) and the master of the rolls (by prescription) are general conservators of the peace throughout the whole kingdom, and may commit all breakers of it, or bind them in recognizances to keep it[y]: the other judges are only so in their own courts. The coroner is also a conservator of the peace within his own county[z]; as is also the sheriff[a]; and both of them may take a recognizance or security for the peace. Constables, tythingmen, and the like, are also conservators of the peace within their own jurisdictions; and may apprehend all breakers of the peace, and commit them till they find sureties for their keeping it[b].
[Footnote x: Lambard. Eirenarch. 12.]
[Footnote y: Lamb. 12.]
[Footnote z: Britton. 3.]
[Footnote a: F.N.B. 81.]
[Footnote b: Lamb. 14.]
THOSE that were, without any office, simply and merely conservators of the peace, were chosen by the freeholders in full county court before the sheriff; the writ for their election directing them to be chosen "_de probioribus et melioribus in comitatu suo in custodes pacis_[c]." But when queen Isabel, the wife of Edward II, had contrived to depose her husband by a forced resignation of the crown, and had set up his son Edward III in his place; this, being a thing then without example in England, it was feared would much alarm the people; especially as the old king was living, though hurried about from castle to castle; till at last he met with an untimely death. To prevent therefore any risings, or other disturbance of the peace, the new king sent writs to all the sheriffs in England, the form of which is preserved by Thomas Walsingham[d], giving a plausible account of the manner of his obtaining the crown; to wit, that it was done _ipsius patris beneplacito_: and withal commanding each sheriff that the peace be kept throughout his bailiwick, on pain and peril of disinheritance and loss of life and limb. And in a few weeks after the date of these writs, it was ordained in parliament[e], that, for the better maintaining and keeping of the peace in every county, good men and lawful, which were no maintainers of evil, or barretors in the country, should be _assigned_ to keep the peace. And in this manner, and upon this occasion, was the election of the conservators of the peace taken from the people, and given to the king[f]; this assignment being construed to be by the king's commission[g]. But still they were called only conservators, wardens, or keepers of the peace, till the statute 34 Edw. III. c. 1. gave them the power of trying felonies; and then they acquired the more honorable appellation of justices[h].
[Footnote c: Lamb. 16.]
[Footnote d: Hist. _A.D._ 1327.]
[Footnote e: Stat. 1 Edw. III. c. 16.]
[Footnote f: Lamb. 20.]
[Footnote g: Stat. 4 Edw. III. c. 2. and 18 Edw. III. st. 2. c. 2.]
[Footnote h: Lamb. 23.]
THESE justices are appointed by the king's special commission under the great seal, the form of which was settled by all the judges, _A.D._ 1590[i]. This appoints them all[k], jointly and severally, to keep the peace, and any two or more of them to enquire of and determine felonies, and other misdemesnors: in which number some
## particular justices, or one of them, are directed to be always
included, and no business to be done without their presence; the words of the commission running thus, "_quorum aliquem vestrum, A. B. C. D. &c. unum esse volumus_;" whence the persons so named are usually called justices of the _quorum_. And formerly it was customary to appoint only a select number of justices, eminent for their skill and discretion, to be of the _quorum_; but now the practice is to advance almost all of them to that dignity, naming them all over again in the _quorum_ clause, except perhaps only some one inconsiderable person for the sake of propriety: and no exception is now allowable, for not expressing in the form of warrants, &c, that the justice who issued them is of the _quorum_[l].
[Footnote i: Lamb. 43.]
[Footnote k: See the form itself, Lamb. 35. Burn. tit. justices, §. 1.]
[Footnote l: Stat. 26 Geo. II. c. 27.]
TOUCHING the number and qualifications of these justices; it was ordained by statute 18 Edw. III. c. 2. that _two_, or _three_, of the best reputation in each county shall be assigned to be keepers of the peace. But these being found rather too few for that purpose, it was provided by statute 34 Edw. III. c. 1. that one lord, and three, or four, of the most worthy men in the county, with some learned in the law, shall be made justices in every county. But afterwards the number of justices, through the ambition of private persons, became so large, that it was thought necessary by statute 12 Ric. II. c. 10. and 14 Ric II. c. 11. to restrain them at first to six, and afterwards to eight only. But this rule is now disregarded, and the cause seems to be (as Lambard observed long ago[m]) that the growing number of statute laws, committed from time to time to the charge of justices of the peace, have occasioned also (and very reasonably) their encrease to a larger number. And, as to their qualifications, the statutes just cited direct them to be of the best reputation, and most worthy men in the county: and the statute 13 Ric. II. c. 10. orders them to be of the most sufficient knights, esquires, and gentlemen of the law. Also by statute 2 Hen. V. st. 1. c. 4. and st. 2. c. 1. they must be resident in their several counties. And because, contrary to these statutes, men of small substance had crept into the commission, whose poverty made them both covetous and contemptible, it was enacted by statute 18 Hen. VI. c. 11. that no justice should be put in commission, if he had not lands to the value of 20_l._ _per annum_. And, the rate of money being greatly altered since that time, it is now enacted by statute 5 Geo. II. c. 11. that every justice, except as is therein excepted, shall have 100_l._ _per annum_ clear of all deductions; and, if he acts without such qualification, he shall forfeit 100_l._ which[n] is almost an equivalent to the 20_l._ _per annum_ required in Henry the sixth's time: and of this qualification[o] the justice must now make oath. Also it is provided by the act 5 Geo. II. that no practising attorney, solicitor, or proctor, shall be capable of acting as a justice of the peace.
[Footnote m: Lamb. 34.]
[Footnote n: See bishop Fleetwood's calculations in his _chronicon pretiosum_.]
[Footnote o: Stat. 18 Geo. II. c. 20.]
AS the office of these justices is conferred by the king, so it subsists only during his pleasure; and is determinable, 1. By the demise of the crown; that is, in six months after[p]. 2. By express writ under the great seal[q], discharging any particular person, from being any longer justice. 3. By superseding the commission by writ of _supersedeas_, which suspends the power of all the justices, but does not totally destroy it; seeing it may be revived again by another writ, called a _procedendo_. 4. By a new commission, which virtually, though silently, discharges all the former justices that are not included therein; for two commissions cannot subsist at once. 5. By accession of the office of sheriff or coroner[r]. Formerly it was thought, that if a man was named in any commission of the peace, and had afterwards a new dignity conferred upon him, that this determined his office; he no longer answering the description of the commission: but now[s] it is provided, that notwithstanding a new title of dignity, the justice on whom it is conferred shall still continue a justice.
[Footnote p: Stat. 1 Ann. c. 8.]
[Footnote q: Lamb. 67.]
[Footnote r: Stat. 1 Mar. st. 1. c. 8.]
[Footnote s: Stat. 1 Edw. VI. c. 7.]
THE power, office, and duty of a justice of the peace depend on his commission, and on the several statutes, which have created objects of his jurisdiction. His commission, first, empowers him singly to conserve the peace; and thereby gives him all the power of the antient conservators at the common law, in suppressing riots and affrays, in taking securities for the peace, and in apprehending and committing felons and other inferior criminals. It also empowers any two or more of them to hear and determine all felonies and other offences; which is the ground of their jurisdiction at sessions, of which more will be said in it's proper place. And as to the powers given to one, two, or more justices by the several statutes, that from time to time have heaped upon them such an infinite variety of business, that few care to undertake, and fewer understand, the office; they are such and of so great importance to the public, that the country is greatly obliged to any worthy magistrate, that without sinister views of his own will engage in this troublesome service. And therefore, if a well meaning justice makes any undesigned slip in his practice, great lenity and indulgence is shewn to him in the courts of law; and there are many statutes made to protect him in the upright discharge of his office[t]: which, among other privileges, prohibit such justices from being sued for any oversights without notice beforehand; and stop all suits begun, on tender made of sufficient amends. But, on the other hand, any malicious or tyrannical abuse of their office is sure to be severely punished; and all persons who recover a verdict against a justice, for any wilful or malicious injury, are entitled to double costs.
[Footnote t: Stat. 7 Jac. I. c. 5. 21 Jac. I. c. 12. 24 Geo. II. c. 44.]
IT is impossible upon our present plan to enter minutely into the
## particulars of the accumulated authority, thus committed to the charge
of these magistrates. I must therefore refer myself at present to such subsequent parts of these commentaries, as will in their turns comprize almost every object of the justices' jurisdiction: and in the mean time recommend to the student the perusal of Mr Lambard's _eirenarcha_, and Dr Burn's _justice of the peace_; wherein he will find every thing relative to this subject, both in antient and modern practice, collected with great care and accuracy, and disposed in a most clear and judicious method.
I SHALL next consider some officers of lower rank than those which have gone before, and of more confined jurisdiction; but still such as are universally in use through every part of the kingdom.
IV. FOURTHLY, then, of the constable. The word constable is frequently said to be derived from the Saxon, koning-staple, and to signify the support of the king. But, as we borrowed the name as well as the office of constable from the French, I am rather inclined to deduce it, with sir H. Spelman and Dr Cowel, from that language, wherein it is plainly derived from the Latin _comes stabuli_, an officer well known in the empire; so called because, like the great constable of France, as well as the lord high constable of England, he was to regulate all matters of chivalry, tilts, turnaments, and feats of arms, which were performed on horseback. This great office of lord high constable hath been disused in England, except only upon great and solemn occasions, as the king's coronation and the like, ever since the attainder of Stafford duke of Buckingham under king Henry VIII; as in France it was suppressed about a century after by an edict of Louis XIII[u]: but from his office, says Lambard[w], this lower constableship was at first drawn and fetched, and is as it were a very finger of that hand. For the statute of Winchester[x], which first appoints them, directs that, for the better keeping of the peace, two constables in every hundred and franchise shall inspect all matters relating to _arms_ and _armour_.
[Footnote u: Philips's life of Pole. ii. 111.]
[Footnote w: of constables, 5.]
[Footnote x: 13 Edw. I. c. 6.]
CONSTABLES are of two sorts, high constables, and petty constables. The former were first ordained by the statute of Winchester, as before-mentioned; and are appointed at the court leets of the franchise or hundred over which they preside, or, in default of that, by the justices at their quarter sessions; and are removeable by the same authority that appoints them[y]. The petty constables are inferior officers in every town and parish, subordinate to the high constable of the hundred, first instituted about the reign of Edward III[z]. These petty constables have two offices united in them; the one antient, the other modern. Their antient office is that of headborough, tithing-man, or borsholder; of whom we formerly spoke[a], and who are as antient as the time of king Alfred: their more modern office is that of constable merely; which was appointed (as was observed) so lately as the reign of Edward III, in order to assist the high constable[b]. And in general the antient headboroughs, tithing-men, and borsholders, were made use of to serve as petty constables; though not so generally, but that in many places they still continue distinct officers from the constable. They are all chosen by the jury at the court leet; or, if no court leet be held, are appointed by two justices of the peace[c].
[Footnote y: Salk. 150.]
[Footnote z: Spelm. Gloss. 148.]
[Footnote a: pag. 110.]
[Footnote b: Lamb. 9.]
[Footnote c: Stat. 14 & 15 Car. II. c. 12.]
THE general duty of all constables, both high and petty, as well as of the other officers, is to keep the king's peace in their several districts; and to that purpose they are armed with very large powers, of arresting, and imprisoning, of breaking open houses, and the like: of the extent of which powers, considering what manner of men are for the most part put upon these offices, it is perhaps very well that they are generally kept in ignorance. One of their principal duties, arising from the statute of Winchester, which appoints them, is to keep watch and ward in their respective jurisdictions. Ward, guard, or _custodia_, is chiefly intended of the day time, in order to apprehend rioters, and robbers on the highways; the manner of doing which is left to the discretion of the justices of the peace and the constable[d], the hundred being however answerable for all robberies committed therein, by day light, for having kept negligent guard. Watch is properly applicable to the night only, (being called among our Teutonic ancestors _wacht_ or _wacta_[e]) and it begins at the time when ward ends, and ends when that begins; for, by the statute of Winchester, in walled towns the gates shall be closed from sunsetting to sunrising, and watch shall be kept in every borough and town, especially in the summer season, to apprehend all rogues, vagabonds, and night-walkers, and make them give an account of themselves. The constable may appoint watchmen at his discretion, regulated by the custom of the place; and these, being his deputies, have for the time being the authority of their principal. But, with regard to the infinite number of other minute duties, that are laid upon constables by a diversity of statutes, I must again refer to Mr Lambard and Dr Burn; in whose compilations may be also seen, what duties belong to the constable or tything-man indifferently, and what to the constable only: for the constable may do whatever the tything-man may; but it does not hold _e converso_; for the tithing-man has not an equal power with the constable.
[Footnote d: Dalt. just. c. 104.]
[Footnote e: _Excubias et explorationes quas wactas vocant._ _Capitular. Hludovic. Pii._ _cap._ 1. _A.D._ 815.]
V. WE are next to consider the surveyors of the highways. Every parish is bound of common right to keep the high roads, that go through it, in good and sufficient repair; unless by reason of the tenure of lands, or otherwise, this care is consigned to some particular private person. From this burthen no man was exempt by our antient laws, whatever other immunities he might enjoy: this being part of the _trinoda necessitas_, to which every man's estate was subject; viz. _expeditio contra hostem, arcium constructio, et pontium reparatio_: for, though the reparation of bridges only is expressed, yet that of roads also must be understood; as in the Roman law, _ad instructiones reparationesque itinerum et pontium, nullum genus hominum, nulliusque dignitatis ac venerationis meritis, cessare oportet_[f]. And indeed now, for the most part, the care of the roads only seems to be left to parishes; that of bridges being in great measure devolved upon the county at large, by statute 22 Hen. VIII. c. 5. If the parish neglected these repairs, they might formerly, as they may still, be indicted for such their neglect: but it was not then incumbent on any
## particular officer to call the parish together, and set them upon this
work; for which reason by the statute 2 & 3 Ph. & M. c. 8. surveyors of the highways were ordered to be chosen in every parish[g].
[Footnote f: _C._ 11. 74. 4.]
[Footnote g: This office, Mr Dalton (just. cap. 50.) says, exactly answers that of the _curatores viarum_ of the Romans: but, I should guess that theirs was an office of rather more dignity and authority than ours, not only from comparing the method of making and mending the Roman ways with those of our country parishes; but also because one Thermus, who was the curator of the Flaminian way, was candidate for the consulship with Julius Caesar. (_Cic. ad Attic._ _l._ 1. _ep._ 1.)]
THESE surveyors were originally, according to the statute of Philip and Mary, to be appointed by the constable and churchwardens of the parish; but now[h] they are constituted by two neighbouring justices, out of such substantial inhabitants as have either 10_l._ _per annum_ of their own, or rent 30_l._ a year, or are worth in personal estate 100_l._
[Footnote h: Stat. 3 W. & M. c. 12.]
THEIR office and duty consists in putting in execution a variety of statutes for the repairs of the highways; that is, of ways leading from one town to another: by which it is enacted, 1. That they may remove all annoyances in the highways, or give notice to the owner to remove them; who is liable to penalties on noncompliance. 2. They are to call together all the inhabitants of the parish, six days in every year, to labour in repairing the highways; all persons keeping draughts, or occupying lands, being obliged to send a team for every draught, and for every 50_l._ a year, which they keep or occupy; and all other persons to work or find a labourer. The work must be completed before harvest; as well for providing a good road for carrying in the corn, as also because all hands are then supposed to be employed in harvest work. And every cartway must be made eight feet wide at the least[i]; and may be increased by the quarter sessions to the breadth of four and twenty feet. 3. The surveyors may lay out their own money in purchasing materials for repairs, where there is not sufficient within the parish, and shall be reimbursed by a rate, to be allowed at a special sessions. 4. In case the personal labour of the parish be not sufficient, the surveyors, with the consent of the quarter sessions, may levy a rate (not exceeding 6_d._ in the pound) on the parish, in aid of the personal duty; for the due application of which they are to account upon oath. As for turnpikes, which are now universally introduced in aid of such rates, and the law relating to them, these depend entirely on the particular powers granted in the several road acts, and therefore have nothing to do with this compendium of general law.
[Footnote i: This, by the laws of the twelve tables at Rome, was the standard for roads that were straight; but, in winding ways, the breadth was directed to be sixteen feet. _Ff._ 8. 3. 8.]
VI. I PROCEED therefore, lastly, to consider the overseers of the poor; their original, appointment, and duty.
THE poor of England, till the time of Henry VIII, subsisted entirely upon private benevolence, and the charity of welldisposed christians. For, though it appears by the mirrour[k], that by the common law the poor were to be "sustained by parsons, rectors of the church, and the parishioners; so that none of them dye for default of sustenance;" and though by the statutes 12 Ric. II. c. 7. and 19 Hen. VII. c. 12. the poor are directed to be sustained in the cities or towns wherein they were born, or such wherein they had dwelt for three years (which seem to be the first rudiments of parish settlements) yet till the statute 27 Hen. VIII. c. 26. I find no compulsory method chalked out for this purpose: but the poor seem to have been left to such relief as the humanity of their neighbours would afford them. The monasteries were, in particular, their principal resource; and, among other bad effects which attended the monastic institutions, it was not perhaps one of the least (though frequently esteemed quite otherwise) that they supported and fed a very numerous and very idle poor, whose sustenance depended upon what was daily distributed in alms at the gates of the religious houses. But, upon the total dissolution of these, the inconvenience of thus encouraging the poor in habits of indolence and beggary was quickly felt throughout the kingdom: and abundance of statutes were made in the reign of king Henry the eighth, for providing for the poor and impotent; which, the preambles to some of them recite, had of late years _strangely_ increased. These poor were principally of two sorts: sick and impotent, and therefore unable to work; idle and sturdy, and therefore able, but not willing, to exercise any honest employment. To provide in some measure for both of these, in and about the metropolis, his son Edward the sixth founded three royal hospitals; Christ's, and St. Thomas's, for the relief of the impotent through infancy or sickness; and Bridewell for the punishment and employment of the vigorous and idle. But these were far from being sufficient for the care of the poor throughout the kingdom at large; and therefore, after many other fruitless experiments, by statute 43 Eliz. c. 2. overseers of the poor were appointed in every parish.
[Footnote k: c. 1. §. 3.]
BY virtue of the statute last mentioned, these overseers are to be nominated yearly in Easter-week, or within one month after, by two justices dwelling near the parish. They must be substantial householders, and so expressed to be in the appointment of the justices[l].
[Footnote l: 2 Lord Raym. 1394.]
THEIR office and duty, according to the same statute, are principally these: first, to raise competent sums for the necessary relief of the poor, impotent, old, blind, and such other, being poor and not able to work: and, secondly, to provide work for such as are able, and cannot otherwise get employment: but this latter part of their duty, which, according to the wise regulations of that salutary statute, should go hand in hand with the other, is now most shamefully neglected. However, for these joint purposes, they are empowered to make and levy rates upon the several inhabitants of the parish, by the same act of parliament; which has been farther explained and enforced by several subsequent statutes.
THE two great objects of this statute seem to have been, 1. To relieve the impotent poor, and them only. 2. To find employment for such as are able to work: and this principally by providing stocks to be worked up at home, which perhaps might be more beneficial than accumulating all the poor in one common work-house; a practice which tends to destroy all domestic connexions (the only felicity of the honest and industrious labourer) and to put the sober and diligent upon a level, in point of their earnings, with those who are dissolute and idle. Whereas, if none were to be relieved but those who are incapable to get their livings, and that in proportion to their incapacity; if no children were to be removed from their parents, but such as are brought up in rags and idleness; and if every poor man and his family were employed whenever they requested it, and were allowed the whole profits of their labour;--a spirit of chearful industry would soon diffuse itself through every cottage; work would become easy and habitual, when absolutely necessary to their daily subsistence; and the most indigent peasant would go through his task without a murmur, if assured that he and his children (when incapable of work through infancy, age, or infirmity) would then, and then only, be intitled to support from his opulent neighbours.
THIS appears to have been the plan of the statute of queen Elizabeth; in which the only defect was confining the management of the poor to small, parochial, districts; which are frequently incapable of furnishing proper work, or providing an able director. However, the laborious poor were then at liberty to seek employment wherever it was to be had; none being obliged to reside in the places of their settlement, but such as were unable or unwilling to work; and those places of settlement being only such where they were born, or had made their abode, originally for three years[m], and afterwards (in the case of vagabonds) for one year only[n].
[Footnote m: Stat. 19 Hen. VII. c. 12. 1 Edw. VI. c. 3. 3 Edw. VI. c. 16. 14 Eliz. c. 5.]
[Footnote n: Stat. 39 Eliz. c. 4.]
AFTER the restoration, a very different plan was adopted, which has rendered the employment of the poor more difficult, by authorizing the subdivision of parishes; has greatly increased their number, by confining them all to their respective districts; has given birth to the intricacy of our poor-laws, by multiplying and rendering more easy the methods of gaining settlements; and, in consequence, has created an infinity of expensive lawsuits between contending neighbourhoods, concerning those settlements and removals. By the statute 13 & 14 Car. II. c. 12. a legal settlement was declared to be gained by birth, inhabitancy, apprenticeship, or service for forty days; within which period all intruders were made removeable from any parish by two justices of the peace, unless they settled in a tenement of the annual value of 10_l._ The frauds, naturally consequent upon this provision, which gave a settlement by so short a residence, produced the statute 1 Jac. II. c. 17. which directed notice in writing to be delivered to the parish officers, before a settlement could be gained by such residence. Subsequent provisions allowed other circumstances of notoriety to be equivalent to such notice given; and those circumstances have from time to time been altered, enlarged, or restrained, whenever the experience of new inconveniences, arising daily from new regulations, suggested the necessity of a remedy. And the doctrine of certificates was invented, by way of counterpoise, to restrain a man and his family from acquiring a new settlement by any length of residence whatever, unless in two particular excepted cases; which makes parishes very cautious of giving such certificates, and of course confines the poor at home, where frequently no adequate employment can be had.
THE law of settlements may be therefore now reduced to the following general heads; or, a settlement in a parish may be acquired, 1. By birth; which is always _prima facie_ the place of settlement, until some other can be shewn[o]. This is also always the place of settlement of a bastard child; for a bastard, having in the eye of the law no father, cannot be referred to _his_ settlement, as other children may[p]. But, in legitimate children, though the place of birth be _prima facie_ the settlement, yet it is not conclusively so; for there are, 2. Settlements by parentage, being the settlement of one's father or mother: all children being really settled in the parish where their parents are settled, until they get a new settlement for themselves[q]. A new settlement may be acquired several ways; as, 3. By marriage. For a woman, marrying a man that is settled in another parish, changes her own: the law not permitting the separation of husband and wife[r]. But if the man be a foreigner, and has no settlement, her's is suspended during his life, if he be able to maintain her; but after his death she may return again to her old settlement[s]. The other methods of acquiring settlements in any parish are all reducible to this one, of forty days residence therein: but this forty days residence (which is construed to be lodging or lying there) must not be by fraud, or stealth, or in any clandestine manner; but accompanied with one or other of the following concomitant circumstances. The next method therefore of gaining a settlement, is, 4. By forty days residence, and notice. For if a stranger comes into a parish, and delivers notice in writing of his place of abode, and number of his family, to one of the overseers (which must be read in the church and registered) and resides there unmolested for forty days after such notice, he is legally settled thereby[t]. For the law presumes that such a one at the time of notice is not likely to become chargeable, else he would not venture to give it; or that, in such case, the parish would take care to remove him. But there are also other circumstances equivalent to such notice: therefore, 5. Renting for a year a tenement of the yearly value of ten pounds, and residing forty days in the parish, gains a settlement without notice[u]; upon the principle of having substance enough to gain credit for such a house. 6. Being charged to and paying the public taxes and levies of the parish; and, 7. Executing any public parochial office for a whole year in the parish, as churchwarden, &c; are both of them equivalent to notice, and gain a settlement[w], when coupled with a residence of forty days. 8. Being hired for a year, when unmarried, and serving a year in the same service; and 9. Being bound an apprentice for seven years; give the servant and apprentice a settlement, without notice[x], in that place wherein they serve the last forty days. This is meant to encourage application to trades, and going out to reputable services. 10. Lastly, the having an estate of one's own, and residing thereon forty days, however small the value may be, in case it be acquired by act of law or of a third person, as by descent, gift, devise, &c, is a sufficient settlement[y]: but if a man acquire it by his own act, as by purchase, (in it's popular sense, in consideration of money paid) then[z] unless the consideration advanced, _bona fide_, be 30_l._ it is no settlement for any longer time, than the person shall inhabit thereon. He is in no case removeable from his own property; but he shall not, by any trifling or fraudulent purchase of his own, acquire a permanent and lasting settlement.
[Footnote o: 1 Lord Raym. 567.]
[Footnote p: Salk. 427.]
[Footnote q: Salk. 528. 2 Lord Raym. 1473.]
[Footnote r: Stra. 544.]
[Footnote s: Foley. 249.]
[Footnote t: Stat. 13 & 14 Car. II c. 12. 1 Jac. II. c. 17. 3 & 4 W. & M. c. 11.]
[Footnote u: Stat. 13 & 14 Car. II. c. 12.]
[Footnote w: Stat. 3 & 4 W. & M. c. 11.]
[Footnote x: Stat. 3 & 4 W. & M. c. 11. 8 & 9 W. III. c. 10. and 31 Geo. II. c. 11.]
[Footnote y: Salk. 524.]
[Footnote z: Stat. 9 Geo. I. c. 7.]
ALL persons, not so settled, may be removed to their own parishes, on complaint of the overseers, by two justices of the peace, if they shall adjudge them likely to become chargeable to the parish, into which they have intruded: unless they are in a way of getting a legal settlement, as by having hired a house of 10_l._ _per annum_, or living in an annual service; for then they are not removeable[a]. And in all other cases, if the parish to which they belong, will grant them a certificate, acknowleging them to be _their_ parishioners, they cannot be removed merely because _likely_ to become chargeable, but only when they become _actually_ chargeable[b]. But such certificated persons can gain no settlement by any of the means above-mentioned; unless by renting a tenement of 10_l._ _per annum_, or by serving an annual office in the parish, being legally placed therein: neither can an apprentice or servant to such certificated person gain a settlement by such their service[c].
[Footnote a: Salk. 472.]
[Footnote b: Stat. 8 & 9 W. III. c. 30.]
[Footnote c: Stat. 12 Ann. c. 18.]
THESE are the general heads of the laws relating to the poor, which, by the resolutions of the courts of justice thereon within a century past, are branched into a great variety. And yet, notwithstanding the pains that has been taken about them, they still remain very imperfect, and inadequate to the purposes they are designed for: a fate, that has generally attended most of our statute laws, where they have not the foundation of the common law to build on. When the shires, the hundreds, and the tithings, were kept in the same admirable order that they were disposed in by the great Alfred, there were no persons idle, consequently none but the impotent that needed relief: and the statute of 43 Eliz. seems entirely founded on the same principle. But when this excellent scheme was neglected and departed from, we cannot but observe with concern, what miserable shifts and lame expedients have from time to time been adopted, in order to patch up the flaws occasioned by this neglect. There is not a more necessary or more certain maxim in the frame and constitution of society, than that every individual must contribute his share, in order to the well-being of the community: and surely they must be very deficient in sound policy, who suffer one half of a parish to continue idle, dissolute, and unemployed; and then form visionary schemes, and at length are amazed to find, that the industry of the other half is not able to maintain the whole.
CHAPTER THE TENTH.
OF THE PEOPLE, WHETHER ALIENS, DENIZENS, OR NATIVES.
HAVING, in the eight preceding chapters, treated of persons as they stand in the public relations of _magistrates_, I now proceed to consider such persons as fall under the denomination of the _people_. And herein all the inferior and subordinate magistrates, treated of in the last chapter, are included.
THE first and most obvious division of the people is into aliens and natural-born subjects. Natural-born subjects are such as are born within the dominions of the crown of England, that is, within the ligeance, or as it is generally called, the allegiance of the king; and aliens, such as are born out of it. Allegiance is the tie, or _ligamen_, which binds the subject to the king, in return for that protection which the king affords the subject. The thing itself, or substantial part of it, is founded in reason and the nature of government; the name and the form are derived to us from our Gothic ancestors. Under the feodal system, every owner of lands held them in subjection to some superior or lord, from whom or whose ancestors the tenant or vasal had received them: and there was a mutual trust or confidence subsisting between the lord and vasal, that the lord should protect the vasal in the enjoyment of the territory he had granted him, and, on the other hand, that the vasal should be faithful to the lord and defend him against all his enemies. This obligation on the part of the vasal was called his _fidelitas_ or fealty; and an oath of fealty was required, by the feodal law, to be taken by all tenants to their landlord, which is couched in almost the same terms as our antient oath of allegiance[a]: except that in the usual oath of fealty there was frequently a saving or exception of the faith due to a superior lord by name, under whom the landlord himself was perhaps only a tenant or vasal. But when the acknowlegement was made to the absolute superior himself, who was vasal to no man, it was no longer called the oath of fealty, but the oath of allegiance; and therein the tenant swore to bear faith to his sovereign lord, in opposition to all men, without any saving or exception: "_contra omnes homines fidelitatem fecit_[b]." Land held by this exalted species of fealty was called _feudum ligium_, a liege fee; the vasals _homines ligii_, or liege men; and the sovereign their _dominus ligius_, or liege lord. And when sovereign princes did homage to each other, for lands held under their respective sovereignties, a distinction was always made between _simple_ homage, which was only an acknowlegement of tenure[c]; and _liege_ homage, which included the fealty before-mentioned, and the services consequent upon it. Thus when Edward III, in 1329, did homage to Philip VI of France, for his ducal dominions on that continent, it was warmly disputed of what species the homage was to be, whether _liege_ or _simple_ homage[d]. With us in England, it becoming a settled principle of tenure, that _all_ lands in the kingdom are holden of the king as their sovereign and lord paramount, no oath but that of fealty could ever be taken to inferior lords, and the oath of allegiance was necessarily confined to the person of the king alone. By an easy analogy the term of allegiance was soon brought to signify all other engagements, which are due from subjects to their prince, as well as those duties which were simply and merely territorial. And the oath of allegiance, as administred for upwards of six hundred years[e], contained a promise "to be true and faithful to the king and his heirs, and truth and faith to bear of life and limb and terrene honour, and not to know or hear of any ill or damage intended him, without defending him therefrom." Upon which sir Matthew Hale[f] makes this remark; that it was short and plain, not entangled with long or intricate clauses or declarations, and yet is comprehensive of the whole duty from the subject to his sovereign. But, at the revolution, the terms of this oath being thought perhaps to favour too much the notion of non-resistance, the present form was introduced by the convention parliament, which is more general and indeterminate than the former; the subject only promising "that he will be faithful and bear _true_ allegiance to the king," without mentioning "his heirs," or specifying in the least wherein that allegiance consists. The oath of supremacy is principally calculated as a renuntiation of the pope's pretended authority: and the oath of abjuration, introduced in the reign of king William[g], very amply supplies the loose and general texture of the oath of allegiance; it recognizing the right of his majesty, derived under the act of settlement; engaging to support him to the utmost of the juror's power; promising to disclose all traiterous conspiracies against him; and expressly renouncing any claim of the pretender, by name, in as clear and explicit terms as the English language can furnish. This oath must be taken by all persons in any office, trust, or employment; and may be tendered by two justices of the peace to any person, whom they shall suspect of disaffection[h]. But the oath of allegiance may be tendered[i] to all persons above the age of twelve years, whether natives, denizens, or aliens, either in the court-leet of the manor, or in the sheriff's tourn, which is the court-leet of the county.
[Footnote a: 2 _Feud._ 5, 6, 7.]
[Footnote b: 2 _Feud._ 99.]
[Footnote c: 7 Rep. Calvin's case. 7.]
[Footnote d: 2 Carte. 401. Mod. Un. Hist. xxiii. 420.]
[Footnote e: Mirror. _c._ 3. §. 35. Fleta. 3. 16. Britton. _c._ 29. 7 Rep. Calvin's case. 6.]
[Footnote f: 1 Hal. P.C. 63.]
[Footnote g: Stat. 13 W. III. c. 6.]
[Footnote h: Stat. 1 Geo. I. c. 13.]
[Footnote i: 2 Inst. 121. 1 Hal. P.C. 64.]
BUT, besides these express engagements, the law also holds that there is an implied, original, and virtual allegiance, owing from every subject to his sovereign, antecedently to any express promise; and although the subject never swore any faith or allegiance in form. For as the king, by the very descent of the crown, is fully invested with all the rights and bound to all the duties of sovereignty, before his coronation; so the subject is bound to his prince by an intrinsic allegiance, before the superinduction of those outward bonds of oath, homage, and fealty; which were only instituted to remind the subject of this his previous duty, and for the better securing it's performance[k]. The formal profession therefore, or oath of subjection, is nothing more than a declaration in words of what was before implied in law. Which occasions sir Edward Coke very justly to observe[l], that "all subjects are equally bounden to their allegiance, as if they had taken the oath; because it is written by the finger of the law in their hearts, and the taking of the corporal oath is but an outward declaration of the same." The sanction of an oath, it is true, in case of violation of duty, makes the guilt still more accumulated, by superadding perjury to treason; but it does not encrease the civil obligation to loyalty; it only strengthens the _social_ tie by uniting it with that of _religion_.
[Footnote k: 1 Hal. P.C. 61.]
[Footnote l: 2 Inst. 121.]
ALLEGIANCE, both express and implied, is however distinguished by the law into two sorts or species, the one natural, the other local; the former being also perpetual, the latter temporary. Natural allegiance is such as is due from all men born within the king's dominions immediately upon their birth[m]. For, immediately upon their birth, they are under the king's protection; at a time too, when (during their infancy) they are incapable of protecting themselves. Natural allegiance is therefore a debt of gratitude; which cannot be forfeited, cancelled, or altered, by any change of time, place, or circumstance, nor by any thing but the united concurrence of the legislature[n]. An Englishman who removes to France, or to China, owes the same allegiance to the king of England there as at home, and twenty years hence as well as now. For it is a principle of universal law[o], that the natural-born subject of one prince cannot by any act of his own, no, not by swearing allegiance to another, put off or discharge his natural allegiance to the former: for this natural allegiance was intrinsic, and primitive, and antecedent to the other; and cannot be devested without the concurrent act of that prince to whom it was first due. Indeed the natural-born subject of one prince, to whom he owes allegiance, may be entangled by subjecting himself absolutely to another; but it is his own act that brings him into these straits and difficulties, of owing service to two masters; and it is unreasonable that, by such voluntary act of his own, he should be able at pleasure to unloose those bands, by which he is connected to his natural prince.
[Footnote m: 7 Rep. 7.]
[Footnote n: 2 P. Wms. 124.]
[Footnote o: 1 Hal. P.C. 68.]
LOCAL allegiance is such as is due from an alien, or stranger born, for so long time as he continues within the king's dominion and protection[p]: and it ceases, the instant such stranger transfers himself from this kingdom to another. Natural allegiance is therefore perpetual, and local temporary only: and that for this reason, evidently founded upon the nature of government; that allegiance is a debt due from the subject, upon an implied contract with the prince, that so long as the one affords protection, so long the other will demean himself faithfully. As therefore the prince is always under a constant tie to protect his natural-born subjects, at all times and in all countries, for this reason their allegiance due to him is equally universal and permanent. But, on the other hand, as the prince affords his protection to an alien, only during his residence in this realm, the allegiance of an alien is confined (in point of time) to the duration of such his residence, and (in point of locality) to the dominions of the British empire. From which considerations sir Matthew Hale[q] deduces this consequence, that, though there be an usurper of the crown, yet it is treason for any subject, while the usurper is in full possession of the sovereignty, to practice any thing against his crown and dignity: wherefore, although the true prince regain the sovereignty, yet such attempts against the usurper (unless in defence or aid of the rightful king) have been afterwards punished with death; because of the breach of that temporary allegiance, which was due to him as king _de facto_. And upon this footing, after Edward IV recovered the crown, which had been long detained from his house by the line of Lancaster, treasons committed against Henry VI were capitally punished, though Henry had been declared an usurper by parliament.
[Footnote p: 7 Rep. 6.]
[Footnote q: 1 Hal. P.C. 60.]
THIS oath of allegiance, or rather the allegiance itself, is held to be applicable not only to the political capacity of the king, or regal office, but to his natural person, and blood-royal: and for the misapplication of their allegiance, viz. to the regal capacity or crown, exclusive of the person of the king, were the Spencers banished in the reign of Edward II[r]. And from hence arose that principle of personal attachment, and affectionate loyalty, which induced our forefathers (and, if occasion required, would doubtless induce their sons) to hazard all that was dear to them, life, fortune, and family, in defence and support of their liege lord and sovereign.
[Footnote r: 1 Hal. P.C. 67.]
THIS allegiance then, both express and implied, is the duty of all the king's subjects, under the distinctions here laid down, of local and temporary, or universal and perpetual. Their rights are also distinguishable by the same criterions of time and locality; natural-born subjects having a great variety of rights, which they acquire by being born within the king's ligeance, and can never forfeit by any distance of place or time, but only by their own misbehaviour: the explanation of which rights is the principal subject of the two first books of these commentaries. The same is also in some degree the case of aliens; though their rights are much more circumscribed, being acquired only by residence here, and lost whenever they remove. I shall however here endeavour to chalk out some of the principal lines, whereby they are distinguished from natives, descending to farther particulars when they come in course.
AN alien born may purchase lands, or other estates: but not for his own use; for the king is thereupon entitled to them[s]. If an alien could acquire a permanent property in lands, he must owe an allegiance, equally permanent with that property, to the king of England; which would probably be inconsistent with that, which he owes to his own natural liege lord: besides that thereby the nation might in time be subject to foreign influence, and feel many other inconveniences. Wherefore by the civil law such contracts were also made void[t]: but the prince had no such advantage of escheat thereby, as with us in England. Among other reasons, which might be given for our constitution, it seems to be intended by way of punishment for the alien's presumption, in attempting to acquire any landed property: for the vendor is not affected by it, he having resigned his right, and received an equivalent in exchange. Yet an alien may acquire a property in goods, money, and other personal estate, or may hire a house for his habitation[u]: for personal estate is of a transitory and moveable nature; and, besides, this indulgence to strangers is necessary for the advancement of trade. Aliens also may trade as freely as other people; only they are subject to certain higher duties at the custom-house: and there are also some obsolete statutes of Henry VIII, prohibiting alien artificers to work for themselves in this kingdom; but it is generally held they were virtually repealed by statute 5 Eliz. c. 7. Also an alien may bring an action concerning personal property, and may make a will, and dispose of his personal estate[w]: not as it is in France, where the king at the death of an alien is entitled to all he is worth, by the _droit d'aubaine_ or _jus albinatus_[x], unless he has a peculiar exemption. When I mention these rights of an alien, I must be understood of alien-friends only, or such whose countries are in peace with ours; for alien-enemies have no rights, no privileges, unless by the king's special favour, during the time of war.
[Footnote s: Co. Litt. 2.]
[Footnote t: _Cod._ _l._ 11. _tit._ 55.]
[Footnote u: 7 Rep. 17.]
[Footnote w: Lutw. 34.]
[Footnote x: The word is derived from _alibi natus_; Spelm. Gl. 24.]
WHEN I say, that an alien is one who is born out of the king's dominions, or allegiance, this also must be understood with some restrictions. The common law indeed stood absolutely so; with only a very few exceptions: so that a particular act of parliament became necessary after the restoration[y], for the naturalization of children of his majesty's English subjects, born in foreign countries during the late troubles. And this maxim of the law proceeded upon a general principle, that every man owes natural allegiance where he is born, and cannot owe two such allegiances, or serve two masters, at once. Yet the children of the king's embassadors born abroad were always held to be natural subjects[z]: for as the father, though in a foreign country, owes not even a local allegiance to the prince to whom he is sent; so, with regard to the son also, he was held (by a kind of _postliminium_) to be born under the king of England's allegiance, represented by his father, the embassador. To encourage also foreign commerce, it was enacted by statute 25 Edw. III. st. 2. that all children born abroad, provided _both_ their parents were at the time of the birth in allegiance to the king, and the mother had passed the seas by her husband's consent, might inherit as if born in England: and accordingly it hath been so adjudged in behalf of merchants[a]. But by several more modern statutes[b] these restrictions are still farther taken off: so that all children, born out of the king's ligeance, whose _fathers_ were natural-born subjects, are now natural-born subjects themselves, to all intents and purposes, without any exception; unless their said fathers were attainted, or banished beyond sea, for high treason; or were then in the service of a prince at enmity with Great Britain.
[Footnote y: Stat. 29 Car. II. c. 6.]
[Footnote z: 7 Rep. 18.]
[Footnote a: Cro. Car. 601. Mar. 91. Jenk. Cent. 3.]
[Footnote b: 7 Ann. c. 5. and 4 Geo. II. c. 21.]
THE children of aliens, born here in England, are, generally speaking, natural-born subjects, and entitled to all the privileges of such. In which the constitution of France differs from ours; for there, by their _jus albinatus_, if a child be born of foreign parents, it is an alien[c].
[Footnote c: Jenk. Cent. 3. cites _treasure françois_, 312.]
A DENIZEN is an alien born, but who has obtained _ex donatione regis_ letters patent to make him an English subject: a high and incommunicable branch of the royal prerogative[d]. A denizen is in a kind of middle state between an alien, and natural-born subject, and partakes of both of them. He may take lands by purchase or devise, which an alien may not; but cannot take by inheritance[e]: for his parent, through whom he must claim, being an alien had no inheritable blood, and therefore could convey none to the son. And, upon a like defect of hereditary blood, the issue of a denizen, born _before_ denization, cannot inherit to him; but his issue born _after_, may[f]. A denizen is not excused[g] from paying the alien's duty, and some other mercantile burthens. And no denizen can be of the privy council, or either house of parliament, or have any office of trust, civil or military, or be capable of any grant from the crown[h].
[Footnote d: 7 Rep. Calvin's case. 25.]
[Footnote e: 11 Rep. 67.]
[Footnote f: Co. Litt. 8. Vaugh. 285.]
[Footnote g: Stat. 22 Hen. VIII. c. 8.]
[Footnote h: Stat. 12 W. III. c. 2.]
NATURALIZATION cannot be performed but by act of parliament: for by this an alien is put in exactly the same state as if he had been born in the king's ligeance; except only that he is incapable, as well as a denizen, of being a member of the privy council, or parliament, &c[i]. No bill for naturalization can be received in either house of parliament, without such disabling clause in it[k]. Neither can any person be naturalized or restored in blood, unless he hath received the sacrament of the Lord's supper within one month before the bringing in of the bill; and unless he also takes the oaths of allegiance and supremacy in the presence of the parliament[l].
[Footnote i: _Ibid._]
[Footnote k: Stat. 1 Geo. I. c. 4.]
[Footnote l: Stat. 7 Jac. I. c. 2.]
THESE are the principal distinctions between aliens, denizens, and natives: distinctions, which endeavors have been frequently used since the commencement of this century to lay almost totally aside, by one general naturalization-act for all foreign protestants. An attempt which was once carried into execution by the statute 7 Ann. c. 5. but this, after three years experience of it, was repealed by the statute 10 Ann. c. 5. except one clause, which was just now mentioned, for naturalizing the children of English parents born abroad. However, every foreign seaman who in time of war serves two years on board an English ship is _ipso facto_ naturalized[m]; and all foreign protestants, and Jews, upon their residing seven years in any of the American colonies, without being absent above two months at a time, are upon taking the oaths naturalized to all intents and purposes, as if they had been born in this kingdom[n]; and therefore are admissible to all such privileges, and no other, as protestants or Jews born in this kingdom are entitled to. What those privileges are[o], was the subject of very high debates about the time of the famous Jew-bill[p]; which enabled all Jews to prefer bills of naturalization in parliament, without receiving the sacrament, as ordained by statute 7 Jac. I. It is not my intention to revive this controversy again; for the act lived only a few months, and was then repealed[q]: therefore peace be now to it's _manes_.
[Footnote m: Stat. 13 Geo. II. c. 3.]
[Footnote n: Stat. 13 Geo. II. c. 7. 20 Geo. II. c. 24. 2 Geo. III. c. 25.]
[Footnote o: A pretty accurate account of the Jews, till their banishment in 8 Edw. I. may be found in Molloy _de jure maritimo_, b. 3. c. 6.]
[Footnote p: Stat. 26 Geo. II. c. 26.]
[Footnote q: Stat. 27 Geo. II. c. 1.]
CHAPTER THE ELEVENTH.
OF THE CLERGY.
THE people, whether aliens, denizens, or natural-born subjects, are divisible into two kinds; the clergy and laity: the clergy, comprehending all persons in holy orders, and in ecclesiastical offices, will be the subject of the following chapter.
THIS venerable body of men, being separate and set apart from the rest of the people, in order to attend the more closely to the service of almighty God, have thereupon large privileges allowed them by our municipal laws: and had formerly much greater, which were abridged at the time of the reformation, on account of the ill use which the popish clergy had endeavoured to make of them. For, the laws having exempted them from almost every personal duty, they attempted a total exemption from every secular tie. But it is observed by sir Edward Coke[a], that, as the overflowing of waters doth many times make the river to lose it's proper chanel, so in times past ecclesiastical persons, seeking to extend their liberties beyond their true bounds, either lost or enjoyed not those which of right belonged to them. The personal exemptions do indeed for the most part continue. A clergyman cannot be compelled to serve on a jury, nor to appear at a court-leet or view of frank pledge; which almost every other person is obliged to do[b]: but, if a layman is summoned on a jury, and before the trial takes orders, he shall notwithstanding appear and be sworn[c]. Neither can he be chosen to any temporal office; as bailiff, reeve, constable, or the like: in regard of his own continual attendance on the sacred function[d]. During his attendance on divine service he is privileged from arrests in civil suits[e]. In cases also of felony, a clerk in orders shall have the benefit of his clergy, without being branded in the hand; and may likewise have it more than once: in both which
## particulars he is distinguished from a layman[f]. But as they have
their privileges, so also they have their disabilities, on account of their spiritual avocations. Clergymen, we have seen[g], are incapable of sitting in the house of commons; and by statute 21 Hen. VIII. c. 13. are not allowed to take any lands or tenements to farm, upon pain of 10_l._ _per_ month, and total avoidance of the lease; nor shall engage in any manner of trade, nor sell any merchandize, under forfeiture of the treble value. Which prohibition is consonant to the canon law.
[Footnote a: 2 Inst. 4.]
[Footnote b: F.N.B. 160. 2 Inst. 4.]
[Footnote c: 4 Leon. 190.]
[Footnote d: Finch. L. 88.]
[Footnote e: Stat. 50 Edw. III. c. 5. 1 Ric. II. c. 16.]
[Footnote f: 2 Inst. 637. Stat. 4 Hen. VII. c. 13. & 1 Edw. VI. c. 12.]
[Footnote g: page 169.]
IN the frame and constitution of ecclesiastical polity there are divers ranks and degrees: which I shall consider in their respective order, merely as they are taken notice of by the secular laws of England; without intermeddling with the canons and constitutions, by which they have bound themselves. And under each division I shall consider, 1. The method of their appointment; 2. Their rights and duties; and 3. The manner wherein their character or office may cease.
I. AN arch-bishop or bishop is elected by the chapter of his cathedral church, by virtue of a licence from the crown. Election was, in very early times, the usual mode of elevation to the episcopal chair throughout all christendom; and this was promiscuously performed by the laity as well as the clergy[h]: till at length, it becoming tumultuous, the emperors and other sovereigns of the respective kingdoms of Europe took the election in some degree into their own hands; by reserving to themselves the right of confirming these elections, and of granting investiture of the temporalties, which now began almost universally to be annexed to this spiritual dignity; without which confirmation and investiture, the elected bishop could neither be consecrated, nor receive any secular profits. This right was acknowleged in the emperor Charlemagne, _A.D._ 773, by pope Hadrian I, and the council of Lateran[i], and universally exercised by other christian princes: but the policy of the court of Rome at the same time began by degrees to exclude the laity from any share in these elections, and to confine them wholly to the clergy, which at length was completely effected; the mere form of election appearing to the people to be a thing of little consequence, while the crown was in possession of an absolute negative, which was almost equivalent to a direct right of nomination. Hence the right of appointing to bishopricks is said to have been in the crown of England[k] (as well as other kingdoms in Europe) even in the Saxon times, because the rights of confirmation and investiture were in effect (though not in form) a right of complete donation[l]. But when, by length of time, the custom of making elections by the clergy only was fully established, the popes began to except to the usual method of granting these investitures, which was _per annulum et baculum_, by the prince's delivering to the prelate a ring, and a pastoral staff or crosier; pretending, that this was an encroachment on the church's authority, and an attempt by these symbols to confer a spiritual jurisdiction: and pope Gregory VII, towards the close of the eleventh century, published a bulle of excommunication against all princes who should dare to confer investitures, and all prelates who should venture to receive them[m]. This was a bold step towards effecting the plan then adopted by the Roman see, of rendering the clergy intirely independent of the civil authority: and long and eager were the contests occasioned by this dispute. But at length when the emperor Henry V agreed to remove all suspicion of encroachment on the spiritual character, by conferring investitures for the future _per sceptrum_ and not _per annulum et baculum_; and when the kings of England and France consented also to alter the form in their kingdoms, and receive only homage from the bishops for their temporalties, instead of investing them by the ring and crosier; the court of Rome found it prudent to suspend for a while it's other pretensions[n].
[Footnote h: _per clerum et populum._ Palm. 25. 2 Roll. Rep. 102. M. Paris. _A.D._ 1095.]
[Footnote i: _Decret._ 1. _dist._ 63. _c._ 22.]
[Footnote k: Palm. 28.]
[Footnote l: "_Nulla electio praelatorum (sunt verba Ingulphi) erat mere libera et canonica; sed omnes dignitates tam episcoporum, quam abbatum, per annulum et baculum regis curia pro sua complacentia conferebat._" _Penes clericos et monachos fuit electio, sed electum a rege postulabant._ Selden. _Jan. Angl._ l. 1. §. 39.]
[Footnote m: _Decret._ 2. _caus._ 16. _qu._ 7. _c._ 12 & 13.]
[Footnote n: Mod. Un. Hist. xxv. 363. xxix. 115.]
THIS concession was obtained from king Henry the first in England, by means of that obstinate and arrogant prelate, arch-bishop Anselm[o]: but king John (about a century afterwards) in order to obtain the protection of the pope against his discontented barons, was prevailed upon to give up by a charter, to all the monasteries and cathedrals in the kingdom, the free right of electing their prelates, whether abbots or bishops: reserving only to the crown the custody of the temporalties during the vacancy; the form of granting a licence to elect, (which is the original of our _conge d'eslire_) on refusal whereof the electors might proceed without it; and the right of approbation afterwards, which was not to be denied without a reasonable and lawful cause[p]. This grant was expressly recognized and confirmed in king John's _magna carta_[q], and was again established by statute 25 Edw. III. st. 6. §. 3.
[Footnote o: M. Paris. _A.D._ 1107.]
[Footnote p: M. Paris. _A.D._ 1214. 1 Rym. _Foed._ 198.]
[Footnote q: _cap._ 1. _edit. Oxon._ 1759.]
BUT by statute 25 Hen. VIII. c. 20. the antient right of nomination was, in effect, restored to the crown: it being enacted that, at every future avoidance of a bishoprick, the king may send the dean and chapter his usual licence to proceed to election; which is always to be accompanied with a letter missive from the king, containing the name of the person whom he would have them elect: and, if the dean and
## chapter delay their election above twelve days, the nomination shall
devolve to the king, who may by letters patent appoint such person as he pleases. This election or nomination, if it be of a bishop, must be signified by the king's letters patent to the arch-bishop of the province; if it be of an arch-bishop, to the other arch-bishop and two bishops, or to four bishops; requiring them to confirm, invest, and consecrate the person so elected: which they are bound to perform immediately, without any application to the see of Rome. After which the bishop elect shall sue to the king for his temporalties, shall make oath to the king and none other, and shall take restitution of his secular possessions out of the king's hands only. And if such dean and chapter do not elect in the manner by this act appointed, or if such arch-bishop or bishop do refuse to confirm, invest, and consecrate such bishop elect, they shall incur all the penalties of a _praemunire_.
AN arch-bishop is the chief of the clergy in a whole province; and has the inspection of the bishops of that province, as well as of the inferior clergy, and may deprive them on notorious cause[r]. The arch-bishop has also his own diocese, wherein he exercises episcopal jurisdiction; as in his province he exercises archiepiscopal. As arch-bishop, he, upon receipt of the king's writ, calls the bishops and clergy of his province to meet in convocation: but without the king's writ he cannot assemble them[s]. To him all appeals are made from inferior jurisdictions within his province; and, as an appeal lies from the bishops in person to him in person, so it also lies from the consistory courts of each diocese to his archiepiscopal court. During the vacancy of any see in his province, he is guardian of the spiritualties thereof, as the king is of the temporalties; and he executes all ecclesiastical jurisdiction therein. If an archiepiscopal see be vacant, the dean and chapter are the spiritual guardians, ever since the office of prior of Canterbury was abolished at the reformation[t]. The arch-bishop is entitled to present by lapse to all the ecclesiastical livings in the disposal of his diocesan bishops, if not filled within six months. And the arch-bishop has a customary prerogative, when a bishop is consecrated by him, to name a clerk or chaplain of his own to be provided for by such suffragan bishop; in lieu of which it is now usual for the bishop to make over by deed to the arch-bishop, his executors and assigns, the next presentation of such dignity or benefice in the bishop's disposal within that see, as the arch-bishop himself shall choose; which is therefore called his option[u]: which options are only binding on the bishop himself who grants them, and not his successors. The prerogative itself seems to be derived from the legatine power formerly annexed by the popes to the metropolitan of Canterbury[w]. And we may add, that the papal claim itself (like most others of that encroaching see) was probably set up in imitation of the imperial prerogative called _primae_ or _primariae preces_; whereby the emperor exercises, and hath immemorially exercised[x], a right of naming to the first prebend that becomes vacant after his accession in every church of the empire[y]. A right, that was also exercised by the crown of England in the reign of Edward I[z]; and which probably gave rise to the royal corodies, which were mentioned in a former chapter[a]. It is also the privilege, by custom, of the arch-bishop of Canterbury, to crown the kings and queens of this kingdom. And he hath also by the statute 25 Hen. VIII. c. 21. the power of granting dispensations in any case, not contrary to the holy scriptures and the law of God, where the pope used formerly to grant them: which is the foundation of his granting special licences, to marry at any place or time, to hold two livings, and the like: and on this also is founded the right he exercises of conferring degrees, in prejudice of the two universities[b].
[Footnote r: Lord Raym. 541.]
[Footnote s: 4 Inst. 322, 323.]
[Footnote t: 2 Roll. Abr. 223.]
[Footnote u: Cowel's interpr. tit. option.]
[Footnote w: Sherlock of options. 1.]
[Footnote x: Goldast. _constit. imper._ _tom._ 3. _pag._ 406.]
[Footnote y: Dufresne. V. 806. Mod. Un. Hist. xxix. 5.]
[Footnote z: _Rex, &c, salutem. Scribatis episcopo Karl. quod--Roberto de Icard pensionem suam, quam ad preces regis praedicto Roberto concessit, de caetero solvat; et de proxima ecclesia vacatura de collatione praedicti episcopi, quam ipse Robertus acceptaverit, respiciat._ _Brev._ 11 Edw. I. 3 Pryn. 1264.]
[Footnote a: ch. 8. pag. 273.]
[Footnote b: See the bishop of Chester's case. Oxon. 1721.]
THE power and authority of a bishop, besides the administration of certain holy ordinances peculiar to that sacred order, consists principally in inspecting the manners of the people and clergy, and punishing them, in order to reformation, by ecclesiastical censures. To this purpose he has several courts under him, and may visit at pleasure every part of his diocese. His chancellor is appointed to hold his courts for him, and to assist him in matters of ecclesiastical law; who, as well as all other ecclesiastical officers, if lay or married, must be a doctor of the civil law, so created in some university[c]. It is also the business of a bishop to institute and to direct induction to all ecclesiastical livings in his diocese.
[Footnote c: Stat. 37 Hen. VIII. c. 17.]
ARCHBISHOPRICKS and bishopricks may become void by death, deprivation for any very gross and notorious crime, and also by resignation. All resignations must be made to some superior[d]. Therefore a bishop must resign to his metropolitan; but the arch-bishop can resign to none but the king himself.
[Footnote d: Gibs. cod. 822.]
II. A DEAN and chapter are the council of the bishop, to assist him with their advice in affairs of religion, and also in the temporal concerns of his see[e]. When the rest of the clergy were settled in the several parishes of each diocese (as hath formerly[f] been mentioned) these were reserved for the celebration of divine service in the bishop's own cathedral; and the chief of them, who presided over the rest, obtained the name of _decanus_ or dean, being probably at first appointed to superintend _ten_ canons or prebendaries.
[Footnote e: 3 Rep. 75. Co. Litt. 103, 300.]
[Footnote f: pag. 108, 109.]
ALL antient deans are elected by the chapter, by _conge d'eslire_ from the king, and letters missive of recommendation; in the same manner as bishops: but in those chapters, that were founded by Henry VIII out of the spoils of the dissolved monasteries, the deanery is donative, and the installation merely by the king's letters patent[g]. The chapter, consisting of canons or prebendaries, are sometimes appointed by the king, sometimes by the bishop, and sometimes elected by each other.
[Footnote g: Gibs. cod. 173.]
THE dean and chapter are, as was before observed, the nominal electors of a bishop. The bishop is their ordinary and immediate superior; and has, generally speaking, the power of visiting them, and correcting their excesses and enormities. They had also a check on the bishop at common law: for till the statute 32 Hen. VIII. c. 28. his grant or lease would not have bound his successors, unless confirmed by the dean and chapter[h].
[Footnote h: Co. Litt. 103.]
DEANERIES and prebends may become void, like a bishoprick, by death, by deprivation, or by resignation to either the king or the bishop[j]. Also I may here mention, once for all, that if a dean, prebendary, or other spiritual person be made a bishop, all the preferments he was before possessed of are void; and the king may present to them in right of his prerogative royal. But they are not void by the election, but only by the consecration[i].
[Footnote j: Plowd. 498.]
[Footnote i: 2 Roll. Abr. 352. Salk. 137. [Transcriber's Note: Footnotes j and i are in this order in the original.]]
III. AN arch-deacon hath an ecclesiastical jurisdiction, immediately subordinate to the bishop, throughout the whole of his diocese, or in some particular part of it. He is usually appointed by the bishop himself; and hath a kind of episcopal authority, originally derived from the bishop, but now independent and distinct from his[k]. He therefore visits the clergy; and has his separate court for punishment of offenders by spiritual censures, and for hearing all other causes of ecclesiastical cognizance.
[Footnote k: 1 Burn. eccl. law. 68, 69.]
IV. THE rural deans are very antient officers of the church[l], but almost grown out of use; though their deaneries still subsist as an ecclesiastical division of the diocese, or archdeaconry. They seem to have been deputies of the bishop, planted all round his diocese, the better to inspect the conduct of the parochial clergy, and therefore armed with an inferior degree of judicial and coercive authority[m].
[Footnote l: Kennet. par. antiq. 633.]
[Footnote m: Gibs. cod. 972.]
V. THE next, and indeed the most numerous order of men in the system of ecclesiastical polity, are the parsons and vicars of parishes: in treating of whom I shall first mark out the distinction between them; shall next observe the method by which one may become a parson or vicar; shall then briefly touch upon their rights and duties; and shall, lastly, shew how one may cease to be either.
A PARSON, _persona ecclesiae_, is one that hath full possession of all the rights of a parochial church. He is called parson, _persona_, because by his person the church, which is an invisible body, is represented; and he is in himself a body corporate, in order to protect and defend the rights of the church (which he personates) by a perpetual succession[n]. He is sometimes called the rector, or governor, of the church: but the appellation of _parson_, (however it may be depreciated by familiar, clownish, and indiscriminate use) is the most legal, most beneficial, and most honourable title that a parish priest can enjoy; because such a one, (sir Edward Coke observes) and he only, is said _vicem seu personam ecclesiae gerere_. A parson has, during his life, the freehold in himself of the parsonage house, the glebe, the tithes, and other dues. But these are sometimes _appropriated_; that is to say, the benefice is perpetually annexed to some spiritual corporation, either sole or aggregate, being the patron of the living; whom the law esteems equally capable of providing for the service of the church, as any single private clergyman. This contrivance seems to have sprung from the policy of the monastic orders, who have never been deficient in subtle inventions for the increase of their own power and emoluments. At the first establishment of parochial clergy, the tithes of the parish were distributed in a fourfold division; one for the use of the bishop, another for maintaining the fabrick of the church, a third for the poor, and the fourth to provide for the incumbent. When the sees of the bishops became otherwise amply endowed, they were prohibited from demanding their usual share of these tithes, and the division was into three parts only. And hence it was inferred by the monasteries, that a small part was sufficient for the officiating priest, and that the remainder might well be applied to the use of their own fraternities, (the endowment of which was construed to be a work of the most exalted piety) subject to the burthen of repairing the church and providing for it's constant supply. And therefore they begged and bought, for masses and obits, and sometimes even for money, all the advowsons within their reach, and then appropriated the benefices to the use of their own corporation. But, in order to complete such appropriation effectually, the king's licence, and consent of the bishop, must first be obtained; because both the king and the bishop may sometime or other have an interest, by lapse, in the presentation to the benefice; which can never happen if it be appropriated to the use of a corporation, which never dies: and also because the law reposes a confidence in them, that they will not consent to any thing that shall be to the prejudice of the church. The consent of the patron also is necessarily implied, because (as was before observed) the appropriation can be originally made to none, but to such spiritual corporation, as is also the patron of the church; the whole being indeed nothing else, but an allowance for the patrons to retain the tithes and glebe in their own hands, without presenting any clerk, they themselves undertaking to provide for the service of the church[o]. When the appropriation is thus made, the appropriators and their successors are perpetual parsons of the church; and must sue and be sued, in all matters concerning the rights of the church, by the name of parsons[p].
[Footnote n: Co. Litt. 300.]
[Footnote o: Plowd. 496-500.]
[Footnote p: Hob. 307.]
THIS appropriation may be severed, and the church become disappropriate, two ways: as, first, if the patron or appropriator presents a clerk, who is instituted and inducted to the parsonage: for the incumbent so instituted and inducted is to all intents and purposes complete parson; and the appropriation, being once severed, can never be re-united again, unless by a repetition of the same solemnities[q]. And when the clerk so presented is distinct from the vicar, the rectory thus vested in him becomes what is called a _sine-cure_; because he hath no cure of souls, having a vicar under him to whom that cure is committed[r]. Also, if the corporation which has the appropriation is dissolved, the parsonage becomes disappropriate at common law; because the perpetuity of person is gone, which is necessary to support the appropriation.
[Footnote q: Co. Litt. 46.]
[Footnote r: Sine-cures might also be created by other means. 2 Burn. eccl. law. 347.]
IN this manner, and subject to these conditions, may appropriations be made at this day: and thus were most, if not all, of the appropriations at present existing originally made; being annexed to bishopricks, prebends, religious houses, nay, even to nunneries, and certain military orders, all of which were spiritual corporations. At the dissolution of monasteries by statutes 27 Hen. VIII. c. 28. and 31 Hen. VIII. c. 13. the appropriations of the several parsonages, which belonged to those respective religious houses, (amounting to more than one third of all the parishes in England[s]) would have been by the rules of the common law disappropriated; had not a clause in those statutes intervened, to give them to the king in as ample a manner as the abbots, &c, formerly held the same, at the time of their dissolution. This, though perhaps scarcely defensible, was not without example; for the same was done in former reigns, when the alien priories, (that is, such as were filled by foreigners only) were dissolved and given to the crown[t]. And from these two roots have sprung all the lay appropriations or secular parsonages, which we now see in the kingdom; they having been afterwards granted out from time to time by the crown[u].
[Footnote s: Seld. review of tith. c. 9. Spelm. Apology. 35.]
[Footnote t: 2 Inst. 584.]
[Footnote u: Sir H. Spelman (of tythes, c. 29.) says these are now called impropriations, as being _improperly_ in the hands of laymen.]
THESE appropriating corporations, or religious houses, were wont to depute one of their own body to perform divine service, and administer the sacraments, in those parishes of which the society was thus the parson. This officiating minister was in reality no more than a curate, deputy, or vicegerent of the appropriator, and therefore called _vicarius_, or _vicar_. His stipend was at the discretion of the appropriator, who was however bound of common right to find somebody, _qui illi de temporalibus, episcopo de spiritualibus, debeat respondere_[w]. But this was done in so scandalous a manner, and the parishes suffered so much by the neglect of the appropriators, that the legislature was forced to interpose: and accordingly it is enacted by statute 15 Ric. II. c. 6. that in all appropriations of churches, the diocesan bishop shall ordain (in proportion to the value of the church) a competent sum to be distributed among the poor parishioners annually; and that the vicarage shall be _sufficiently_ endowed. It seems the parish were frequently sufferers, not only by the want of divine service, but also by withholding those alms, for which, among other purposes, the payment of tithes was originally imposed: and therefore in this act a pension is directed to be distributed among the poor parochians, as well as a sufficient stipend to the vicar. But he, being liable to be removed at the pleasure of the appropriator, was not likely to insist too rigidly on the legal sufficiency of the stipend: and therefore by statute 4 Hen. IV. c. 12. it is ordained, that the vicar shall be a secular person, not a member of any religious house; that he shall be vicar perpetual, not removeable at the caprice of the monastery; and that he shall be canonically instituted and inducted, and be sufficiently endowed, at the discretion of the ordinary, for these three express purposes, to do divine service, to inform the people, and to keep hospitality. The endowments in consequence of these statutes have usually been by a portion of the glebe, or land, belonging to the parsonage, and a
## particular share of the tithes, which the appropriators found it most
troublesome to collect, and which are therefore generally called privy, small, or vicarial, tithes; the greater, or predial, tithes being still referred to their own use. But one and the same rule was not observed in the endowment of all vicarages. Hence some are more liberally, and some more scantily, endowed; and hence many things, as wood in particular, is in some countries a predial, and in some a vicarial tithe.
[Footnote w: Seld. tith. c. 11. 1.]
THE distinction therefore of a parson and vicar is this; that the parson has for the most part the whole right to all the ecclesiastical dues in his parish; but a vicar has generally an appropriator over him, entitled to the best part of the profits, to whom he is in effect perpetual curate, with a standing salary. Though in some places the vicarage has been considerably augmented by a large share of the great tithes; which augmentations were greatly assisted by the statute 29 Car. II. c. 8. enacted in favour of poor vicars and curates, which rendered such temporary augmentations (when made by the appropriators) perpetual.
THE method of becoming a parson or vicar is much the same. To both there are four requisites necessary: holy orders; presentation; institution; and induction. The method of conferring the holy orders of deacon and priest, according to the liturgy and canons[x], is foreign to the purpose of these commentaries; any farther than as they are necessary requisites to make a complete parson or vicar. By common law a deacon, of any age, might be instituted and inducted to a parsonage or vicarage: but it was ordained by statute 13 Eliz. c. 12. that no person under twenty three years of age, and in deacon's orders, should be presented to any benefice with cure; and if he were not ordained priest within one year after his induction, he should be _ipso facto_ deprived: and now, by statute 13 & 14 Car. II. c. 4. no person is capable to be admitted to any benefice, unless he hath been first ordained a priest; and then he is, in the language of the law, a clerk in orders. But if he obtains orders, or a licence to preach, by money or corrupt practices (which seems to be the true, though not the common notion of simony) the person giving such orders forfeits[y] 40_l._ and the person receiving 10_l._ and is incapable of any ecclesiastical preferment for seven years afterwards.
[Footnote x: See 2 Burn. eccl. law. 103.]
[Footnote y: Stat. 31 Eliz. c. 6.]
ANY clerk may be presented[z] to a parsonage or vicarage; that is, the patron, to whom the advowson of the church belongs, may offer his clerk to the bishop of the diocese to be instituted. Of advowsons, or the right of presentation, being a species of private property, we shall find a more convenient place to treat in the second part of these commentaries. But when a clerk is presented, the bishop may refuse him upon many accounts. As, 1. If the patron is excommunicated, and remains in contempt forty days[a]. Or, 2. If the clerk be unfit[b]: which unfitness is of several kinds. First, with regard to his person; as if he be a bastard, an outlaw, an excommunicate, an alien, under age, or the like[c]. Next, with regard to his faith or morals; as for any particular heresy, or vice that is _malum in se_: but if the bishop alleges only in generals, as that he is _schismaticus inveteratus_, or objects a fault that is _malum prohibitum_ merely, as haunting taverns, playing at unlawful games, or the like; it is not good cause of refusal[d]. Or, lastly, the clerk may be unfit to discharge the pastoral office for want of learning. In any of which cases the bishop may refuse the clerk. In case the refusal is for heresy, schism, inability of learning, or other matter of ecclesiastical cognizance, there the bishop must give notice to the patron of such his cause of refusal, who, being usually a layman, is not supposed to have knowlege of it; else he cannot present by lapse: but if the cause be temporal, there he is not bound to give notice[e].
[Footnote z: A layman may also be presented; but he must take priests orders before his admission. 1 Burn. 103.]
[Footnote a: 2 Roll. Abr. 355.]
[Footnote b: Glanv. _l._ 13. _c._ 20.]
[Footnote c: 2 Roll. Abr. 356. 2 Inst. 632. Stat. 3 Ric. II. c. 3. 7 Ric. II. c. 12.]
[Footnote d: 5 Rep. 58.]
[Footnote e: 2 Inst. 632.]
IF an action at law be brought by the patron against the bishop, for refusing his clerk, the bishop must assign the cause. If the cause be of a temporal nature and the fact admitted, (as, for instance, outlawry) the judges of the king's courts must determine it's validity, or, whether it be sufficient cause of refusal: but if the fact be denied, it must be determined by a jury. If the cause be of a spiritual nature, (as, heresy, particularly alleged) the fact if denied shall also be determined by a jury; and if the fact be admitted or found, the court upon consultation and advice of learned divines shall decide it's sufficiency[f]. If the cause be want of learning, the bishop need not specify in what points the clerk is deficient, but only allege that he _is_ deficient[g]: for the statute 9 Edw. II. st. 1. c. 13. is express, that the examination of the fitness of a person presented to a benefice belongs to the ecclesiastical judge. But because it would be nugatory in this case to demand the reason of refusal from the ordinary, if the patron were bound to abide by his determination, who has already pronounced his clerk unfit; therefore if the bishop returns the clerk to be _minus sufficiens in literatura_, the court shall write to the metropolitan, to reexamine him, and certify his qualifications; which certificate of the arch-bishop is final[h].
[Footnote f: 2 Inst. 632.]
[Footnote g: 5 Rep. 58. 3 Lev. 313.]
[Footnote h: 2 Inst. 632.]
IF the bishop hath no objections, but admits the patron's presentation, the clerk so admitted is next to be instituted by him; which is a kind of investiture of the spiritual part of the benefice: for by institution the care of the souls of the parish is committed to the charge of the clerk. When a vicar is instituted, he (besides the usual forms) takes, if required by the bishop, an oath of perpetual residence; for the maxim of law is, that _vicarius non habet vicarium_: and as the non-residence of the appropriators was the cause of the perpetual establishment of vicarages, the law judges it very improper for them to defeat the end of their constitution, and by absence to create the very mischiefs which they were appointed to remedy: especially as, if any profits are to arise from putting in a curate and living at a distance from the parish, the appropriator, who is the real parson, has undoubtedly the elder title to them. When the ordinary is also the patron, and _confers_ the living, the presentation and institution are one and the same act, and are called a collation to a benefice. By institution or collation the church is full, so that there can be no fresh presentation till another vacancy, at least in the case of a common patron; but the church is not full against the king, till induction: nay, even if a clerk is instituted upon the king's presentation, the crown may revoke it before induction, and present another clerk[i]. Upon institution also the clerk may enter on the parsonage house and glebe, and take the tithes; but he cannot grant or let them, or bring any action for them, till induction.
[Footnote i: Co. Litt. 344.]
INDUCTION is performed by a mandate from the bishop to the arch-deacon, who usually issues out a precept to other clergymen to perform it for him. It is done by giving the clerk corporal possession of the church, as by holding the ring of the door, tolling a bell, or the like; and is a form required by law, with intent to give all the parishioners due notice, and sufficient certainty of their new minister, to whom their tithes are to be paid. This therefore is the investiture of the temporal part of the benefice, as institution is of the spiritual. And when a clerk is thus presented, instituted, and inducted into a rectory, he is then, and not before, in full and complete possession, and is called in law _persona impersonata_, or parson imparsonee[k].
[Footnote k: Co. Litt. 300.]
THE rights of a parson or vicar, in his tithes and ecclesiastical dues, fall more properly under the second book of these commentaries: and as to his duties, they are principally of ecclesiastical cognizance; those only excepted which are laid upon him by statute. And those are indeed so numerous that it is impracticable to recite them here with any tolerable conciseness or accuracy. Some of them we may remark, as they arise in the progress of our enquiries, but for the rest I must refer myself to such authors as have compiled treatises expressly upon this subject[l]. I shall only just mention the article of residence, upon the supposition of which the law doth stile every parochial minister an incumbent. By statute 21 Hen. VIII. c. 13. persons wilfully absenting themselves from their benefices, for one month together, or two months in the year, incur a penalty of 5_l._ to the king, and 5_l._ to any person that will sue for the same: except chaplains to the king, or others therein mentioned[m], during their attendance in the houshold of such as retain them: and also except[n] all heads of houses, magistrates, and professors in the universities, and all students under forty years of age residing there, _bona fide_, for study. Legal residence is not only in the parish, but also in the parsonage house: for it hath been resolved[o], that the statute intended residence, not only for serving the cure, and for hospitality; but also for maintaining the house, that the successor also may keep hospitality there.
[Footnote l: These are very numerous: but there are only two, which can be relied on with any degree of certainty; bishop Gibson's _codex_, and Dr Burn's ecclesiastical law.]
[Footnote m: Stat. 25 Hen. VIII. c. 16. 33 Hen. VIII. c. 28.]
[Footnote n: Stat. 28 Hen. VIII. c. 13.]
[Footnote o: 6 Rep. 21.]
WE have seen that there is but one way, whereby one may become a parson or vicar: there are many ways, by which one may cease to be so. 1. By death. 2. By cession, in taking another benefice. For by statute 21 Hen. VIII. c. 13. if any one having a benefice of 8_l._ _per annum_, or upwards, in the king's books, (according to the present valuation[p],) accepts any other, the first shall be adjudged void; unless he obtains a dispensation; which no one is entitled to have, but the chaplains of the king and others therein mentioned, the brethren and sons of lords and knights, and doctors and bachelors of divinity and law, _admitted by the universities_ of this realm. And a vacancy thus made, for want of a dispensation, is called cession. 3. By consecration; for, as was mentioned before, when a clerk is promoted to a bishoprick, all his other preferments are void the instant that he is consecrated. But there is a method, by the favour of the crown, of holding such livings _in commendam_. _Commenda_, or _ecclesia commendata_, is a living commended by the crown to the care of a clerk, to hold till a proper pastor is provided for it. This may be temporary, for one, two, or three years, or perpetual; being a kind of dispensation to avoid the vacancy of the living, and is called a _commenda retinere_. There is also a _commenda recipere_, which is to take a benefice _de novo_, in the bishop's own gift, or the gift of some other patron consenting to the same; and this is the same to him as institution and induction are to another clerk[q]. 4. By resignation. But this is of no avail, till accepted by the ordinary; into whose hands the resignation must be made[r]. 5. By deprivation, either by canonical censures, of which I am not to speak; or in pursuance of divers penal statutes, which declare the benefice void, for some nonfeasance or neglect, or else some malefeasance or crime. As, for simony[s]; for maintaining any doctrine in derogation of the king's supremacy, or of the thirty nine articles, or of the book of common-prayer[t]; for neglecting after institution to read the articles in the church, or make the declarations against popery, or take the abjuration oath[u]; for using any other form of prayer than the liturgy of the church of England[w]; or for absenting himself sixty days in one year from a benefice belonging to a popish patron, to which the clerk was presented by either of the universities[x]; in all which and similar cases[y] the benefice is _ipso facto_ void, without any formal sentence of deprivation.
[Footnote p: Cro. Car. 456.]
[Footnote q: Hob. 144.]
[Footnote r: Cro. Jac. 198.]
[Footnote s: Stat. 31 Eliz. c. 6. and 12 Ann. c. 12.]
[Footnote t: Stat. 1 Eliz. c. 1 & 2. and 13 Eliz. c. 12.]
[Footnote u: Stat. 13 Eliz. c. 12. 14 Car. II. c. 4. and 1 Geo. I. c. 6.]
[Footnote w: Stat. 1 Eliz. c. 2.]
[Footnote x: Stat. 1 W. & M. c. 26.]
[Footnote y: 6 Rep. 29, 30.]
VI. A CURATE is the lowest degree in the church; being in the same state that a vicar was formerly, an officiating temporary minister, instead of the real incumbent. Though there are what are called _perpetual_ curacies, where all the tithes are appropriated, and no vicarage endowed, (being for some particular reasons[z] exempted from the statute of Hen. IV) but, instead thereof, such perpetual curate is appointed by the appropriator. With regard to the other species of curates, they are the objects of some particular statutes, which ordain, that such as serve a church during it's vacancy shall be paid such stipend as the ordinary thinks reasonable, out of the profits of the vacancy; or, if that be not sufficient, by the successor within fourteen days after he takes possession[a]: and that, if any rector or vicar nominates a curate to the ordinary to be licenced, the ordinary shall settle his stipend under his hand and seal, not exceeding 50_l._ _per annum_, nor less than 20_l._ and on failure of payment may sequester the profits of the benefice[b].
[Footnote z: 1 Burn. eccl. law. 427.]
[Footnote a: Stat. 28 Hen. VIII. c. 11.]
[Footnote b: Stat. 12 Ann. st. 2. c. 12.]
THUS much of the clergy, properly so called. There are also certain inferior ecclesiastical officers of whom the common law takes notice; and that, principally, to assist the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, where it is deficient in powers. On which officers I shall make a few cursory remarks.
VII. CHURCHWARDENS are the guardians or keepers of the church, and representatives of the body of the parish[c]. They are sometimes appointed by the minister, sometimes by the parish, sometimes by both together, as custom directs. They are taken, in favour of the church, to be for some purposes a kind of corporation at the common law; that is, they are enabled by that name to have a property in goods and chattels, and to bring actions for them, for the use and profit of the parish. Yet they may not waste the church goods, but may be removed by the parish, and then called to account by action at the common law: but there is no method of calling them to account, but by first removing them; for none can legally do it, but those who are put in their place. As to lands, or other real property, as the church, church-yard, &c, they have no sort of interest therein; but if any damage is done thereto, the parson only or vicar shall have the
## action. Their office also is to repair the church, and make rates and
levies for that purpose: but these are recoverable only in the ecclesiastical court. They are also joined with the overseers in the care and maintenance of the poor. They are to levy[d] a shilling forfeiture on all such as do not repair to church on sundays and holidays, and are empowered to keep all persons orderly while there; to which end it has been held that a churchwarden may justify the pulling off a man's hat, without being guilty of either an assault or trespass[e]. There are also a multitude of other petty parochial powers committed to their charge by divers acts of parliament[f].
[Footnote c: In Sweden they have similar officers, whom they call _kiorckiowariandes_. Stiernhook. l. 3. c. 7.]
[Footnote d: Stat. 1 Eliz. c. 2.]
[Footnote e: 1 Lev. 196.]
[Footnote f: See Lambard of churchwardens, at the end of his _eirenarcha_; and Dr Burn, tit. _church, churchwardens, visitation_.]
VIII. PARISH clerks and sextons are also regarded by the common law, as persons who have freeholds in their offices; and therefore though they may be punished, yet they cannot be deprived, by ecclesiastical censures[g]. The parish clerk was formerly always in holy orders; and some are so to this day. He is generally appointed by the incumbent, but by custom may be chosen by the inhabitants; and if such custom appears, the court of king's bench will grant a _mandamus_ to the arch-deacon to swear him in, for the establishment of the custom turns it into a temporal or civil right[h].
[Footnote g: 2 Roll. Abr. 234.]
[Footnote h: Cro. Car. 589.]
CHAPTER THE TWELFTH.
OF THE CIVIL STATE.
THE lay part of his majesty's subjects, or such of the people as are not comprehended under the denomination of clergy, may be divided into three distinct states, the civil, the military, and the maritime.
THAT part of the nation which falls under our first and most comprehensive division, the civil state, includes all orders of men, from the highest nobleman to the meanest peasant; that are not included under either our former division, of clergy, or under one of the two latter, the military and maritime states: and it may sometimes include individuals of the other three orders; since a nobleman, a knight, a gentleman, or a peasant, may become either a divine, a soldier, or a seaman.
THE civil state consists of the nobility and the commonalty. Of the nobility, the peerage of Great Britain, or lords temporal, as forming (together with the bishops) one of the supreme branches of the legislature, I have before sufficiently spoken: we are here to consider them according to their several degrees, or titles of honour.
ALL degrees of nobility and honour are derived from the king as their fountain[a]: and he may institute what new titles he pleases. Hence it is that all degrees of honour are not of equal antiquity. Those now in use are dukes, marquesses, earls, viscounts, and barons[b].
[Footnote a: 4 Inst. 363.]
[Footnote b: For the original of these titles on the continent of Europe, and their subsequent introduction into this island, see Mr Selden's _titles of honour_.]
1. A _duke_, though it be with us, as a mere title of nobility, inferior in point of antiquity to many others, yet it is superior to all of them in rank; being the first title of dignity after the royal family[c]. Among the Saxons the Latin name of dukes, _duces_, is very frequent, and signified, as among the Romans, the commanders or leaders of their armies, whom in their own language they called [Anglo-Saxon: heretoga][d]; and in the laws of Henry I (as translated by Lambard) we find them called _heretochii_. But after the Norman conquest, which changed the military polity of the nation, the kings themselves continuing for many generations _dukes_ of Normandy, they would not honour any subjects with that title, till the time of Edward III; who, claiming to be king of France, and thereby losing the ducal in the royal dignity, in the eleventh year of his reign created his son, Edward the black prince, duke of Cornwall: and many, of the royal family especially, were afterwards raised to the same honour. However, in the reign of queen Elizabeth, _A.D._ 1572[e], the whole order became utterly extinct: but it was revived about fifty years afterwards by her successor, who was remarkably prodigal of honours, in the person of George Villiers duke of Buckingham.
[Footnote c: Camden. Britan. _tit. ordines_.]
[Footnote d: This is apparently derived from the same root as the German [Fraktur: hertzogen], the antient appellation of dukes in that country. Seld. tit. hon. 2. 1. 22.]
[Footnote e: Camden. Britan. _tit. ordines_. Spelman. _Gloss._ 191.]
2. A _marquess_, _marchio_, is the next degree of nobility. His office formerly was (for dignity and duty were never separated by our ancestors) to guard the frontiers and limits of the kingdom; which were called the marches, from the teutonic word, _marche_, a limit: as, in particular, were the marches of Wales and Scotland, while they continued to be enemies countries. The persons who had command there, were called lords marchers, or marquesses; whose authority was abolished by statute 27 Hen. VIII. c. 27: though the title had long before been made a mere ensign of honour; Robert Vere, earl of Oxford, being created marquess of Dublin, by Richard II in the eighth year of his reign[f].
[Footnote f: 2 Inst. 5.]
3. AN _earl_ is a title of nobility so antient, that it's original cannot clearly be traced out. Thus much seems tolerably certain: that among the Saxons they were called _ealdormen_, _quasi_ elder men, signifying the same as _senior_ or _senator_ among the Romans; and also _schiremen_, because they had each of them the civil government of a several division or shire. On the irruption of the Danes, they changed the name to _eorles_, which, according to Camden[g], signified the same in their language. In Latin they are called _comites_ (a title first used in the empire) from being the king's attendants; "_a societate nomen sumpserunt, reges enim tales sibi associant_[h]." After the Norman conquest they were for some time called _counts_, or _countees_, from the French; but they did not long retain that name themselves, though their shires are from thence called counties to this day. It is now become a mere title, they having nothing to do with the government of the county; which, as has been more than once observed, is now entirely devolved on the sheriff, the earl's deputy, or _vice-comes_. In all writs, and commissions, and other formal instruments, the king, when he mentions any peer of the degree of an earl, always stiles him "trusty and well beloved _cousin_:" an appellation as antient as the reign of Henry IV; who being either by his wife, his mother, or his sisters, actually related or allied to every earl in the kingdom, artfully and constantly acknowleged that connexion in all his letters and other public acts; from whence the usage has descended to his successors, though the reason has long ago failed.
[Footnote g: _Ibid._]
[Footnote h: Bracton. _l._ 1. _c._ 8. Fleta. _l._ i. _c._ 5.]
4. THE name of _vice-comes_ or _viscount_ was afterwards made use of as an arbitrary title of honour, without any shadow of office pertaining to it, by Henry the sixth; when in the eighteenth year of his reign, he created John Beaumont a peer, by the name of viscount Beaumont, which was the first instance of the kind[i].
[Footnote i: 2 Inst. 5.]
5. A _baron_'s is the most general and universal title of nobility; for originally every one of the peers of superior rank had also a barony annexed to his other titles[k]. But it hath sometimes happened that, when an antient baron hath been raised to a new degree of peerage, in the course of a few generations the two titles have descended differently; one perhaps to the male descendants, the other to the heirs general; whereby the earldom or other superior title hath subsisted without a barony: and there are also modern instances where earls and viscounts have been created without annexing a barony to their other honours: so that now the rule does not hold universally, that all peers are barons. The original and antiquity of baronies has occasioned great enquiries among our English antiquarians. The most probable opinion seems to be, that they were the same with our present lords of manors; to which the name of court baron, (which is the lord's court, and incident to every manor) gives some countenance. It may be collected from king John's _magna carta_[l], that originally all lords of manors, or barons, that held of the king _in capite_, had seats in the great council or parliament, till about the reign of that prince the conflux of them became so large and troublesome, that the king was obliged to divide them, and summon only the greater barons in person; leaving the small ones to be summoned by the sheriff, and (as it is said) to sit by representation in another house; which gave rise to the separation of the two houses of parliament[m]. By degrees the title came to be confined to the greater barons, or lords of parliament only; and there were no other barons among the peerage but such as were summoned by writ, in respect of the tenure of their lands or baronies, till Richard the second first made it a mere title of honor, by conferring it on divers persons by his letters patent[n].
[Footnote k: 2 Inst. 5, 6.]
[Footnote l: _cap._ 14.]
[Footnote m: Gilb. hist. exch. c. 3. Seld. tit. of hon. 2. 5. 21.]
[Footnote n: 1 Inst. 9. Seld. _Jan. Angl._ 2. §. 66.]
HAVING made this short enquiry into the original of our several degrees of nobility, I shall next consider the manner in which they may be created. The right of peerage seems to have been originally territorial; that is, annexed to lands, honors, castles, manors, and the like, the proprietors and possessors of which were (in right of those estates) allowed to be peers of the realm, and were summoned to parliament to do suit and service to their sovereign: and, when the land was alienated, the dignity passed with it as appendant. Thus the bishops still sit in the house of lords in right of succession to certain antient baronies annexed, or supposed to be annexed, to their episcopal lands[o]: and thus, in 11 Hen. VI, the possession of the castle of Arundel was adjudged to confer an earldom on it's possessor[p]. But afterwards, when alienations grew to be frequent, the dignity of peerage was confined to the lineage of the party ennobled, and instead of territorial became personal. Actual proof of a tenure by barony became no longer necessary to constitute a lord of parliament; but the record of the writ of summons to them or their ancestors was admitted as a sufficient evidence of the tenure.
[Footnote o: Glanv. _l._ 7. _c._ 1.]
[Footnote p: Seld. tit. of hon. b. 2. c. 9. §. 5.]
PEERS are now created either by writ, or by patent: for those who claim by prescription must suppose either a writ or patent made to their ancestors; though by length of time it is lost. The creation by writ, or the king's letter, is a summons to attend the house of peers, by the stile and title of that barony, which the king is pleased to confer: that by patent is a royal grant to a subject of any dignity and degree of peerage. The creation by writ is the more antient way; but a man is not ennobled thereby, unless he actually takes his seat in the house of lords: and therefore the most usual, because the surest, way is to grant the dignity by patent, which enures to a man and his heirs according to the limitations thereof, though he never himself makes use of it[q]. Yet it is frequent to call up the eldest son of a peer to the house of lords by writ of summons, in the name of his father's barony: because in that case there is no danger of his children's losing the nobility in case he never takes his seat; for they will succeed to their grand-father. Creation by writ has also one advantage over that by patent: for a person created by writ holds the dignity to him _and his heirs_, without any words to that purport in the writ; but in letters patent there must be words to direct the inheritance, else the dignity enures only to the grantee for life[r]. For a man or woman may be created noble for their own lives, and the dignity not descend to their heirs at all, or descend only to some
## particular heirs: as where a peerage is limited to a man, and the
heirs male of his body by Elizabeth his present lady, and not to such heirs by any former or future wife.
[Footnote q: Co. Litt. 16.]
[Footnote r: Co. Litt. 9. 16.]
LET us next take a view of a few of the principal incidents attending the nobility, exclusive of their capacity as members of parliament, and as hereditary counsellors of the crown; both of which we have before considered. And first we must observe, that in criminal cases, a nobleman shall be tried by his peers. The great are always obnoxious to popular envy: were they to be judged by the people, they might be in danger from the prejudice of their judges; and would moreover be deprived of the privilege of the meanest subjects, that of being tried by their equals, which is secured to all the realm by _magna carta_, c. 29. It is said, that this does not extend to bishops; who, though they are lords of parliament, and sit there by virtue of their baronies which they hold _jure ecclesiae_, yet are not ennobled in blood, and consequently not peers with the nobility[s]. As to peeresses, no provision was made for their trial when accused of treason or felony, till after Eleanor dutchess of Gloucester, wife to the lord protector, had been accused of treason and found guilty of witchcraft, in an ecclesiastical synod, through the intrigues of cardinal Beaufort. This very extraordinary trial gave occasion to a special statute, 20 Hen. VI. c. 9. which enacts that peeresses either in their own right, or by marriage, shall be tried before the same judicature as peers of the realm. If a woman, noble in her own right, marries a commoner, she still remains noble, and shall be tried by her peers: but if she be only noble by marriage, then by a second marriage, with a commoner, she loses her dignity; for as by marriage it is gained, by marriage it is also lost. Yet if a duchess dowager marries a baron, she continues a duchess still; for all the nobility are _pares_, and therefore it is no degradation[t]. A peer, or peeress (either in her own right or by marriage) cannot be arrested in civil cases[u]: and they have also many peculiar privileges annexed to their peerage in the course of judicial proceedings. A peer, sitting in judgment, gives not his verdict upon oath, like an ordinary juryman, but upon his honour[w]: he answers also to bills in chancery upon his honour, and not upon his oath[x]; but, when he is examined as a witness either in civil or criminal cases, he must be sworn[y]: for the respect, which the law shews to the honour of a peer, does not extend so far as to overturn a settled maxim, that _in judicio non creditur nisi juratis_[z]. The honour of peers is however so highly tendered by the law, that it is much more penal to spread false reports of them, and certain other great officers of the realm, than of other men: scandal against them being called by the peculiar name of _scandalum magnatum_; and subjected to peculiar punishment by divers antient statutes[a].
[Footnote s: 3 Inst. 30, 31.]
[Footnote t: 2 Inst. 50.]
[Footnote u: Finch. L. 355. 1 Ventr. 298.]
[Footnote w: 2 Inst 49.]
[Footnote x: 1 P. Wms. 146.]
[Footnote y: Salk. 512.]
[Footnote z: Cro. Car. 64.]
[Footnote a: 3 Edw. I. c. 34. 2 Ric. II. st. 1. c. 5. 12 Ric. II. c. 11.]
A PEER cannot lose his nobility, but by death or attainder; hough [Transcriber's Note: though] there was an instance, in the reign of Edward the fourth, of the degradation of George Nevile duke of Bedford by act of parliament[b], on account of his poverty, which rendered him unable to support his dignity[c]. But this is a singular instance: which serves at the same time, by having happened, to shew the power of parliament; and, by having happened but once, to shew how tender the parliament hath been, in exerting so high a power. It hath been said indeed[d], that if a baron waste his estate, so that he is not able to support the degree, the _king_ may degrade him: but it is expressly held by later authorities[e], that a peer cannot be degraded but by act of _parliament_.
[Footnote b: 4 Inst. 355.]
[Footnote c: The preamble to the act is remarkable: "forasmuch as oftentimes it is seen, that when any lord is called to high estate, and hath not convenient livelyhood to support the same dignity, it induceth great poverty and indigence, and causeth oftentimes great extortion, embracery, and maintenance to be had; to the great trouble of all such countries where such estate shall happen to be: therefore, &c."]
[Footnote d: By lord chancellor Ellesmere. Moor. 678.]
[Footnote e: 12 Rep. 107. 12 Mod. 56.]
THE commonalty, like the nobility, are divided into several degrees; and, as the lords, though different in rank, yet all of them are peers in respect of their nobility, so the commoners, though some are greatly superior to others, yet all are in law peers, in respect of their want of nobility[f].
[Footnote f: 2 Inst. 29.]
THE first name of dignity, next beneath a peer, was anciently that of _vidames_, _vice domini_, or _valvasors_[g]: who are mentioned by our antient lawyers[h] as _viri magnae dignitatis_; and sir Edward Coke[i] speaks highly of them. Yet they are now quite out of use; and our legal antiquarians are not so much as agreed upon their original or ancient office.
[Footnote g: Camden. _ibid._]
[Footnote h: Bracton. _l._ 1. _c._ 8.]
[Footnote i: 2 Inst. 667.]
NOW therefore the first dignity after the nobility, is a _knight_ of the order of St. George, or _of the garter_; first instituted by Edward III, _A.D._ 1344[k]. Next follows a _knight banneret_; who indeed by statutes 5 Ric. II. st. 2. c. 4. and 14 Ric. II. c. 11. is ranked next after barons: and that precedence was confirmed to him by order of king James I, in the tenth year of his reign[l]. But, in order to intitle himself to this rank, he must have been created by the king in person, in the field, under the royal banners, in time of open war[m]. Else he ranks after _baronets_; who are the next order: which title is a dignity of inheritance, created by letters patent, and usually descendible to the issue male. It was first instituted by king James the first, _A.D._ 1611. in order to raise a competent sum for the reduction of the province of Ulster in Ireland; for which reason all baronets have the arms of Ulster superadded to their family coat. Next follow _knights of the bath_; an order instituted by king Henry IV, and revived by king George the first. They are so called from the ceremony of bathing, the night before their creation. The last of these inferior nobility are _knights bachelors_; the most antient, though the lowest, order of knighthood amongst us: for we have an instance[n] of king Alfred's conferring this order on his son Athelstan. The custom of the antient Germans was to give their young men a shield and a lance in the great council: this was equivalent to the _toga virilis_ of the Romans: before this they were not permitted to bear arms, but were accounted as part of the father's houshold; after it, as part of the public[o]. Hence some derive the usage of knighting, which has prevailed all over the western world, since it's reduction by colonies from those northern heroes. Knights are called in Latin _equites aurati_; _aurati_, from the gilt spurs they wore; and _equites_, because they always served on horseback: for it is observable[p], that almost all nations call their knights by some appellation derived from an horse. They are also called in our law _milites_, because they formed a part, or indeed the whole of the royal army, in virtue of their feodal tenures; one condition of which was, that every one who held a knights fee (which in Henry the second's time[q] amounted to 20_l._ _per annum_) was obliged to be knighted, and attend the king in his wars, or fine for his non-compliance. The exertion of this prerogative, as an expedient to raise money in the reign of Charles the first, gave great offence; though warranted by law, and the recent example of queen Elizabeth: but it was, at the restoration, together with all other military branches of the feodal law, abolished; and this kind of knighthood has, since that time, fallen into great disregard.
[Footnote k: Seld. tit. of hon. 2. 5. 41.]
[Footnote l: Seld. tit. hon. 2. 11. 3.]
[Footnote m: 4 Inst. 6.]
[Footnote n: Will. Malmsb. _lib._ 2.]
[Footnote o: Tac. _de morib. Germ._ 13.]
[Footnote p: Camden. _ibid._ Co. Litt. 74.]
[Footnote q: Glanvil. _l._ 9. _c._ 4.]
THESE, sir Edward Coke says[r], are all the names of _dignity_ in this kingdom, esquires and gentlemen being only names of _worship_. But before these last the heralds rank all colonels, serjeants at law, and doctors in the three learned professions.
[Footnote r: 2 Inst. 667.]
ESQUIRES and gentlemen are confounded together by sir Edward Coke, who observes[s], that every esquire is a gentleman, and a gentleman is defined to be one _qui arma gerit_, who bears coat armour, the grant of which adds gentility to a man's family: in like manner as civil nobility, among the Romans, was founded in the _jus imaginum_, or having the image of one ancestor at least, who had borne some curule office. It is indeed a matter somewhat unsettled, what constitutes the distinction, or who is a real _esquire_: for it is not an estate, however large, that confers this rank upon it's owner. Camden, who was himself a herald, distinguishes them the most accurately; and he reckons up four sorts of them[t]: 1. The eldest sons of knights, and their eldest sons, in perpetual succession[u]. 2. The younger sons of peers, and their eldest sons, in like perpetual succession: both which species of esquires sir H. Spelman entitles _armigeri natalitii_[w]. 3. Esquires created by the king's letters patent, or other investiture; and their eldest sons. 4. Esquires by virtue of their offices; as justices of the peace, and others who bear any office of trust under the crown. To these may be added the esquires of knights of the bath, each of whom constitutes three at his installation; and all foreign, nay, Irish peers; and the eldest sons of peers of Great Britain, who, though generally titular lords, are only esquires in the law, and must so be named in all legal proceedings[x]. As for _gentlemen_, says sir Thomas Smith[y], they be made good cheap in this kingdom: for whosoever studieth the laws of the realm, who studieth in the universities, who professeth liberal sciences, and (to be short) who can live idly, and without manual labour, and will bear the port, charge, and countenance of a gentleman, he shall be called master, and shall be taken for a gentleman. A _yeoman_ is he that hath free land of forty shillings by the year; who is thereby qualified to serve on juries, vote for knights of the shire, and do any other act, where the law requires one that is _probus et legalis homo_[z].
[Footnote s: 2 Inst. 668.]
[Footnote t: _Ibid._]
[Footnote u: 2 Inst. 667.]
[Footnote w: Gloss. 43.]
[Footnote x: 3 Inst. 30. 2 Inst. 667.]
[Footnote y: Commonw. of Eng.