CHAPTER VI

THE RELIGION OF MITHRA

Of all the oriental religions which attracted the devotion of the West in the last three centuries of the Empire, that of Mithra was the most powerful. It is also the system which for various reasons has the greatest interest for the modern student. It is perhaps the highest and most striking example of the last efforts of paganism to reconcile itself to the great moral and spiritual movement which was setting steadily, and with growing momentum, towards purer conceptions of God, of man’s relations to Him, and of the life to come. It is also the greatest effort of syncretism to absorb, without extinguishing, the gods of the classic pantheon in a cult which was almost monotheistic, to transform old forms of nature worship and cosmic symbolism into a system which should provide at once some form of moral discipline and real satisfaction for spiritual wants. In this effort, Mithraism was not so much impeded by a heritage of coarse legend as the worships of Pessinus and Alexandria. It was indeed sprung from the same order of religious thought as they. It could never detach itself from its source as a cult of the powers of nature.(3003) But the worship of the Sun, with which Mithra was inseparably connected, was the purest and most natural form of devotion, if elemental powers were to be worshipped at all. And heathendom tended more and more under the Empire to fix its devotion on the source of all light and life. The Sun was to Plato the highest material symbol of the Infinite Good. Neo-Pythagoreanism and Neo-Platonism regarded him as the sacred image of the power beyond human ken.(3004) “Before religion,” it has been said, “had reached the point of proclaiming that God must be sought in the realm of the ideal and the absolute outside the world of sense, the one rational and scientific cult was that of the Sun.”(3005) Heliolatry also harmonised with absolutism in the State, as the old Persian kings and their imitators, the emperors of the third century, clearly perceived. The great temple of the Sun, which Aurelian, the son of a priestess of the deity, founded in the Campus Martius, with its high pontiffs and stately ritual, did honour not only to the great lord of the heavenly spheres, but to the monarch who was the august image of his power upon earth and who was endued with his special grace.(3006) The power of Mithra in the fourth century lay in the fact that, while it was tender and tolerant to the old national worships, and never broke with the inner spirit of heathenism, it created an all-embracing system which rose above all national barriers, which satisfied the philosophic thought of the age in its mysticism, and gave comfort and a hope of immortality through its sacraments.

Mithra was one of the most ancient and venerable objects of pagan devotion, as he was one of the last to be dethroned. In faint outline he can be traced to the cradle of the Aryan race.(3007) In the Vedas he is a god of light, and, as the god of truth, who hates all falsehood, he has the germ of that moral character which grew into a great force in the last age of his worship in the West. In the Avestas, the sacred books of the religion of Iran, which, however late their redaction, still enshrine a very ancient creed, Mithra has the same well-defined personality. He is the radiant god who seems to emerge from the rocky summits of eastern mountains at dawn, who careers through heaven with a team of four white horses; yet he is not sun or moon or any star, but a spirit of light, ever wakeful, watching with a thousand eyes, whom nothing can escape and nothing deceive.(3008) And so, while he gives warmth and increase to the earth, and health and wealth to men, he is also from the beginning a moral power. He confers wisdom and honour and a clear conscience and concord. He wages a truceless war with the evil powers of darkness, and guards his faithful soldiers against the craft of the enemy. He is the friend and consoler of the poor; he is the mediator between earth and heaven; he is the lord of the world to come.(3009) But his place in the Zoroastrian hierarchy was not always equally high. At one time he was only one of the _yazatas_, who were created by the supreme Ormuzd.(3010) But Mithra has still the attributes of guardian and saviour; he is approached with sacrifice, libation, ablution, and litany, as in the latest days of his power in the West. And again a higher place is given to him; he is the vicegerent of the remote, ineffable Ormuzd, the mediator through whom the supreme power crushes evil demons, and wages war with Ahriman; he is invoked in the same prayers side by side with the Supreme. The Great Kings, especially the later, regard Mithra as their special guardian, swear by him in their most solemn oaths,(3011) and call upon him in the hour of battle. If he was the god of the humble and afflicted, he was also the god of the prince and warrior noble, and so we shall find him at the end.

The Persian conquest of Babylon had lasting effects on the religion of Mithra. There he encountered a sacerdotal system which had its roots in an immemorial civilisation. The conquerors, as so often happens, were to some extent subdued by the vanquished.(3012) Syncretism set in; the deities of the two races were reconciled and identified. The magical arts and the astrolatry of the valley of the Euphrates imposed themselves on the purer Mazdean faith, and never relaxed their hold, although they failed to check its development as a moral system. Ormuzd was confounded with Bel, Mithra with Shamash or the Sun-god. The astral and solar lore, the faith in mystic numbers, which had been cultivated in Babylonia through many generations, took its place in the theology of Mithra, and they have left their mark in many a chapel on the Danube and the Rhine. Yet Mithra, identified with the Sun at Babylon, was never absorbed in the cult of the solar deity in the West.(3013) On many of the later inscriptions Mithra and the Sun are mentioned side by side as equals and allies. Yet the connection of Mithra with Babylon is never forgotten either by Greeks or Romans. Claudian connects him with the mysteries of Bel.(3014) The priest who, with many weird rites, in a waste sunless spot beside the Tigris, conducts Menippus to the underworld, wears the dress of Media, and bears the name Mithrobarzanes.(3015)

With the destruction of the Persian empire and the diffusion of Magian influence in Asia Minor, the worship arrived at its last stage before entering on the conquest of the West. The monarchs of Pontus, Armenia, Cappadocia, and Commagene, who claimed descent from the Achaemenids, were politic or enthusiastic votaries of the religious traditions of Iran.(3016) While they reverenced Ormuzd and Anaitis, Mithra was their special patron, as he was to Artaxerxes.(3017) Mithra’s name appears constantly in the names of royal houses, such as Mithradates and Mithrobarzanes. The inscription on the tomb of Antiochus of Commagene, who boasted of his descent from Darius the son of Hystaspes, records the endowment of solemn Persian rites, and combines the names of Ormuzd and Zeus, of Apollo and Mithra.(3018) In the submergence of national barriers which followed the fall of the Persian monarchy, and under the influence of Greek philosophy, that process of syncretism began in Asia Minor which was destined to produce such momentous results in the third and fourth centuries. But the Mazdean faith, strong in its associations with the ancient sources of spiritual enlightenment in the East, never succumbed to the western paganism. The classical gods might be admitted to the Mazdean heaven; Zeus might be confounded with Ormuzd; Anaitis might find an analogue in Artemis Tauropolus. But the ancient name of Mithra was never profaned in the liturgy by any translation.(3019) It was chiefly perhaps in Phrygia and Lydia that alien worships produced a lasting effect in modifying the Persian theology. The pure morality of the Mithraist creed might seem to have little in common with the orgies of the devotees of Attis and the Great Mother. But religious sentiment has a miraculous power both to reject and to transmute. The costume and Phrygian cap of Attis appear on all the monuments of Mithra to the end. And, although it is a subject of debate, the taurobolium, that baptism of blood which was the most impressive rite of the later paganism, was, in all probability, early borrowed by Mithra from the ritual of Phrygia.(3020) The pine, the emblem of immortality, which is so prominent in the scenes of mourning for Attis,(3021) also has a place in the sculptured remains of the Persian chapels. And the title Menotyrannus, a title of Attis, which is given to the Persian god on many slabs, recalls his passage through the same region.(3022) But Greek art had a more powerful and enduring effect on the future of Mithra than any of these accretions. Probably the ancient Persian faith recoiled from any material image of its divine powers,(3023) although here also Assyria may have corrupted its purity. But when Hellenic imagination began to play around the Mazdean gods, the result was certain. The victorious Mithra was clothed with human form, and his legend was fixed for ever by some nameless Pergamene artist, who drew his inspiration from the “steer-slaying Victory” of Athens.(3024) The group in which the youthful hero, his mantle blown back by the wind, with a Phrygian cap upon his head, kneels on the shoulder of the bull, as he buries his poniard in its throat, was for four centuries reproduced in countless chapels from the mouth of the Danube to the Solway. That symbolic scene, conveying so many meanings in its hieratic rigidity, became to the pious Mithraist what the image of the Divine Figure on the Cross has been for so many centuries to the devout Catholic.

The revelation of the spread of Mithra worship in the Roman Empire is one of the greatest triumphs of modern archaeology. Only faint notices of the cult are found in Herodotus, Xenophon, and Strabo.(3025) Quintus Curtius knew the Persian god as the soldier’s special patron, inspiring courage in battle.(3026) From the verses in the _Thebaid_ of Statius we may conclude that he knew something of the service in Mithra’s grottoes, and that he had seen the figure of the “bull slaying” god.(3027) Plutarch knows Mithra as the mediator between Ormuzd and Ahriman.(3028) Lucian had probably seen the rites in his native Samosata; he knew the figure with the candys and tiara, and, from the sneer at the god’s ignorance of Greek, he may perhaps have heard the old Mazdean litany.(3029) But he had probably little notion of the hold which Mithra had already obtained on the farthest regions of the West. Still less had he any prevision of his great destiny in the third and fourth centuries. Literature, down to the Antonine age, teaches us little of the character and strength of the worship. Without votive inscriptions and the many ruins of his chapels, along with the indignant, yet anxious, invective of the Christian apologists, we should never have known how near the Persian god came to justifying his title of the “Unconquered.”

It is impossible to fix the precise date when the worship of Mithra first crossed the Aegean. The silence of inscriptions must not indeed be taken as proving that he had no devotees in Italy before the Flavian age. A famous passage in Plutarch’s life of Pompey would seem to refer the first appearance of the worship in the West to the conquest of the pirates of Cilicia by Pompey, in 70 B.C.(3030) A religion of the alien and the slave may well have been long domiciled in Italy before it attracted general notice. And there may have been humble worshippers of Mithra at Rome or Puteoli even in the days of Julius Caesar. The Mithraist inscription of the time of Tiberius is now admitted to be a forgery.(3031) But from his reign may probably be dated the first serious inroads of the cult. Under Tiberius, Cappadocia was incorporated in the Empire, and Pontus under Nero; Commagene, the home of Jupiter Dolichenus, who was a firm ally of Mithra, was finally absorbed in the reign of Vespasian.(3032) The official organisation of these districts, and the constant intercourse established between central Asia Minor and the capital, must have opened many channels for the importation of new forms of devotion from the East. Almost in the very year in which Statius was penning his verses about Mithra in the _Thebaid_, a freedman of the Flavian house erected a tablet to the god on the Esquiline,(3033) and soldiers of the East carried his mysteries to the camps on the Danube. The 15th Legion, which had fought under Corbulo against the Parthians, and taken part in the conquest of Palestine in 70 A.D., in the first years of the reign of Vespasian, established the worship of Mithra at Carnuntum in Pannonia, which became henceforth the sacred city of Mithra in the West.(3034) In 102 A.D. a marble group was dedicated by the slave of a praetorian prefect of Trajan.(3035) It is probable that at Ostia we have records of the cult from the year 162.(3036) The Mithraeum, found under the church of S. Clement at Rome, has yielded an inscription of the last years of Antoninus Pius. That emperor erected a temple to Mithra at Ostia.(3037) Rome and Ostia were probably the earliest points in Italy invaded by the Persian worship. All the conditions were favourable to an early and rapid propagation of the cult in the capital of the world. Soldiers from the East would be serving in the garrison, or settled after their release from service. Eastern slaves swarmed in all the great houses, including that of the emperor. A large proportion of the dedications are made by men of servile origin, and the very name of the dedicator would often be enough to indicate his nationality. More than 100 inscriptions, more than 75 pieces of Mithraist sculpture, with the ruins of many chapels of the god, attest his powerful influence at Rome.(3038) Ostia which, since the reconstruction of Trajan, had overshadowed Puteoli, was hospitable to all alien rites.(3039) The port had at least four temples of Mithra in the second century, and it is significant of the alliance between the two worships, that a Mithraeum there was built close to a shrine of the Great Mother,(3040) and that members of the college of the Dendrophori sometimes made offerings and dedications to Mithra.(3041) The remains at Ostia disclose some other indications of the prevailing syncretism. The Roman Sylvanus has a niche in one Mithraeum, and, in another, Saturn and Jupiter, Mars, Mercury and Venus, are figured beside the purely Eastern symbols of the planets and the signs of the zodiac.(3042)

The inner secret of that rapid propaganda we shall never fully know. But we can discover with tolerable certainty the kind of people who carried the gospel of Mithra to the most remote parts of the western world. The soldiers were his most zealous missionaries.(3043) Drafted from Cappadocia or Commagene, and quartered, far from his home, in a camp on the Danube or in the Black Forest, the legionary clung to the worship of his native East, and was eager to admit his comrades to fellowship in its rites. The appearance of Mithraism in certain places can be traced directly to the quartering of a legion which had been recruited from the countries which were the original home of the worship. Officers of eastern birth on promotion passed into other corps, and extended the influence of the East.(3044) Centurions retiring from active service became apostles of the movement in the places where they settled. Syrian merchants, who were still found at Orleans in the time of the Merovingians, with all the fanaticism of their race popularised their native worships in the ports of Italy, Gaul, along the coasts of the Adriatic, and among the centres of commerce on the Danube or the Rhine.(3045) The civil servants of the emperor, clerks and commissaries of every degree, procurators and agents of great estates, who were often men of servile origin, have left many traces of their zeal in spreading the Persian worship both throughout Italy and in countries north of the Alps.(3046) The slave class probably did as much for the glory of Mithra as any other.(3047) It was largely drawn from Cappadocia, Pontus, and Phrygia, those regions where the religion of Mithra had taken deep root before it passed into Europe. And, like the Christian, the religion of Mithra was, at the outset of its career, a religion of the poor and humble. It was only in the second century that it achieved the conquest of the court and the educated classes. It was probably through slaves that it found its way into remote corners of Apulia, Lucania, or Etruria.(3048)

The stages in the spread of the Mithraist rites throughout Italy cannot be clearly traced. But in the second century the cult was established not only in Campania, Capreae, and Ischia, but in lonely country places in Southern Italy.(3049) It had spread to a circle of towns around Rome—Lanuvium, Alba, Velitrae, Labici, and Praeneste.(3050) Borne by traders, imperial officers or slaves, it followed the line of the great roads to the north. Thus we can trace its march along the Via Cassia through Etruria, at Volsinii, Arretium, and Florence.(3051) It arrived at Pisa probably by sea. Along the Flaminian Way, it may be followed through Interamna, Spoletium, and Sentinum to Bononia. At Nersae, in the Aequian territory, the cult must have been of some antiquity in 172 A.D.(3052) For, in that year the treasurer of the town, a man probably of the slave class, restored a chapel which had fallen into ruins. The roll of the patrons of a Mithraist society at Sentinum has come down to us, with the names of slaves or freedmen among its members.(3053) In Gallia Cisalpina the traces of Mithra are less frequent. Milan, already growing to its great destiny in the fourth century, and Aquileia, are the chief seats of the Persian cult. Aquileia has yielded a large number of inscriptions. From its situation at the mouth of the Po, as the great _entrepôt_ for the trade between the Adriatic and the Danubian provinces, it must have powerfully stimulated the diffusion of the worship.(3054) It is curious, however, that the passes of the Alps have yielded richer booty to the investigator in this field than the plains of Lombardy. In the mountain valleys leading to Rhaetia and Noricum, as well as in those above the Italian lakes, many relics of this far-spreading religion have been given to the light.(3055) A temple of Mithra has been discovered near Trent, in the valley of the Adige. In the Tyrol and Carinthia sacred grottoes, buried among woods and rocks, have disclosed bas-reliefs, sculptured with the traditionary figures of Persian legend. They were probably frequented by the faithful down to the reign of Valentinian.(3056) Throughout Noricum and Pannonia imperial functionaries or agents of private enterprise, procurators, clerks of the treasury, custom-house officers, or eastern freedmen and slaves, have left many traces of their devotion to the Persian god.(3057) Thus, everywhere along the great roads which radiated from Aquileia to the markets or strong places upon the Danube, the votary of Mithra would find in the days of the Antonines many a shrine, stately or humble, where he could refresh his piety by the way.

The Greek provinces have yielded but few memorials of the worship of Mithra. But, from the mouth of the Danube to the north of England his triumphant march can be traced, with only a break here and there. He follows the line of the rivers or the great roads, through the frontier camps or the centres of Roman commerce. Firmly seated at Tomi and the ports of the Black Sea, Mithra has not left many traces, so far as exploration has gone, in Thrace and Macedonia.(3058) Nor have the Moesias as yet contributed many monuments, although at Troesmis and Oescus, along the great military road, bas-reliefs and inscriptions have been brought to light.(3059) Next to Pannonia and the territory of the Upper Rhine, Dacia was the province where Mithraism seems to have reached its greatest popularity in Europe.(3060) In the year 107, after six desolating and often doubtful campaigns, Dacia was resettled and organised by Trajan.(3061) Its depopulated fields were colonised with immense masses of men from all parts of the Roman world. Probably there has seldom been such a _colluvies gentium_ assembled. And, among these alien settlers, there were many from Edessa, Palmyra, and those regions of the East where Mithra or his kindred deities had their earliest and most fervent worshippers.(3062) In the capital of the province, Sarmizegetusa, an excavated Mithraeum has afforded fifty bas-reliefs and inscriptions.(3063) The colony of Apulum can show the remains of at least four temples. And Potaissa and other places, with names strange to English ears, have enriched the museums.

Pannonia abounds with interesting remains of Mithra, not only in the great seats of Roman power on the Danube, but in places far in the interior. And in this province can be distinctly traced not only the progress of the military propaganda, but the dates, with approximate accuracy, when the mysteries of Mithra were first introduced.(3064) Aquincum and Carnuntum were the chief seats of the Persian worship on the Danube. In the former town, the god had at least five chapels in the third century. There were at least four in the territory of Carnuntum, one of them being closely connected with that of the allied deity, Jupiter Dolichenus of Commagene.(3065) The original votaries of the reign of Vespasian had been contented with a rude grotto, partially formed by the configuration of the rocks, the intervals being filled in with masonry.(3066) This structure in the third century was replaced by a more stately edifice at the expense of a Roman knight.(3067) There can be little doubt that the spread of Mithraism in Pannonia was chiefly the work of two Legions, the II. Adjutrix and XV. Apollinaris, both largely recruited from Commagene or Cappadocia.(3068) The bricks of a Mithraeum at Carnuntum bear the stamp of the 15th Legion, and the inscriptions contain several dedications by soldiers of the two corps.(3069) The 15th Legion, which was quartered on the Danube in 71 or 72, had fought under Corbulo against the Parthians, and had borne a part in suppressing the Jewish revolt of 70 A.D. We may be sure that the gaps in its ranks were filled by eastern recruits.(3070) The soldiers of other corps, such as the Legions XIII and XIV, Geminae Martiae, caught the religious enthusiasm, and took part in the erection of buildings and in monumental offerings.(3071) It was probably through officers, transferred from the Danube, that the worship was introduced into the camp of Lambaesis in Numidia. There is a tablet of the third century to Mithra in that camp, dedicated by a prefect of the 3rd Legion, who was born at Carnuntum.(3072) In Noricum and Rhaetia, the military propaganda seems to have been less vigorous than in Pannonia. But a corner of the former province was once guarded by a corps from Commagene, which has left traces of its presence in the name of a town on the Danube and in some monuments to Mithra.(3073) In Rhaetia his remains are singularly scanty.(3074) But when we come to the _Agri Decumates_ and the region of the Upper Rhine, we find ourselves in a district once more teeming with relics of Mithra. Not only has this region given to the light the largest number of his chapels,(3075) but the bas-reliefs found in their ruins surpass all others in their dimensions and the completeness of their symbolism. The tauroctonus group of Osterburken is regarded as the masterpiece of Mithraist art in its complex variety and the vivid and masterly skill of the execution.(3076) Many of the German inscriptions to Mithra are offered by simple citizens. But, from the number dedicated by soldiers also, Cumont may be right in tracing the diffusion of the worship once more to military zeal. It is true, the legions quartered in Germany did not contain any considerable number of recruits from the East. But they were in constant communication with the camps upon the Danube, where oriental influences were strong. It is significant that the earliest inscription to Mithra yet found in Germany, of the year A.D. 148, is that of a centurion of the 8th Legion, which was quartered in Moesia from 47 till 69, and which during that time had frequent communications with the East. The legion was in 70 removed from Moesia to Upper Germany.(3077) It is probable that, however it was introduced, the worship of Mithra may have found its way into the valley of the Neckar, and even to the Lower Rhine, before the end of the first century. Coins of Trajan have been found in the temple at Friedberg;(3078) a series of coins from Vespasian to M. Aurelius has been recovered from a temple in the neighbourhood of Cologne.(3079) From Cologne the line of conquest may be followed to Boulogne, the station of the British fleet. Thence the cult passed easily to London, which, in the time of Tacitus, was a centre of great commercial

## activity.(3080) The legions probably carried the worship to the great

camps of Caerleon, Chester and York. At all the guardposts of the great rampart of Hadrian, there were chapels of the eastern god, and the inscriptions show that the officers at this remote outpost of the Empire maintained a warm devotion to the religion of their native East.(3081)

The regions of the western world on which Mithra, from whatever causes, seems to have made least impression were Western Gaul, Spain, and North Africa.(3082) Syrian merchants, slaves, or soldiers, had established the worship at Lyons, Arles, and Narbonne. But Elusa is the only place in Aquitaine where traces of it have been found. In Spain, the legionaries carried it only to a few remote frontier posts in Asturia or Gallicia.(3083) The African garrisons, recruited largely from the surrounding country, remained true to their native deities, and the few inscriptions to Mithra at great military strongholds, like Lambesi, are probably due to the devotion of some of the higher officers, who had been transferred to these distant quarters from Syria or the Danube.(3084)

If we try to explain the fascination of this religion of central Asia for western minds, we must seek it partly in its theological system, partly in its ritual and clerical organisation, still more in its clear promise of a life beyond the grave. In these characteristics, Mithraism differed profoundly from Graeco-Roman paganism, and seemed, in the eyes of the Christian apologists, to be a deceptive imitation of the rites and doctrines of the Christian Church. Inspired with the tendency or ambition to gather many races into its fold, Mithraism was a compound of the influences of very different ages, and offered many footholds for the faith or superstition of the lands which it traversed in its march. It drew, from points widely severed in time and place, doctrine or symbolism or rite, from the ancient lands of the Aryan race, from the mountain homes of the Persians, from Babylon and Phrygia and Commagene, from the philosophy of Greece, and the mythologies of all the peoples among whom it came. Yet it never to the end ceased to be a Persian cult. In the Divine Comedy of Lucian, as it may be called, Mithra, even when he is admitted to Olympus, cannot speak in Greek.(3085) His name is never disguised or translated. On many of his inscriptions the names of the old Mazdean pantheon, such as Ahriman, the power of evil, still figure.(3086) The mystic beasts which are always present in the sacred scene of the tauroctonus, the lion, the dog, the snake, the scorpion, had all a hieratic meaning in Persian theology.(3087) The cave, which was the immemorial sanctuary of the worship, amid all the mystic meanings attached to it by later Neo-Platonist speculation, carried the mind back to Zoroastrian symbolism.(3088) The _petra genetrix_, which is figured on so many sacred slabs on the Danube and in Upper Germany, goes back to the very cradle of the worship.(3089) The young god, emerging from the spires of rock, round which a serpent coils itself, is the first radiance of the upspringing sun, as on high, lonely peaks it flashes and broadens to the dawn. The great elemental powers, sun and moon, ocean, the winds and seasons, are generally grouped around the central piece, in forms borrowed from classic art.(3090) Fire and water are always present; no chapel was without its fountain.(3091) And the tradition of the astral lore of the Euphrates can be seen in the signs of the zodiac which encompass the sacred scene of mystic sacrifice in the chapels on the Upper Rhine.(3092) The very letters of the name of Mithra, expanded into Meithras, according to S. Jerome, like the mystic word Abraxas, yielded to ingenious calculation the exact number of days in the year.(3093) It is difficult for us to conceive how these frigid astronomical fancies should form a

## part in a religious system which undoubtedly from the beginning had a

profound moral effect on its adherents. Yet it is well to remember that there was a time when the mystery of the stellar spaces, and the grandeur and beneficence of the sun, were the most awful and impressive things in human experience. The cold scrutiny of the telescope has long since robbed the heavenly orbs of their mystic power over human destiny. Yet even now, a man who has not been imbued with the influence of modern science, may, on some calm, starlit summer night, travel back in imagination to the dreams of the early star-gazers on the Ganges or the Euphrates, and fancy that, in the far solitary splendour and ordered movement of those eternal fires, which shine so serene and pitiless on this small point in the universe, there may be forces to guide or signs to predict the course of mortal destiny. Nor was it an altogether unworthy dream, which floated before the minds of so many generations, that in those liquid depths of space, where, in the infinite distance, the radiance of widely-severed constellations blends into a luminous haze, might be the eternal abode of spirits who, after their sojourn in the flesh, have purged themselves of earthly taint.(3094)

The relative influence of Babylon and ancient Iran in moulding the theology of Mithraism, has long been a subject of controversy. The opposing schools, represented by Lajard and Windischmann,(3095) have been discredited or reconciled by saner methods of criticism, and wider archaeological knowledge. It is now seen that while Babylonia has left a deep impress on the creed of Mithra, yet the original Aryan or Persian elements still maintained their ascendency. Mithra, in his long journey, came under many influences; and he absorbed many alien ideas from the cults and art of the many lands through which he travelled. His tolerance, indeed, was one great secret of his power. But, while he absorbed, he assimilated and transmuted. He remained the god of Persia, while he gathered into his creed mystic elements that might appease the spiritual cravings of the western world.(3096) His system came to represent the best theological expression of the long movement of pagan mysticism, which, beginning with the mythic names of Orpheus and Pythagoras, organised in the classic mysteries, elevated and glorified by the genius of Plato, ended, if it has ended, in the Neo-Platonic movement which offered a last resistance to the Christian church. The central ideas of that theory of life and death were presented to the neophyte in the mysteries of Mithra, and one of the last expounders of the Platonic creed, in the reign of Theodosius, had probably been initiated in one of the last chapels of the worship.(3097) In that vision of human destiny, of the descent and ascent of the human soul, the old Orphic doctrine is united with the star-lore of the Euphrates. Travelling towards its future prison-house in the flesh, the spirit which leaves the presence of Ormuzd descends by the gate of Cancer, through the spheres of the seven planets, and in each acquires a new faculty appropriate to its earthly state. The Mithraist discipline and sacraments prepare it for the ascent after death. When the soul at last leaves its mortal prison, it has to submit to a great judgment in the presence of Mithra, and if it pass the ordeal, it may then return through the seven spheres, at each stage divesting itself of those passions or earthly powers, which it had taken on for a time in its downward journey.(3098) Finally, through the remote gate of Capricorn, its sublimated essence will pass back again to ecstatic union with the Supreme. It is thus that the East and West, Orphic mysteries and Chaldaean astrology, combined to satisfy the craving for a moral faith and the vision of another world.

The religion of Mithra probably achieved its highest victory through an ethical theology, typified and made concrete to the average worshipper by an elaborate symbolism in rite and sculptured scene. But it had also a cosmic theology. Mithra, in virtue of his moral power, became in the end the central figure. But in nearly all his chapels can be discovered a divine hierarchy, in which, for ages, he did not hold the foremost rank. The highest place is given to Infinite Time, without sex or passions, or properly without even a name, although in order to bring him within the vulgar ken, he may be called Cronus or Saturn and imaged in stone as a lion, wrapped in the coils of a snake.(3099) He is the author of life and death; he carries the keys of heaven, and in his limitless sway, he is identified with the unbending power of Fate. Like other cosmic systems of the East the Mazdean explained the universe by a succession of emanations from the Infinite First Cause.(3100) From his own essence, Cronus engendered Earth and Heaven, whom mythologers may call Jupiter and Juno, and they in turn give life to Ocean. Jupiter, as in classical mythology, succeeded to the power of Cronus, and gave to the world the Olympian deities, along with Fortune, Themis, and the Fates. In the hemisphere of gloom and evil, another order was engendered by Infinite Time, which is represented by Ahriman, or, in the fancy of more western lands, by Pluto and Hecate. The evil spirits, who are their progeny, like the Titans of Greek legend, have tried to storm Olympus, and been hurled back to the under world.(3101) There they still retain their power to plague and corrupt the race of men; but, by means of incantation, and sacrifice, their malice may be turned aside. In this daemonology Mithraism joined hands with the new Platonism, of which Plutarch, as we have seen, was one of the earliest apostles, and the affinity between them continued to the last age of paganism.(3102) But it was in its divinisation of the elemental powers and heavenly bodies that this religion probably obtained its most powerful hold on an age profoundly fatalist and superstitious. The strife of the four elements figures under animal symbolism on innumerable sculptures of the chapels of Mithra, around the image of the bull-slaying God.(3103) The divine fire which sparkles in the stars, and diffuses the warmth of life in animal or plant, blazed perpetually on the altar of the crypt.(3104) The sun and moon are seldom missing from these slabs. In the great masterpiece of Mithraic art at Osterburken, the two deities occupy opposite corners of the tablet.(3105) The sun-god, with a cloak floating from his right shoulder, is urging his four-horse team up the steep of heaven, and over the car floats Phosphorus, as a naked boy, bearing a torch in each hand. On the opposite side, Selene, crowned with the crescent and erect in her car, is urging her team of oxen downwards towards the gloom. On another piece, also found in the heart of Germany, there is an impressive scene, in which Mithra and the Sun, arrayed in eastern costume, stand side by side over a huge slaughtered bull. The sun god is handing to Mithra a bunch of grapes, which he receives with a gesture of admiration.(3106)

The most popular, and the least wholesome, element, which Mithraism borrowed from Babylon, was the belief in planetary influence. The seven planets became the arbiters of human destiny, and their number acquired a hieratic significance.(3107) The days of the week and the seven principal metals were consecrated to them. The various grades of initiation into the mysteries of Mithra found a correspondence in the intervals of the seven spheres.(3108) The soul, in descending to its earthly tenement for a season, passes through their successive realms, and assumes appropriate faculties in each, just as, on its release and ascension, it divests itself of them, one by one, as it returns to the region of ethereal purity. But the astral doctrine, introduced into the system of Iran from Chaldaea, was a dangerous addition to the creed. It was a fatal heritage from ages of benumbing superstition, and, while it gave an immense impetus to the progress of the solar cult, it counterbalanced, and, to some extent, neutralised its more spiritual and salutary doctrines.(3109) A co-ordinate evil power, side by side with the beneficent Creator and Preserver, and his revealer and mediator, a host of daemons, tempting to sin, as well as visiting men with calamity, an iron Fate at the centre of the Universe, whose inevitable decrees are at once indicated and executed by the position and motions of the planets—all this gloomy doctrine lay like a nightmare on the human mind for many ages, and gave birth to all sorts of evil arts to discover or avert or direct the pitiless forces which controlled the fate of man. This is the dark side of Mithra worship, and, in this evil tradition from Babylon, which partially overlaid the purer creed of Persia, we may find some explanation of the strange blending of dark superstition with moral earnestness which characterised the reaction of Julian, the votary of the Sun, and the patron of Maximus.

But, although the deification of the great elemental powers and the mingled charm and terror of astrology gave the religion of Mithra a powerful hold on the West, there were other and nobler elements in his system which cannot escape the candid enquirer. The old unmoral, external paganism no longer satisfied the spiritual wants of all men in the second century. It is true the day will probably never come when the religion of many will not begin and end in solemn, stately rite, consecrated to the imagination by ancient use, and captivating the sense by scrupulously ordered ceremonial. The ritualist and the puritan conception of worship will probably always exist side by side, for they represent two opposite conceptions of religion which can never entirely blend. And certainly in the days of M. Aurelius the placid satisfaction in a sumptuous sacrifice, at which every word of the ancient litany was rendered to the letter, was still profoundly felt by many, even by the philosophic emperor himself. But there were other ideas in the air. Men heard from wandering preachers that God required other offerings than the “blood of bulls and the ashes of a heifer,” that the true worship was in the sacrifice of a purified spirit.(3110) Platonist and Pythagorean, even when they might reverently handle the ancient symbolism of ritual, were teaching that communion with the Infinite Father was only possible to a soul emancipated from the tyranny of sense. Moreover, as we have seen, the new Platonism was striving to create some mediatorial power between the world of sense and the Infinite Spirit, transcending all old materialistic fancies of the Divine.(3111) This Platonic daemonology, indeed, from the Christian point of view, was a very crude and imperfect attempt to bridge the gulf. And it had the graver fault that it was really a revival of the old mythology. Yet it was also an attempted reformation. It was an effort to introduce a moral influence into paganism. It was an effort to substitute for physical and naturalistic conceptions a moral theory of the government of the world. That was surely an immense advance in religious history, and foreshadowed the great revolution which was to launch the western world on a new spiritual career. The hosts of sister spirits, whom Maximus of Tyre imagines as surrounding and sustaining the life of men, involved in the darkness and sorrow of time, are a conception strange to the old paganism. And the need of mediatorial sympathy, of a sympathetic link, however slight, with the dim, awful Power, ever receding into more remote and mysterious distances, was also connected with the need of some assurance, or fainter hope, of a life beyond the tomb. To that hope the old classical paganism afforded only slight and shadowy nutriment. Yet, from hundreds of sepulchral inscriptions the yearning, often darkened by a doubt, appeals with pathetic force. Apart, in fact, from the crowd of mere antiquarian formalists and lovers of spectacle, there were, we believe, a great mass who longed for some channel through which they might have the faintest touch of sympathy with the Infinite Spirit; for some promise, however veiled in enigmatic symbolism, that this poor, puzzling, ineffectual life should not close impotently at death.

In all the Mazdean pantheon, it has been remarked, Mithra was the only divine figure that profoundly affected the religious imagination of Europe. Who can dare at this distance to pierce the mystery? But we may conjecture that the ascendency is partly due to his place as mediator in the Persian hierarchy, partly to the legends, emblazoned on so many slabs, of his miraculous and Herculean triumphs; but still more to the moral and sacramental support, and the sure hope of immortal life which he offered to his faithful worshippers. Mithra came as a deliverer from powers of evil and as a mediator between man and the remote Ormuzd. He bears the latter office in a double sense. In the cosmic system, as lord of light, he is also lord of the space between the heavenly ether and the mists of earth. As a solar deity, he is the central point among the planetary orbs.(3112) In the ubiquitous group of the slaughtered bull, Mithra stands between the two Dadophori, Cautes and Cautopates, who form with him a sort of Trinity, and are said to be incarnations of him.(3113) One of these figures in Mithraic sculpture always bears a torch erect, the other a torch turned downwards to the earth. They may have a double significance. They may figure the ascending light of dawn, and the last radiance of day as it sinks below the horizon. They may be taken to image the growth of solar strength to its midsummer triumphs, and its slow decline towards fading autumn and the cold of winter. Or again, they may shadow forth the wider and more momentous processes of universal death and resurgent life. But Mithra also became a mediator in the moral sense, standing between Ormuzd and Ahriman, the powers of good and evil, as Plutarch conceives him.(3114) He is the ever victorious champion, who defies and overthrows the malignant demons that beset the life of man; who, above all, gives the victory over the last foe of humanity.

The legend of Mithra in hymn or litany is almost entirely lost. But antiquarian ingenuity and cultivated sympathy have plausibly recovered some of its meanings from the many sculptural remains of his chapels. On the great monuments of Virunum, Mauls, Neuenheim, and Osterburken, can be seen the successive scenes of the hero’s career. They begin with his miraculous birth from the “mother rock,” which was familiar to Justin Martyr, S. Jerome, and many of the Fathers.(3115) The dedications _petrae genetrici_ abound along the Danube, and the sacred stone was an object of adoration in many chapels.(3116) A youthful form, his head crowned with a Phrygian cap, a dagger in one hand, and a torch in the other, is pictured emerging from an opening rock, around which sometimes a serpent is coiled. Shepherds from the neighbouring mountain gaze in wonder at the divine birth, and presently come nearer to adore the youthful hero, and offer him the firstlings of their flocks and fields.(3117) And again, a naked boy is seen screening himself from the violence of the wind in the shelter of a fig tree; he eats of its fruit and makes himself a garment from the leaves.(3118) In another scene, the sacred figure appears in full eastern costume, armed with a bow from which he launches an arrow against a rock rising in front of him.(3119) From the spot where the arrow strikes the stone, a fountain gushes forth, and the water is eagerly caught in his upturned palms by a form kneeling below. Then follow the famous scenes of the chase and slaughter of the mystic bull. At first the beast is seen borne in a skiff over an expanse of waters. Soon afterwards he is grazing quietly in a meadow, when Mithra comes upon the scene. In one monument the hero is carrying the bull upon his shoulders; in others he is borne upon the animal’s back, grasping it by the horns. Or again, the bull is seen in full career with the hero’s arms thrown around his neck. At last the bull succumbs to his rider’s courage, and is dragged by the hind-legs, which are drawn over his captor’s shoulders, into a cavern where the famous slaughter was enacted.(3120) The young god, his mantle floating on the wind, kneels on the shoulder of the fallen beast, draws back its head with his left hand, while with the other he buries his dagger in its neck.(3121) Below this scene are invariably sculptured the scorpion, the faithful dog, and the serpent lapping the flowing blood. The two Dadophori, silent representatives of the worlds of light and gloom, one on each side, are always calm watchers of the mystic scene. But the destruction of the bull was not a mere spectacle of death. It was followed by a miracle of fresh springing life and fertility, and, here and there, on the slabs are seen ears of corn shooting from the tail of the dying beast, or young plants and flowers springing up around.(3122) His blood gives birth to the vine which yields the sacred juice consecrated in the mysteries. Thus, in spite of the scorpion and the serpent, symbols of the evil powers, who seek to wither and sterilise the sources of vitality, life is ever rising again from the body of death.(3123)

Mithra’s mysterious reconciliation with the Sun is figured in other groups.(3124) Mithra, as usual, in eastern costume, has, kneeling before him, a youthful figure either naked or lightly clad. The god touches the head of the suppliant with some mysterious symbol, and the subject of the rite raises his hands in prayer. The mystic symbol is removed, and Mithra sets a radiant crown on the suppliant’s head. This reconciliation of the two deities is a favourite subject. In the sculpture of Osterburken, they ratify their pact with solemn gestures before an altar. Their restored harmony is commemorated in even more solemn fashion. In one monument the two are reclining on a couch at a solemn agape, with a table before them bearing the sacred bread, which is marked with the cross, and both are in the act of raising the cup in their right hands.(3125)

The legend of Mithra, thus faintly and doubtfully reconstructed from the sacred sculptures, in the absence of express tradition, must probably for ever remain somewhat of an enigma. It has been, since the third century, the battle-ground of ingenious interpreters. To enumerate and discuss these theories, many of them now discredited by archaeological research, is far beyond the scope of this work. It is clear that from the early Chaldaean magi, who, to some extent, imposed their system on Iranian legend, down to the Neo-Platonists, the god and his attendants were treated as the symbols of cosmic theory. The birth from the rock was the light of dawn breaking over serrated crests of eastern hills.(3126) The cave, which was always piously perpetuated in the latest Mithraist architecture, was the solid vault of heaven, and the openings pierced in its roof were the stars shining through the celestial dome.(3127) The fountain which rose in every chapel, the fire on the altar, the animals surrounding the bull, represent the powers of nature in their changes and conflict. The young archer, causing water to spring from the rock by a shot from his bow, marks the miraculous cessation of prehistoric dearth, as the bull leaping from a skiff perhaps commemorates a primaeval deluge. The slaying of the bull, the central scene of all, may go back to the exploits of the heroic pioneers of settled life, a Hercules or a Theseus, who tamed the savage wilderness to the uses of man. It had many meanings to different ages. To one occupied with the processes of nature, it may have symbolised the withering of the vegetative freshness of the world in midsummer heats, yet with a promise of a coming spring. To another it may have meant a victory over evil spirits and powers of darkness.(3128) Or it may, in the last days, have been the prototype of that sacramental cleansing which gave assurance of immortal life, and which seemed to the Fathers the mockery of a Diviner Sacrifice.

There can be no doubt that Mithra and his exploits, in response to a great need, came to have a moral and spiritual meaning. From the earliest times, he is the mediator between good and evil powers; ever young, vigorous, and victorious in his struggles, the champion of truth and purity, the protector of the weak, the ever vigilant foe of the hosts of daemons who swarm round the life of man, the conqueror of death. His religion, in spite of its astrology, was not one of fatalist reverie; it was a religion of struggle and combat. In this aspect it was congenial to the virile Roman temperament, and, above all, to the temperament of the Roman soldier, at once the most superstitious and the most strenuous of men.(3129) Who can tell what inspiration the young heroic figure, wearing an air of triumphant vigour even on the rudest slabs,(3130) may have breathed into a worn old veteran, who kept ceaseless watch against the Germans in some lonely post on the Danube, when he spent a brief hour in the splendour of the brilliantly lighted crypt, and joined in the old Mazdean litany? Before him was the sacred group of the Tauroctonus, full of so many meanings to many lands and ages, but which, to his eyes, probably shed the light of victory over the perilous combats of time, and gave assurance of a larger hope. Suddenly, by the touch of an unseen hand, the plaque revolved,(3131) and he had before him the solemn agape of the two deities in which they celebrated the peaceful close of their mystic conflict. And he went away, assured that his hero god was now enthroned on high, and watching over his faithful soldiers upon earth.(3132) At the same time, he had seen around him the sacred symbols or images of all the great forces of nature, and of the fires of heaven which, in their motions and their effluences, could bring bane or happiness to men below. In the chapels of Mithra, all nature became divine and sacred, the bubbling spring, the fire on the cottage hearth, the wind that levelled the pine tree or bore the sailor on his voyage, the great eternal lights that brought seed-time and harvest and parted day from night, the ever-welling vital force in opening leaf and springing corn-ear, and birth of young creatures, triumphing in regular round over the malignant forces which seem for a time to threaten decay and corruption. The “Unconquered Mithra” is thus the god of light and hope in this world and the next.(3133)

The ancient world was craving for a promise of immortality. Mithraism strove to nurse the hope, but, like the contemporaneous Platonism and the more ancient Orphic lore, it linked it with moral responsibility and grave consequences. Votaries were taught that the soul descended by graduated fall from the Most High to dwell for a season in the prison of the flesh.(3134) After death there is a great judgment, to decide the future destiny of each soul, according to the life which had been led on earth.(3135) Spirits which have defiled themselves during life are dragged down by Ahriman and his evil angels, and may be consigned to torture, or may sink into endless debasement. The pure, who have been fortified by the holy mysteries, will mount upwards through the seven spheres, at each stage parting with some of their lower elements, till, at last, the subtilised essential spirit reaches the empyrean, and is received by Mithra into the eternal light.

But the conflict between good and evil, even on this earth, will not last for ever. There will be a second coming of Mithra, which is to be presaged by great plagues. The dead will arise from their tombs to meet him. The mystic bull will again be slain, and his blood, mingled with the juice of the sacred Haoma, will be drunk by the just, and impart to them the gift of eternal life.(3136) Fire from heaven will finally devour all that is evil. Thus the slaughter of the bull, which is the image of the succession of decay and fructifying power in physical nature, is also the symbol and guarantee of a final victory over evil and death. And, typifying such lofty and consolatory truths, it naturally met the eye of the worshipper in every chapel. It was also natural that the taurobolium, which was originally a rite of the Great Mother, should be absorbed, like so many alien rites and ideas, by the religion which was the great triumph of syncretism. The baptism of blood was, indeed, a formal cleansing from impurity of the flesh; but it was also cleansing in a higher sense. The inscriptions of the fourth century, which commemorate the blessing of the holy rite, often close with the words _in aeternum renatus_.(3137) How far the phrase expressed a moral resurrection, how far it records the sure hope of another life, we cannot presume to say. Whether borrowed from Christian sources or not, it breathes an aspiration strangely different from the tone of old Roman religion, even at its best. There may have been a good deal of ritualism in the cleansing of Mithra. Yet Mithra was, from the beginning, a distinctly moral power, and his worship was apparently untainted by the licence which made other heathen worships schools of cruelty and lust. His connection, indeed, with some of them, must at times have led his votaries into more than doubtful company; Sabazius and Magna Mater were dangerous allies.(3138) Yet, on the whole, it has been concluded that Mithraism was a gospel of truth and purity, although the purity was often a matter of merely ceremonial purification and abstinence.

The day is far distant when the mass of men will be capable of the austere mystic vision, which relies little on external ceremonies of worship. Certainly the last ages of paganism in the West were not ripe for any such reserved spirituality. And the religions which captivated the ages that preceded the triumph of the Catholic Church, while they strove to satisfy the deeper needs of the spirit, were more intensely sacerdotal, and more highly organised than the old religions of Greece and Rome. Probably no small part of their strength lay in sacramental mystery, and an occult sacred lore which was the monopoly of a class set apart from the world.(3139) Our knowledge of the Mithraic priesthood is unfortunately scanty, and the ancient liturgy has perished.(3140) But inscriptions mention an _ordo sacerdotum_; and Tertullian speaks of a “high pontiff of Mithra” and of holy virgins and persons vowed to continence in his service.(3141) The priestly functions were certainly more constant and exacting than those of the old priestly colleges of Greece and Rome. There were solemn sacraments and complicated rites of initiation to be performed. Three times a day, at dawn, noon, and evening, the litany to the Sun was recited.(3142) Daily sacrifice was offered at the altars of various gods, with chanting and music. The climax of the solemn office was probably marked by the sounding of a bell.(3143) And turning on a pivot, the sacred slab in the apse displayed, for the adoration of the faithful, the scene of the holy feast of Mithra and the Sun after their reconciliation. The seventh day of the week was sacred to the Sun, the sixteenth of each month to Mithra, and the 25th of December, as marking the sun’s entrance on a new course of triumph, was the great festival of Mithra’s sacred year.(3144)

Initiation in the mysteries, after many rites of cleansing and trial, was the crowning privilege of the Mithraist believer. The gradation of spiritual rank, and the secrecy which bound the votaries to one another in a sacred freemasonry, were a certain source of power. S. Jerome alone has preserved for us the seven grades through which the neophyte rose to full communion. They were Corax, Cryphius, Miles, Leo, Perses, Heliodromus, and Pater.(3145) What their origin was who shall say? They may correspond to the seven planets, and mark the various stages of the descent of the soul into flesh, and its rise again to the presence of God. According to Porphyry, the first three stages were merely preliminary to complete initiation. Only the Lions were full and real communicants,(3146) and the title Leo certainly appears oftenest on inscriptions. The dignity Pater Patrum, or Pater Patratus, was much coveted, and conferred a real authority over the brethren, with an official title to their reverence.(3147) The admission to each successive grade was accompanied by symbolic ceremonies, as when the Miles put aside the crown twice tendered to him, saying that Mithra was his only crown.(3148) The veil of the Cryphius, and the Phrygian bonnet of the Perses, have a significance or a history which needs no comment. Admission to full communion was preceded by austerities and ordeals which were made the subject of exaggeration and slander. The neophyte, blindfold and bound, was obliged to pass through flame. It was said that he had to take part in a simulated murder with a blood-dripping sword. On the sculpture of Heddernheim a figure is seen standing deep in snow. These ceremonies probably went back to the scenes and ages in which mutilations in honour of Bellona and Magna Mater took their rise. They may also have been a lesson, or a test of apathy and moral courage.(3149) But the tales of murder and torture connected with these rites have probably no better foundation than similar slanders about the early Christian mysteries.(3150)

The votaries of Mithra, like those of Isis and other eastern deities, formed themselves into guilds which were organised on the model of ordinary sodalities and colleges. As funerary societies, or under the shelter of Magna Mater, they escaped persecution. They had their roll of members, their council of decurions, their masters and curators.(3151) And, like the secular colleges, they depended to a great extent, for the erection of chapels and the endowment of their services, on the generosity of their wealthier members and patrons.(3152) One man might give the site of a chapel, another a marble altar; a poor slave might contribute out of his _peculium_ a lamp or little image to adorn the walls of the crypt.(3153)

One undoubted cause of the success of Mithra in the West was the spirit of fraternity and charity which was fostered in his guilds. The hopeless obscurity and depression of the plebeian and servile classes had some alleviation in companies where, for the moment, the poor and lowly-born found himself on an equality with his social superiors. Plebeians and the slaves had a great part in the propagation of the eastern worships, and especially that of the God of Light.(3154) In his mysteries and guilds the highest dignities were open to them.(3155) Moreover, from the size of the chapels it is clear that the congregations were generally small, so that the members of lower social importance were not lost in a crowd.(3156) Growing numbers were accommodated, not by enlarging, but by multiplying the shrines.

In the sacraments of Mithra, Tertullian and other Apologists perceived a diabolic parody of the usages of the Church.(3157) The _acceptio_ of the neophytes, the _sacramentum_, in which they were pledged to secrecy and holy service, the sign or brand made on the brow of the Miles, the ablutions or baptism with holy water, as in the rites of Isis, whatever their origin, could not fail, in an age of death-struggle for supremacy, to arouse the suspicions and fears of the champions of the Church.(3158) Finally, the consecrated bread and mingled water and wine, which were only offered to the higher grades, may well have seemed the last and worst profanation of the most solemn Christian rite. The draught from the mystic cup, originally the juice of Haoma, was supposed to have supernatural effects. It imparted not only health and prosperity and wisdom, but also the power to conquer the spirits of evil and darkness, and a secret virtue which might elude the grasp of death.(3159)

The temples in which these rites took place repeated for ages the same original type. Mithra and his cave are inseparable ideas, and the name _spelaeum_, _antrum_, or _specus_, remained to the end the regular designation of his chapels.(3160) In country places, grottoes or recesses on the side of a rocky hill might supply a natural oratory of the ancient type.(3161) But, in the centre of great towns, the skill of the architect had to simulate the rude structure of the original cavern. Entering through an open portico, the worshipper found himself in an antechapel, through which he passed into another chamber which was called the _apparatorium_, where the priests and neophytes arrayed themselves in their robes or masques before the holy rites.(3162) Thence they descended by stairs to the level of the cave-like crypt, which was the true sanctuary. On each side there ran a bench of stone, on which was ranged the company of the initiated.(3163) The central aisle led up to the apse, against the walls of which was set the sculptured scene of the slaying of the bull, surrounded by the symbolic figures and emblems of Chaldaean star-lore, with altars in front.(3164) This was the holiest place, and, from some remains, it would seem to have been railed in, like the chancel of one of our churches.(3165) The neophyte, as he approached, must have been impressed by a dazzling scene. On either side the congregation knelt in prayer. Countless lamps shed their brilliant light on the forms of ancient Hellenic gods, or on the images of the mighty powers of earth or ether(3166)—above all, on the sacred scene which was the memorial of the might of the “unconquered.” The ancient rhythmic litany was chanted to the sound of music; the lights came and went in startling alternations of splendour and gloom. The draught of the sacred cup seemed to ravish the sense. And the votary, as in the Isiac vision in Apuleius, for a moment seemed borne beyond the bounds of space and time into mystic distances.(3167)

The Persian cult owed much of its success to imperial and aristocratic favour. The last pagan emperor of the West, the last generation of the pagan aristocracy, were devotees of the Sun-god. It is a curious thing that even under the early Empire Mithraism seems never to have suffered from the suspicion and persecution with which other alien worships had to contend.(3168) Its close league with the cult of the Great Mother, which, since the second century B.C., had been an established institution, may have saved Mithra from official mistrust. He also emerged into prominence in the age in which imperial jealousy of guilds and colleges was visibly relaxing its precautions.(3169) A more satisfying explanation may perhaps be found in the sympathy of the Flavian dynasty(3170) and the princes of the third century for the religious ideas of the East, and in the manifest support which heliolatry lent to growing absolutism and the worship of the Caesars.

The apotheosis of the emperors began even in the time of the first Caesar, who rose to the highest divine honours before his death. But it was long a fluctuating and hesitating creed. The provinces, and particularly the cities of Asia Minor,(3171) were more eager to decree temples and divine honours to the lord of the world than even the common people of Italy. The superstitious masses and the soldiery, indeed, were equal to any enthusiasm of flattery and superstition. But the cultivated upper class, in spite of the effusive compliance of court poets,(3172) having but little belief in any Divine Powers, were not likely to yield an easy faith to the godhead of a Claudius or a Nero.(3173) The emperors themselves, belonging to this class, and often sharing its fastidious scepticism, for a time judiciously restrained a too exuberant devotion to their person.(3174) The influence of Herod may have filled the lunatic imagination of Caligula with dreams of an eastern despotism and the superhuman dignity of kings.(3175) Nero, who had visions of a new monarchy with its seat on eastern hills, may have rejoiced in being adored by Tiridates as the equal of Mithra.(3176) But the politic Augustus, while he permitted the foundation of temples and priestly orders in his honour throughout the provinces, and even in Italian towns, along with the divinity of Rome, obstinately refused to have shrines erected to him in the capital.(3177) Tiberius pursued the same policy, which was congenial to his cold, realistic temperament. Vespasian, although eastern superstition had a certain charm for him, jested on his death-bed about his own claims to divinity.(3178) It was reserved for his son Domitian to be the first emperor who claimed the salutation of “Dominus et Deus” in his lifetime.(3179) The best of the early emperors aspired to full divine honours only when their career on earth had closed.

Many historic causes made their posthumous elevation to divine rank seem not unnatural. The cult of the Manes, or good spirits of departed friends and ancestors, prepared the Roman mind to adore the memory of the father of the State. The legendary kings of the Latin race—Saturnus, Faunus, Picus, Latinus—were worshipped as _Di indigetes_;(3180) Romulus had vanished in a tempest and been carried up to heaven to join the company of the gods. The hero-worship of the Greeks, which raised to semi-divine state after death those who had done great deeds of service to mankind, who had founded cities, or manifested splendid gifts of mind or body, influenced the imagination of a people who had long sat at the feet of Greece. Greek cities raised altars to Rome and to Roman generals who had enslaved them.(3181) When the Senate decreed divine honours to a dead emperor, he became _divus_, not _deus_, at least to the cultivated class, and _divus_ is a title which even modern sentiment might accord to men who have borne a great and shining part in a world-wide system of administration. The Spartan women were said to call great warriors, men who won their admiration by gallantry, “divine.”(3182) To the masses the dead emperor no doubt became a veritable god, as the image of M. Aurelius two centuries after his death was found among the _penates_ of every pious family in the West.(3183) But the philosophic man of the world might also honestly accept the imperial apotheosis by the decree of the Senate, in the sense that another figure had been added to the rare company of those who have been lifted by fortune or merit far above their fellows, and have filled a great space in the life of humanity. People, who for generations erected shrines to the minion of Hadrian, might easily believe in the claims of the Antonine emperors to a place among the gods.

The influence of Egypt and Persia lent its force to stimulate native and original tendencies to king-worship, and to develop the principate of Augustus into the theocratic despotism of Aurelian and Diocletian. The eastern peoples were always eager to lavish on the emperors the adoration which they had been used to offer to their native princes. The ancient Pharaohs had been revered as incarnations of the deity and gods upon earth.(3184) The Ptolemies inherited and utilised so useful a superstition. These ideas spread into Italy with the diffusion of the Isiac cult among the upper class, and through the influence of travellers and envoys who kept up a fruitful intercourse between Alexandria and Rome. But Egypt went rather too far for the western mind in its apotheosis of kings.(3185) A more potent and congenial influence came from the lands of the remoter East. The Persians prostrated themselves before their monarchs, but they did not actually adore them as gods. They reverenced the daemon, or, in Roman phrase, the “genius Caesaris,” without worshipping the monarch himself.(3186) The king was supposed to be enlightened, inspired, and guarded by a heavenly grace; his brow was crowned by a divine aureole. Yet he was not the equal of God. But the majesty and fortune of kings was something divine and supernatural; they reigned by special grace and had a divine protection. The dynasties who succeeded to the great heritage of the East exploited these ideas to the full, and the most solemn oath was by the Fortune of the King.(3187) The superstition of Chaldaea, which connected all human destiny with the orbs of heaven, exercised a profound influence for many centuries both in the East and West. And the Sun, the monarch of the heavens, often identified with Mithra, was regarded as the special patron of kings, enduing them with irresistible power, and guarding their lofty destiny. These ideas spread easily from Pontus and Commagene into the western world. In eastern cities, Caligula and Nero had altars raised to them as solar deities,(3188) and Tiridates offered to Nero the adoration due to Mithra.(3189) The enigmatical goddess Fortuna, who seems to have had early associations with the Sun,(3190) gained fresh strength from the ideas of the divinised destiny of eastern monarchs. According to Plutarch, Tyche left the regions of Assyria and Persia to make her home on the Palatine.(3191) The republican “Fortune of the Roman People” naturally passed into the “Fortuna Augusti,” which appears on the imperial coins from the reign of Vespasian. In the age of the Antonines, the image of the goddess in gold always stood in the prince’s bed-chamber, and was transferred at the hour of his death to his successor.(3192) With the reign of Commodus, who was himself initiated both in the Isiac and Mithraic mysteries, begins the temporary triumph of the oriental cults, which was to reach its height in the reign of Julian. The absence of full materials for the history of the third century,(3193) a century crowded with great events, and pregnant with great spiritual movements, should perhaps impose greater caution in tracing the development of imperial power than some writers have always observed. Yet there can be little doubt that the monarchy of the West tended to become a theocratic despotism, and that Persian Sun-worship had a large share in this development. There was always a sober sense in the West which rebelled against the oriental apotheosis of the prince.(3194) Yet the iterated adulation, so often recorded faithfully in the Augustan History, reveals an extraordinary abasement of the upper class before the person of the emperor.(3195) The emperors never, indeed, claimed like the Sassanids to be “brothers or sons of the Sun and Moon.”(3196) But in their official style and insignia there were many approaches to the divine claims of the monarchs of the East. The title _invictus_, sacred to Mithra and the Sun, was assumed by Commodus, and borne by his successors.(3197) The still more imposing title of “eternal,” springing from the same origin, came into vogue in the third century, and appears in the edicts of the last shadowy emperors of the fifth. From the reign of Nero, the imperial crown with darting rays, symbolised the solar ancestry of the prince. Gallienus used to go forth crowned in this manner, and with gold dust in his hair, and raised a colossal statue of himself in the garb of the Sun.(3198) The coins of Aurelian, who built the great temple of the Sun from the spoils of Palmyra, bear the legend “deo et domino nato.”(3199) The West probably never took these assumptions so literally as the East. But metaphor and imagery tended to become a real faith. The centre of the great religion which was to be the last stronghold of paganism, was the prototype of the emperor in the starry world, and his protector on earth. And the solar grace which surrounded the prince found an easy explanation in the mystic philosophy of the soul’s descent which had been absorbed by Mithraism. In coming to earth from the empyrean, the future lord of the world received a special gift of grace and power from the great luminary which is the source of light and life. The religion of the Sun thus tended to become a great spiritual support of an absolutism which was more and more modelling itself on the royalty of the East. The cult of the Sun, which was established in such splendour in 273 A.D. by Aurelian, must have had a great effect in preparing for the oriental claims of monarchy from the reign of Diocletian. Thirty years after the foundation of the stately shrine on the Esquiline, and only twenty years before the conversion of Constantine, all the princes of the imperial house, Jovii Herculii, Augusti, Caesares, as an inscription tells, united to restore a temple of Mithra at Carnuntum, his holy city on the Danube.(3200) But the days of Mithra as the god of kings were numbered. After the establishment of the Christian Empire, he had a brief illusory triumph in the reign of Julian, and again in the short-lived effort of reaction led by Eugenius and Nicomachus Flavianus, which had a tragic close in the battle on the Frigidus. Yet his mystic theology was the theme of debate among Roman nobles, trained in the philosophy of Alexandria, long after his last chapels had been buried in ruins; and his worship lingered in secluded valleys of the Alps or the Vosges into the fifth century.(3201) The theocratic claim of monarchy, to which Mithra lent his support for so many generations, was destined, in its symbols and phrases, to have a long reign.

M. Renan has hazarded the opinion that, if the Christian Church had been stricken with some mortal weakness, Mithraism might have become the religion of the western world. And, indeed, its marvellously rapid diffusion in Italy and the provinces along the Danube and the Rhine, in the second and third centuries, might well have inspired the hope of such a splendid destiny. Although it was primarily a kingly and military creed, it appealed in the end to all classes, by many various attractions. Springing from remote regions of the East, it seemed instinctively to seize the opportunity offered by a marvellous political unity, along with anarchy in morals and religion, to satisfy the imperious needs of a world eager for spiritual light and hope, but distracted among the endless claimants for its devotion. Philosophy had long tried and was still trying to find a spiritual synthesis, and to draw from old mythologies a support for life and conduct. Might not religion succeed where philosophy had failed? Or rather, might not religion gather up into itself the forces of philosophy, and transmute and glorify them in a great concrete symbol? Might not the claims of the past be harmonised with the higher intuitions of a more instructed age, and the countless cults embraced within the circuit of the Roman power be reconciled with the supreme reverence for one central divine figure, as the liberties of an Alpine canton, like those of a great city of Asia, were sheltered under the unchallenged supremacy of Rome? Mithra made the effort, and for the time he succeeded. In his progress to what seemed an almost assured victory, he swept into his orbit the Greek and Latin and Phrygian gods—nay, even the gods of Celtic cantons.(3202) They all found a place in his crypts, beside his own sacred image and the Persian deities of his original home. Their altars were ranged around his chapels, and were duly visited by his priests. Yet, though the Persian deity might seem very cosmopolitan and liberal in his indulgence to parochial devotion, he never abated his own lofty claims, and he never forgot his ancestry. While he might ally himself with Magna Mater and Jupiter Dolichenus, he coldly repulsed any association with Isis and Serapis, who were his rivals for oecumenical sway. The old hostility between the worships of Persia and Egypt was only softened in the internecine conflict of both with a more powerful foe. It is only in the last stone records that a votary of Mithra is found combining a devotion to Isis.(3203) The claims of the Sun-god to spiritual primacy are expounded in the orations of Julian and the dissertations of Praetextatus in the _Saturnalia_ of Macrobius. Monotheism in the pagan world was not, indeed, a new thing. It goes back to the philosophers of Ionia and Elea, to Aeschylus and Plato. Nor was syncretism unknown to earlier ages. The Greeks of the days of Herodotus identified the gods of Egypt with their own, as Julius Caesar and Tacitus identified Gallic and German deities with those of the Roman pantheon.(3204) But the monotheistic syncretism of Mithra was a broader and more sweeping movement. Local and national gods represented single aspects of nature. Mithra was seated at the centre on which all nature depends. If nature-worship was to justify itself in the eyes of philosophic reason, men must rise to the adoration of the Sun-king, the head of a great hierarchy of divine forces, by means of which he acts and diffuses his inexhaustible energy throughout the universe. And such is the claim made for him by Praetextatus, in the _Saturnalia_ of Macrobius, who was a high adept in the mysteries of Mithra.

But the world needed more than a great physical force to assuage its cravings; it demanded a moral God, Who could raise before the eyes of men a moral ideal, and support them in striving to attain it; One Who could guide and comfort in the struggles of life, and in the darkness of its close, Who could prepare the trembling soul for the great ordeal, in which the deeds done in the body are sifted on the verge of the eternal world. In fulfilling his part, Mithra could rely on his own early character as a god of truth and righteousness, a mediator between the powers of good and evil: he had also the experience of the classic mysteries, stretching back to the legendary Orpheus, which, in whatever crude, shadowy symbolism, had taught for ten centuries the doctrine of a moral sequence between this life and the next. The descent of the soul into gross material form, and its possible ascent again, if duly fortified, to ethereal worlds, was common to Mithra and the Orphic and Pythagorean systems. Such a system on one side sad and pessimist, on another was full of the energy of hope. And Mithraism combined the two. It was a religion of strenuous effort and warfare, with the prospect of high rewards in some far-off eternal life.

It is little wonder that the Fathers, from the second century, saw in Mithra the most formidable foe of Christ. Indeed, the resemblances between the two religions, some of them superficial, others of a deeper kind, were very striking. How far some of these were due to a common stock of ideas in East and West, how far they were the result of conscious borrowing and mutual imitation, seems to be an insoluble problem. The most learned student of the cult of Mithra is the most cautious in his conclusions on the subject.(3205) On the one hand, the two religions, in outlying regions of the Empire, long followed different lines of dispersion. Christianity from its origin in the religion of Israel, spread at first among the cities on the Mediterranean, chiefly where there were colonies of Jews.(3206) On the other hand, outside Italy, Mithraism, which was propagated by soldiers and imperial officers, followed the line of the camps and centres of commerce chiefly along the great rivers of the northern frontier. Yet at Ostia and Rome and elsewhere, the two eastern religions must have been early brought face to face. In the syncretism of that age, the age of Gnosticism, rites and doctrines passed easily from one system to another. Mithra certainly absorbed much from kindred worships of Asia Minor, from Hellenic mysteries, and from Alexandrian philosophy. It is equally certain that the Church did not disdain a policy of accommodation, along with the consecration of altars of Christ in the old shrines of paganism. The cult of local heroes was transferred to saints and martyrs. Converts found it hard to part with consecrated phrases and forms of devotion, and might address Jesus in epithets sacred to the Sun. Some Christians in the fifth century still saluted the rising sun with a prayer.(3207)

Futile attempts have been made to find parallels to Biblical narrative or symbolism in the faint and faded legend of Mithra recovered from his monuments, the miraculous birth, the sacred rock, the adoration of the shepherds, the grotto,—above all, in the mystic sacrifice of the bull, which seemed to occupy the same space in Mithraic devotion as the Sacrifice on Calvary. But one great weakness of Mithraism lay precisely here—that, in place of the narrative of a Divine life, instinct with human sympathy, it had only to offer the cold symbolism of a cosmic legend. In their offices and sacramental system the two religions had a more real affinity. Mithra had his baptism and confirmation of new disciples, his ablutions, ascetic preparation for the sacred mysteries, and holy feasts of the consecrated bread and wine, where the mystic draught gave purity and life to soul and body, and was the passport to a life in God. The sacerdotal and liturgical character of his worship, with its striking symbolism, using to the full the emotional effects of lights and music and sacred pomp, offered to souls, who were ripe for a diviner faith, some of that magical charm which was to be exerted over so many ages by the Catholic Church. There are, however, deeper and more fundamental resemblances between the faiths of Mithra and of Christ, and it was to these that the Persian cult owed its great superiority to classical mythology and the official Roman paganism. It responded to a great spiritual movement, of which it is one great object of this book to show the sweep and direction. Formal devotion and ascetic discipline were linked with lofty doctrines as to the origin of the human spirit and an immortal destiny, depending on conduct, as well as sacramental grace, through Mithra the mediator. While the vulgar may have rested in the external charm and power of the worship, there were others who drank in a more spiritual creed expounded to us by one of the last Neo-Platonic votaries of the Sun-God. It told of a fall of the soul into the duress of the body, for a brief period of probation, of a resurrection and great judgment, of a final ascent and beatitude in the life in God, or of endless exile from His presence.(3208)

And yet the two systems were separated by an impassable gulf, and Mithra had associations which could not save him from the fate of Jupiter and Demeter, of Hecate and Isis. It is true that his fate was hastened by hostile forces and causes external to religion. Many of his shrines in the Danubian provinces, and along the upper Rhine, were desolated and buried in ruins by the hordes of invaders in the third century.(3209) And in the fourth century, the fiercest assaults of the Christian Empire were directed against the worship which was thought to be the patron of magic arts, and a device of the Evil One to travesty and defy the Religion of the Cross.(3210) But material force, however fiercely and decisively exerted, although it hastened the doom of the Persian god, only anticipated an inevitable defeat.

A certain severity in Mithraism, which marked it off honourably from other worships of the East, also weakened it as a popular and enduring force. The absence of the feminine charm in its legend, while it saved it from the sensual taint of other heathen systems, deprived it of a fascination for the softer and more emotional side of human nature.(3211) Although women may, perhaps, have not been altogether excluded from his mysteries,(3212) still Mithra did not welcome them with the warm sympathy which gave Demeter and Magna Mater and Isis so firm a hold on the imagination of women for many generations. The Mater Dolorosa has in all ages been an enthralling power. The legend of the Tauroctonus was a religion for strenuous men. And even its symbolism, with all its strange spell, seems to lack depth and warmth for human nature as a whole. It would indeed be rash to set limits to the power of pious sentiment to transfigure and vivify the most unspiritual materials. And the slaughtered bull in the apse of every chapel of Mithra may have aroused in the end visions and mystic emotion which had passed far beyond the sphere of astral symbolism.

Yet such spiritual interpretation of ancient myth is only for the few, who find in a worship what they bring. For the gross masses, the symbolism of natural processes, however majestic, could never have won that marvellous power which has made a single Divine, yet human, life the inexhaustible source of spiritual strength for all the future. With all his heroic effort to make himself a moral and spiritual force, Mithra remained inextricably linked with the nature-worships of the past. And, with such associations, even the God of light could not be lord of the spiritual future of humanity. Mithraism, with all its strange moral force, with all its charm of antiquity and sacramental rite, with all its charity and tolerance, had within it the germs of a sure mortality. In its tolerance lay precisely its great weakness. The Christian Church might, in S. Augustine’s phrase, “spoil the Egyptians,” it might borrow and adapt rites and symbols from pagan temples, or ideas from Greek philosophy.(3213) But in borrowing, it transfigured them. In all that was essential, the Church would hold no truce with paganism. “Break the idols and consecrate the temples” was the motto of the great Pontiff. But Mithra was ready to shelter the idols under his purer faith. The images of Jupiter and Venus, of Mars and Hecate, of the local deities of Dacia and Upper Germany, find a place in his chapels beside the antique symbols of the Persian faith.(3214) And thus, in spite of a lofty moral mysticism, Mithra was loaded with the heritage of the heathen past. A man admitted to his highest ministry might also worship at the old altars of Greece and Rome. The last hierophant of Eleusis was a high-priest of Mithra.(3215) Human nature and religious sentiment are so complex that men of the sincere monotheistic faith of Symmachus, Praetextatus, and Macrobius, have left the almost boastful record of an all-embracing laxity of tolerance on their tombs.(3216) On many of these slabs you may read that the man who has been a “father” in the mysteries of Mithra, who has been “born again” in the taurobolium, is also a priest of Hecate, the goddess of dark arts and baleful spirits of the night.(3217) Through the astral fatalism of Babylon, Mithra was inseparably connected with the darkest superstitions of East or West,(3218) which covered all sorts of secret crime and perfidy, which lent themselves to seduction, conspiracy, and murder, which involved the denial of a moral Providence of the world. Many a pious devotee of Mithra and Hecate would have recoiled, as much as we do, from the last results of his superstition. Such people probably wished only to gain another ally in facing the terrors of the unseen world. Yet there can be little doubt that the majestic supremacy of Mithra, through its old connection with Babylon, sheltered some of the most degrading impostures of superstition.

So rooted is religious sentiment in reverence for the past, for what our fathers have loved and venerated, that men will long tolerate, or even wistfully cherish, sacred forms and ideas which their moral sense has outgrown. Down to the last years of the fourth century, the Persian worship was defended with defiant zeal by members of the proudest Roman houses. In their philosophic gatherings in the reign of Honorius, they found in Sun-worship the sum and climax of the pagan devotion of the past.(3219) Many a pious old priest of Mithra, in the reign of Gratian, was probably filled with wonder and sorrow when he saw a Gracchus and his retinue break into the sanctuary and tear down the venerable symbols from the wall of the apse.(3220) He deemed himself the prophet of a pure immemorial faith, as pure as that of Galilee. He was probably a man of irreproachable morals, with even a certain ascetic sanctity, unspotted by the world. He treasured the secret lore of the mysterious East, which sped the departing soul with the last comforting sacraments on its flight to ethereal worlds. But he could not see, or he could not regret, that every day when he said his liturgy, as he made the round of the altars, he was lending the authority of a purer faith to other worships which had affrighted or debauched and enervated the Roman world for forty generations. He could not see that the attempt to wed a high spiritual ideal with nature-worship was doomed to failure. The masses around him remained in their grossness and darkness. And on that very day, it may be, one of his aristocratic disciples, high in the ranks of Mithra’s sacred guilds, was attending a priestly college which was charged with the guardianship of gross and savage rites running back to Evander, or he was consulting a Jewish witch, or a Babylonian diviner, on the meaning of some sinister omen, or he may have been sending down into the arena, with cold proud satisfaction, a band of gallant fighters from the Thames or the Danube, to butcher one another for the pleasure of the rabble of Rome. Mithra, the Unconquered, the god of many lands and dynasties from the dawn of history, was a fascinating power. But, at his best, he belonged to the order which was vanishing.

INDEX

Abascantus, secretary _ab epistulis_, career of, described in the _Silvae_, 110 _ Acta diurna_, regular arrival of, in the provinces, 205; reader of, 95 Acte, mistress of Nero, cares for his burial, 115 Aelian of Praeneste, account of his work on Providence, 456; immense credulity, and hatred of rationalism, _ib._; the pious cock of Tanagra, 457; last dream of Philemon, _ib._ Africa, the development of its city life, organisation of Thamugadi, 202; of Lambesi, 208; amphitheatres in, 201; and bishoprics, _ib._; little touched by Mithraism, 597 Agrippina, mother of Nero, memoirs by, used by Tacitus, 80; sits on the tribunal with Claudius, 81; shade propitiated by Nero, 491 Albinus, P. Caeionius, restores a temple at Thamugadi, 202 Alcantara, the bridge of, 220 Alexander of Abonoteichos, oracle on the Marcomannic war, 451, 476; physical and mental gifts of, 473 sq.; skilful charlatanry, 474 sq.; war with the Epicureans, 476; Lucian’s treatment of, 477; establishes new Mysteries, 476 sq. Alexandria, roses from, for Nero’s dinners, 32; singing boys from, at Trimalchio’s dinner, 130 sq.; character of its populace, 374; Dion Chrysostom rebukes their passion for games, _ib._; a great focus of religious feeling, 397; and eclecticism, 561 Animal-worship, excites ridicule, 571; philosophy justified it, _ib._, 395; little noticed in Apuleius, 572 Annaeus Serenus, Seneca’s _De Tranquillitate_ addressed to, character of, 319 Antinous, death and apotheosis of, 450, 477, 478 Antium, temple of Fortuna Primigenia at, 456 Antoninus Pius, builds a temple to Juno Sospita of Lanuvium, 538; to Mithra at Ostia, 591; his country pleasures at Lorium, 537; flattered by the Arval Brothers, 542; Magna Mater on his coins, 549; taurobolium for, in 160, _ib._, 557 Apollonius of Tyana, involved in political conspiracy, 40; a great preacher, effect of his sermons, 347; early life, Pythagorean asceticism, Sun worship, and catholic ritualism, 399; reconciled myth with a purer faith, 400; visits all the oracles, 472; his ideas of a future state, 518 sqq. Apotheosis, in the Antonine age, 386, 537; of Antinous, 477; of Peregrinus, 478; of M. Aurelius, _ib._; of the Emperors, its history, 615 sqq. Apuleius, sensual imagination and mysticism of, 389; weird scenes of miracle in Thessaly, 483; lofty conception of God, 389; description of the revels of the wandering priests of the Syrian goddess, 551 sqq.; of other scenes in Thessaly, 552; conception of Isis in the Metamorphoses, 563; mystic raptures, 570, 574, 576 Aquileia, a great seat of Mithraism, 593 Ardeliones, the, life of, described, 12, 174 Aristides, P. Aelius, picture of the Roman Empire in, 199; general security, 205; journey from Mysia to Rome, 206, 464; early history and travels, 457; long ill health and resort to temples of healing, 458 sqq.; his rhetorical training affected his religious attitude, 458 sq.; diseases of, lasting for thirteen years, 463; his ordeals and vitality, 465; visited by the gods, 466; recovers his rhetorical power, _ib._; mingled vanity and piety of, 467 Aristotle, influence of, on Plutarch, 412; on Seneca, 314; on Maximus of Tyre, 421 Army, the, honesty and courage in, 49; _ castra stativa_ grow into towns, 207; Septimius Severus allows the soldier to live with his family, 208; how pensions provided for, 283; military colleges, their objects, 283; the worship of Mithra propagated by, 591; the legions which were most active, 595, 596 Arrius Antoninus, grandfather of Ant. Pius, Greek verses of, 166 Art, pretence of taste for, 131, 178; influence of, in religion discussed by Dion Chrysostom, 382; decay of, lamented by Petronius, 125 Artemidorus, work on Dreams by, 468; immense industry, collections, and faith in the science, _ib._; contempt for impostors, 469; quasi scientific method, _ib._; its absurdities, 470 Arvales Fratres, the College of, revived by Augustus, 534; early history, meetings and ritual of, 540 sq.; servility to the Emperors, 541 Asclepius, immense popularity of his worship, 459, 539; temples of, and their routine and organisation, 460; new oracle of, at Abonoteichos, 474 Asiaticus, freedman of Vitellius, history of, 206 Astrology, influence of, in the early empire, a political danger, 45, 447; astrologers banished by Claudius, Vitellius and Vespasian, 45, 448; a Greek trade, 93; Augustus burns books of, 446; Tiberius believes in, 448; Otho, 45, 448; Titus, 449; and M. Aurelius, 450; Domitian, _ib._; Hadrian, _ib._; in Mithraism, 598, 602 Attis, legend of, 549; becomes a solar deity, 556 Augury, decay of, 445; abuse of, 532 Augustales, the, Trimalchio one of, 136; importance, organisation, social rank, and insignia in municipal towns, 216, 217; generosity of, as patrons of colleges, 275 Augustine, S., defends the Cynics of his time, 352; contempt for rites of Magna Mater, 547; on Varro’s theology, 417, 531 n.; on the cult of martyrs, 488; on Plato, 523 Augustus, his disguised power, 41; destroys 2000 books of divination, 446; his horoscope cast, 447; his religious restoration, and its motive, 533; attitude to foreign religions, 533; restores a temple of Magna Mater, 548; cautious acceptance of divine honours, 615 Aurelian, his temple of the Sun, 586; outbreak of the workmen of the Mint in his reign, 255; legend _deo et domino nato_ on his coins, 618; effect of his Sun-worship on the development of imperial power, 619 Aurelius, M., slight interest of, in speculation, 339; his tutors of various schools, 343; as a boy recites the Salian litany, 385; his gospel of renunciation, 393 sq.; his conformity, 394; employs diviners, 450; relations of, with Galen, 506; views of, about immortality, 507; his Stoic ideal of life, 509; his sadness and its causes, 510; one of the Salii in his 8th year, 535; his religious conservatism, 537; images of, in every family in the West, 616

Balbilla, Greek verses by, 80 Birth, respect for, in Juvenal, 69; in D. Cassius, Suetonius, and Pliny, 70; manufacture of genealogies, in Vit. Apollonius of Tyana, and S. Jerome, _ib._; Herodes Atticus traced his descent from the Aeacidae, 225; Tiberius on, 70 Bithynia, civic mismanagement in, 220; literary distinction of, 372 Boeotia, the oracles of, 471 Brescia, high moral tone of, 147

Caenis, concubine of Vespasian, influence and intrigues of, 52, 115 Caligula, wild schemes and profusion of, 32; his cruelty and insolence to Senators, 51; depraving example, 73; consults the oracle of Fortune at Antium, 472; apparitions at his burial, 490; claims of divinity, 615 Calpurnia, Pliny’s wife, character of, and his love for her, 188, 189; literary taste of, 80 _ Canabae legionis_, at Lambesi, 208 Canusium, _ Album_ of, 210; Herodes Atticus gave an aqueduct to, 225 Captation, a regular profession, 72; result of plebeian poverty and aristocratic vice, 96; at Croton, in Petronius, 127; Regulus a captator, 156 Carnuntum, in Pannonia, a seat of Mithraism from 70 A.D., 591; its temples, 595; temple restored at, by the imperial house, in the fourth century, 619 Centumviral court, the, picture of, in Pliny’s Letters, 154 sqq.; he welcomes young aristocrats to, 187 Chaeremon, Alexandrian librarian, wrote a treatise on Isis, 568 Charity, and munificence, provision for poor children by Trajan and later Emperors, 192, 193; private benevolence exemplified by Pliny, 193; his benefactions, 193 sqq.; other examples in the inscriptions, 193, 224; the Stertinii, 224; Dion Chrysostom and his father, 225; Herodes Atticus, enormous benefactions of, _ib._; munificence of the Emperors, Vespasian, Titus, Hadrian, 227, 228; private examples from inscriptions, 223, 229; ideals of the uses of wealth, 232; men ruin themselves by generosity, 245 Cicero, adorned by Pliny, 158; on augury, 445; on beneficence, 190; on superstition, 443; on legend, 495; on Delphi, 471; on immortality, 488 City life, splendour of, in the Antonine age, 4; weariness of life in the capital, 174; growth of, in Gaul, Spain, Dacia, and Asia, 200 sqq. Claudian, connects Mithra with Bel, 588; contempt for Greeks, 90 Claudius, recruits the Senate from the provinces, 71, 72; Hellenism of, 89; his encouragement of trade, 264; his effort to revive the art of augury, 445; banishes the astrologers, 418; conservative in religion, 536; persecutes the Jewish and Druidic religions, 566 Claudius Etruscus, career of, and duties as minister, 109 Clea, a priestess of Osiris at Delphi, 424 Client, the, in Juvenal, 93, 94; change of the relation under the Empire, _ib._; the relation in the colleges, 273 Clients, position in the time of Juvenal, 93 sq.; and Martial, 61 Clodius, P., uses the colleges, 254 Colleges, the, plebeian class in towns, 251; pride of free artisan class, 253; early history of _Collegia_, 254; danger from, 255; restrained by law, _ib._; an irresistible movement, 256; wish for pious burial, 257; evidence on, from inscriptions, 258; funerary colleges authorised, 259; consequences of the concession, 260; College of Diana and Antinous, its organisation, fees, etc. 260 sqq.; College of Aesculapius and Hygia, its regulations, 262; colleges founded on religion, 263; industrial colleges, great fair at Cremona, 264; wandering traders, _collegia peregrinorum_, 265; colleges at Lyons, Ostia, Arles, etc. 265 sq.; objects of association, 266 sqq.; favoured by masters, 267; colleges moulded on the model of the city, names of offices, etc. 269; gradation of rank in, its object, 270; how the _schola_ was provided, 271; associations gather round it, gifts made to it, 272; College of Silvanus at Philippi, _ib._; patrons of, and their _raison d’être_, 273; colleges and their patrons of very different rank, 274; election of a patron, _ib._; colleges founded to guard a tomb, 276; provisions for permanent observances, 277; college feasts and _sportulae_, 277 sq.; regulations for decorum in, fines, 279; the college a family, in which the slave is an equal, 281; were colleges eleemosynary institutions? 282; military colleges of Lambesi, their organisation and objects, 283 sqq.; extinction of a college, 285 Commodus, takes the tonsure of Isis and walks in an Isiac procession, 553; assumes the Mithraic title of _Invictus_, 618 Como, Pliny’s estates at, 145; his gifts to, 194; a suicide at, 184; _ honorarium_ of its curia, 209 Conversion, Seneca on, 34; result of the preaching of Apollonius, 347; conversion of Polemon, _ib._; of D. Chrysostom, 368; in Plutarch, 413 Corellius Rufus, suicide of, 184 Cornelia, wife of Pompey, culture of, 80 Cotta, M. Aurelius, liberality of, to a freedman, 119 Country life, growing love of, 174; Roman country seats, their sites and architecture, 176; extent and grounds, 178; routine of life, 179; purchase and management of estates, 180; charm of the country in Roman literature, 197; yet contempt for it, 199; moral tone of, 2, 144, 147 Cremona, great fair at, 263; sack of, 264; colleges of youth at, 265; munificence of its citizens, 225 Curatores, heard of first in the reign of Trajan, 222; control of municipal finance by, 248 Curia, the, composition of, illustrated by the roll of Canusium, 210; numbers, and qualification of, 214; its fate, 248 Cynics, the, met a general demand for moral guidance, 340; description of, in Dion Chrysostom, 349; and in the literature of the age, 350 n.; the Cynic in Lucian’s _Banquet_, _ib._; attractions of the life of, 351; gross charges against; S. Augustine’s testimony, 352; causes of prejudice against, _ib._; death of Peregrinus as treated by Lucian, 355; affinity of, with Christian asceticism, 355, 361; evidently a great popular force, 358; a one-sided Stoicism, 359; Cynic ideal, 359 sq.; attitude to the Empire, 362 sq.; and to popular religion, 363; cultivated Cynics, 364 sqq.

Dacia, organisation and town life of, 201; worship of Magna Mater in, 549; of Isis, 568; settlement of, by Trajan, a seat of Mithraism, 594; of the worship of Isis and Magna Mater, 549, 568 Daemons, conception of, in Plutarch and Maximus of Tyre, 426; history of, in Greek literature from Hesiod, 427; use of the idea by Platonists, 425; Xenocrates first taught the existence of evil daemons, 431 sq.; employed by Plutarch to rehabilitate myth, 432; believed in by the Fathers, 433; a cause of oracular inspiration, 437; mortality of, 426; daemon of Socrates, 438; daemon a higher self, 439; daemonology an attempt to bridge the gulf between man and the Infinite Spirit, 603 Dea Dia, worship of, 540 Delation, history and causes of, 35; delators of every rank, _ib._; attractions of, wealth gained by, 36; Regulus a delator, 37, 155; Silius Italicus, 164; under Domitian, 35 Delphi, temple of Osiris at, 424; Plutarch’s love of, 403, 435; decay of, in first century, 434; revival of, 435; why oracles were given in prose, 436; sources of its inspiration, 437; Nero’s violence to, 472; Hadrian tested, _ib._ Demetrius, the Cynic, life of, 361; a cultivated ascetic, 362; knew Apollonius of Tyana, _ib._; attitude to the Empire, beards Nero and Vespasian, _ib._ Demonax, attitude to popular religion, 363; origin, education, and philosophic tone of, 364; fashion of his life and teaching, 365; epigrams and sarcasms, 365 sq.; his personal magnetism, and reverence for him after his death, 366 Dendrophori, dedications by, to Magna Mater, 549; in the inscriptions, 551; at Lyons, 557 Dion Chrysostom, view of the Cynics, 349; early history, exile, conversion, and preaching of, 367 sq.; orations of, 368; simple philosophy, and view of the time, 369, 370; warning to Tarsus, 370; sermon at Olbia, 371 sq.; picture of city life in Asia Minor, its vices and jealousies, 372 sqq.; gospel of social charity, 373; scorn for the Alexandrian character, 374; his prose idyll on virtuous rural life in Euboea, 375 sq.; view of prostitution and slavery, 376; ideal of monarchy, parable of the Two Peaks, 377 sqq.; oration at Olympia, 379 sq.; suggested by Olympian Zeus of Pheidias, 380; Dion’s discussion on natural theology and anthropomorphism, 381; makes Pheidias defend representation of the Infinite in human form, 382; his Zeus a moral ideal and spiritual power, 383 Domitian, delators under, 35; his belief in astrology, 45; secret of his reign, 52; value of the authorities on, 52 n.; good traits in his character, 53; his encouragement of literature and political merit, _ib._; his Hellenism, 89; a moral reformer, 54, 74; causes of his unpopularity, 54; contradictions in his character, 55; replenishes the treasury by confiscation, 56; his terror at the end, 56, 57, 450; his funereal banquet, 57; founds a quinquennial competition in literature, 171; his superstition, 450; a conservative in religion, 536; celebrated the Quinquatria of Minerva, 538; his victories, 542; escaped from the capital in the vestments of Isis in 69 A.D., 567; built a temple to Isis, _ib._; first called _Dominus et Deus_, 615 Dreams, in temples of healing, 460; dream-oracles, 461; prescriptions in, 463, 464; treatise of Artemidorus on, 467 sqq.; his faith in, 468; his absurdities, 470; Pliny on, 452, 490

Education, Vespasian endows, 148; influence of Quintilian on, 149; Pliny helps to endow a school at Como, 193; culture in Asia Minor, 372; among freedmen, 131, 134 Empire, the, its temptations, 31; the influence of the Emperor’s example illustrated, 31; how waste led to cruelty and confiscation, 33; the secret of the imperial terror, various theories, 37; the ideal of the Empire, 39, 43; constant danger from pretenders, 40, 41, 44; the fiction of Augustus, the Emperor’s real power, 41; checks upon it, 42; its tolerance of municipal liberty, 203 Entellus, gardens of, 112 Epicharis, freedwoman, refuses to betray the Pisonian conspirators, 47 Epictetus, his ideal of the Cynic philosopher, 359; men the soldiers of God, 393; gospel of renunciation in, _ib._ n. 5; on augury and divination, 455; early history of, 503; attitude to belief in immortality, 504; reference to female Platonists, 80; preaching of gratitude and resignation, 393 Epicurus, Seneca quotes, and defends to Lucilius, 306; Aelian anathematises, 456; Epicureans at Abonoteichos oppose Alexander, 476; orders banquets to his shade, 456; influence of, in last age of Republic, 530 Epidaurus, temple of Asclepius at, 462, 539; social life of the patients, 463 Equites, in provincial towns, 215; freedmen raised to the rank of, 113; Juvenal’s contempt for, 70; general low estimate of, 113; displace freedmen as imperial secretaries, 107; employment by Vitellius, Domitian, Hadrian, and Antoninus Pius, _ib._ Espionage, under the Empire, 34; under Domitian, 56 Euboea, D. Chrysostom’s description of rural life in, 375 Euhemerus, translated by Ennius, 530; Plutarch on, 425 Euphrates, Pliny’s sketch of, 151; suicide of, 356 Evil, Plutarch’s theory of, 430 Extravagance, of Nero, 20, 32; of Domitian, 55, 56; of Vitellius, 32; of Caligula, 32; under the Republic, 67

Fannia, widow of Helvidius Priscus, Pliny’s admiration for, 152 Finance, profusion of Caligula, 32; straits of Domitian, 56; economy of Vespasian, 32, 148; Nero’s waste and plunder, 20 sq.; Nerva’s retrenchment, 32; waste of Vitellius, 32; finance of provincial towns, 220, 248 Fortuna Augusti, 618 Freedmen, the, their rise a great movement, 100; prejudice against, 101 sqq.; why it was natural, 103; contempt of literary men for vulgar wealth, 104; yet the rise of the freedmen a promising movement, 105; rise of, in the imperial household, 106; become great ministers, 107; replaced gradually by Equites, 107; early freedmen ministers worthy of their place, 108; career of Claudius Etruscus and Abascantus, 109 sqq.; of Narcissus and Pallas, 110, 111; how their wealth was gained, 112, 129; their politic splendour, 112; romantic career of a freedman, 113; yet freedmen despised and ostracised, _ib._; sometimes made great marriages, 114; doubtful position of women of this class, 114; yet some had great influence, 115; Panthea, mistress of L. Verus, picture of, by Lucian, _ib._; lower freedmen in the imperial service, 116; transition from slavery to freedom, how freedmen rose, 118-120; grossness and ostentation of their wealthy class, 129 sqq. Freedom and Necessity, Plutarch’s views of, 412; Seneca’s, 311

Gaius, on the law of Colleges, 254 Galen, early history and training of, 505; eclecticism of, _ib._; views of immortality, _ib._; relations with M. Aurelius, 506 Genii, invented for every corporation and scene in Roman life, 386; tales of, in Britain and on the Indian Ocean, 420, 426; wide-spread cult of, 479 sq. Gladiators, municipal shows of, in Petronius, 134; Trajan provides 10,000 on his Dacian triumph, 234; protests against, by Seneca and Demonax, 235; schools of, 236, 241; shows began in Campania, _ib._; school of, at Pompeii, 237; notices in the inscriptions, 238; enthusiasm for, _ib._; shows in remote places, 239; after battle of Bedriacum, 240; less popular in Greece, except at Corinth, 241; various cost of, 241; classes who furnished gladiators, attractions of the profession, 242 sq.; organisation of a school; a college of gladiators, 243 God, new conceptions of, 5; in Seneca, 305; God of the Stoics, varying conceptions of, 307; demand for a moral God, 389; Stoicism fades into Platonism, 391; the Stoic god has no claim to worship, _ib._; vague higher conceptions of, 396, 603; a transcendent Deity, 397; Plutarch’s highest idea of, 418; man’s relation to, according to Maximus of Tyre, 421; relation of, to daemons, 425 sqq.

Hadrian, letter of, to Servianus, 397; tests the omniscience of Delphi, 435; dabbled in astrology, and other dark arts, 450, 503; his love of travel, 503; his faint belief in immortality, 503; a sceptic, 536; the Canopus of, at his villa at Tibur, 567; conspiracy against, 41; character of, 503 Hellenism, various aspects of, reaction against, from the times of the elder Cato, 88; Hellenism of early Emperors, 88, 89; Roman prejudice against Greeks, 90; why Greeks succeeded under the Empire, 91; Greek _grammatici_, 91; Greeks as doctors, 92; Greek parasites, 93; love of Greek in Pliny’s days, 166 sq. Helvidius Priscus, violence of, 40; flouts Vespasian, _ib._ Herculaneum, temple of Magna Mater at, 548; frescoes of, illustrating the worship of Isis, 578 Herodes Atticus, gifts of, to many communities, 225 sqq.; friend of Demonax and Plutarch, 364, 403; on the uses of wealth, 232; claimed descent from the Aeacidae, 225 Herodotus, identifies Greek and Egyptian deities, 561; on Mithra, 589 Hesiod, on daemons, 427 Holconii, the, of Pompeii, public honours and benefactions of, 223 Horace, love of the country, and memories of Mount Vultur in, 196, 198; journey to Brundisium, 206; on beneficence, 190 Hortensius, Q., luxury of, 71; poverty of his descendants, _ib._

Icelus, raised to rank by Galba, 107; journey of, to Spain, 206 Immortality, ideas of, depend on ideas of God, 484; “We know not what we shall be,” 485; faith in the _Manes_, 486; evidence of epitaphs on, 487 sqq.; Lemures, 488 sq.; the _Mundus_, 489; mingled elements in Virgil’s Inferno, 491 sqq.; Roman longing for posthumous sympathy, 488; Orphic and Pythagorean influences on Virgil, 494; evidence of inscriptions on belief in, 496 sqq.; Epicurean negation of, 498 sq.; philosophic opinion on, 449 sqq.; Lucretius and Julius Caesar on, 500, 501; attitude of Epictetus, 504; Galen’s ideas of, 505 sq.; M. Aurelius on, 507 sqq.; Seneca on, 514 sq.; Apollonius of Tyana on, 518 sq.; Plutarch on, 521 sqq.; Platonic imagery of the future world, and its influence on Plutarch, 523 sq.; belief in, fostered by Isiac worship, 575, 583; and by Mithraism, 609 Inns, poor and disreputable, 207 Isis, prescriptions of, in dreams, 461; transformation of her worship by the Ptolemies, 560; at the Peiraeus, _ib._; influence of Greek settlers in Egypt, and of Greek mysticism, 561, 563 sq.; lofty conception of, in Apuleius, 563; date of her introduction in Italy, _ib._; power over women, 565; repeated persecution of her worshippers, first century, B.C., 565; in the reign of Tiberius, 566; favoured by Otho and the Flavians, 567; Domitian builds a temple to, in 92 A.D., classes who propagated the worship of, 567 sq.; spread through all Western Europe, 568 sq.; secret of her fascination, 569; highest conception of, 572; a real spiritual power, 574; gives the hope of immortality, 575; impressive ritual of, 576; daily offices, 577 sq.; her rites in frescoes of Herculaneum, 578; great festivals of, the procession to the shore described, 578 sq.; her priesthood, including women, 580, 582; sacred guilds, Isiaci, Pastophori, etc., 581; syncretism of her worship, _ib._; her priesthood a separate caste, their presbyteries, and ascetic life, 582

Jerome, S., account of the grades of initiation in Mithraism by, 611; genealogies in, 70 Jews, growing influence of, in the first century A.D.; especially under the Flavian dynasty, 83; spread of Jewish observances, 84; foster superstition, 84 Julian, his hatred of Oenomaus of Gadara, 364 _ Jumentarii_, at the gates of towns, 206 Juvenal, his views of society compared with Tacitus, 58; social rank and early training of, 59; experience as a client, _ib._; bitterness of, 60; dates of his _Satires_, 60; he and Martial have a common stock of subjects, 60, 61; plebeian pride, and old Roman prejudice, combined with the moral feeling of a later age, 63; attitude to religion, 64; extravagant pessimism, his ideal in the past, 65; great movements of society described by, and sometimes misunderstood, 69; decay of the noble class described by, 69; contempt for new men, 70; signs of aristocratic poverty, 72; his ideal of senatorial dignity, 74; treatment of women in the Sixth Satire, its faults, 76; condemns mere eccentricities and even laudable tastes, 77; distrusts growing culture of women, 79, 80; fighting a lost battle, 81; scorn for women’s devotion to eastern cults, 82; pessimism about women had some justification, 84 sqq.; his judgments must be taken with some reserve, 87; indignation at the invasion of the Greeks, 88; humiliation of the client, 93; general poverty, 95; the cry of the poor, and Roman contempt for industry and trade, 98; Juvenal compared with Pliny, as a painter of society, 141

Lambaesis, the camp at, how it grew into a _municipium_, 208; military colleges at, 283; temple of Isis at, 568; worship of Mithra at, 595 Lanuvium, college at, 260 Lemuria, the, described, 489 Libraries, restocked with MSS. by Domitian, 53; Trimalchio’s Greek and Latin libraries, 131; rapid production of books, 156 Literature, in the Antonine age, 3; in Pliny’s days, 157; literary amateurs abound, _ib._; Pliny’s poetry, 159; love of Cicero, 158; the plague of readings, 160, 172; decadence of, 163, 173; Silius Italicus, 164 sq.; composition in Greek, 166; Titinius Capito, a historian, 167; devotion to poetry, and its causes, influence of the Augustan tradition, 169; fashion of the archaic style, 170; Domitian founds a literary competition, its influence, 171; literary men generally born in provincial places, 196; Demonax rebukes literary archaism, 367 Livy, on decay of augury, 445; on the Bacchanalian scandal, 563; on the apocryphal books of Numa, 564 Lucan, on the worship of Isis, 568; betrays his mother, his death, 471; style of, referred to in the _Satiricon_ of Petronius, 123 Lucian, his war against the Cynics, 337; yet sometimes approaches their view of life, 337 sq.; the _Charon_ of, 338; the _Hermotimus_ of, witnesses to a moral movement, 341 sqq.; the Cynic in his _Banquet_, and _Fugitives_, 350; his treatment of the character of Peregrinus, 354 sqq.; visit to Olympia at the time of the Cynic’s suicide, 355; how he regarded it, and watched the growth of a myth, 357 sq.; description of the new oracle of Abonoteichos, 474 sqq.; ridicule of superstition in the _Philopseudes_, 490; reference to Mithra, 590 Lucretius, on immortality, 500, 501; on Magna Mater, 547 Luxury, Juvenal’s view of, 65; Roman luxury in Republican times, 67; luxury a relative term, 68; luxury of the Roman villa, chiefly in marbles, 177; the luxury of travelling, progresses of Nero, 206

Maecenas, counsels of, to Augustus in Dion Cassius, 446, 533; Trimalchio, a freedman of, 128 n. Magna Mater, brought from Pessinus, 204 B.C., 548; no Roman priest of, for 100 years, _ib._; growing popularity of, at Rome, in Spain and Dacia, 549; legend of, _ib._; her festival in spring, 550; her priests in the inscriptions, 550 sq.; her sacred colleges, 551; her disreputable followers in Apuleius, _ib._ sqq.; her worship transmuted, 554; the taurobolium and its history, 556; alliance of, with Mithra, and Attis, 556 sq.; women admitted to sacred rank, 557; identified with Maia, Demeter, Bona Dea, etc., 559 Majesty, the law of, under the Empire, 33 Malaga, inscriptions of, 209 Manetho, treatise of, on myths, 561; assists the first Ptolemy in recasting Isiac worship, _ib._ Marcian, on Colleges, 255 Martial, deals with the same social subjects as Juvenal, 61; his graphic picture of the age, 61, 62; better side of, love of country life, picture of the farm of Faustinus, love of Bilbilis, 62; on Regulus, 156; on literary amateurs, 157; on Silius Italicus, 158; relations of, with Pliny, 158; regret for the capital, 198 Maximus of Tyre, character of his Discourses, 349; conciliation of anthropomorphism with a higher vision of God by, 395; ethical theory of, 421; daemonology of, 429; fortified by tales of apparitions, 491; influenced by Aristotle, 421 Medicine, profession of, filled by Greeks, 92; great physicians, Antonius Musa, the Stertinii, etc., _ib._; sneers against, _ib._; public physicians in municipal towns, 219; income and munificence of the Stertinii, 224; science of, in the second century, superstitious elements, 459; how blended with real skill, 462; skilled physicians in temples of Asclepius, 465 _ Medixtuticus_, title of, still preserved in Oscan towns, 203 Minucius Felix, quoted, 545; on the festivals of Isis, 578 n.; on daemons, 433 Miracles, Origen and Celsus on, 481; universal belief in, 482; miracles in temples of Serapis, 573; Vespasian consents to work, _ib._ Mithra, growing power of, 386; the taurobolium a part of his worship, 556; alliance of, with Magna Mater and Attis, _ib._, 589 sq.; in the Vedas and Avestas, 586; in the Zoroastrian system, 587; the God of kings, _ib._; influence of Babylon on the worship of, 587; influence of syncretism in Asia Minor on, 588; the taurobolium probably borrowed, _ib._; origin of the Tauroctonus group, date of the introduction of the cult into Europe, 590; Plutarch’s statement in the Life of Pompey, _ib._; worship of, in the Flavian age, _ib._; syncretism of, 592; worship of, propagated by soldiers, civil servants, etc., _ib._; stages of its diffusion through Italy, 593; and north of the Alps, 594; progress of the worship along the Danube, 594 sqq.; legions which propagated it in Pannonia, 595; remains of, in Upper Germany, 596; in England, 597; in Gaul, _ib._; its many attractions, _ib._; Persian symbolism, 598; Babylonian elements in, astrology, 598, 602, sq.; relative influence of Iran and Babylon, different views of, 599; influence of Platonism and Pythagoreanism on, 600; doctrine of the soul’s descent, _ib._; cosmic theory, doctrine of emanation, and deification of elemental powers, 601 sqq.; Mithra as mediator in two senses, 604 sq.; the Dadophori, _ib._, 606; the legend recovered from monuments, 605; the _petra genetrix_, _ib._; symbolism of the slaughtered bull, 606; agape of Mithra and Sun, 607; various interpretations of the legend, 607; Mithraism a religion of combat, 608; its consolations, _ib._; its eschatology, 609; effect of the taurobolium, _ib._; ritual and sacraments of, 610; daily offices, and festivals of, 611; seven grades of the initiated, 611; ordeals of, 612; guilds of, 612; rites regarded as a diabolic parody of the Church, 613; description of the chapels of, _ib._ sq.; how Mithraism escaped persecution, 614; how it fostered theocratic ideas at Rome, 617 sqq.; a great imperial cult, 619; last days of, _ib._; worship of, a great effort of syncretism, 620; moral and mystic strength of, 621; relations to Christianity, 622; similarities between them, 623; weaknesses of Mithraism, 624; inseparably involved with Nature-worship, 626 Monarchy, Seneca’s conception of, 16; hereditary succession and adoption, 27; ideal of, in Dion Chrysostom, 377, sqq.; apotheosis of, in third century, 615 sqq.; attitude of Tacitus to, 21 Morals, divorced from politics and speculation, 290 sq.; became a religion in Seneca, 305; relation of precept and dogma, _ib._; freedom and necessity, 311; the fall of man, 312; Plutarch’s theory of, 410 sqq. Municipal life, picture of, in Petronius, 133 sqq.; rapid organisation of, in Spain, Gaul, Dacia, etc., immense growth of towns, 200; Baden in 69 A.D., 201; Thamugadi in Numidia, 202; policy of government towards provincial towns, 203; drift towards uniformity of civic organisation, influence of the capital, 204; how towns were formed, 207; development from _castra stativa_, 207, sq.; soldiers allowed to live with their families in the third century, 208; municipal town aristocratic in constitution, 209, 231; _ Album Canusii_, 210; the _honestiores_, _ib._; popular election the rule in the first century, 211; magistracies, 212; their burdens, signs of decay, 212; powers of the duumvirs, 213; the Curia, its numbers, qualification, and privileges, 214, 215; local _Equites_, 215; Augustales, their importance, organisation, insignia, etc., 216, 217; municipal finance, 218; public charges, food, education, medical attendance, 219; public works, 220; finances, and maladministration of Bithynian towns in Trajan’s reign, 220, 221; municipal life of Pompeii, 222, sqq.; generous gifts to towns, 223, 225; examples from the inscriptions, 226 sqq.; public feasts on a great scale, 229; gifts of money according to social rank, 230; tone of town life, 231; pleasures of, 233; gladiatorial shows, 236 sqq.; how the community rewarded benefactors, 244 sq.; municipal meanness, 245; decaying local patriotism, 246; Plutarch on, 247; growing centralisation and interference, 248; shadows of the end, 249 Musonius, his ideal of chastity, 77; condemns the Sophists, 344; exile of, under Nero; character of his teaching; preaches to the soldiery in 69 A.D., 348

Nature, love of, in Virgil, 197; in Pliny, 174; in Martial, _ib._, 62, 198 Nero, hereditary taint of, 17; not without some good qualities, 17; could inspire affection, 18; his devotion to art, and its evil results, 19; a _cupitor incredibilium_, 20; his waste leads to cruel oppression, 20, 21; examples of wild profusion, 32; his superstition, 45, 536; compelled by the mob to recall Octavia, 49; popular indignation at his appearance on the stage, 74; the “Noctes Neronis,” 75; his phil-Hellenism, 89; silences Delphi, 434; belief in astrology, 448; propitiates his mother’s shade, 491; flattery of, by the Arval Brothers, 542; worshipped by Tiridates, 617; violence to Delphi, 472 Nerva, retrenchments of, 32; first provided for poor children, 192 Nicomedia, D. Chrysostom on its public vices, 373 Numa, apocryphal books of, 564

Octavia, divorced on false charge, and recalled by Nero at the bidding of the mob, 49 Oenomaus of Gadara, rejection of myth and oracles by, 363; theory of oracles, 364; Julian’s denunciation of, _ib._ Olbia, D. Chrysostom’s visit to, 371 sq. Oracles, decay of, 434; revival of, 386; theory of their inspiration, 437 sqq.; and of their cessation, 437, 471; that of Abonoteichos defers to the older, 472; many oracles not silenced till the reign of Constantine, 473; how an oracle was worked, 474; oracles in Boeotia, 471 Orphic mysticism, the, 427; influence of, on Virgil, 494; on Mithraism, 600; on belief in immortality, 516 Osterburken, remains of Mithra worship at, 596 Ostia, colleges at, 215; cult of Mithra at, 591; temple of Magna Mater at, _ib._ Otho, extravagance of, 32; his belief in astrology, 45, 448; devotion of soldiers to, 50; his end, 449; flattered by the Arval Brotherhood, 541; the first Emperor who took part in Isiac worship, 566 Ovid, his ideal of womanhood, 77, 142; shocked by the influence of the theatre on women, 86; attitude to religion, 532

Pallas, power and insolence of, receives the adulation of the Senate, his wealth, and his end, 111 Panaetius and the Scipionic circle, 293; modification of Stoicism by, 408; abandons belief in immortality, 500; rejects divination, 530; little sympathy with popular religion, 531 Panthea, mistress of L. Verus, charms of, described by Lucian, 115 Paphlagonia, superstition of, 474 Pastophori of Isis, the, recognised by Sulla, 565; scribe of, 570 Peregrinus, early history of, connection with the Christians, and self-immolation, 354; Lucian’s attacks on his character, 354; assumes that the motive of Peregrinus was notoriety, 356; Peregrinus influenced by eastern mysticism, 355; character of, in Aulus Gellius, 358 Pessimism, of Seneca, 10, 11, 14, 303, 313; of Tacitus, 30, 46; Juvenal, 65; M. Aurelius, 304, 335; of the Greek poets, 416 Petronius, shared in the “Noctes Neronis,” 75; various opinions as to the date and object of his _Satiricon_, 120; motive of the work, 122; the Petronius of Tacitus, his character and his end; the _Satiricon_ only a fragment, 124; not without a higher moral tone, 125; originality of Petronius, 126; the scene and the characters, 127 Philosophy, power of, in government, 6; Stoic opposition in the first century, 39, 151 sqq.; was it ever a dangerous force? 40; new ideals of humanity, 63; elevating influence of, 190; change in the conception of, in the first century, 289; practical interest in predominant, causes of the change, 339, 290 sq.; eclecticism and scepticism in, _ib._, 408, 412; necessity for moral reform, 292; private direction of souls, 293; directors in great houses, 294; the philosopher a _generis humani paedagogus_, 299; modifications of Stoicism in Seneca, 314 sqq., 306; “nulla virtus sine philosophia,” 341; eclecticism, 343; the Cynic opposition, 362 sq.; eclecticism of Dion Chrysostom, 368 sq.; need of a philosophic théodicée, 384; effort of, to rehabilitate myth, 432 Pheidias, the Olympian Zeus of, 380; his defence of anthropomorphism in D. Chrysostom, 382 Pisa, disturbance at elections in, 212 Piso, the conspiracy of, 47 sq. Platonism, few adherents of, in the first century, 408; affected Panaetius, _ib._; and Seneca, 308; and Plutarch, 409; its daemonology, 430; encouraged belief in immortality, 501; visionary power of the great Master, 523; influence on Mithraism, 600 Plebeian life, picture of, in Petronius, 132 sqq.; in the inscriptions, 252 sq., 271 Pliny, the elder, on Roman luxury, 67, 68; care of his nephew, 145; life, character, and prodigious industry of, 146; scorn for popular religion, 535; superstition of, 451; rejection of immortality, 502; on town life in Spain and Gaul, 201 sq.; description of baths of Posides, 112; on the Stertinii, 224 Pliny, the younger, ideal of the principate in the _Panegyric_, 43; compared with Juvenal as a painter of society, 141; idealised his circle, 142, 185; his blameless aristocrats, 144; early life of, influence of Quintilian on, 149; student friends, 150; admiration of the Stoic circle, 151; military service, and entrance on forensic work, 153 sq.; the Centumviral court, 154 sq.; sketch of Regulus, 155 sqq.; passion for fame, 157; literary amateurs, 157; befriends Martial, 158; admiration for Cicero, and for Greece, 158; his loose verses, 159; ideas of oratory, 160; value of his Letters, 161, 163; imitated in fourth century, _ib._; their principle of arrangement, and date, 162; his devotion to literature, 164; admiration for Tacitus, _ib._; his judgment of Silius Italicus, _ib._; theory of life, 165; literary coteries, Greek verse writing, 166; writers of history, 167; literary competitions, 171; the plague of recitations; Pliny gives readings himself, and punctually attends them: his estimate of their value, 173; weariness of the capital and love of the country, 174; not a sportsman, 175; pictures of Roman country seats, 175; routine of country life, 179; management of rural estates, 180; Pliny’s kindness to slaves and dependents, 181; view of suicide, 183; Corellius Rufus, 184; Pliny’s belief in the solidarity of rank, and the duty of mutual support, 186; his superstition, 452, 490; delight in helping young men of the upper class, 187; love for Calpurnia, and ideal of girlhood, 188, 189; last glimpse of Pliny and Calpurnia, 189; he represents the finest moral tone of the age, 190; his many benefactions and their amount, 193, 224 Plutarch, on the duties of municipal life, 247; early history of, 401; friends of, at Rome, 402; love of Chaeronea, and Delphi, 403; visits to other parts of Greece, 403; table talk of, 404; his historic power, 406; ethical motive in, predominant, 405; admiration for Plato, 409; eclecticism, _ib._; attacks Stoic psychology, 410; adopts some Aristotelian principles, 412; yet has many Stoic elements, 414; his treatment of Fate and free-will, 412; ideal of moral teaching, 413; conception of theology, 417; idea of God, 418; of matter and evil, 419; treatment of myth and religious symbol, 423; daemonology, 430 sqq.; used to rehabilitate myth, 432; interest in Delphi, 435 sqq.; theory of inspiration, 439; on the future state, 496 sq.; on comfort in the Mysteries, 516; Consolation to his wife on the death of their daughter, 520 sq.; arguments for immortality, 521 sqq.; visions of the future world, 523 sqq.; reference to Mithra as a mediator, 590; on the first appearance of Mithraism in Europe, 590; tales of ghosts at Chaeronea, 490 Politta, wife of Rubellius Plautus, courage and devotion of, 49 Polybius, freedman minister of Claudius, life of, described by Seneca, 108 Polybius, the historian, his attitude to Roman religion, 531 Pompeii, situation and various industries of, 223; family of the Holconii, Eumachia, their gifts to the town, 223; amphitheatre and temple of Isis at, 224, 563; election placards at, 211; tombs of Alexandrian traders at, 567; colleges of “late sleepers” and “late drinkers” at, 265 Pontifex Maximus, the, 534; office held by the Emperors, its power, 535 Poppaea, her sympathy with Judaism, 83 Post, the public, organisation of, 206; Pliny’s use of, for Calpurnia, 189 Poverty, contempt for, 104; common in Juvenal’s time, 94; D. Chrysostom on, 375 Prayer, an effort of adoration, 394; a colloquy with God, 420 Preachers, the philosophic, Apollonius, 347; Musonius, 348; Maximus of Tyre, 349; Dion Chrysostom, 370 sqq. Prudentius, description of the taurobolium by, 558 Public works, mismanagement of, in Bithynia, 220 sq.; curator of, _ib._; undertaken by private persons, evidence of inscriptions on, 225 sq. Pythagoreanism, not extinct in the first century B.C., 398; daemonology of, 428; influence of, on Virgil, 493 sq.; on Seneca, 515; connection with the Mysteries, 516; spiritual influence of, 517; influence on the mythology of Egypt, 562; and on Mithraism, 600

Quintilian, career of, as a teacher, and high moral influence, 149; treats immortality as an open question, 502

Readings, the plague of, in Juvenal, 59, 95; in Pliny, 160, 173; in Martial, 61 Regulus, M. Aquilius, career of, as delator, 37; as pleader, his wealth, and eccentricities, 155, 156 Religion, old Roman, decay of, from the second Punic War, 529; its causes, 530; attitude to, of Varro, Panaetius, Polybius, 531; Augustan restoration of, 533; conservative influence of the chief pontificate, 535; early emperors continue the Augustan policy, 536; reverence for the oldest Latin deities in the inscriptions, 538; Jupiter, 543; Hercules, Silvanus, and the Nymphs, 539; revival of the Arval Brotherhood, 540 sqq.; feeling of the educated to, 544; real strength of, 545; last champions of, in the fourth century, 546; its formalism compared with the eastern worships, 554

Scepticism, from the second Punic War, 530; the scepticism of the elder Pliny, Seneca, Juvenal, etc., 535 Seleucus, an astrologer of Otho, 448 Senate, the, prestige and ancient claims of, 38; hated and feared by bad princes, 38, 39; respect for, under good Emperors, 39; theoretical position of, under the Empire, 41, 42; Pliny’s _Panegyric_ throws light on, 44; moral degradation of, shown in 69 A.D., 50; poverty of many great houses, 51, 71; insults heaped on, by Emperors, 51; reduction of its numbers by massacre etc., 71; great families pensioned by Emperors, 71; Senators compelled to act and fight as gladiators, 73, 74; scorn of, for freedmen, 113; frivolity of, in Pliny’s time, 185; senatorial life in the country, 174 sqq. Seneca, his experience of the tyranny, 7, 8; sad close of his life, 9; knowledge of character, how acquired, 9; conception of the state of nature, and pessimism of, 10, 11, 14, 304, 313; ghastly picture of high society, 11; of slavery, 12, 329; his terrors, 13; attitude to philosophic revolutionaries, 15; conception of imperial power, 16; ideal of female character and capacity, 188; anticipates the movement of the Antonine age, 190; as a spiritual director, 294; his undoubted power, 295; his experience prepared him for the work, 296 sqq.; his court-life and wealth, _ib._; contrasts in, 297; calumnies against, 298; conception of the great office of philosophy, 299; attitude to liberal studies, 300; treatment of Physics, the moral effects and lessons of the study, 301 sqq.; intense earnestness of, 304; defends and quotes Epicurus, 306; yet often a Stoic dogmatist, _ib._; conception of God, 307, 390; influenced by Platonism, 308; his psychology, 308 sq.; necessity and conversion, 311; the fall of man, 312; Aristotelian elements in, 314 sq.; humility of, 316; his disciples of the upper class, 317; on philosophic retreat, 318; his precepts for moral growth, 320 sqq.; death a mere bugbear, 322; attitude to myth, _ib._; on public duty, 325; on the social instinct, kindness, forgiveness, etc., 327; his ideal of womanhood, 329; Seneca and Thomas à Kempis, 331; his view of immortality approaches the Christian, 5, 13 sqq.; Pythagorean influences on, 515 Sentinum, college of Mithra at, 593 Serapis, his temple of healing at Canopus, 461; his origin, various theories of, 561 sq.; linked with Jupiter in the inscriptions, 562; lofty conception of, in Aristides, 572, 574; miracles in his temples, 573; a guide and judge of souls, 575; his boundless sway, 583 Sidonius Apollinaris, imitation of Pliny’s Letters in, 162 sq.; refers to Sulpicia, 80; to Petronius, 121 Silius Italicus, Pliny’s estimate of, 164; career and tastes of, 165; a connoisseur, 177; suicide of, 184 Slavery, moral and political effects of, according to Seneca, 12; courage of Octavia’s slave girls, 48; transition from slavery to freedom, 116 sq.; kindly feeling, 117, 257; manumission, how obtained, 118; growing _peculium_ of trusted slaves, 118; tie between patron and freedman, 119; duties and generosity of patrons, _ib._; rise of the freedmen, _ib._; Pliny’s kindness to slaves, 181; harsh masters and their perils, 182; slave class dwindling, 252; slaves in the colleges, 281 Society, _ circuli_, 13; gossip, 33; extravagant luxury, 66; respect for birth and manufacture of genealogies, 69, 70; poverty and mendicancy of great houses, 71, 72; wider interests among women 78; culture of Roman women from Cornelia to Serena, wife of Stilicho, 80; dangerous temptations of women’s life, 85 sq.; general poverty under the Empire, 94 sq.; mean trades more lucrative than cultivated professions, 95; society materialised, _ib._; contempt for poverty, 97; grossness of freedmen, 132 sqq.; a sounder class in the worst days, 143; wholesome force of Roman tradition, and country life, 144; old-fashioned retreats of virtue, 147; love of country life, 174; suicide, 183; wedded life of Calpurnia and Pliny, 188 sq.; new moral ideals in Seneca, Juvenal, and Pliny, 190; duties of wealth, 191; public spirit of the age, 193; rage for amusement, 234 sqq.; municipal gratitude and meanness, 245; need of association in clubs, etc., 256 sqq.; immense force of the movement, 266 sqq.; ennui and self-abandonment of upper class, 304, 319 sq.; need for popular evangelism, how the Cynics supplied it, 335, 360 Socrates, theories of his daemon, 438 Sophists, the, influence of, 4; frivolous subjects and showy style of, condemned by philosophers, 344; Plutarch’s opinion of, 413 Sotion, trains Seneca in Pythagorean asceticism, 296 Spain, growth of towns in, 200; journey of Icelus in, to reach Galba, 206; little affected by Mithraism, 597; worship of Isis in, 567 Spectacles, the, Senators descend into the arena, 73; women present at, mingling with men at the Circus, 86; obscenities of the theatre, _ib._; number of days in the year given to, 234;

## scene in Flavian Amphitheatre, 235

Spurinna, Vestricius, a verse writer, 166; his orderly life a type, 175 Statius, his sketches of the great imperial freedmen, 109 sqq.; of the villas of Manlius Vopiscus, and Pollius Felix, 176; reference to Mithra in the _Thebaid_, 589 sq. Stoicism, the God of, 307; gospel of, in Seneca, 309 sq.; freedom and necessity, 311; weakness of its moral theory, 313; instantaneous conversion, _ib._; no intermediate states of character, _ib._; modifications of, 314; relation to Cynicism, 323, 359; competing tendencies in, 324; the two cities, Zeno on civic duty, 325; the brotherhood of man, 328; the religion of Stoicism breaks down, 391, 512; later Stoic mysticism, 392; influence of Panaetius, 408, 530; its theory of human nature assailed by Plutarch, 410 sq.; older Stoic belief in a limited immortality, 500; ideal of life in M. Aurelius, 509; Stoic attitude to augury, etc., 530 Strabo, on oracles and augury, 471; on the temple of Serapis at Canopus, 461 Suetonius, career of, 168; Pliny’s friendship for, _ib._; a dilatory author, 168; superstition of, 452, 535; secretary of Hadrian, 169 Suffetes, title of, preserved in Africa under the Empire, 203 Suicide, Pliny’s view of, 183; suicide of Euphrates, 356; Stoic view of, 356; suicide of Peregrinus, 357; of Silius Italicus, 184; of Corellius Rufus, 184; Hadrian’s wish for, 356; a suicide on Lake Como, 184 Sulla, recognises the Isiac cult in 80 B.C., 565 Sulpicia, verses of, mentioned by Martial and Sidonius, 80 Sun worship, the highest form of nature-worship, 585 sq.; Aurelian’s temple, 586; Mithra identified with the Sun at Babylon, 587; influence of, in fostering theocratic ideas in the Empire, 617 sq. Superstition, tales of, at Trimalchio’s table, 131, 136; of Regulus, 156; of Suetonius and Pliny, 168; various conceptions of, 443; Plutarch on, 443 sq.; astrology, 446 sqq.; superstition of the Emperors, 447 sqq.; of the great writers of the age, 451 sqq.; its connection with medicine in the temples, 459; dream oracles, 461; Aristides has visits from the gods, 466; superstition of Rutilianus and the Roman nobles in the reign of M. Aurelius, 475; rampant in Paphlagonia, 476 sq.; cult of _Genii_, 479; universal belief in miracles, 482; apparitions in the _Philopseudes_ of Lucian, 490; encouraged by Mithraism, 602 Symmachus, religious conservatism of, 546; Letters of, 161 Syncretism, in Aristides, 388; in Apuleius, _ib._; in Plutarch, 424; of the oriental worships, 558; in the worship of Isis, 581; and of Serapis, 583; Mithraism the greatest effort of, 585, 592; at Babylon, 587; in Asia Minor, 588

Tacitus, his attitude to the tyranny of the early Caesars, 21; early history and experience of, 22; various views of, 23; the key to his tone as a historian, 24; a moralist, rather than a politician, 25, 26; views of the future, 26, 27; belief in birth and traditions, 28; early training, and ideal of family life, 28, 29; admiration for Agricola, 29; his experience had affected his ideas of human nature and of the Divine government, 30; gloomy view of the time, 46; wavering attitude to superstition, 453, 535; faint hope of immortality, 502; account of Serapis, 562 Tarsus, D. Chrysostom on its vices, 370 Taurobolium, the, enthralling power of, 547; first glimpse of, 549; offered for Ant. Pius in 160, _ib._; suspected by the Fathers, 555; history of, 556; Anaitis and Artemis Tauropolus, _ib._; question whether it became part of the worship of Mithra, _ib._, 609; its ceremonial and cost, 557 sq.; its meaning and effects, 609 Tertullian, his tale of a priest of Cybele, 549; on the taurobolium, 555; holds up priests of Isis as an example, 582; his view of the sacraments of Mithra, 613 Theagenes, pupil of Peregrinus, 354; lectures in Rome, _ib._ Theatre, the, a great corruptor, 86 Thespesius of Soli, his vision of the unseen world, 524 Thrasea, his character, compared with Paetus and Helvidius Priscus, 152 Thrasyllus, an astrologer of Tiberius, 448 Tiberius, conservatism of, in religion, 536; little sympathy with Hellenism, 88; cost of his gladiators, 241; belief in astrology, 448; tried the lottery at Padua, 472; persecutes the eastern cults, 566; treatment of descendants of Hortensius, 71; his _mot_ on birth, 70 Timarchus, his visit to the other world, 526 sq. Titinius Capito, writes a history of the victims of the Terror, 167 Titus, his love of the East and superstition, 449; visit to shrine of the Paphian Venus, 472 Trade, great fair at Cremona, 264; wandering traders, their colleges, _ib._; immense development of, 253, 265; Juvenal’s contempt for, 98; encouragement of, by Claudius, 264 Trajan, provision of, for poor children, 192; his friendship with Dion Chrysostom, 369 sq.; vows of the Arval Brotherhood for, 542; Pliny’s _Panegyric_ on, 43 Travel, became general, 205; example of Hadrian, _ib._; easy and luxurious, _ib._; facilities of posting, 206; speed of, by land and sea, 206; passion for change of scene, 330 sqq.; travels of Aristides, 464; of Dion Chrysostom, 368 Trimalchio, the, of Petronius, sketches his own career, 129; his estates, _ib._; description of, _ib._; surprises of his dinner, 130; his libraries and his ignorance, 131; treatment of his wife, 137; gives an order for his monument, 136 Trophonius, the oracle of, 461

Ummidia Quadratilla, character in Pliny’s Letters, 185; builds a temple and amphitheatre for Casinum, 224

Varro, theology of, 417, 531 sq.; on Magna Mater, 547; Saturae Menippeae of, 126 Veleia, tablet of, 192 Verginius, Rufus, guardian of Pliny, 145 Vespasian, accession of, a moral revolution, 1; his economies, 32, 227; tolerance of the Stoic opposition by, 40; treatment of astrologers, 45; defamed by men of the Neronian circle, 52; Hellenism of, 89; love of old associations, 148; his immense task; combined economy and liberality, 148; banishes the astrologers, yet believes in them, 449; consults the oracle on Mount Carmel, 472; conservative in religion, 536; restores the shrine of Magna Mater at Herculaneum, 548; consents to work miracles at Alexandria, 573 Vestinus, Atticus, suicide of, under Nero, 48 Vestinus, Julius, chief pontiff of Egypt, a secretary of Hadrian, 568 Virgil, immense popularity of, his verses in the Graffiti of Pompeii, 170; pictures of rural scenery by, 197; _ Sortes Virgilianae_ consulted by Hadrian, 450; Inferno of, its discordant conceptions, 491 sqq.; recitation of the Aeneid at Trimalchio’s table, 131 Vitellius, cruelty and ghastly end of, 240; superstition of, 449; profusion of, 32; treatment of his freedman, Asiaticus, 206; employs _Equites_ as imperial secretaries, 107; his horoscope, 449

Women, high ideal of, in the first century, 77; growth of wider interests in, 78; superstition among, _ib._; emancipation of, began long before the Empire, 79; vices of, in the time of the elder Cato, _ib._; Roman ideal of, lasted to the end, _ib._; cultivated women from Cornelia to Serena, 80; growing influence of, in public life, 81; “Mothers of the camp, _patronae_,” _Curia mulierum_ at Lanuvium, 81; attractions of eastern cults for, 82; Roman girls carefully guarded till marriage, when their perils began, 84; temptations of Roman matrons, _ib._; dangers of the Circus, theatre, and gladiatorial shows, 86; manners in the freedwomen class, 135; good women of Pliny’s circle, 145; others of doubtful character, 185; Calpurnia, wife of Pliny; their ideal married life, 188 sq.; beautiful character of a girl, 189; ideal of, in Seneca, 329; light women keep fasts of Isis, 553, 565, 570; female worshippers of Magna Mater, 557

Xenocrates, on bad daemons, 431, 433 Xenophanes, on legend, 544

Zoticus, freedman of Elagabalus, sources of his wealth, 112

THE END

_Printed in Great Britain by_ R. & R. CLARK, LIMITED, _Edinburgh_.

FOOTNOTES

_ 1 Ann._ iii. 55; xvi. 5; cf. Suet. _Vesp._ ix. xii.

2 Suet. _Vesp._ ii. quare princeps quoque et locum incunabulorum assidue frequentavit, manente villa, qualis fuerat olim, etc.

3 Tac. _Ann._ xv. 23; xvi. 21, 34; _Agric._ 2, 45; Plin. _Ep._ iii. 16, § 10; vii. 19, § 3; iii. 11, § 3; ix. 13, § 3.

4 Tac. _Ann._ xiv. 60.

5 Tac. _Ann._ iv. 6; i. 80; xiii. 50, 51; xi. 24; Suet. _Nero_, x.; _Dom._ viii.; cf. Merivale, vii. 385; Renan, _Apôtres_, p. 308 sqq; Gréard, _Morale de Plut._ p. 200.

6 Suet. _Vitell._ v.; _Otho_, iii. provinciam administravit moderatione atque abstinentia singulari.

7 Sen. _Ep._ 47; _De Ira_, i. 5; iii. 24; _De Benef._ iv. 11, § 3; _De Brev. Vit._ xiii. § 7; Plin. _Ep._ iv. 22; Juv. xiv. 15 sqq.; xv. 131; D. Cass. lxvi. 15; _Or. Henz. Inscr. Lat._ 7244, Bene fac, hoc tecum feres; Denis, _Hist. des Idées Morales_, ii. 156, 172, 181.

8 Sid. Apoll. _Ep._ viii. 6, § 5.

_ 9 Or. Henz._ iii. Ind. p. 27 sq.

10 Apul. _Apol._ c. 55, sacrorum pleraque initia in Graecia

## participavi, et plurimos ritus ... didici; Lamprid. _Alex. Sev._ c.

29, 43.

11 Max. Tyr. _Diss._ viii.; xi. § 3; xvii.; D. Chrys. _Or._ xii. § 83.

12 Renan, _Les Évangiles_, p. 382.

13 Friedl. _Sittengesch._ iv. 420; Denis, _Idées Morales_, ii. 200 sqq.; Renan, _M. Aurèle_, p. 24 sqq.

14 Luc. _Som._ 32; _Traj._ 15; _Charon_, 15, 20; _Tim._ 14, 36; M. Aurel. v. 10, 33: ix. 29; 34; x. 19: cf. Sen. _De Ira_, ii. 8; _Ad Marc._ ii. 17, 20, 22; Petron. _Sat._ 88.

_ 15 Ep._ 108, § 22; cf. Suet. _Tib._ lxi. nullus a poena hominum cessavit dies.

16 Suet. _Tib._ 61; Tac. _Ann._ iv. 34.

17 D. Cass. lix. 19; Suet. _Calig._ 53.

_ 18 Nec. Inj._ xviii.; cf. Suet. _Calig._ 50; Sen. _De Ira_, i. 20; iii. 18; _De Tranq._ xiv.; _Ad Polyb._ xiii. xvii.; _Ad Helv._ x. 4; _De Benef._ iv. 31.

19 Sen. _De Ira_, ii. 33.

20 Tac. _Ann._ xii. 8; D. Cass. 60. 8; 61. 10; Sen. _Ad Polyb._ 13. 2; _Ad Helv._ 15. 2.

21 For the worst charges _v._ D. Cass. lxii. 2; lxi. 10; Tac. _Ann._ 13. 13.

22 D. Cass. _l.c._; Tac. _Ann._ 13. 42. But cf. Seneca’s reply, Tac. _Ann._ 14. 53, and 15. 62.

23 Tac. _Ann._ 15. 65.

24 Sen. _Frag._ 108.

25 Sen. _De Tranq._ x. 6.

26 Sen. _Ep._ i. 18; Tac. _Ann._ 14. 52.

_ 27 Ep._ 70, § 14; 88, § 17; _Ep._ 77; _De Ira_, iii. 15; _Ad Helv._ 5, § 4.

28 Mart. vii. 27, 11; Juv. xi. 4; Sen. _Dial._ 1, 5, 4; _De Benef._ vii. 22, 2; Friedl. _Sittengesch._ i. 281.

29 Sen. _De Ira_, ii. 33; _De Tranq._ xii. 7.

30 Sen. _Ep._ 97, § 2; Sen. _De Benef._ i. 10, § 1. Cf. _De Ira_, ii. 8; _Ep._ 95, § 20; _Ep._ 115, § 10.

31 Sen. _Ep._ 90, § 42.

_ 32 Ep._ 90, § 40.

_ 33 Ib._ 90, § 38.

_ 34 Ib._ 90, § 5, § 36, avaritia atque luxuria dissociavere mortales.

_ 35 Ib._ 90, § 12.

36 Sen. _Ep._ 90, § 19.

_ 37 De Brev. Vit._ xvi. tarde ire horas queruntur; _Ep._ 77; _Ep._ 104, § 15.

_ 38 Ep._ 115, § 10; _De Ira_, iii. 33; _Ep._ 60; _Ep._ 74.

_ 39 Ad Polyb._ vi. 5, magna servitus est magna fortuna.

_ 40 De Ira_, ii. 8.

_ 41 De Ira_, ii. 33.

_ 42 Ib._ iii. 35, deinde idem de republica libertatem sublatam quereris quam domi sustulisti.

_ 43 Ib._ iii. 24, 32; Petron. _Sat._ 49, 53; Sen. _Ep._ 47, § 10; Juv. vi. 490; Sen. _De Clem._ i. 18.

44 Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ ii. 353; Marq. _Priv._ i. 142; Wallon, _L’Escl. dans l’Ant._ ii. 146.

45 Sen. _De Brev._ _V._ xiii.

_ 46 Ib._ xvi. transilire dies volunt.

47 Id. _Ep._ 104, § 15; 89, § 20; _Ep._ 28.

48 Id. _De Tranq._ xii. § 7.

49 Mart. ii. 7, 8 (_v._ note on the word in Friedländer’s ed.); iv. 78.

50 Sen. _Ep._ i. 9; cf. Friedl. _Sittengesch._ i. 271.

51 Juv. xi. 4; Mart. vii. 97; Quintil. vi. 3, 105; Sen. _De Tranq._ xii. § 7; _De Ben._ vii. 22, 2; _De Prov._ i. 5, 4; Boissier, _L’Opp._ p. 201 sqq.

_ 52 Ad Marc._ xx.; _De Tranq._ x.; _Ep._ 94 _ad fin._; _Ep._ 70.

_ 53 Ep._ 90, § 43, at vos ad omnem tectorum pavetis sonum et inter picturas vestras, si quid increpuit, fugitis attoniti.

_ 54 Ep._ 70, § 14; _Ep._ 88, § 17, malis paratus sum; _Ep._ 24, § 11; _Ad Polyb._ ix. nullus portus nisi mortis; _Ad Marc._ xx. mors quae efficit ut nasci non supplicium sit.

_ 55 Ad Marc._ x.

_ 56 Ad Polyb._ vi.

_ 57 Ad Marc._ xxii. § 3.

_ 58 Ad Polyb._ ix.; _Ep._ 77; _Ad Marc._ xxi. § 7.

_ 59 Ep._ 108, § 17. He adopted the Pythagorean discipline under the influence of Sotion, a pupil of Sextius, but gave it up on the proscription of suspected rites in the reign of Tiberius, cf. Suet. _Tib._ 36; cf. Zeller, _Die Phil. der Gr._ iii. 1, 605.

60 D. Cass. 62. 2; 61. 10. Zeller, iii. 1, 641, n. 1.

61 D. Cass. _l.c._

_ 62 Tac. Ann._ xv. 55.

63 Suet. _Vesp._ 15.

64 Sen. _Ep._ 73, § 3.

_ 65 Ib._ 103, § 4.

_ 66 De Clem._ i. 19; Plin. _Paneg._ i. 72; D. Chrys. _Or._ ii. § 77; iii. § 39; 70 sqq.

67 Suet. _Dom._ 23; _Nero_, 57; cf. Tac. _Hist._ i. 7, ipsa aetas Galbae irrisui ac fastidio erat adsuetis juventae Neronis et imperatores forma ac decore corporis ... comparantibus.

68 Suet. _Calig._ 50; cf. Sen. _Nec. Inj._ 18; _De Ira_, i. 20; ii. 33; iii. 18; _De Ben._ ii. 12, 21.

69 Suet. _Calig._ 38.

70 Id. _Nero_, 6.

_ 71 De Clem._ i. 1, § 2, electusque sum qui in terris deorum vice fungerer.

_ 72 Ib._ i. § 5.

_ 73 Ib._ i. 4, 1, ille vinculum per quod respublica cohaeret, ille spiritus vitalis.

_ 74 Ib._ i. 17, 1.

_ 75 Ib._ i. 7, 2.

_ 76 De Clem._ i. 12.

_ 77 Ib._ i. 13, 2, scelera enim sceleribus tuenda sunt.

78 Renan, _L’Antéchr._ p. 125.

_ 79 De Clem._ i. 1, § 2, egone ex omnibus mortalibus placui electusque sum qui in terris deorum vice fungerer?

80 Suet. _Nero_, c. 4.

_ 81 Ib._ c. 5.

82 Sen. _De Clem._ i. 1, § 5.

83 Suet. _Nero_, c. 15; cf. _Dom._ c. viii.

_ 84 Nero_, c. 16.

_ 85 Ib._ c. 12, instituit et quinquennale certamen primus omnium Romae more Graeco triplex, etc.

_ 86 Ib._ c. 20; 53; Renan, _L’Antéchr._ p. 132.

87 Suet. _Nero_, c. 39.

_ 88 Ib._ c. 50.

89 Renan, _L’Antéchr._ p. 316.

90 Suet. _Nero_, c. 49; Renan, _L’Antéchr._ 130. sqq.

91 Suet. _Nero_, c. 24, 49, 52, 55; Tac. _Ann._ xiv. 16; cf. Macé, _Suétone_, p. 179; Boissier, _L’Opp._ p. 265.

92 Suet. _Nero_, c. 53, c. 20, cf. c. 24.

93 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ iv. 36, 39; Tac. _Ann._ xiv. 15, 16; xv. 67, odisse coepi postquam parricida matris et uxoris, auriga et histrio et incendiarius extitisti; Suet. _Nero_, c. 21; D. Cass. 63. 9, 10.

94 Suet. _Nero_, c. 23.

_ 95 Ib._ c. 32.

96 Merivale, viii. p. 70 sq.; Schiller, _Gesch. der Röm. Kaiserzeit_, i. p. 467.

97 Petron. _Sat._ 8, where the decay of artistic sense is traced to the grossness of evil living; at nos vino scortisque demersi ne paratas quidem artes audemus cognoscere.

98 Suet. _Nero_, c. 11, 12.

99 Tac. _Ann._ 15. 42.

_ 100 Ib._ 16. 1; Suet. _Nero_, 31.

_ 101 Ib._ 16, 31.

_ 102 Ib._ c. 31; cf. _Otho_, 7.

103 Suet. _Nero_, c. 40.

_ 104 Ib._ c. 29 _ad fin._

_ 105 Ib._ c. 32; D. Cass. 63. 17.

106 Suet. _Nero_, c. 56.

107 Suet. _Nero_, c. 32; D. Cass. 63. 11.

108 Tac. _Agric._ c. 3, sic ingenia studiaque oppresseris facilius quam revocaveris.

109 Peter, _Gesch. Litt._ ii. 53 sqq.

110 Seneca died in 65 A.D. The _Histories_ of Tacitus were published _circ._ 106-107; cf. Plin. _Ep._ vii. 20; Peter, _Gesch. Litt._ ii. 42.

111 Tacitus was born about 55 A.D. (Peter, ii. 43; Macé, _Suétone_, p. 35, 81; Momms. _Plin._ p. 51). He was, perhaps, fifteen years older than Suetonius, and seven years older than Pliny.

112 Plin. _Ep._ i. 6, 20; iv. 13; vi. 9, 16, 20; vii. 20, 33; viii. 7; ix. 10, 14.

_ 113 Hist._ i. 1; _Ann._ xi. 11. This latter important passage fixes the date of his praetorship, 88 A.D.; cf. Teuffel, ii. p. 165 n. 6; Peter, ii. 43.

_ 114 Agric._ c. 45.

_ 115 Hist._ i. 1, sed incorruptam fidem professis, neque amore quisquam et sine odio dicendus est; Nipperdey, _Einl._ xxvi.

116 Merivale, viii. 84, Schiller, _Gesch. der Röm. Kaiserzeit_, i. 140, 586. According to Schiller, Tacitus has no research, no exactness of military or geographical knowledge, no true conception of the time. He is an embittered aristocrat and rhetorician. For a sounder estimate _v._ Peter, ii. 43, 60, 63; Nipperdey, _Einl._ xxv. For the influence on the work of Suetonius of the Senatorial tradition, _v._ Macé, _Suétone_, p. 84; Peter, _Gesch. Litt._ ii. 69.

117 Peter, _Gesch. Litt._ ii. 66.

118 Merivale, viii. 95 sqq.

119 Peter, ii. 46 sqq.

_ 120 Ib._ ii. 188, 200.

121 His father was probably a Roman Eques, procurator in Belgium; Plin. _H. N._ vii. 16, 76.

122 Macé, _Suétone_, p. 83, Peter, ii. 69 sqq.

123 Tac. _Ann._ i. 7; xv. 71; _Agr._ 45; Peter, ii. 62.

_ 124 Ann._ xiv. 12, 57; _Hist._ iv. 6; _Agr._ 42; Peter, ii. 47.

_ 125 Agr._ 42.

_ 126 Ann._ iii. 65, praecipuum munus annalium reor, ne virtutes sileantur, utque pravis dictis factisque ex posteritate et infamia metus sit; cf. Peter, ii. 46; Nipperdey, _Einl._ xxvi.

127 Tac. _Ann._ i. 39, 41.

_ 128 Ib._ c. 61, 62.

_ 129 Hist._ ii. 49.

_ 130 Ann._ ii. 82.

_ 131 Hist._ iii. 72.

_ 132 Ib._ iii. 83.

_ 133 Agr._ 32.

_ 134 Germ._ 17, 19, 20, 23, 25.

_ 135 Germ._ 33, _ad fin._

_ 136 Hist._ i. 3; ii. 38; iii. 72; Peter, ii. 62. Yet this should be qualified by such passages as _Ann._ iii. 55; _Agr._ i.; cf. Nipperdey, _Einl._ xxvii.

_ 137 Ann._ iii. 65.

_ 138 Ib._ iii. 26.

139 M. Aurel. ix. 29, 34; x. 19.

140 Tac. _Ann._ iii. 55; M. Aurel. vii. 1; ix. 4; x. 23; ix. 28.

_ 141 Agr._ 3.

142 Plin. _Paneg._ 35, 53, 54, 66; cf. Tac. _Hist._ i. 1.

_ 143 Hist._ i. 1, omnem potentiam ad unum conferri pacis interfuit; cf. _Hist._ i. 16; ii. 38.

_ 144 Ann._ xiv. 47; _Hist._ iv. 8, bonos imperatores voto expetere, qualescumque tolerare.

_ 145 Ann._ xv. 46; vi. 42; iv. 33; iii. 27; _Hist._ ii. 38.

146 Peter, ii. 53; _Ann._ vi. 42.

_ 147 Hist._ i. 16; Peter, ii. 61.

148 Tac. _Agr._ i.

149 Peter, ii. 48.

150 Tac. _Ann._ i. 76; quanquam _vili_ sanguine nimis gaudens. Cf. _Dial. de Or._ 29; Plin. _Ep._ vi. 34, 1.

_ 151 Ann._ xiv. 43; _Germ._ 20.

_ 152 Germ._ 33. Cf. his contempt for the Christians and devotees of Eastern cults, _Ann._ ii. 85; xv. 44.

_ 153 Ann._ i. 53; iv. 3; iii. 39: vi. 29; xii. 12; iii. 24; xvi. 16. Cf. Peter, ii. 51.

_ 154 Ann._ xiv. 14.

_ 155 Ann._ ii. 21; vi. 27; iv. 3.

_ 156 De Or._ 29.

_ 157 Agr._ 4.

_ 158 Germ._ 19, saepta pudicitia agunt, nullis spectaculorum inlecebris ... corruptae; _De Or._ 29.

_ 159 Hist._ iii. 37; _Ann._ i. 7; xv. 57, 71.

_ 160 Agr._ 22.

_ 161 Ib._ 40.

_ 162 Ann._ xv. 60.

_ 163 Ib._ xv. 57.

_ 164 Ib._ xiv. 60.

_ 165 Ann._ xv. 71.

_ 166 Hist._ i. 2.

_ 167 Agr._ 4, memoria teneo solitum ipsum narrare se studium philosophiae acrius, ultra quam concessum Romano ac Senatori, exhausisse. Cf. Fabian, _Quid Tac. de num. Div. judicaverit_, p. 1.

_ 168 Hist._ v. 5; Nipperdey, _Einl._ xiv.

_ 169 Hist._ i. 22; ii. 78; i. 86. But cf. _Ann._ xii. 43, 64; xiv. 32; xv. 8; _Hist._ i. 3; ii. 50; and Fabian, pp. 17, 19.

_ 170 Ann._ iv. 20; cf. vi. 22.

_ 171 Hist._ ii. 38.

_ 172 Ann._ xiv. 12; Fabian, p. 23.

_ 173 Ann._ xvi. 33, aequitate deum erga bona malaque documenta.

_ 174 Ann._ iii. 55; cf. xvi. 5.

175 Friedl. _Sittengesch._ iii. pp. 80, 81.

176 Plin. _Paneg._ 45; Claudian, _In Cons. Hon._ 299, componitur orbis Regis ad exemplum.

177 Suet. _De Clar. Rhet._ c. 1.

178 Id. _Nero_, 21; Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ iv. 39.

179 Friedl. _Sittengesch._ i. 54.

180 Suet. _Calig._ 37; Sen. _Ad Helv._ x.

181 Suet. _Calig._ 37.

182 Suet. _Nero_, c. 30.

_ 183 Ib._ c. 27.

_ 184 Ib._ c. 30.

_ 185 Ib._ c. 31; Tac. _Ann._ xv. 42.

186 Suet. _Otho_, 5, nihilque referre, ab hoste in acie, an in foro sub creditoribus caderet.

187 Id. _Vitell._ c. 13.

188 Id. _Vesp._ 16; D. Cass. 66. 2, 8, 10.

189 D. Cass. 67. 5; Suet. _Dom._ 12.

190 D. Cass. 68. 2, _συστέλλων ὡς οἷόν τε τὰ δαπανήματα_.

191 Capitol. _M. Aurel._ c. 17, in foro divi Trajani auctionem ornamentorum imperialium fecit vendiditque aurea pocula et cristallina, etc.

192 Suet. _Dom._ iii.

193 Suet. _Otho_, iii.; _Vitell._ v.; _Dom._ viii.; Boissier, _L’Opp._ p. 170.

194 Tac. _Ann._ i. 72; ii. 50; xiv. 48. For a clear account of this _v._ Boissier, _L’Opp._ p. 165.

195 Suet. _Dom._ x.; cf. xii. satis erat obici qualecunque factum dictumve adversus majestatem principis.

_ 196 Ib._ xii.

197 Tac. _Ann._ xi. 27; xiii. 6, in urbe sermonum avida; _Hist._ ii. 91; Mart. v. 20; Friedl. _Sittengesch._ i. p. 280.

198 D. Cass. 52. 37.

199 Mart x. 48, 21; cf. Friedl. _Chronologie der Epigr. Mart._ p. 62; Friedl. _Sittengesch._ i. p. 285; Epict. _Diss._ iv. 13, 21, 5; Aristid. _Or._ ix. 62.

200 Tac. _Ann._ iv. 69.

201 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ vii. 24.

202 Tac. _Ann._ i. 72, 74, Crispinus formam vitae iniit quam postea celebrem miseriae temporum et audaciae hominum fecerunt, etc.; cf. iii. 25; Sen. _De Ben._ iii. 26; Suet. _Tib._ lxi.

203 Tac. _Ann._ iv. 20.

204 Suet. _Dom._ xx. praeter commentarios et acta Tiberii nihil lectitabat; Plin. _Paneg._ 42, 48.

205 Suet. _Dom._ xv.

206 Tac. _Hist._ ii. 10; Plin. _Paneg._ 35; D. Cass. 68. 1; Jul. Capitol. _Ant. P._ c. 7; id. _M. Aurel._ c. 11; Meriv. vii. 370.

207 Tac. _Ann._ xv. 34; iii. 66; _Hist._ iv. 42.

208 Schol. ad Juv. iv. 53; Duruy, iv. 660.

209 Tac. _Ann._ iv. 20.

_ 210 Ib._ xvi. 33; Boissier, _L’Opp._ p. 186.

211 Plin. _Ep._ ii. 20, 13; iv. 2; cf. Tac. _Hist._ iv. 42; Mart. vii. 31.

212 Boissier, _L’Opp._ p. 193.

213 Plin. _Ep._ ii. 11, 22.

_ 214 Ib._ iv. 7; i. 20, 15.

_ 215 Ib._ ii. 11, 22; ii. 20.

216 Plin. _Ep._ ii. 20, 2.

_ 217 Ib._ iv. 7.

_ 218 E.g._ Boissier, _L’Opp._ p. 296; Peter, _Gesch. Litt._ ii. p. 65: Teuffel, § 328, 15; Mackail, _Lat. Lit._ p. 215.

219 Schiller, i. pp. 140, 586; Meriv. viii. 89 sqq.

220 Suet. _Claud._ x.; _Calig._ lx.; D. Cass. 60. 1. On the assassination of Caligula, the Senate debated the question of abolishing the memory of the Caesars, and restoring the Republic; but the mob outside the temple of the Capitoline Jupiter demanded “one ruler” of the world.

221 Tac. _Ann._ xi. 25; xiii. 27.

222 Suet. _Calig._ xxx.; xxvi.; _Nero_, xxxvii. eumque ordinem sublaturum quandoque e republica...; cf. xliii. creditur destinasse senatum universum veneno per convivia necare.... D. Cass. 63. 15, 17.

223 Plin. _Paneg._ 54, 62, 64; Spart. _Hadrian_, 6, 7, § 4; 8, § 6.

224 Suet. _Claud._ x.

225 D. Cass. 66. 16; Suet. _Vesp._ xxv.

226 See the speech of the dying Hadrian to the Senators, D. Cass. 69. 20.

227 Boissier, _L’Opp._ 102.

228 Tac. _Ann._ xvi. 21; xv. 23; xiv. 48, id _egregio_ sub principe ... senatui statuendum disseruit.

229 Suet. _Vesp._ xv.; cf. xiii., where Demetrius is guilty of similar rudeness; D. Cass. 66. 12.

230 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ v. 35.

_ 231 Ib._ vii. 3, 4.

_ 232 Ib._ vii. 8, 33; cf. D. Cass. 67. 18.

233 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ vii. 9.

234 D. Cass. 66. 12, _βασιλείας τε ἀεὶ κατηγόρει καὶ δημοκρατίαν ἐπῄνει_.

235 Suet. _Dom._ xxi.

236 D. Cass. 66. 16.

237 D. Cass. 68. 3.

238 Spart. _Hadr._ 7, § 15.

239 Jul. Capitol. _M. Ant._ 24, 25.

240 Momms. _Staatsr._ ii. 787-821; Professor Pelham has given a luminous account of the Principate in _Encycl. Brit._ vol. xx. p. 769.

241 Suet. _Octav._ xxviii.

242 Tac. _Ann._ i. 15.

243 Suet. _Claud._ x.; D. Cass. 60. 1; where the soldiers plainly close the impotent debates in the Senate, and by hailing Claudius as emperor.

244 Momms. _Röm. Staatsr._ ii. 839.

_ 245 v._ Pelham, _Encycl. Brit._ xx. p. 779.

246 Suet. _Calig._ xxix.

247 D. Cass. 59. 24.

_ 248 Ib._ 56. 1; Tac. _Ann._ vi. 13; Suet. _Dom._ xiii.; Plut. _Galba_, 17.

249 Plin. _Paneg._ 43, 44, 35.

_ 250 Ib._ 24, 62, 63, 66.

_ 251 Ib._ 80.

_ 252 Ib._ 62, 63, 64.

_ 253 Ib._ 66.

_ 254 Ib._ 72.

_ 255 Ib._ 64.

256 Plin. _Paneg._ 69.

257 Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 1; xiv. 52; xv. 48.

258 D. Cass. 63.17, _πᾶσι γὰρ παρ’ αὐτῷ δημόσιον ἔγκλημα ἦν ἀρετή τε καὶ πλοῦτος καὶ γένος_: Tac. _Hist._ ii. 76.

259 Tac. _Ann._ ii. 32; xii. 52; D. Cass. 49. 43; D. Cass. 66. 10, 9; Suet _Tib._ lxiii.

260 Suet. _Tib._ xiv. lxix.

261 Tac. _Ann._ xii. 52.

262 Suet. _Nero_, xxxvi.

263 Id. _Otho_, iv.

264 Id. _Vitell._ xiv.

_ 265 Ib._ ne Vitellius Germanicus intra eundem kalendarum diem usquam esset.

266 D. Cass. 66. 10, 9.

267 Suet. _Dom._ xv.

268 Tac. _Hist._ i. 2.

269 Tac. _Ann._ xiv. 64.

_ 270 Ib._ xiv. 10, 12.

_ 271 Ib._ xiv. 10; Suet. _Nero_, xxxiv.

272 Tac. _Ann._ xv. 48.

_ 273 Ib._ xv. 57.

_ 274 Ib._ xv. 54.

_ 275 Ib._ xv. 70; probably Lucan, _Phars._ iii. 638.

276 Tac. _Ann._ xv. 71.

_ 277 Ib._ xv. 73.

_ 278 Ib._ xv. 68, 69.

279 Plin. _Ep._ iii. 16; Tac. _Ann._ xv. 63.

280 Tac. _Ann._ xiv. 60.

281 Tac. _Ann._ xiv. 22, 57.

_ 282 Ib._ xvi. 10.

_ 283 Ib._ xvi. 11.

_ 284 Ib._ xv. 60.

_ 285 Ib._ xiv. 61.

_ 286 Ib._ xiv. 42, senatusque obsessus in quo ipso erant studia nimiam severitatem aspernantium.

_ 287 Ib._ xv. 67.

288 Tac. _Hist._ ii. 49.

_ 289 Ib._ iii. 84.

_ 290 Ib._ i. 88, segnis et oblita bellorum nobilitas, etc.

_ 291 Ib._ i. 88.

_ 292 Ib._ iii. 37, nulla in oratione cujusquam erga Flavianos duces obtrectatio; cf. i. 90; of the Acta of the Arval College, _C.I.L._ vi. 2051 sq.

_ 293 Ib._ iv. 3.

294 Suet. _Nero_, x.; _Vesp._ xvii.; Spart. _Hadr._ 7, § 9.

295 Juv. i. 100.

296 Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 34.

_ 297 Ib._ ii. 37, 38.

298 Tac. _Hist._ i. 35.

299 Sen. _De Ira_, ii. 33; cf. iii. 19.

300 Tac. _Ann._ xiv. 58.

301 Suet. _Nero_, xxxvii.

302 Tac. _Ann._ xiv. 14; Juv. viii. 193; Suet. _Calig._ xviii. xxx.; D. Cass. lix. 10.

303 Suet. _Calig._ xxvii.

304 Sen. _De Ira_, ii. 33.

305 Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 12; xvi. 18; Suet. _Vitell._ iv.

306 Renan, _Les Év._ p. 140. Some of their anonymous sneers may be traced in Suet. _Vesp._ xvi. xxiii. xiv.; cf. Duruy, iv. 653.

307 D. Cass. 66. 16, _ἐπεβουλεύθη μὲν ὑπό τε τοῦ Ἀλιηνοῦ καὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ Μαρκέλλου_. Cf. Suet. _Vesp._ xiv.; Macé, _Suétone_, p. 86.

308 Cf. Boissier, _L’Opp._ p. 169 sqq.; Bury, _Rom. Emp._ p. 395.

309 On the sources of the history of the Flavians, _v._ Krause, _De C. Sueton. Tranq. Fontibus_; Macé, _Suétone_, p. 364, 376; Peter, _Gesch. Litt. d. Kaiserzeit_, ii. 69, 70. For the senatorial attitude to Domitian, _v._ Plin. _Paneg._ 48; Tac. _Agr._ 3, 41, 42, 45; _Hist._ iv. 51; iv. 2; Suet. _Dom._ xxiii.

310 Nagel, _Imp. T. Flav. Domitianus iniquius dijudicatus_.

311 Meriv. vii. 356.

312 Suet. _Dom._ viii.

313 Tac. _Agr._ 39; cf. 41, tot exercitus in Moesia ... amissi. D. Cass. 67. 4, 7; cf. Stat. _Silv._ iv. 3, 153; Mart. ix. 102; vii. 80, 91, 95; Meriv. vii. 347.

314 Tac. _Agr._ 39.

315 Quintil. iv., prooem. 2; Statius, _Silvae_, iv. 2, 13; iii. 1, 1; Mart. ii. 91; iv. 27, iii. 95. For the flattery of Martial, _v._ esp. v. 19, 6; ix. 4; _Spectac._ 33.

316 Suet. _Dom._ iv.

_ 317 Ib._ xx.

_ 318 Ib._ vii.; Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ vi. 42; _Vit. Soph._ i. 12.

319 Pliny was probably Quaestor in 90 A.D.; Trib. Pleb. 92; Praetor 93. Cf. Momms. (Morel) p. 61. Tacitus says, _Hist._ i. 1, dignitatem a Domitiano (81-96) longius provectam non abnuerim. From _Ann._ xi. 11 it appears that he was Praetor in 88. Cf. Peter, _Gesch. Litt._ ii. 43.

320 Duruy, iv. 697 n.

_ 321 Silv._ iii. 4, 37.

322 Meriv. vii. 354.

323 D. Cass. 67. 14; Suet. _Dom._ xiv.

324 Mart. iv. 63; vi. 21, crudelis nullaque invisior umbra.

325 Suet. _Dom._ xxiii.

326 Suet. _Dom._ x.

327 Renan, _Les Évang._ p. 291, Domitien, comme tous les souverains hypocrites, se montraite sévère conservateur.

328 Suet. _Dom._ xiii.

329 Mart. viii. 65.

330 Suet. _Dom._ xiii.; Mart. v. 8, 1 (_v._ Friedländer’s note), vii. 2 and 34; viii. 2, 6; Stat. _Silv._ v. 1, 37; Meriv. vii. 375.

331 Suet. _Dom._ v.; Gregorov. _Gesch. St. Rom._ i. 41.

332 Rutil. Namat. i. 93.

333 Suet. _Dom._ v. _ad fin._; iv.

334 D. Cass. 67. 8.

335 Suet. _Dom._ xii.

336 Pliny, _Paneg._ 50.

337 Dion Cass. 67. 4, _τιμητὴς δὲ διὰ βίου πρῶτος δὲ καὶ μόνος καὶ ἰδιωτῶν καὶ αὐτοκρατόρων ἐχειροτονήθη_: Momms. _Röm. St._ ii. 1012.

338 D. Cass. 67. 11.

_ 339 Agr._ 45.

340 Suet. _Dom._ xiv. parietes phengite lapide distinxit.

_ 341 Ib._ xvi.

342 D. Cass. 67. 9.

_ 343 Ib._ 67. 4.

344 Tacitus b. probably 55 A.D. _Dial. de Or._ 1, juvenis admodum in 75 or 76; cf. _Agr._ 9. He was betrothed in 77 A.D.; cf. Meriv. viii. 92; Peter, _Gesch. Litt._ ii. 43; Nipperdey, _Einl._ iv. Juvenal b. _circ._ 55 A.D. (Peter, ii. 77); decessit longo senio confectus exul Ant. Pio imp. Vit. iv.; Teuffel, § 326, 1.

345 Nettleship, _Lectures and Essays_, pp. 118 sqq.

_ 346 Or. Henz._ 5599, IIVir. Quinq. Flamen Divi Vespasiani.

347 Boissier, _L’Opp._ p. 316.

348 Juv. xi. 74, 150; cf. xiv. 322.

349 Mart. xii. 18.

350 Juv. v. 30 sqq.; cf. Mart. iii. 49; iii. 60.

351 Juv. i. 52; Mart. x. 4; iv. 49.

352 Juv. vi. 43: v. 30 sqq.; ix. 10 sqq.; xi. 186.

353 It has been remarked that Martial’s Epigrams on Juvenal all contain some obscenity, vii. 24; vii. 91, xii. 18.

354 Teuffel, § 326, 4; Peter, _Gesch. Litt._ ii. 77; Nettleship, _Lectures and Essays_, p. 122, brings together the indications of date from 96-127 A.D. He thinks that perhaps some of the earlier _Satires_ belong to the last years of Domitian, and that the words, spes et ratio studiorum in Caesare tantum, in _Sat._ vii., may refer to that Emperor (p. 132).

355 Juv. i. 170.

356 Marius Priscus, Isaeus, Archigenes.

357 See a comparison of passages in Nettleship, pp. 125 sqq.

358 He says of himself, i. 5, 8, lasciva est nobis pagina, vita proba est; cf. iii. 68; v. 2; Ausonius urges the same plea, cf. _Idyll._ xiii. Pliny finds a long series of examples to warrant his indulgence in loose verses, _Ep._ iv. 14; cf. v. 3. It was a bad tradition of literature; cf. Nettleship, _Lectures and Essays_, p. 39.

359 i. 14; iv. 13, 75.

360 v. 34, 37; x. 61.

361 i. 79; vii. 52.

362 iii. 58; i. 56; ii. 38; cf. iii. 38.

363 iii. 58.

364 i. 50; iv. 55; xii. 18.

365 Especially _Sat._ xi. xiii. xiv. xv.; cf. Munding, _Über die Sat. Juv._ p. 12.

_ 366 v._ Bk. ii. c. 3 of this work. M. Boissier has thrown a vivid light on this class in his _Rel. Rom._ iii. 3.

367 Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ ii. 198; Nettleship, _Lectures and Essays_ p. 136.

368 xiii. 120; ii. 1 sqq.; cf. Mart. ix. 48.

369 He refers, however, with respect to Seneca, viii. 212.

370 viii. 90 sqq.; cf. Boissier, _L’Opp._ p. 332.

371 Juv. xv. 131; cf. Sen. _De Ira_, i. 5; ii. 10, 25; iii. 24.

372 Juv. xiii. 190.

373 xiii. 208, nam scelus intra se tacitum qui cogitat ullum Facti crimen habet.

374 xiv. 30; Tac. _De Or._ 28, 29.

375 xi. 153.

376 vi. 510.

377 xiii. 39.

378 xiii. 208.

379 Juv. i. 87, 147; x. 172 cf. Sen. _Nat. Q._ vii. 31; _De Ira_, ii. 8 sq.

_ 380 e.g._ the picture of Otho, ii. 99; of Messalina, vi. 114; Lateranus, viii. 146; Sejanus, x. 56; Cicero, etc., viii. 231.

381 Tac. _Hist._ ii. 64; cf. Plin. _Ep._ iv. 19; iii. 16; D. Cass. 68. 5; Sen. _ad Helv._ xiv.

382 Juv. xi. 109; iii. 152, 183.

383 xi. 78.

384 Tac. _Ann._ iii. 55; Sen. _Ad Helv._ x. 3; _Ep._ 89, § 22.

385 Statius, _Silv._ v. 36; ii. 85.

386 Petron. c. 60; Sen. _Ep._ 95, § 9; Friedl. _Sittengesch._ iii. p. 67.

387 Plin. _H. N._ vi. 26; ix. 58; xii. 41. Cf. Friedl. iii. p. 80; Marq. _Röm. St._ ii. 53.

388 Suet. _Nero_, xxx. putabat sordidos ac parcos esse quibus ratio impensarum constaret, etc.

389 Sen. _Ep._ 87, § 4; Suet. _Tib._ xxxv.; Friedl. i. 196.

390 Liv. xxxiv. 1; Tac. _Ann._ iii. 53, 54.

391 Liv. xxxiv. 6, 7; Marq. _Priv._ i. 62, 162; Momms. _R. Hist._ ii. 409.

392 Momms. _R. Hist._ iii. 417.

_ 393 Ib._ 418; cf. Plin. _H. N._ ix. 80, 81; x. 23; Plut. _Lucull._ c. 40; Macrob. _Sat._ iii. 13, § 1.

394 Macrob. _Sat._ iii. 13, § 11.

395 Hieron. _Ep._ 117, § 8; Amm. Marc. xiv. 6, 7; xxviii. 4.

396 Juv. xi. 69.

397 Thucyd. i. 95.

398 Prescott, _Conquest of Peru_, i. 304.

399 Tac. _Ann._ xii. 53 (Pallas); D. Cass. 60. 34 (Narcissus); Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 42; D. Cass. 61. 10; cf. Duruy, v. p. 598.

400 Tac. _Ann._ xv. 42.

401 Juv. viii. 10.

402 Plin. _Paneg._ 69.

403 Suet. _Tib._ i. Cf. the funeral oration of Julius Caesar over his aunt, quoted by Suet. _Jul. Caes._ 6.

404 Id. _Nero_, i.

405 Tac. _Ann._ vi. 33.

_ 406 Ib._ xv. 48.

407 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ iv. 12.

408 Philostr. _Vit. Soph._ ii. 1.

409 Hieron. _Ep._ 108, § 4.

410 Tac. _Ann._ xi. 21, Curtius Rufus videtur mihi ex se natus.

411 Juv. viii. 285 sqq.

412 Tac. _Ann._ xi. 25.

413 Sen. _De Ira_, ii. 33, § 2; Juv. iv. 96.

414 Appian, _B. C._ iv. 5.

415 Suet. _Tib._ 61, nullus a poena hominum cessavit dies.

416 Id. _Claud._ xxix.

417 Tac. _Ann._ xi. 25.

418 Suet. _Vesp._ ix.; cf. Tac. _Ann._ iii. 55.

419 Sym. _Ep._ ii. 78; Seeck, _Prol._ xlvi.

420 Suet. _Octav._ xli.

421 Id. _Nero_, x.; _Vesp._ xvii.

422 Tac. _Ann._ ii. 37, 38.

423 Tac. _Ann._ xi. 25; D. Cass. lx. 29. The last revision of the Senate was in the reign of Augustus; D. Cass. lv. 13.

424 Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 34; Juv. i. 107.

425 Juv. i. 103.

426 Petron. _Sat._ c. 116, 124; Plin. _Ep._ ii. 20; Juv. i. 37; iii. 31.

427 Juv. iv.; i. 27.

428 D. Cass. lix. 26.

429 Tac. _Ann._ xiv. 12.

430 Suet. _Tib._ lxvii.

_ 431 Calig._ xxiii. xxiv.; cf. L. comitiali morbo vexatus, which explains much to a medical man.

_ 432 Ib._ xxiii.

_ 433 Ib._ xxii.; cf. Sen. _De Ira_, i. 20.

434 Suet. _Calig._ xxxiv. xxxv. vetera familiarum insignia nobilissimo cuique ademit; xxii.

_ 435 Ib._ liv. lv. quorum vero studio teneretur, omnibus ad insaniam favit.

436 Suet. _Jul. Caes._ xxxix.

437 D. Cass. xlviii. 43.

438 Suet. _Tiberius_, xxxv.

439 Id. _Calig._ xviii. nec ullis nisi ex senatorio ordine aurigantibus; D. Cass. 59. 10, 13, Suet. _Nero_, xii.

440 Id. _Dom._ viii. vii.

441 Id. _Nero_, xx. xxi.

442 Juv. viii. 89, 147.

443 Suet. _Nero_, xl.; _v._ Krause, _De Sueton. Fontibus_, pp. 57, 80; Peter, _Gesch. Litt._ ii. 69.

444 Tac. _Ann._ xv. 67.

_ 445 Ib._ xiv. 16; cf. Suet. _Nero_, lii., where Suetonius distinctly says that some of Nero’s verses, which he had seen, bore all the marks of originality. Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ iv. 39; Macé, _Suétone_, p. 127; Boissier, _L’Opp._ p. 248.

446 Suet. _Nero_, xxvii.

_ 447 Ib._ xxvi.; cf. Juv. vi. 115.

448 Juv. viii. 172.

449 Suet. _Nero_, xxvi.

450 Tac. _Hist._ i. 88.

451 See some admirable criticism in Nettleship’s _Lectures and Essays_, 2nd series, p. 141; cf. Munding, _Über die Sat. des Juv._ p. 7.

452 Duruy, v. 673; Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ ii. 233 sqq.

453 Plin. _Ep._ iv. 19; iii. 16; iii. 3; Sen. _Ad Helv._ xiv. xix.; D. Cass. lxviii. 5 _ad fin._

454 Ov. _Trist._ iii. 3, 15—

Omnia cum subeant, vincis tamen omnia, conjux; Et plus in nostro pectore parte tenes. Te loquor absentem, te vox mea nominat unam: Nulla venit sine te nox mihi, nulla dies.

455 Id. _Amor._ iii. 4, 3; cf. _Ars Am._ ii. 599, iii. 440, 613, Denis, _Idées Morales_, ii. 124.

456 Plut. _Consol. ad Uxor._ x.; _Conj. Praec._ iv. xliv. xlvii.

457 A. Gell. xii. 1.

458 Denis, ii. 134; Zeller, _Die Phil. der Griech._ iii. 1, p. 660.

459 D. Chrys. _Or._ vii. 133.

460 Juv. vi. 436—

Committit vates et comparat; inde Maronem, Atque alia parte in trutina suspendit Homerum. Cedunt grammatici, vincuntur rhetores—

461 Juv. vi. 400 sqq.

_ 462 Ib._ 268.

_ 463 Ib._ 108, 60.

_ 464 Ib._ 427.

_ 465 Ib._ 252.

_ 466 Ib._ 493.

_ 467 Ib._ 528.

468 Momms. _R. Hist._ ii. 408 (Tr.).

469 Liv. vi. 34.

470 Plut. _Cato Maj._ c. xx.; Juv. vi. 165, 460.

471 Val. Max. ii. 1, 5; Liv. xxxiv. 1, 3; Marq. i. p. 62.

472 Momms. _R. Hist._ ii. 408.

473 Cic. _in Verr._ i. 42, 107.

474 Sym. _Ep._ vi. 67; cf. Suet. _Octav._ lxiv.; _Or. Henz._ 2677, 4629, 4629, lanifica, pia, pudica, casta, domiseda.

475 Macrob. _Sat._ iii. 14, 11.

476 Friedl. i. 312; Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ ii. 240.

477 Lucr. iv. 1160; Juv. vi. 192.

478 Plut. _Pomp._ lv.

479 Suet. _Gram. Ill._ 16.

480 Ov. _Ars Am._ ii. 282.

481 Mart. xii. 98, 3; cf. Sen. _Ad Helv._ xvii.; _Ad Marc._ xvi.

482 Claud. _Laus Serenae_, 146.

483 Sen. _Ad Marc._ 4.

484 Epict. _Fr._ liii.

485 Tac. _Ann._ iv. 53; cf. Plin. _H. N._ vii. 8, 46.

486 Mart. x. 35; vii. 69.

487 Sid. Apoll. _Carm._ ix. 261.

_ 488 C.I.G._ 4725-31.

489 Juv. vi. 403; cf. 434.

490 Suet. _Octav._ lxxxiv.

491 Tac. _Ann._ xii. 37, novum sane et moribus veterum insolitum, feminam signis Romanis praesidere.

492 D. Cass. lxvi. 14; cf. Suet. _Vesp._ xvi.; Krause, _De Suet. Fontibus_, p. 75.

493 Tac. _Ann._ iii. 33; cf. i. 64; i. 69, sed femina [_i.e._ Agrippina] ingens animi munia ducis per eos dies induit, etc.

_ 494 Or. Henz._ 6000, 4036, 5158, 4643, 5134, 3774, 2417, 4055, 4056, 7207, 3815.

_ 495 Ib._ 3738, 3773, 6992.

_ 496 Ib._ 3740.

497 Suet. _Galba_, v.

498 Lamprid. _Heliogab._ iv.; cf. Lamprid. _Aurelian._ xlix.

499 Mau, _Pompeii_ (Kelsey Tr.), p. 479.

500 Juv. ii. 31; iv. 34; xiii. 38; vi. 394; vii. 194.

501 Liv. xxix. 14.

_ 502 Ib._ xxxix. 8; cf. Lafaye, _Culte des Div. d’Alexandrie_, c. iii.

503 Apul. _Met._ xi. 817; Suet. _Octav._ xciii.; D. Cass. liii. 2.

504 Catull. x. 26; Tibull. i. 3, 23; cf. Juv. xiii. 93.

505 Ov. _Ars Am._ i. 77.

506 Friedl. _Sittengesch._ i. 347.

507 Juv. vi. 547.

508 Tac. _Hist._ v. 2, 4; Juv. xiv. 97.

509 Sen. _Fr._ 42 (in Aug. _De Civ. Dei_, vi. 11), victi victoribus leges dederunt.

510 Cf. Meriv. vi. 6.

511 Suet. _Claud._ xxv.

512 Tac. _Hist._ i. 22; Duruy, iv. 505.

513 Suet. _Dom._ xv.; D. Cass. lxvii. 14; Ren. _Les Év._ p. 228.

514 Juv. xiv. 96; vi. 544; iii. 15; Ren. _Les Év._ p. 234.

515 Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 32.

516 Friedl. _Sittengesch._ i. p. 332; cf. Plin. _Ep._ vii. 24.

517 Suet. _Ill. Gram._ xvi.

518 Friedl. i. 314; _Inscr. Or._ 2656, 2668, 4803.

519 Mart. iv. 13—

Diligat illa senem quondam: sed et ipsa marito, Tunc quoque cum fuerit, non videatur anus.

Plut. _Conj. Praec._ xliv. xxxiv.; Plin. _Ep._ iv. 19; vi. 4; vii. 5.

520 Sen. _Fr._ xiii. de Matrimonio, formosus assecla et procurator calamistratus, etc., sub quibus nominibus adulteri delitescunt; cf. S. Hieron. _Ep._ 54, § 13. S. Jerome is evidently imitating Seneca; cf. _Or._ 639, Mart. v. 61.

521 Juv. vi. 460; Sen. _Fr._ 51.

522 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ iii. 35, Luc. _Alex._ 44.

523 Tac. _Hist._ i. 81, erat Othoni celebre convivium primoribus feminis virisque. D. Cass. lx. 7.

524 Suet. _Calig._ xxxvi.

525 Ov. _Ars Am._ i. 67, Friedl. i. 281.

526 Tac. _Germ._ 19, nec corrumpere et corrumpi saeculum vocatur.

527 Suet. _Octav._ xliv.

528 Ov. _Ars Am._ i. 139—

Proximus a domina, nullo prohibente, sedeto.

_ 529 Trist._ ii. 503—

Nec satis incestis temerari vocibus aures: Adsuescunt oculi multa pudenda pati.

Cf. 515.

530 Mart. iii. 86 says of his poems—

Non sunt haec mimis improbiora: lege.

531 Suet. _Octav._ xliv.

532 Juv. vi. 62.

533 Suet. _Dom._ vii.; _Tib._ xxxiv.

534 D. Cass. lx. 22, 28.

535 Suet. _Dom._ iii.; D. Cass. lxvii. 3.

536 Capitol. _M. Anton._ xix.

_ 537 Ib._ xxiii. mores matronarum conposuit diffluentes, etc.

538 Juv. vi. 281.

539 Suet. _Vesp._ xi. auctor senatui fuit decernendi ut quae se alieno servo junxisset ancilla haberetur; cf. Mart. vi. 39; _C. Th._ iv. 9, 1.

_ 540 Or. Henz._ 2669, 4653, 7383.

541 Momms. _R. H._ ii. 414 sqq.

_ 542 Ib._ 469; cf. Plut. _Cato_, xxiii.

543 Mahaffy, _Greek World under Roman Sway_, p. 127.

544 Suet. _Octav._ 89; _Tib._ 21.

545 Id. _Tib._ 71, sermone Graeco, quanquam alioquin promptus et facilis, non tamen usquequaque usus est.

546 Suet. _Calig._ xxi. xxxiv.

547 Mahaffy, _The Greek World_, p. 255.

548 Suet. _Claud._ xlii.

_ 549 Ib._ xxv.

_ 550 Ib._ xlii.

551 Id. _Nero_, lv. erat illi aeternitatis perpetuaeque famae cupido. Cf. xxiv.

552 Id. _Vesp._ xviii.

553 Id. _Dom._ xx.

554 And many in the first century, Plin. _Ep._ iv. 3; viii. 4, 1; Friedl. iii. 360; Martha, _Les Moralistes sous l’Empire Rom._ p. 267; Teuffel, _R. Lit._ § 342; Mackail, _R. Lit._ 232.

555 Plut. _Cato_, c. xxii.; Claud. _In Eutrop._ ii. 137, 339.

556 Juv. iii. 85.

557 Juv. iii. 62 sqq.

_ 558 Ib._ iii. 69-77.

_ 559 Ib._ i. 104.

_ 560 Ib._ iii. 72, viscera magnarum domuum dominique futuri.

_ 561 Ib._ iii. 60.

562 Suet. _Ill. Gram._ i. ii. antiquissimi doctorum qui iidem et poëtae et semigraeci erant (Livium et Ennium dico), etc.; Strab. vi. 3, 5; A. Gell. xvii. 17, i.

563 Suet. _Ill. Gram._ iv.

_ 564 Ib._ xx. xix. xvi. xv.

565 Suet. _Ill. Gram._ xiii. Staberius ... emptus de catasta.

_ 566 Ib._ xiii.

_ 567 Ib._ xviii. xxiii.

_ 568 Ib._ xxiii.

_ 569 Ib._ xvii.; cf. Quintilian, iv. Prooem. 2; cf. Juv. viii. 186-97.

570 Plin. _H. N._ xxix. 17.

571 Suet. _Jul. Caes._ xlii.

572 D. Cass. liii. 30; Plin. _H. N._ xxix. 4; _Or. Henz._ 2983.

573 Juv. x. 221; Petron. 42; D. Cass. lxxi. 33; lxix. 22; Mart. ii. 16; v. 9; vi. 31; vi. 53; Tac. _Ann._ xi. 31, 35.

574 Mart. i. 31; i. 48; viii. 74.

575 Friedl. _Sittengesch._ i. 231.

576 Epict. ii. 23, 30, 27.

577 Suet. _Otho_, iv. vi.

578 Id. _Dom._ xiv. xv.; cf. _Tib._ xiv.; _Nero_, xxxvi.

579 Tac. _Ann._ xvi. 14.

580 Juv. iii. 100.

581 Luc. _De Merc. Cond._ c. 16, 19.

582 Mart. i. 104, ii. 68.

583 Juv. i. 100; v. 17; Mart. xii. 18—

Dum per limina te potentiorum Sudatrix toga ventilat, etc.;

iii. 7, 36; Suet. _Nero_, xvi; _Dom._ vii.

584 Mart. ii. 79; Juv. v. 17.

585 Juv. i. 100—

Jubet a praecone vocari Ipsos Trojugenas.

586 Mart. ii. 43; iii. 38, 12, pallet cetera turba fame; Juv. iii. 153, 161; xi. 40.

587 Momms. _R. H._ ii. 374 (Tr.).

588 Mart. iv. 5; v. 56—

Artes discere vult pecuniosas? Fac discat citharoedus aut choraules. Si duri puer ingeni videtur, Praeconem facias, vel architectum;

Juv. vii. 104; x. 226; Petron. 46, destinavi illum artificii docere, aut tonstreinum aut praeconem etc.

589 Juv. vii. 38 sqq.

590 Mart. ii. 43; iv. 40; v. 42, quas dederis, solas semper habebis opes.

591 Juv. vii. 104.

_ 592 Ib._ vii. 180.

_ 593 Ib._ vii. ad fin.

_ 594 Ib._ vii. 121 sqq.

595 Juv. iii. 182; Martha, _Moralistes sous l’Emp._ p. 400.

596 Mart. ii. 57.

597 Juv. vi. 353.

598 Petron. 116, in hac urbe nemo liberos tollit ... aut captantur aut captant.

_ 599 e.g._ Regulus, Plin. _Ep._ ii. 20.

600 Juv. xii. 100; i. 36; Mart. v. 39; Plin. _Ep._ ii, 20; Petron. 140.

601 Juv. i. 112; Petron. 88, pecuniae cupiditas haec tropica instituit.

602 Juv. iii. 164.

_ 603 Ib._ 131, 103; i. 26; iv. 98; Mart. ii. 29, iii. 29; v. 13, 35.

604 Suet. _Octav._ xliii.-v.; _Calig._ xviii.; _Claud._ xxi; _Nero_, xi. xii.; _Titus_, vii.; _Dom._ iv.; D. Cass. 65. 25; Spart. _Hadr._ vii. D. Cass. 68. 10, 15; Capitol. _M. Anton._ vi.; but cp. Suet. _Tib._ xlvii.; Tac. _Hist._ ii 62, D. Cass. 66. 15; Suet. _Octav._ xliv.; D. Cass. 54. 2; 68. 2; Capitol. _Anton. P._ xii.

605 Victor. _Epit._ 12; Spart. _Hadr._ vii. § 12; Capitol. _M. Anton._ xxvi.; _Ant. P._ viii.; D. Cass. 68. 5; _Orelli Henz._ 4365, 7244; Friedländer, _Petron. Einleit._ 49; Duruy, v. 429; iv. 787; Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ ii. 208; cf. Plin. _Ep._ ix. 30.

606 Tac. _Ann._ xiv. 62; ii. 47, 48.

607 Salv. _De Gub. Dei_, v. 30; _Ad Eccles._ iv. 22.

608 On the Augustales _v._ _Orell. Henz._ ii. p. 197; iii. p. 427; Friedländer, _Cena Trim. Einl._ p. 39; Marq. _Röm. Staatsverw._ i. 513 sqq.; Nessling, _De Seviris Augustalibus._

609 v. 13, 6, et libertinas arca flagellat opes; cf. Sen. _Ep._ 27, § 5, patrimonium libertini.

610 Petron. _Sat._ 48.

611 Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 27, si separarentur libertini manifestam fore penuriam ingenuorum.

612 Plin. _Paneg._ 88.

613 Id. _Ep._ vii. 29; viii 6.

614 Tac. _Germ._ 25, liberti non multum supra servos sunt, raro aliquod momentum in domo, nunquam in civitate.

615 Mart. ii. 29; iii. 29; xi. 37; iii. 82; v. 14.

616 Suet. _Ill. Gram._ xiii., xvii., xx.; cf. Marq. _Priv._ i. 158.

617 Sen. _Ep._ 47, § 1; _De Clem._ i. 18, 3; _De Ben._ iii. 21; _Ep._ 77, § 31; Plin. _Ep._ viii. 16, 1; iii. 19, 7; ii. 17, 9; cf. Juv. xiv. 16.

618 Sen. _Ep._ 47, servi sunt, immo humiles amici. Cf. Macrob. _Sat._ i. 11, 12; Eurip. _Ion_, 854; _Helen._ 730; Wallon, _L’Esclav._ iii. 22.

_ 619 v._ supra, p. 92.

620 D. Cass. 69. 16; _C. Th._ xiii. 1, 21; Friedl. _Sittengesch._ i 197.

621 Juv. xiv. 270.

622 Juv. iii. 32.

623 Suet. _Vesp._ xxiii.

624 Stat. _Silv._ iii. 3, 83, Tu toties mutata ducum juga rite tulisti Integer, etc.

625 Juv. iii. 153, Nil habet infelix paupertas durius in se, Quam quod ridiculos homines facit; 164.

626 Id. i. 104.

627 Id. i. 26; iv. 108.

628 Juv. iii. 173.

629 Id. iv. 5, 23; vii. 180.

630 Id. xiv. 91, Ut spado vincebat Capitolia nostra Posides; cf. Suet. _Claud._ xxviii.; Plin. _H. N._ xxxi. 2.

631 Juv. iii. 34 sqq.

632 Tac. _Ann._ xi. 37; xii. 25, 65; xi. 29; Suet. _Octav._ lxvii.; D. Cass. lix. 29.

633 Suet. _Jul. Caes._ lxxvi.; cf. Friedl. _Sittengesch._ i. 56 sqq.

634 For such a career cf. _Or. Henz._ 6344.

635 Suet. _Octav._ lxvii.

636 Tac. _Ann._ iv. 6.

_ 637 Ib._ xiv. 39.

638 Suet. _Nero_, xxiii.

639 D. Cass. lxiv. 3; Suet. _Galba_, xiv.; Plut. _Galba_, c. 17.

640 D. Cass. lii. 25; Tac. _Hist._ i. 58, Vitellius ministeria principatus per libertos agi solita in equites Romanos disponit.

641 Suet. _Vitell._ xii.

642 Id. _Vesp._ xvi.

643 Id. _Dom._ vii. quaedam ex maximis officiis inter libertinos equitesque communicavit.

644 Plin. _Paneg._ 88.

645 Spart. _Hadr._ iv., xxi.; Macé, _Suétone_, p. 91.

646 Capitol. _Ant. P._ vi., xi.

647 Friedl. _Sittengesch._ i. 56.

_ 648 Ib._ i. p. 83.

649 Sen. _Ad Polyb._ vi. vii.

650 Sen. _Ad Polyb._ xi.

651 Statius, _Silv._ iii. 3.

_ 652 Ib._ 66, Tibereia primum Aula tibi—Panditur.

_ 653 Ib._ 60.

_ 654 Ib._ 70.

_ 655 Ib._ 86.

_ 656 Ib._ 100.

_ 657 Ib._ 145.

658 Mart. vi. 83; Stat. _Silv._ iii. 160.

659 As to the form of his name _v._ Markland’s _Statius_, p. 238.

660 Macé, _Suétone_, p. 91; cf. Tac. _Ann._ xi. 33.

661 Macé, 92, 93; Friedl. _Sittengesch._ i. 86, 87.

662 Plin. _Ep._ viii. 12; _C.I.L._ vi. 798; Macé, pp. 89, 115.

663 Macé, pp. 90, 116.

664 Stat. _Silv._ v. 1, 80.

_ 665 Ib._ v. 118 sqq.

_ 666 Ib._ v. 210.

667 Friedl. _Sittengesch._ i. 88.

668 Tac. _Ann._ xi. 30, 37, 88.

669 Tac. _Ann._ xii. 57; xiii. 1.

_ 670 Ib._ xii. 25, 65.

_ 671 Ib._ xiii. 23.

_ 672 Ib._ xii. 53; Plin. _Ep._ viii. 6.

673 Tac. _Ann._ xii. 25, 65.

_ 674 Ib._ xiii. 14.

_ 675 Ib._ xiv. 65; Suet. _Nero_, xxxv.; D. Cass. 62. 14.

676 Marq. _Röm. St._ ii. p. 55; Duruy, v. p. 598; Friedl. _Sittengesch._ i. p. 192; cf. Olympiod. _ap._ Phot. § 44 (Müll. _Frag. Hist. Gr._ iv.).

677 Ael. Lamprid. _Heliogab._ x.; cf. Capitol. _Anton. P._ xi.; Suet. _Claud._ xxviii.

678 Plin. _H. N._ xxxi. 2; xxxvi. 12.

679 Statius, _Silv._ i. 5, 36; Mart. vi. 42, et certant vario decore saxa.

680 Mart. viii. 68.

681 Plin. _Ep._ vii. 29.

682 Friedl. _Sittengesch._ i. 75; _Or. Henz._ 6344.

683 Claud. _In Eutrop._ ii. 137.

684 Plin. _Paneg._ 88.

685 Suet. _Nero_, xv. in curiam libertinorum filios diu non admisit.

686 Tac. _Ann._ xi. 38; xii. 53.

687 Suet. _Galba_, xiv.; Tac. _Hist._ ii. 57; iv. 39.

688 Mart. iii. 29; v. 8, 14, 35, 23; cf. Friedl. _Sittengesch._ i. 212.

689 Suet. _Claud._ c. xxviii.

_ 690 Dig._ xxiii. 2, 44.

691 Statius, iii. 3, 115.

692 Id. v. 1, 53; Tac. _Hist._ v. 9; Suet. _Claud._ xxviii. Felicem ... Judaeae proposuit—trium reginarum maritum.

693 Catull. x. 26; Tibull. i. 3, 33; Ov. _Ars Am._ iii. 635; cf. _Amor._ i. 8, 73; iii. 9, 33.

694 Tac. _Ann._ xi. 29.

_ 695 Ib._ xiii. 12, 46; xiv. 2; Suet. _Nero_, xxviii. Acten libertam paullum abfuit quin justo matrimonio sibi conjungeret.

696 Suet. _Nero_, l.

697 D. Cass. lxvi. 14.

698 Luc. _Imag._ 10. See Croiset’s _Lucien_, p. 273, on the _Imagines_ as illustrating Lucian’s power as a critic of art.

699 Xen. _Mem._ iii. 11; Plat. _Menex._ c. iv.

700 Cf. Friedl. _Sittengesch._ i. 82.

701 Suet. _De Ill. Gram._ xxi.

702 Marq. _Priv._ i. 189; Denis, _Idées Morales_, ii. 208; Spart. _Hadr._ xvii.

703 Sen. _De Ben._ iii. 21; _Ep._ 47; Plin. _Ep._ ii. 17, 9; viii. 16; cf. Marq. _Priv._ i. 175.

_ 704 Or._ 2808.

_ 705 Ib._ 2874.

_ 706 Ib._ 2816.

_ 707 Ib._ 2862.

708 Sen. _De Clem._ i. 18.

709 Marq. _Priv._ i. 174.

710 Sen. _Ep._ 80, § 4, peculium suum quod comparaverunt ventre fraudato pro capite numerant.

711 Apul. _Met._ x. 14; cf. Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ ii. 397.

712 v. 22, 10, negat lasso janitor esse domi; Sen. _Nec. Inj._ xiv. cubicularii supercilium.

713 Momms. _R. H._ ii. 380 (Tr.)

714 Marq. _Priv._ i. 162 sq.

_ 715 C. Th._ ix. 30, 2; ii. 30, 2.

716 Marq. _Priv._ i. p. 163.

717 Petron. _Sat._ 76.

718 Marq. _Priv._ i. 165.

_ 719 Ib._ p. 178, n.

720 Mart. v. 70; cf. vii. 64.

721 Liv. xxi. 63, quaestus omnis patribus indecorus visus; D. Cass. 69. 16; cf. _C. Th._ xiii. 1, 4; _v._ Godefroy’s note.

722 Plut. _Cat. Maj._ 21.

723 Petron. 77, sustuli me de negotiatione et coepi libertos foenerare.

724 Id. 77, assem habeas, assem valeas.

725 Id. 43, paratus fuit quadrantem de stercore mordicus tollere:—in manu illius plumbum aurum fiebat.

726 Petron. 76.

727 Id. 50

_ 728 Or._ 1175; cf. Teuffel, _Rom. Lit._ ii. § 300, n. 4.

729 Tac. _Ann._ xvi. 18, 19.

730 Macrob. _Som. Scip._ i. 2, 8.

731 Sidon. Apoll. _Carm._ ix. 268.

732 Sidon. Apoll. _Carm._ xxiii. 155, et te Massiliensium per hortos sacri stipitis, Arbiter, colonum Hellespontiaco parem Priapo, etc.

733 Tac. _Ann._ xii. 8; xiii. 2; xv. 45, 60, 65; Tac. _Hist._ iii. 65.

734 Boissier, _L’Opp._ p. 257, ce n’est pas la coutume qu’on mette son idéal près de soi.

735 Petron. 88, at nos vino scortisque demersi ne paratas quidem artes audemus cognoscere, sed accusatores antiquitatis vitia tantum docemus et discimus. This rather applies to the higher cultivated class.

736 Petron. 118; cf. Boissier, _L’Opp._ 213.

737 Petron. 70, 67.

738 Juv. vi. 115; Suet. _Nero_, xxvi.

739 Teuffel. _Rom. Lit._ § 300, n. 1.

740 Petron. 118, 119; cf. Boissier, _L’Opp._ p. 239. Other proofs of the date of the _Satiricon_ are the occurrence of names like Apelles and Menecrates, c. 64, 73; cf. Suet. _Calig._ 33; _Nero_, 30; Friedl. _Cena Trim. Einl._ 9; the reflections on decline of oratory, _Sat._ 1; cf. Tac. _Dial. Or._ c. 35; the invention of a peculiar glass, which belongs to the reign of Tiberius, cf. Plin. _H. N._ xxxvi. 66; D. Cass. 57. 21 ad fin.

741 Tac. _Ann._ xvi. 18, vigentem se ac parem negotiis ostendit.

742 Plin. _H. N._ xxxvii. 7 (20), T. Petronius consularis moriturus invidia Neronis, ... trullam myrrhinam HS.c̅c̅c̅ emptam fregit.

743 Tac. _Ann._ xvi. 19, sed flagitia principis et novitatem cujusque stupri perscripsit atque obsignata misit Neroni.

744 Petron. 115, si bene calculum ponas, ubique naufragium est.

745 Id. 88. For a favourable estimate of the _Satiricon_, cf. Schiller’s _Gesch. röm. Kaiserzeit_, i. 469, 470.

746 See Boissier’s remarks, _L’Opp._ p. 228.

747 Mart. v. 2; iii. 68; cf. Mahaffy, _Greek World under Roman Sway_, p. 298.

748 Teuffel, _Rom. Lit._ i. p. 239; Friedl. _Cena Trim. Einl._ 5.

_ 749 Ib._ p. 5.

750 Sidon. Apoll. _Carm._ ix. 268; xxiii. 155.

751 Petron. 81, cf. Friedl. _Cena Trim. Einl._ 6. Puteoli is excluded by the complaints of municipal decay in c. 44: Naples, by the fact that the town is a Roman colony (44, 57); Cumae was the only town in this region which had Praetors. Cf. _Or. Henz._ 1498, 2263; Petron. 65.

752 Petron. _Sat._ 1, 2.

753 Tac. _De Or._ c. 31, 35.

_ 754 Rep._ vi. p. 492 A.

755 Petron. _Sat._ 83.

_ 756 Ib._ 114.

_ 757 Ib._ 116, nihil aliud est nisi cadavera quae lacerantur aut corvi qui lacerant.

_ 758 Ib._ 117.

759 Petron. _Sat._ 124.

_ 760 Ib._ 140.

_ 761 Ib._ 141.

_ 762 Ib._ 75, 76.

_ 763 v._ Friedl. _Cena Trim. Einl._ p. 7. His cognomen Maecenatianus marks him as a slave of the friend of Augustus who died 8 B.C. Trimalchio would therefore be born _circ._ 18 B.C. (_Sat._ 71, 29, 75). He was perhaps over seventy at the time of the dinner (_Sat._ 27, 77), which may therefore be placed about 57 A.D.

764 Petron. _Sat._ 48.

_ 765 Ib._ 77.

_ 766 Ib._ 38, scripsit ut illi ex India semen boletorum mitteretur.

_ 767 Ib._ 53.

_ 768 Ib._ 71; cf. Friedl. _Cena Trim._ p. 308.

769 Petron. _Sat._ 27.

770 Petron. _Sat._ 29.

_ 771 Ib._ 31.

_ 772 Ib._ 32.

_ 773 Ib._ 33.

_ 774 Ib._ 35.

_ 775 Ib._ 40.

_ 776 Ib._ 60; cf. Sen. _Ep._ 90, § 15, laquearia ita coagmentat ... ut totiens tecta quotiens fercula mutentur.

_ 777 Sat._ 34; Cic. _Brut._, lxxxiii. The Consulship of Opim. was B.C. 121.

778 Petron. 48; on private and public libraries, cf. Sen. _De Tranq._ c. ix.; Plin. _Ep._ i. 8, § 2; ii. 17, § 8; iii. 7, § 7; iv. 28, § 1; Suet. _Vit. Pers._; Luc. _Adv. Indoct._ 1, 16; Mart. vii. 17, 1; Suet. _J. Caes._ xliv.; _Octav._ xxix.; Marq. _Priv._ i. 114; Gregorov. _Hadr._ (Tr.) p. 210; Macé, _Suétone_, p. 220; Sid. Apoll. ii. 9.

779 Petron. 52.

780 Id. 59.

781 Id. 41; cf. Epict. iii. 23; Plin. _Ep._ i. 13; iii. 18, 4; vi. 15; Mart. iii. 44, 45; 50.

782 Sen. _Brev. Vit._ xii. 2; _Or. Henz._ 3838; Mart. iv. 39; Marq. _Priv._ ii. 688: Friedl. _Sittengesch._ iii. 84.

783 Petron. 53.

784 Id. 62, 63; cf. Apul. _Met._ i. 8.

785 Petron. 68.

786 Id. 52.

787 Petron. 38, 43.

788 Id. 43, in manu illius plumbum aurum fiebat.

789 Id. 38, Collibertos ejus cave contemnas, valde succosi sunt. _v._ Friedl. _Cena Trim._ p. 223.

790 Petron. 38.

791 Id. 42.

792 Id. 42, medicus nihil aliud est quam animi consolatio. For similar opinions of the medical profession, cf. Petron. 56; D. Cass. lxix. 22, lxxi. 33; Mart. vi. 31; vi. 53; ii. 16; Epict. iii. 23, § 27; Juv. iii. 77; Luc. _Philops._ c. 21, 26; _Adv. Indoct._ c. 29; Marq. _Priv._ ii. 779. Sen. gives a higher idea of the craft, _De Ben._ vi. 16; cf. Apul. _Met._ x. 8, where the doctor rejects the base proposals made to him.

793 Petron. 42, planetus est optime, etiam si maligne illum ploravit uxor.

794 Id. 43.

795 Id. 43, noveram hominem olim oliorum, et adhuc salax est. On the phrase olim oliorum _v._ Friedl. _Cena Trim._ p. 237.

796 Petron. 44.

797 Id. 44, haec colonia retroversus crescit tanquam coda vituli. This passage is used to prove that Puteoli cannot be Trimalchio’s town. Friedl. _Cena Trim._ p. 239.

798 Petron. 44 _ad fin._ itaque statim urceatim plovebat.

799 Id. 45. On the meaning of Centonarius _v._ Marq. _Priv._ ii. 585. They had a great number of Collegia, often leagued with the Fabri; _v._ _Henz. Ind._ pp. 171-72; _C. Th._ xiv. 8.

800 For the cost of such shows, _v._ _Or._ 81; _C.I.L._ ii. _Suppl._ p. 1034; Friedl. _Cena Trim. Einl._ p. 58; Friedl. _Sittengesch._ ii. p. 136.

801 Petron. 46, quid iste argutat molestus?

802 Petron. 46 _ad fin._; cf. Mart. v. 56; Juv. vii. 5, 176.

803 Petron. 57.

804 Id. 64.

805 Id. 67.

806 Id. 70.

807 Id. Ephesum tragoedum coepit imitare—Sonst unbekannt, Friedl. _Cena Trim._ 306.

808 Cf. _Or. Henz._ 4070, 7321; Petron. 71, valde enim falsum est vivo quidem domos cultas esse, non curari eas ubi diutius nobis habitandum est.

_ 809 v._ the monument of C. Munatius Faustus at Pompeii, _C.I.L._ x. 1030. But Mau, p. 415 (Tr.), interprets it differently from Friedl. _Cena Trim._ p. 307.

810 See the monument of the surgeon oculist of Assisi, _Or._ 2983, who records the amount he gave for his freedom, his benefactions, and his fortune. _v. C.I.L._ v. 4482, the monument of Valerius Anteros Asiaticus, a Sevir Aug. of Brescia.

811 Plin. _H. N._ xxvi. 2 (26); xxviii. 6 (57), plerique (suadent) anulum e sinistra in longissimum dextrae digitum transferre.

812 Petron. 75, ad hanc me fortunam frugalitas mea perduxit.

813 Id. 78; cf. Sen. _De Brev. Vit._ xx. 3, where a similar scene is described. Turannius—componi se in lecto et velut exanimem a circumstante familia plangi jussit.

814 Some of Pliny’s older friends, the elder Pliny, Quintilian, Spurinna, Verginius Rufus, go back to the age which Juvenal professes to attack (i. 170). But, although Juvenal mentions few names of his own generation, such as Isaeus, Archigenes, and Marius Priscus, a comparison between his subjects and those of Martial shows that they were dealing with the same social facts. Cf. Teuffel, _R. Lit._ ii. § 326, n. 5; Nettleship, _Lectures and Essays_, p. 124 sqq.

815 Momms. _Plin._ (Morel), p. 7; Peter, _Gesch. Litt._ ii. 77; Nettleship, _Lectures and Essays_, 131.

816 Plin. _Ep._ vii. 28.

817 Mart. iii. 68, 86; v. 2.

818 Ov. _Amor._ iii. 4, 2.

819 Ov. _Trist._ ii. 212, 346, 353, Vita verecunda est, Musa jocosa mihi; 497.

820 Tac. _De Or._ 28, non in cella emptae nutricis sed gremio ac sinu matris educabatur; A. Gell. xii. 1.

821 Quintil. i. 2, 4, 8; nostras amicas, nostros concubinos vident.

822 Stob. _Flor._ vi. 61; Suet. _Nero_, xxvii.; cf. Denis, _Idées Morales, etc._, ii. p. 134.

823 Plin. _Ep._ iii. 16; iii. 5; iv. 19; vi. 4; vii. 5.

824 Tac. _Agric._ 4.

825 Plin. _Ep._ i. 14.

826 Tac. _Ann._ iii. 55, sed praecipuus adstricti moris auctor Vespasianus erat; Suet. _Vesp._ ix.; cf. Schiller, _Gesch. Röm. Kaiserz._ ii. 506; Duruy, iv. 646; Renan, _Les. Év._ 140, 381; _L’Antéchr._ 494.

827 Pliny is pleased with the virtuous monotony, _Ep._ iii. i. § 2, me autem ut certus siderum cursus ita vita hominum disposita delectat, senum praesertim; cf. iii. 5.

828 Momms. _Plin._ (Morel), p. 32.

829 The Caecilii were probably established at Como from 59 B.C.; cf. Catull. 35; Plin. _Ep._ iv. 30, 1; vii. 32, 1; vi. 24, 5; ix. 7; Momms. _Plin._ p. 33 (Morel).

830 Plin. _Ep._ ii. 1; vi. 10.

831 Tac. _Hist._ i. 8, 52; ii. 49.

832 Plin. _Ep._ vi. 20, 5. He was in his eighteenth year when the famous eruption of Vesuvius took place 79 A.D., D. Cass. lxvi. 21 sq.

833 Plin. _Ep._ iv. 13, 3.

834 Rendall, xiii. in Mayor’s ed. Plin. _Ep._ iii.; Plin. _H. N._ ii. 85 (199).

835 Plin. _Ep._ iii. 5; _Hist. Nat. Praef._ 3; Suet. _Vit. Plin._ He was 56 at his death in A.D. 79; cf. Peter, _Gesch. Litt._ i. 119, 420.

836 Plin. _Ep._ iii. 5, § 13; Persius, who was eleven years younger than the elder Pliny, shows a character of the same type, cf. Pers. _Sat._ ii. 71-74; iii. 66 sqq.; cf. Martha, _Les Moralistes sous l’Emp._ p. 131 sqq.

837 Plin. _Ep._ iii. 5.

_ 838 Praef. H. N._ § 17; cf. § 18, profecto enim vita vigilia est.

839 Plin. _Ep._ i. 14; cf. Tac. _Agr._ iv.; Juv. iii. 165.

840 Plin. _Ep._ iii. i; ii. 7; i. 12; v. 11.

841 Cf. Pliny’s letter to Calpurnia’s aunt, _Ep._ iv. 19, quae nihil in contubernio tuo viderit nisi sanctum honestumque; cf. viii. 5; v. 16.

842 Tac. _Hist._ ii. 78; iv. 81.

843 Cf. _Or._ 746, 2364.

844 Suet. _Vesp._ ii. locum incunabulorum assidue frequentavit, manente villa qualis fuerat olim, etc.

_ 845 Ib._ viii. ix.

846 D. Cass. lxvi. 8, Suet. _Vesp._ xvi., cf. Meriv. vii. 274; cf. Schiller, _Gesch. röm. Kaiserzeit_, p. 515.

847 Suet. _Vesp._ lx.; _Or._ 746, sacr. aedium restitutori, 1460, 1868, 2364, D. Cass. lxvi. 10.

848 Suet. _Vesp._ xvii.

_ 849 Ib._ xix.

_ 850 Ib._ xviii.; continued by Hadrian, Spart. xvi.; by Ant. Pius, Capitol. xi.; by Alex. Severus, Lamprid. xliv.; cf. _C. Th._ xiii. 3, 1, 2, 3; Eum. _Or. pro Scholis_, c. 11.

_ 851 v._ _Rom. Soc. in the Last Century of the Western Empire_ (1st ed.), p. 355.

852 Mommsen, _Rom. Prov._ (Tr.) i. p. 76.

853 Pliny probably came to Rome about 72 A.D. Rendall, xiv.; in Mayor’s Pliny, _Ep._ iii.; cf. Quintil. _Prooem._ i.

854 Plin. _Ep._ ii. 14, 10; vi. 6, 3; vi. 32.

855 Quintil. _Inst. Or._ i. 2, 6; cf. Plin. _Ep._ iii. 3, 4, cui in hoc lubrico aetatis non praeceptor modo sed custos etiam rectorque quaerendus est; cf. _Ep._ iv. 13, 4, ubi enim pudicius contineantur quam sub oculis parentum; cf. Tac. _Dial. de Or._ 28.

856 Quintil. _Inst. Prooem._ i. 9-11; ii. 2, 15; xii. 1, 1; xii. 7, 7, non convenit ei, quem oratorem esse volumus, injusta tueri scientem.

_ 857 Ib._ vi. _Prooem._ 4.

858 Plin. _Ep._ ii. 13, hunc ego, cum simul studeremus, arte familiariterque dilexi, etc.

_ 859 Ib._ v. 14; _Paneg._ 91, 92; cf. Momms. _Plin._ p. 64.

860 Plin. _Ep._ vi. 6.

_ 861 Ib._ vii. 16, 2; i. 10, 3; cf. Momms. p. 52. Pliny’s service with the iii. Gallica was later than September, A.D. 81.

862 Plin. _Ep._ i. 10, 4; cf. Tac. _Agr._ iv.

863 Plin. _Ep._ iii. 11, 5.

_ 864 Ib._ i. 10; cf. Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ v. 37, 40; vi. 8.

865 Plin. _Ep._ vii. 26, 4.

_ 866 Ib._ iii. 11, 2; Suet. _Dom._ x.; D. Cass. lxvii. 10; cf. Momms. p. 59, where the date of Pliny’s praetorship is fixed.

867 Suet. _Dom._ x.

868 Plin. _Ep._ i. 14; cf. iii. 11, 3.

_ 869 Ib._ iii. 16; cf. vii. 19; ix. 13.

870 Tac. _Ann._ xvi. 34.

871 Plin. _Ep._ vii. 19, 4; for the character of Helvidius Priscus, cf. Tac. _Hist._ iv. 5.

872 Suet. _Vesp._ xv.; D. Cass. lxvi. 12; cf. Peter, _Gesch. Litt._ ii. 98.

873 Plin. _Ep._ iii. 16, 7.

874 Tac. _Ann._ xvi. 21; D. Cass. lxii. 26.

875 Tac. _Ann._ xiv. 12; xvi. 21, 22; cf. D. Cass. 61. 15.

876 Tac. _Ann._ xvi. 26.

877 Plin. _Ep._ vii. 19.

878 Renan, _Les Évangiles_, p. 142, treats the philosophic opposition as a mere aristocratic reaction; cf. pp. 287, 382. Boissier, _L’Opp._ p. 103; Schiller, _Gesch. d. röm. Kaiserz._ pp. 509, 536.

879 Plin. _Ep._ v. 8, 8; Momms. p. 52.

880 Plin. _Ep._ vi. 1; iv. 16; vi. 23, 2.

_ 881 Ib._ i. 20, 7.

_ 882 Ib._ vi. 33, 8-11.

_ 883 Ib._ iv. 16.

_ 884 Ib._ iv. 19, 3. disponit qui nuntient sibi quem assensum, quos clamores excitarim, quem eventum judicii tulerim.

_ 885 Ib._ vi. 11.

_ 886 Ib._ ii. 14, 4.

887 Plin. _Ep._ vi. 2, 6.

888 For the career and character of M. Aquilius Regulus, _v._ Tac. _Hist._ iv. 42; Plin. _Ep._ i. 5; i. 20, 15; ii. 11; ii. 20; iv. 2; vi. 2; and Boissier, _L’Opp._ p. 193.

889 Mart. i. 13, 83, 112, Cum tibi sit sophiae par fama et cura deorum, etc.

890 Mart. vii. 31.

_ 891 Ib._ vi. 38; vi. 64, 11.

_ 892 Ib._ vii. 16.

893 Plin. _Ep._ iv. 7, § 4.

_ 894 Ib._ i. 20, 15; cf. references to the archaic literary taste of the day in Mart. v. 10.

895 Plin. _Ep._ v. 12.

_ 896 Ib._ vi. 2, 5.

_ 897 Ib._ ii. 20.

_ 898 Ib._ iv. 2.

899 For the light which this throws on the production of books in that age, _v._ Haenny, _Schriftsteller u. Buchhändler_, pp. 39-41.

900 Plin. _Ep._ ii. 10, 4; iii. 7, 14, quatenus nobis denegatur diu vivere, relinquamus aliquid quo nos vixisse testemur; v. 5, 4; v. 8, 2, me autem nihil aeque ac diuturnitatis amor sollicitat; cf. vii. 20.

901 Stat. _Silv._ ii. 2.

902 Mart. ii. 7; v. 30; iii 20; iv. 23; v. 23. For the same breadth of accomplishment in the fifth century, cf. Sidon. Apoll. _Carm._ v. 97; ii. 156; xxiii. 101; _Rom. Soc. in the Last Cent. of the Western Empire_ (1st ed.), p. 375.

903 Mart. vi. 60.

_ 904 Ib._ iv. 14.

905 Plin. _Ep._ iii. 21. This book is dated by Mommsen 101 A.D. (_Plin._ p. 14, Morel; _v._ App. C, p. 95); cf. Friedländer’s _Martial_, “Chronologie der Epigr. Mart.” p. 66.

906 Plin. _Ep._ iv. 8, 4; v. 12, est mihi cum Cicerone aemulatio.

_ 907 Ib._ vii. 30.

908 Plin. _Ep._ viii. 24, reverere gloriam veterem et hanc ipsam senectutem quae in homine venerabilis, in urbibus sacra.

_ 909 Ib._ vii. 4, 2, Qualem? inquis. Nescio; tragoedia vocabatur.

_ 910 Ib._ vii. 4, 3.

_ 911 Ib._ iv. 14, cf. Ov. _Trist._ ii. 365, who makes pretty much the same excuse to Augustus.

912 Plin. _Ep._ v. 3.

913 Cf. Nettleship, _Lectures and Essays_, 2nd Series, p. 39.

_ 914 Ep._ iii. 13, 5; vii. 17.

_ 915 Ep._ iii. 18; cf. ii. 19.

916 Teuffel, _R. Lit._ § 387; Mackail, _Lat. Lit._ p. 264; _Rom. Soc. in the Last Cent. of the W. Empire_ (1st ed.), p. 357.

917 Plin. _Ep._ iii. 15.

_ 918 Ib._ 1, 20. It is curious that this praise of amplitude should be addressed to Tacitus; cf. Nipperdey, _Einleit._ xxxiv.

919 Macrob. _Sat._ v. 1, 7; Sidon. Apoll. i. 1, 1; iv. 22, 2, ego Plinio ut discipulus assurgo.

920 Sym. _Ep._ v. 85. Seeck, _Prol._ xlv.

921 Momms. _Plin._ (Tr.) p. 2; cf. Haenny, _Schriftsteller_, etc. p. 19.

922 Plin. _Ep._ i. 1; vii. 28; i. 15; viii. 1; Macé, _Suétone_, p. 87.

923 Momms. _Plin._ p. 4.

_ 924 Ib._ pp. 7, 24; Teuffel, § 335, 1.

925 Plin. _Ep._ iii. 18, 5; viii. 12, literarum senescentium reductor; Stat. _Silv._ i. Prooem.; _Petron._ 88; cf. Sidon. Apoll. _Ep._ viii. 8; ii. 14; vii. 15; ii. 10, 1.

926 Plin. _Ep._ vi. 17, § 5.

_ 927 Ib._ vii. 17; v. 12.

_ 928 Ib._ vii. 20; viii. 7.

_ 929 Ib._ vii. 20; ix. 23, ad hoc illum “Tacitus es an Plinius?”

_ 930 Ib._ vi. 16, 2.

_ 931 Ib._ iii. 21, 6, at non erunt aeterna quae scripsit; non erunt fortasse; ille tamen scripsit tanquam essent futura.

_ 932 Ib._ iii. 7, scribebat carmina majore cura quam ingenio.

933 Mart. vii. 63; Tac. _Hist._ iii. 65.

_ 934 v._ Teuffel, _R. Lit._ § 315, n. 5, and the opinions collected by Mayor, _Plin._ iii. p. 120.

935 Plin. _Ep._ iii. 7, 3.

_ 936 v._ Mayor, _Plin._ iii. p. 114, for a learned note on suicide in the early Empire.

937 Pliny, _Ep._ iv. 23, 3. For a similar ideal in the fifth century, _v._ _Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire_, p. 165 (1st ed.).

938 Plin. _Ep._ v. 8, § 1.

939 For a good example cf. Plin. _Ep._ iii. 15.

940 Capitol. _Ant. P._ 1.

941 Plin. _Ep._ iv. 3.

_ 942 Ib._ iv. 18; cf. viii. 4.

943 Tac. _Hist._ ii. 11; ii. 18, 36; Plin. _Ep._ i. 5; ii. 7; iii. 1, scribit et quidem utraqua lingua, lyra doctissima. Spurinna was 77, at the date of this letter, A.D. 101-102; Momms. p. 11.

944 Plin. _Ep._ iv. 27; cf. ix. 8.

_ 945 Ib._ vi. 15; ix. 22.

946 Plin. _Ep._ vi. 21.

_ 947 C.I.L._ vi. 798; _Or._ 801. He was Secretary (ab Epistulis) under Domitian, Nerva, and Trajan; cf. Macé, _Suétone_, pp. 91, 93, 115.

948 Plin. _Ep._ i. 17; viii. 12. Cf. C. Fannius, who wrote a history of the victims of Nero, Plin. _Ep._ v. 5. He died _circ._ 106, Macé, p. 82.

949 Plin. _Ep._ v. 8. For similar unwillingness, cf. Sidon. Apoll. _Ep._ iv. 22.

950 Plin. _Ep._ i. 3.

_ 951 Ib._ viii. 4; ix. 33.

952 Mart. iv. 33; vi. 14.

953 Momms. _Plin._ p. 13, puts his birth in 77 A.D.; but cf. Macé, p. 35, who places it in the year 69; see too Peter, _Gesch. Litt._ ii. 67. The indications in Suet. are _Domit._ xii.; _Ill. Gramm._ iv.; _Nero_, lvii.

954 Macé, p. 83; Peter, ii. 69; cf. Krause, _De Sueton. Fontibus._

955 For the authorities, _v._ Macé, p. 29.

956 From 97 to 101 A.D., _ib._ pp. 53-57.

957 Plin. _Ep._ iii. 8.

_ 958 Ib._ i. 24; of the year 97. On the meaning of _contubernalis_, Suetonius being 28, and Pliny 35 years of age, _v._ Macé, p. 50.

959 Plin. _Ad Traj._ 94; cf. Macé, p. 50.

960 Plin. _Ep._ i. 18.

961 Macé, p. 68; Plin. _Ep._ v. 10; Momms. _Plin._ p. 18.

962 Macé, p. 69.

963 Macé, p. 90. For the disgrace of Suetonius, _v._ Spart. _Hadr._ xi. 2.

964 Plin. _Paneg._ 53.

965 See _Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire_, p. 348 sq. (1st ed.).

966 Virg. _Aen._ vi. 848 sq.

967 Ov. _Trist._ iv. 128; Hor. _Carm._ ii. 20; Friedl. _Sittengesch._ iii. p. 299.

968 Mau, _Pompeii_ (Tr.), 486, 488; _C.I.L._ ii. 4967.

969 Tac. _De Or._ 13, auditis in theatro Virgilii versibus surrexit universus populus, etc.

970 Petron. _Sat._ 68.

971 Plin. _Ep._ iii. 18, 4; viii. 12, 1; cf. Seneca’s complaints of his time, _Ep._ 95, § 23; 100; Petron. 83-4.

972 Tac. _Dial. de Or._ 20; Mart. v. 10; cf. Suet. _Octav._ 86, Cacozelos et antiquarios, ut diverso genere vitiosos, pari fastidio sprevit; Pers. i. 69 sq.; Sen. _Ep._ 114. For Hadrian’s preference of Ennius to Virgil, etc., _v._ Spart. _Hadr._ c. 16; A. Gell. xii. 2; Macé, p. 96; Martha, _Les Moralistes sous l’Empire Rom._ p. 184.

973 Sen. _Ep._ 114, § 13, duodecim tabulas loquuntur.

974 Tac. _Dial. de Or._ 20.

975 Tac. _De Or._ 12.

_ 976 Ib._ 9, 10.

977 Suet. _Dom._ iv.

978 Stat. v. 3, 225; cf. Suet. _Claud._ xi. A Greek comedy in honour of Germanicus was performed.

979 Suet. _Ner._ xii. Suetonius says it was the first of the kind. It was called “Neronia.”

_ 980 Or._ 2603, to L. Val. Pudens, erected by his fellow-citizens in A.D. 110. He was only 13. _v._ Teuffel, § 314, n. 4; Friedl. _Sittengesch._ iii. p. 324.

981 Plin. _Ep._ vi. 2; ix. 11, 2; Mart. vii. 8. Cf. Haenny, _Schriftst. u. Buchh._ ii. p. 24 sqq.

982 Epict. iii. 23, § 11.

983 Mart. iii. 44, 45; iv. 81.

984 Juv. i. 2; iii. 9.

985 Petron. _Sat._ 90, 91, 115.

986 Plin. _Ep._ i. 13; ii. 19; iv. 5; 27; v. 12; vi. 17, 21; viii. 21.

987 Plin. _Ep._ vi. 17.

_ 988 Ib._ iv. 27.

_ 989 Ib._ iii. 18; iv. 5.

_ 990 Ib._ i. 13, 2; vi. 17; viii. 12, 1.

_ 991 Ib._ vii 17, 7, quia in numero ipso est quoddam magnum conlatumque consilium. Cf. Arist. _Pol._ iii. 11, _διὸ καὶ κρίνουσιν ἄμεινον οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ τὰ τῆς μουσικῆς ἔργα καὶ τὰ τῶν ποιητῶν_.

992 Sidon. Apoll. _Ep._ ii. 14; vii. 15; i. 6.

993 Plin. _Ep._ viii. 12. Seneca was even more pessimist, cf. _Ep._ 95, § 23; 100; _De Brev. V._ xiii. 1.

994 Plin. _Ep._ i. 9; quot dies quam frigidis rebus absumpsi! cf. the social life of Symmachus, _Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire_, p. 128 sq. (1st ed.).

995 Sen. _De Tranq._ xii.; Juv. iii. xi. Mart. xii. 18.

996 Plin. _Ep._ i. 9; iv. 1.

997 Mart. iii. 58.

998 Plin. _Ep._ v. 6, § 7, 8; i. 3; ix. 7 § 4.

_ 999 Ep._ viii. 8; cf. Virg. _Georg._ ii. 146; once visited by Caligula, Suet. _Calig._ 43.

1000 Plin. _Ep._ i. 6, solitudo ipsumque illud silentium quod venationi datur magna cogitationis incitamenta sunt.

_ 1001 Ib._ iii. 1, § 7.

_ 1002 Ib._ vii. 25.

1003 Sidon. Apoll. _Ep._ i. 6; ii. 14; vii. 15.

1004 Stat. _Silv._ ii. 2, 22, spumant templa salo.

1005 Plin. _Ep._ v. 6.

_ 1006 Ib._ ii. 17, § 27.

1007 Stat. _Silv._ ii. 2, 53; cf. iii. 1, 124.

_ 1008 Ib._ i. 3, 20-37.

1009 Imposed by Trajan on candidates for office, Plin. _Ep._ vi. 19. This was a repetition of former enactments, _e.g._ Suet. _Tib._ 48. It was revived again by M. Aurelius, Capitol. xi. Exclusion from commerce necessitated investments in land. Plin. _Ep._ iii. 19, sum prope totus in praediis, aliquid tamen foenero. In A.D. 106 the price of land was rising, _Ep._ vi. 19; but cf. iii. 19 (A.D. 101); see Friedl. i. p. 197.

1010 Sen. _De Benef._ vii. 10, 5; _Ep._ 89, § 20; Mart. v. 13, 7; Petron. _Sat._ 76, 77; Stat. _Silv._ ii. 6, 62.

1011 Plin. _Ep._ ii. 17; v. 6; ix. 7; iv. 1; iv. 13.

1012 Mart. vii. 31.

1013 Plin. _Ep._ iii. 7.

1014 Friedl. _Sittengesch._ iii. 64.

1015 Plin. _Ep._ ii. 17; Stat. _Silv._ ii. 2, 76.

1016 Plin. ii. 17, § 16.

1017 Stat. _Silv._ i. 3, 29.

1018 Plin. _Ep._ ii. 17, § 24.

1019 Friedl. _Sittengesch._ iii. 87.

1020 Plin. _Ep._ v. 6.

1021 Stat. _Silv._ ii. 2, 85; i. 5, 36; Friedl. _Sittengesch._ iii. 65.

1022 Plin. _Ep._ iii. 6; cf. the taste of Silius Italicus, iii. 7, 8; Petron. _Sat._ 50, 88; Mahaffy, _Greek World_, etc., p. 139 sq.

1023 Stat. _Silv._ i. 3, 50; ii. 2, 63 sq.; Mart. iv. 39.

1024 Friedl. iii. 196; cf. Croiset, _Lucien_, c. ix. p. 265; Marq. _Priv._ ii. 611.

1025 Plin. _Ep._ v. 6, 7; cf. ii. 17, § 3.

_ 1026 Ib._ ii. 17, § 15; v. 6, § 33.

1027 Suet. _Nero_, xxvii.; Friedl. iii. 77 sqq.

1028 Plin. _Ep._ ix. 36; iii. 1.

_ 1029 Ib._ iii. 5, § 15.

_ 1030 Ib._ iii. 1.

_ 1031 Ib._ ix. 36, § 6.

1032 Plin. _Ep._ iv. 1.

_ 1033 Ib._ iii. 19.

_ 1034 Ib._ § 7. This estate was once worth HS.5,000,000; it was now offered for HS.3,000,000, _i.e._ £25,000; cf. _Ep._ iv. 6; ii. 4, 3. The letter iii. 19 belongs to the year 101 A.D.; but in _Ep._ vi. 19 (106 A.D.) it appears that the price of land was rising, owing to competition, and Pliny advises Nepos to sell his Italian estates and buy others in the provinces; cf. vi. 3, 1.

_ 1035 Ep._ ix. 37, medendi una ratio, si non nummo sed partibus locem; cf. J. S. Mill, _Pol. Econ._ bk. ii. c. 8, 1; A. Young, _Travels in France_, p. 18.

1036 Plin. _Ep._ viii. 2; ix. 37, 3.

_ 1037 Ib._ viii. 16; cf. the Lex Coll. Cultorum Dianae et Antinoi, _Or. Henz._ 6086. The slave member is permitted to dispose of his funeraticium by will. Marq. _Priv._ i. 189.

1038 Sen. _Ep._ 31; 47; 77; _De Clem._ i. 18, 3; _De Ben._ iii. 21; Juv. xiv. 16; D. Chr. _Or._ x.; Spart. _Hadr._ 18, § 7; Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ ii. 358; Denis, _des Idées Morales_, etc., ii. 208 sq.; Wallon, _L’Esclav._ i. c. 11; Marq. i. 189.

_ 1039 Ep._ vii. 32. Fabatus seems to have been a model country squire; cf. _Ep._ iv. 1; v. 11; vi. 12; vii. 11; viii. 10.

_ 1040 Ib._ viii. 1.

_ 1041 Ib._ v. 19; cf. Sen. _Ep._ 27, § 6; Friedl. _SG._ iii. 89; Marq. _Priv._ i. 158.

1042 Plin. _Ep._ v. 19.

1043 Mart. i. 44; iii. 49; Juv. v. 25 sqq.; cf. Sen. _De Ben._ vi. 33, § 4.

1044 Plin. _Ep._ ii. 6.

_ 1045 Or. Henz._ 2862, 2874, 6389.

1046 Plin. _Ep._ iii. 14.

_ 1047 Ib._ vi. 25; cf. the similar fate of Lampridius, at the close of the Western Empire in Gaul, Sid. Apoll. _Ep._ viii. 11. § 10.

1048 Sen. _Ep._ 4, § 8; 107, 5.

1049 See a great mass of instances and authorities collected, with his unique learning, by Mayor, _Plin._ iii. pp. 114, 115; cf. Boissier, _L’Opp._ p. 212.

1050 Sen. _Ep._ 24, § 11; 58, § 36; 70, § 8; 117, § 22; _De Prov._ ii. 10; vi. 7; _De Ira_, iii. 15; Epict. i. 24; cf. ii. 15; iii. 24; M. Aurel. x. 8; x. 32; cf. Mommsen, _De Coll._ p. 100.

1051 Sen. _Ep._ 70, § 21, dum hoc constat praeferendam esse spurcissimam mortem servituti mundissimae.

_ 1052 Ib._ 58, § 36, non adferam mihi manus propter dolorem: hunc tamen si sciero perpetuo mihi esse patiendum, exibo; non propter ipsum, sed quia impedimento mihi futurus est ad omne propter quod vivitur ... prosiliam ex aedificio putri ac ruenti.

1053 Plin. _Ep._ i. 22, 10; Aristo was a fine type of the puritan pagan, an “imago priscae frugalitatis.”

_ 1054 Ib._ iii. 7, 1. For similar instances, _v._ Sen. _Ep._ 70, § 6; Tac. _Ann._ xi. 3; Suet. _Tib._ 53; Petron. 111; Epict. ii. 15.

1055 Plin. _Ep._ ix. 13, 6; cf. iv. 17, 4; vii.

_ 1056 Ib._ i. 12, 10. It is characteristic of the time that his last word was _κέκρικα_.

_ 1057 Ib._ vi. 24.

1058 Pliny boasts of idealising his friends; vii. 28, agnosco crimen.... Ut enim non sint tales quales a me praedicantur, ego tamen beatus quod mihi videntur.

1059 Plin. _Ep._ viii. 18; iv. 21; viii. 10, 11, neque enim ardentius tu pronepotes quam ego liberos cupio; cf. iv. 15, 3, fecunditate uxoris frui voluit eo saeculo quo plerisque etiam singulos filios orbitatis praemia graves faciunt.

_ 1060 Ib._ iii. 3, in hac licentia temporum.

_ 1061 Ib._ iv. 25, proximis comitiis in quibusdam tabellis multa jocularia atque etiam foeda dictu ... inventa sunt.

_ 1062 Ib._ viii. 23, 3, ipsi sibi exempla sunt.

_ 1063 Ib._ vii. 24, she was born about A.D. 27, in the reign of Tiberius. Ummidia had the virtue of liberality; she built an amphitheatre and temple for Casinum, _Or. Henz._ 781.

1064 Plin. _Ep._ vii. 28, 2.

1065 Cf. _Ep._ v. 14, on his relations with Cornutus Tertullus: quae societas amicitiarum artissima nos familiaritate conjunxit.

1066 Plin. _Ep._ vi. 6; vi. 32; in which he offers a dowry to Quintilian’s daughter in the most delicate way; cf. Juv. iii. 215; xv. 150; Sen. _De Benef._ ii. 21, 5; iv. 11, 3; Tac. _Ann._ iv. 62; yet cf. the judgment of D. Chrys. _Or._ vii. § 82; Denis, _Idées Morales_, ii. 175 sqq.

1067 Plin. _Ep._ viii. 23, 2; vi. 11, 3; i. 12, 12; ii. 1, 8 (of Verginius Rufus), sic candidatum me suffragio ornavit, etc., iii. 1, 6 (of Spurinna), quibus praeceptis imbuare!

1068 Plin. _Ad Traj._ 87, 94.

1069 Id. _Ep._ vi. 29.

_ 1070 Ib._ iii. 3.

1071 Plin. _Ep._ vi. 11.

_ 1072 Ib._ vi. 26.

_ 1073 Ib._ iv. 15. Fundanus’s consulship is mentioned in two inscriptions, _Or._ 1588, 2471. There is a difficulty about the dates which is discussed in Momms. _Plin._ p. 17, n. 3. Fundanus does not appear in the _Fasti_.

1074 Sen. _Ad Marc._ xiii. xiv.; _Ad Helv._ xvi.

_ 1075 Ad Marc._ xvi. par illis, mihi crede, vigor, etc. _Ad Helv._ xvii. 4, cf. Plut. _Conj. Praec._ xlviii. _φαρμάκων ἐπῳδὰς οὐ προσδέξεται (ἡ γυνὴ) τοῖς Πλάτωνος ἐπᾳδομένη λόγοις, κτλ._; cf. Juv. vi. 450; Mart. vii. 69.

1076 Plin. _Ep._ iv. 19, § 4.

1077 Plin. _Ep._ v. 16.

1078 Seneca and Paulina, Tac. _Ann._ xv. 64; Plutarch, _Ad Uxorem_, iv. v.

1079 Plin. _Ep._ vi. 4, 5, 7.

1080 Id. _Ad Traj._ 121, 122.

1081 Cic. _De Off._ ii. 18 (63), atque haec benignitas etiam reipublicae est utilis, redimi e servitute captos, locupletari tenuiores.

1082 Hor. _Sat._ ii. 2, 103—

Cur eget indignus quisquam, te divite?

1083 Sen. _Ep._ 47, § 1, 31; _De Benef._ iii. 21; _De Clem._ i. 18, 3; _De Ira_, iii. 24.

1084 Sen. _Ep._ 95, § 52.

1085 Sen. _Benef._ iv. 5; iv. 26; iv. 28, Di multa ingratis tribuunt.

1086 Juv. xiv. 16; vi. 219, 476.

1087 Id. xiv. 31.

1088 Id. xiii. 190.

1089 Juv. xv. 133.

_ 1090 Or. Henz._ 6042.

1091 Cic. _De Off._ i. 14; Sym. _Ep._ ii. 78; ix. 126; Olympiod. § 44 (Müller, _Fr. H. Gr._ iv. p. 68); cf. Boeckh, _Public Ec. of Athens_ (Trans. Lewis), pp. 458, 520, 578.

1092 Marq. _Priv._ i. 178 n. 10; cf. Juv. ii. 117; Mart. vii. 64, dominae munere factus eques; Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 34.

1093 Suet. _Vesp._ 18; Spart. _Hadr._ 16, § 8; Capitol. _Ant. P._ 11, § 3.

1094 D. Cass. 68. 2; Victor, _Epit._ 12.

_ 1095 Or. Henz._ 6664; Plin. _Paneg._ 28, hi subsidium bellorum, ornamentum pacis publicis sumptibus aluntur. Duruy, iv. 784; Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ ii. 211; Kratz, _De Benef., a Traj. collatis_, p. 11.

1096 Plin. _Ep._ x. 62. The letter reveals an unwillingness among the people of Bithynia to become debtors to the public treasury.

1097 Cf. Tac. _Ann._ iv. 27, minore in dies plebe ingenua; iii. 25; cf. Meriv. viii. 353.

1098 Spart. _Hadr._ 7.

1099 Capitol. _Ant. P._ 8.

1100 Id. _M. Aurel._ 26; cf. Capitol. _Pertin._ 9. He found the interest on Trajan’s foundation nine years in arrear. Lamprid. _Alex. Sev._ 57, 7; his charity children were called Mammaeani; Kratz, p. 11.

_ 1101 Or. Henz._ 6694 to a man who left Tibur his sole heir; 3733 ob munificentiam; 3765, 3766, 3882, 7190, 6993, 7001, 781; cf. Philostr. _Vit. Soph._ ii. 1 sqq. _ἄριστα δὲ ἀνθρώπων πλούτῳ ἐχρήσατο_. Plin. _H. N._ xxix. 4 (8); Friedländer, _Cena Trim. Einl._ 46 sq.

1102 Plin. _Ep._ i. 3, § 1, Comum meae deliciae; v. 11, 2; iv. 13, respublica nostra pro filia vel parente.

_ 1103 v._ the inscr. in Momms. _Plin._ p. 31.

1104 Plin. _Ep._ i. 8; v. 7; _Or._ 1172.

1105 Plin. _Ep._ iv. 13.

_ 1106 Ib._ vii. 18; _Or._ 1172.

1107 Plin. _Ep._ iv. 1; cf. ix. 12.

_ 1108 Ib._ vi. 32.

_ 1109 Ib._ i. 19.

_ 1110 Ib._ iii. 11.

_ 1111 Ib._ ii. 4.

_ 1112 Ib._ vi. 3.

1113 Friedl. _Cena Trim. Einleit._ p. 48.

_ 1114 Or. Henz._ 114.

1115 Boissier, _Promenades Archæologiques_, p. 330, ce qui nous échappe c’est la vie de province.

1116 Hor. _Carm._ iii. 4, 9.

1117 Mart. iv. 55, 11; xii. 18, 9; i. 50.

1118 It must, however, be said that Virgil has preserved much of local religious sentiment. Cf. Sellar, _Virgil_, p. 365 sq.

1119 Virg. _Ecl._ ii. 48; _Georg._ ii. 466 sqq.; iii. 324-338, et saltus reficit jam roscida luna; cf. Sellar, _Virgil_, pp. 166-167.

_ 1120 Aen._ vii. 630 sqq.; Sellar, p. 80.

1121 Plin. _Ep._ i. 3; i. 6; i. 9; vii. 30; ix. 36. Mart. iii. 58; i. 56; iv. 66; iv. 90; vi. 43.

1122 Hor. _Carm._ i. 17.

1123 Juv. iii.

_ 1124 v._ _Rom. Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire_, p. 128 sq. (1st ed.); Sym. i. 101; ii. 26; v. 78. Cf. Auson. _Idyl._ x. 20, 155, 189.

1125 Mart. xii. 18—

Dum per limina te potentiorum Sudatrix toga ventilat, vagumque Major Caelius, et minor fatigat.

1126 Ov. _Trist._ ii. 196; iii. 2, 21, Roma domusque subit, desideriumque locorum; cf. Hor. _Sat._ ii. 7, 28.

1127 Mart. xii. _Praef._ illam judiciorum subtilitatem, illud materiarum ingenium, bibliothecas, theatra, conventus, quasi destituti desideramus.

1128 Juv. iii. 173 sqq.

1129 Illustrations may be found in Plaut. _Mil. Glor._ 653; _Captiv._ 879; _Trinum._ 609; _Bacch._ 24; Cic. _Phil._ iii. 6, 15, videte quam despiciamur omnes qui sumus e municipiis, id est, omnes plane; Tac. _Ann._ iv. 3, seque ac majores et posteros municipali adultero foedabat.

1130 Juv. x. 100; cf. Cic. _post Red. in Sen._ 17; Hor. _S._ i. 5, 34, Insani ridentes praemia scribae, etc.

_ 1131 Or._ xiv. (223), 391, (Jebb. i. p. 223), _μία δὲ αὔτη κατέχει ἔρις, ὅπως ἔτι καλλίστη καὶ ἡδίστη ἑκάστη φανείται· πάντα δὲ μεστὰ γυμνασίων, κρηνῶν, προπυλαίων, νεῶν, δημιουργίων, διδασκάλων._

1132 Aristid. _Or._ xiv. (225), 393-4, _ἡ γῆ πᾶσα οἷον παράδεισος ἐγκηκόσμηται._

1133 Aelian, _V. Hist._ ix. 16, _ᾤκησαν καὶ πόλεις τὴν Ἰταλίαν πάλαι ἑπτὰ καὶ ἐνηνήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν πρὸς ταῖς χιλίαις_; Jos. _B. J._ ii. 16.

1134 Arnold, _Rom. Prov. Administration_, p. 203.

_ 1135 H. N._ iii. 4.

1136 Momms. _Rom. Prov._ i. 73.

_ 1137 Ib._ p. 168; Tac. _Ann._ i. 36; Marq. _Röm. Staatsverw._ i. 121; Bury, _Rom. Emp._ p. 83.

_ 1138 C. Theod._ xiii. 3, 11.

1139 Marq. _Röm. St._ i. 125.

1140 Tac. _Hist._ i. 67; _v._ the dedication of a temple to Isis by a magistrate of Baden and his wife and daughter; _Or._ 457.

1141 Marq. i. 155, in keiner andern Provinz lässt sich die Entwickelung der römischen Städteanlagen so genau verfolgen als in Dacien. Arnold, _R. Prov. Admin._ p. 205.

_ 1142 Or. Henz._ 5287.

_ 1143 Vit. Soph._ ii. 3.

1144 Arnold, p. 205; Marq. i. 199.

1145 Tac. _Ann._ iv. 55; Strab. xii. 578.

_ 1146 H. N._ v. 60; Friedl. _SG._ iii. 110.

1147 Aristid. _Or._ xiv. 223 (392), _πόλις ἐγκαλλώπισμα τῆς ὑμετέρας γέγονεν ἡγεμονίας_.

1148 Cf. Victor, _Vit._ i. 7; v. 9; Friedl. _SG._ iii. 110; _v._ Migne, _Patrol. Lat._ t. lviii. 270, notitia Africae.

_ 1149 C.I.L._ viii. 2355; Cagnat, _L’Armée Rom. d’Afrique_, p. 582; Boissier, _L’Afr. Rom._ p. 180.

_ 1150 Or. Henz._ 5326.

1151 Boissier, _L’Afr. Rom._ p. 187.

_ 1152 C.I.L._ viii. 2388; Hieron. _Ep._ 107, § 1; Macrob. _Sat._ i, 2, 15.

_ 1153 C.I.L._ viii. 2403; _Suppl._ ii. 17903; _Suppl._ i. 12058. This inscription, from an obscure place, shows how an original honorarium of HS. 1600 was finally increased by voluntary generosity to HS. 12,000.

_ 1154 Ib._ 2341, 17838.

_ 1155 C.I.L._ viii.; _Suppl._ ii. 17831.

1156 Marq. _Röm. St._ i. 45; Bury, _Rom. Emp._ p. 77; Arnold, _Rom. Prov. Admin._ p. 210.

_ 1157 Or. Henz._ 3720, 3800, 3801, 3056, 3057, 3804.

1158 Tac. _Ann._ i. 15; Momms. _Röm. St._ ii. 1002; Duruy, v. pp. 336-346; Gréard, _Plut._ 221, 237; Plut. _Reip. Ger. Pr._ c. 17, 19. The first curatores civitatum are heard of in the reigns of Nerva and Trajan; cf. Marq. i. 510, n. 10.

1159 Suet. _Tib._ 32; Tac. _Ann._ iv. 6; Suet. _Nero_, x.; _Otho_, iii. provinciam administravit moderatione singulari; _Vitell._ v. Vespasian had to increase burdens, Suet. xvi.; Tac. _Hist._ ii. 84; as to Trajan, cf. Plin. _Paneg._ 20; Suet. _Dom._ 8. Nero, it is true, is said to have encouraged plunder (Suet. _Nero_, 32; Plin. _H. N._ 18, 6). Yet the general prosperity was undisturbed, Boissier, _L’Opp._ 170; Arnold, _Rom. Prov. Admin._ 135; Gréard, _Plut._ 199.

1160 See a crowd of inscriptions to Domitian and Commodus in remote places in Africa; cf. _C.I.L._ viii. 1016, 1019; 10570, 8702, in which Commodus is described as indulgentissimus princeps, etc.

1161 Marq. _Röm. St._ i. 517 sq.; Arnold, p. 212.

_ 1162 Henz._ iii. _Ind._ p. 156; Inscr. 2322, 6980, 4983; Marq. _Röm. St._ i. 477. There were consuls at Tusculum and Beneventum. But the grand style was ridiculed by Cicero, _In Pis._ xi. 24.

1163 Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 31; xvi. 22, diurna per provincias, per exercitus curatius leguntur. Peter, _Gesch. Litt._ i. 212; Macé, _Suétone_, p. 191; Marq. _Priv._ i. 88; cf. _C.I.L._ viii. 11813; Lamprid. _Com._ 15.

1164 Plin. _Ep._ ix. 11, 2; Mart. vii. 88.

1165 Sen. _Ep._ 28, 104; Luc. _Tox._ 27; _De Dips._ 6; _Philops._ 33; _Alex._ 44; Epict. _Dis._ iii. 13.

1166 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ iii. 50, vi.; D. Chrys. _Or._ 36.

1167 Hudemann, _Gesch. des röm. Postwesens_, p. 8 sq.; Marq. _Röm. St._ i. 417; Friedl. _SG._ ii. 8.

_ 1168 Or. Henz._ 4093, 2413, 5163, 6983.

1169 Suet. _Jul. Caes._ 57.

1170 Plut. _Galba_, 7.

1171 Mart. x. 104; cf. Hor. _S._ i. 5, 104.

1172 Friedl. _SG._ ii. 12 sqq.

1173 Aristid. _Or._ xxiv. 537; cf. Hor. _S._ i. 6, 105.

1174 Sen. _Ep._ 123, § 7.

1175 Cf. Suet. _Nero_, xliv. xxx.; Sen. _Ep._ 87, § 9; 123.

1176 Plin. _Ep._ iii. 5, 15; cf. Suet. _Claud._ xxxiii.; Friedl. _SG._ ii. 19.

1177 Apul. _Met._ i. 7; i. 17; Sidon. Apoll. _Ep._ viii. 11. Cf. _Rom. Soc. in the Last Century of the Western Empire_, p. 172 (1st ed.); Friedl. ii. 20.

1178 Marq. _Röm. St._ i. 17, 199, 214, 317; Arnold, _Prov. Adm._ 203.

1179 Arn. 205, 208; Marq. i. 114, 118.

1180 Marq. i. 14.

1181 Id. i. 155.

1182 Boissier, _L’Afr. Rom._ p. 104.

1183 See the history of this legion in Cagnat, _L’Armée Rom. d’Afrique_, p. 148 sqq. _C.I.L._ viii., Momms. _Praef._ xix. sq. The legion was first stationed at Thevesta.

_ 1184 Or. Henz._ 5319; _C.I.L._ viii. 2532, 10048; _v._ Mommsen, p. 21. For the date of this visit, _v._ Cagnat, p. 154. _Vit. Hadr._ 12, 13.

1185 Herodian, iii. 8; cf. Cagnat, p. 451.

_ 1186 C.I.L._ viii. 2611; _Or. Henz._ 7408.

1187 Cagnat, 365, 453; cf. _C.I.L._ viii. 3015.

1188 Cagnat, 481-87; Marq. ii. 544.

1189 Marq. _Röm. St._ i. 499; Friedl. _Cena Trim. Einl._ 29; Plin. _Ep._ i. 19; Boissier, _L’Afr. Rom._ p. 195.

_ 1190 Or. Henz._ 3721; Friedl. _Cena Trim. Einl._ 30.

_ 1191 Or. Henz._ 6989, 7001, 7199, ob duplam sportulam collatum sibi, 4020, 3703.

1192 Hartmann, _De Exilio_, pp. 58 sq.; Duruy, _Hist. Rom._ vi. 643.

_ 1193 Or. Henz._ 946, 3708.

_ 1194 Ib._ 7192.

_ 1195 Or. Henz._ 3703, 3706, 4009, 3937, 3704, 3725, 4020; Plin. _Ep._ x. 111; cf. Ohnesseit, _De Jure Municip._ 41.

1196 Marq. _Röm. St._ i. 472.

_ 1197 Or. __Henz._ 7421; _Lex Mal._ §§ 53, 55.

1198 Mau, 376, 388-89 (Tr.).

1199 Claudium iivir. animula facit, _C.I.L._ iv. 425, 677, 644.

1200 Petron. _Sat._ 45, ferrum optimum daturus est, sine fuga, carnarium in medio, etc.

1201 The title of the highest magistracy varied a good deal: cf. Marq. _Röm. St._ i. 475, 89, _Or. Henz._ iii. _Ind._ 154.

1202 Marq. i. 485; _Henz. Ind._ p. 157. Often described as iivir quinquennalis, or iivir censoria potestate quinq. etc., or shortly quinquennalis; cf. _Or. Henz._ 3882, 3721.

1203 Arnold, _Prov. Adm._ pp. 225, 226.

_ 1204 Or. Henz._ 643.

_ 1205 Lex Malag._ § 51; _Or._ 7421; Marq. i. 475; _C. Th._ xii. 5, 1.

_ 1206 C.I.L._ viii. 2341, 17838.

1207 Marq. i. 499 n. 13.

_ 1208 Or. Henz._ 7080, 7082, 3811, 3817, 3882.

_ 1209 Ib._ 3817; cf. Spart. _Hadr._ c. 19.

_ 1210 Lex Urson._ § 103.

1211 Friedl. _Cena Trim. Einl._ 28; Duruy, v. 349 sqq.

_ 1212 Lex Malag._ § 60 sq.

1213 See _Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire_, bk. iii. c. 2.

1214 There is one case in _Or. Henz._ 2279.

_ 1215 v._ _Or. Henz._ vol. iii. _Ind._ p. 152.

1216 Plin. _Ep._ i. 19; at Como the census was HS.100,000; cf. Petron. _Sat._ 44.

1217 The Curia is sometimes designated as Cviri, _Or. Henz._ 764, 3737, 1552. Or., however, interprets CV. as Civium universorum in 764.

1218 Ohnesseit, _De Jure Municip._ p. 55; Marq. _Röm. St._ i. 504.

1219 Plin. _Ep._ iv. 13, 9.

_ 1220 e.g._ _Or. Henz._ 3703, 7190.

1221 Friedl. _Cena Trim. Einl._ 31.

1222 Plin. _Ep._ iv. 22. This autocratic act was the abolition of the games at Vienne by a duumvir.

_ 1223 Lex Urson._ § 129.

_ 1224 Ib._ § 99; Ohnesseit, _De Jure Municip._ p. 51.

_ 1225 Ib._ p. 53; _Lex Urson._ §§ 96, 97, 130.

1226 Mart. iii. 29; v. 14; v. 23; Juv. i. 28; iii. 131, 159.

_ 1227 Or. Henz._ 7002, 7018, 3785, 3789, 3798, 3733, 3747.

_ 1228 Ib._ 2287, 3714, 3851.

1229 Pers. iii. 77; Juv. xvi.

1230 In the Inscr. they are mentioned after the decurions and before the plebs; cf. _Or. Henz._ 4009, 3807, 1167. On the distinction between the Augustales and the Seviri Aug. _v._ Marq. _Röm. St._ i. 514; Ohnesseit, _De Jure Munic._ 46; Nessling, _De Seviris Aug._ Marq. says, scheinen die Augustales als lebenslängliche Mitglieder des Collegiums, die Seviri als jährlich wechselnde Beamte desselben zu betrachten zu sein.

1231 Marq. i. 513; Ohnesseit, p. 46; cf. _Or. Henz._ 3959, 7089; Tac. _Ann._ i. 54, 73.

1232 Petron. 65, 71.

_ 1233 Or._ 2983; _C.I.L._ v. 4482.

_ 1234 Or. Henz._ 3917, 3924, 1561, 7092, 4077, 3127, 4020, 5655, 2374.

1235 Friedl. _Cena Trim. Einl._ 37.

_ 1236 Or. Henz._ 3787-8; 7103.

1237 Petron. _Sat._ 65.

_ 1238 Or. Henz._ 6983.

_ 1239 Ib._ 4044, 7094.

_ 1240 Ib._ 7112.

_ 1241 C.I.L._ ix. 58.

1242 Friedl. _Cena Trim. Einl._ 42.

1243 Plin. _Ep._ viii. 8, 6.

1244 Friedl. _Cena Trim. Einl._ 43.

1245 Tac. _Ann._ xii. 58.

1246 Sueton. _Vesp._ 13; Tac. _Ann._ ii. 47; cf. Nipperdey’s note referring to the monument erected to Tiberius in A.D. 30, at Puteoli.

1247 Petron. 44.

1248 Suet. _Vesp._ xviii. Latinis Graecisque rhetoribus annua centena constituit.

1249 Plin. _Ep._ iv. 13.

1250 Herodot. iii. 131.

1251 Strab. iv. c. i. 5 (181), _σοφιστὰς γοῦν ὑποδέχονται ... κοινῄ μισθούμενοι καθάπερ καὶ ἰατρούς_.

1252 Marq. _Priv._ ii. 777.

_ 1253 Or. Henz._ 3994, 4017.

_ 1254 Or. Henz._ 3716, 6709, 7146.

1255 Friedl. _Sittengesch._ iii. 116; _C.I.L._ ii. pp. 89-96.

1256 Plin. _Ad Traj._ 17.

_ 1257 Ib._ 54, 55, 23.

_ 1258 Ib._ 47.

_ 1259 Ib._ 17.

_ 1260 Ib._ 39.

_ 1261 Ib._ 37.

1262 Plin. _Ad Traj._ 38.

_ 1263 Ib._ 33.

_ 1264 Ib._ 110; cf. Marq. _Röm. St._ i. 522.

1265 Plin. _Ad Traj._ 112, 114, 116.

_ 1266 Ib._ 79.

_ 1267 Ib._ 116.

_ 1268 Or. Henz._ 7001; Friedl. _Cena Trim. Einl._ 53; corruption, however, by means of hospitality is expressly forbidden by the _Lex Urson._ § 132; _C.I.L._ ii. _Suppl._ p. 852.

1269 Plin. _Ad Traj._ 96.

1270 Friedl. _Cena Trim. Einl._ 33; Gréard, _Plut._ pp. 246-7.

1271 The different classes of Curatores, which must be carefully distinguished, are clearly given by Arnold, _Prov. Admin._ 236. Cf. _Or. Henz._ 3899, 3902, 3989. For a good example of the function of the Curator, cf. _Or._ 3787.

1272 For the sources of these, cf. Marq. _Röm. St._ ii. p. 96.

1273 Mau, _Pompeii_ (Eng. Tr.), p. 16.

1274 Mau, _Pompeii_ (Eng. Tr.), p. 15.

1275 Petron. _Sat._ 38.

1276 Mau, p. 143.

1277 Id. p. 111.

1278 Mau, p. 124.

1279 Id. pp. 147, 206.

1280 Id. p. 164.

_ 1281 Or. Henz._ 7008, 7010.

1282 Duruy, v. 396.

_ 1283 Or._ 781.

1284 Plin. _H. N._ xxix. 5.

1285 Duruy, v. 396.

1286 Plin. _l.c._

1287 D. Chrys. _Or._ 46 (519).

1288 Tac. _Hist._ iii. 34, reposita fora templaque munificentia municipum.

1289 Philostr. _Vit. Soph._ ii. 1; Friedl. _Sittengesch._ ii. p. 120.

1290 Philostr. _Vit. Soph._ ii. 5.

_ 1291 Ib._ ii. 6.

1292 Philostr. _Vit. Soph._ ii. 3.

_ 1293 C. Theod._ ix. 17, 5; _Nov. Valent._ 5.

_ 1294 Or. Henz._ 6993, 7013, 7190, 6622, 2287, 6985, 3325.

_ 1295 Ib._ 6994.

_ 1296 Ib._ 6983.

_ 1297 Or. Henz._ 7013.

_ 1298 C.I.L._ viii. 5366; she received the honour of five statues in return.

_ 1299 Or. Henz._ 2287.

_ 1300 Ib._ 3325.

_ 1301 Ib._ 3772.

1302 Boissier, _L’Opp._ p. 44.

1303 See _Rom. Soc. in the Last Century of the Western Empire_ (1st ed.), p. 202.

1304 Suet. _Nero_, xvi.

1305 Suet. _Vesp._ ix.; D. Cass. lxvi. 10.

1306 Suet. _Tit._ vii. nemine ante se munificentia minor.

1307 Suet. _Domit._ v.

1308 Plin. _Paneg._ 51.

1309 D. Cass. lxviii. 7, 15; Plin. _Paneg._ 29, 51.

1310 Ael. Spart. _Hadr._ c. 29.

_ 1311 Ib._ c. 19, § 10, eaque omnia propriis auctorum nominibus consecravit.

1312 On the sportula at this time, cf. Suet. _Nero_, xvi., _Dom._ vii.; Marq. _Pr._ i., 207 sq.; Momms. _De Coll._ p. 109.

1313 Plut. _Caes._ 55, _ἑστιάσας μὲν ἐν δισμυρίοις καὶ δισχιλίοις τρικλίνοις ὁμοῦ σύμπαντας_: D. Cass. 43, 21, 3.

1314 Plin. _Ep._ i. 3, triclinia illa popularia.

1315 Petron. 71.

_ 1316 Or. Henz._ 7115, 1368, 4088, 4115.

_ 1317 Ib._ 3882.

_ 1318 Or. Henz._ 3868.

_ 1319 Ib._ 6211.

1320 Marq. _Priv._ i. 210; Petron. 45; _Or._ 842; Momms. _Colleg._ p. 110.

_ 1321 Or. Henz._ 3394; cf. Suet. _Calig._ 18.

_ 1322 Or. Henz._ 3738.

_ 1323 C.I.L._ x. 5853; Friedl. _Cena Trim._ p. 55.

_ 1324 Lex Urson._ § 132.

1325 Philostr. _Vit. Soph._ ii. 1.

1326 Friedl. _Sittengesch._ ii. 142; cf. Jul. Capitol. _M. Ant._ c. x.

1327 Suet. _Tit._ vii.

1328 D. Cass. 68. 15, _καὶ θέας ἐν τρισὶ καὶ εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν ἡμέραις ἐποίησεν ... καὶ μονομάχοι μύριοι ἠγωνίσαντο_.

1329 Salv. _De Gub. Dei_, vi. § 69.

1330 Aug. _Conf._ vi. 8; cf. Sym. _Ep._ ii. 46.

1331 Tac. _Ann._ i. 76, _vili_ sanguine nimis gaudens.

1332 Suet. _Calig._ xxxv.

1333 Calpurn. _Ecl._ vii. 24 sqq.

Vidimus in caelum trabibus spectacula textis Surgere, Tarpeium prope despectantia culmen— ... Sic undique fulgor Percussit: stabam defixus et ore patenti, Cunctaque mirabar, etc.

1334 Sen. _De Brev. Vit._ viii.; _Ep._ 95, § 33; Plut. _Reipubl. Ger. Pr._ c. 29; Luc. _Dem._ c. 57.

1335 Plin. _Ep._ iv. 22.

1336 Suet. _Nero_, iv.

1337 D. Cass. 66. 15; cf. M. Aur. vi. 46.

1338 D. Cass. 68. 10 and 15, 66. 25; Suet. _Nero_, xi.; Suet. _Dom._ iv.

1339 D. Cass. 67. 1; cf. Friedl. ii. 202.

1340 Plin. _Ep._ vi. 34; _Paneg._ 33.

1341 Petron. 45.

1342 Strabo, v. c. 4, 13.

1343 Mau, 206, 207.

1344 Tac. _Ann._ xiv. 17.

1345 Mau, 152.

1346 Friedl. _Sittengesch._ ii. 206.

1347 Mau, 216, 217. The words in one of these, flaminis Neronis Caesaris Aug. fili, fix the date between 50 and 54 A.D.

1348 Mau, 217, 218.

_ 1349 Ib._ 411.

_ 1350 Ib._ 220; Juv. vi. 82 sqq.; cf. Mart. v. 24.

1351 Friedl. ii. 189.

_ 1352 Ib._ ii. 92.

1353 Tac. _Ann._ iv. 62.

_ 1354 Or. Henz._ 2532.

_ 1355 Ib._ 2530.

_ 1356 Ib._ 6148; _C.I.L._ x. 1074, 6012. This was given _postulante populo_.

_ 1357 Or. Henz._ 5963, 5972, 2531; _C.I.L._ x. 228.

1358 Tac. _Hist._ ii. 70-72.

_ 1359 Ib._ iii. 84.

_ 1360 Or. Henz._ 3725, 6156; Strab. xvii. 1, 10; Friedl. ii. 204, 378 sqq.

1361 Apul. _Met._ x. 18; cf. iv. 13.

1362 Plut. _Reipubl. Ger. Pr._ 30; Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ iv. 21.

1363 Luc. _Dem._ 57; cf. Mahaffy, _Greek World under Roman Sway_, p. 271.

_ 1364 Or. Henz._ 2373, 7037, 148, 2532.

1365 Mart. iii. 59, 16.

_ 1366 Or. Henz._ 81.

1367 Petron. 45.

1368 Friedl. _Sittengesch._ ii. 137, Doch diese Summe erscheint gering im Vergleich mit der kolossalen Verschwendung, mit der die Schauspiele in der letzten Zeit der Republik gegeben wurden; cf. _C.I.L._ ii. 6278 (_Suppl._ p. 1032).

_ 1369 Or. Henz._ 2530; 2533; Friedl. _Cena Trim._ p. 58; Cic. _Ad Att._ 12, 2.

1370 Suet. _Tib._ vii.

1371 Petron. 45.

1372 Friedl. _Sittengesch._ ii. 202; Suet. _Vitell._ xii. circumforaneo lanistae vendidit.

1373 Friedl. _Sittengesch._ ii. 192.

1374 Petron. 45; D. Cass. 60. 30.

1375 D. Cass. 74. 2.

1376 Friedl. _Sittengesch._ ii. 196.

1377 D. Cass. 66. 15; Spart. _Hadr._ 14; cf. Suet. _Calig._ xxxiv.

1378 Lamprid. _Com._ xi.; cf. viii.; Friedl. _Sittengesch._ ii. 150.

1379 Suet. _Jul. Caes._ xxxix.; Juv. vi. 252.

1380 Friedl. _Sittengesch._ ii. 198.

_ 1381 Or. Henz._ 2571, 2572; _C.I.L._ x. 7364; xii. 5836.

1382 Mau, _Pompeii_, p. 219 sq.

1383 Sen. _Ep._ 70, § 20; Tac. _Ann._ xv. 46. Sym. _Ep._ ii. 46; cf. Friedl. _Sittengesch._ ii. 211.

1384 Sen. _De Prov._ iv.

1385 Epict. _Diss._ i. 29, § 37.

1386 Friedl. _Sittengesch._ ii. 204.

_ 1387 Or. Henz._ 2566.

_ 1388 Ib._ 2571.

_ 1389 Or. Henz._ 2572-9; _C.I.L._ xii. 3329.

_ 1390 Or. Henz._ 2573-5; D. Cass. 72. 22.

1391 Juv. iii. 158.

_ 1392 C.I.L._ x. 1074.

_ 1393 Or. Henz._ 3721.

_ 1394 Ib._ 7008, 7010; cf. 7082, where a youth of twenty had been iivir quinquennalis, and had given a gladiatorial show. Cf. 3714, quaestor designatus est annorum xxiiii., 3745, 3246, 3768.

_ 1395 Ib._ 3764.

_ 1396 Ib._ 3773, 4036, 82, 5134; cf. 3744.

_ 1397 Or. Henz._ 3709, 3750; _C.I.L._ xii. 3203, 3219.

1398 Plut. _Reipubl. Ger. Pr._ c. 27.

_ 1399 Or. Henz._ 6992.

_ 1400 Ib._ 3811, 3722, 6999, 7007, 7004 (honore usus inpensam remisit), 7011, 7190, 4100.

_ 1401 Ib._ 3865, ex aere collato; 6996.

1402 This seems clear from Plut. _Reip. Ger. Pr._ c. 31, _καὶ μὴ δανειζόμενον οἰκτρὸν ἅμα καὶ καταγέλαστον εἶναι περὶ τὰς λειτουργίας_.

1403 Plut. _Reip. Ger. Pr._ c. 18; cf. c. 10.

1404 Plin. _Ep._ x. 113; 79.

1405 Plut. _Reip. Ger. Pr._ c. 18.

1406 Philostr. _Apoll. T._ iv. 5.

1407 Plut. _Reip. Ger. Pr._ c. 32; cf. Gréard, _Morale de Plut._ p. 230.

1408 Philostr. _Apoll. T._ v. 41, 10; cf. Gréard, p. 227.

1409 Plut. _Reip. Ger. Pr._ c. 15.

_ 1410 Ib._ c. 27, 29, 30, 20.

_ 1411 Or. Henz._ 4007 (Canusium), 2391 (Praeneste), 4491 (Pisa), 3898 (Bergamum), 3787 (Caere). For places out of Italy, cf. _C.I.L._ xii. 3212 (datus a Trajano); viii. 2403, 2660 (Timgad and Lambesi); iii. 3485 (Aquincum); ii. 484 (Emerita); 4112 (Tarraco); cf. x.; ii. p. 1158; Capitol. _M. Ant._ c. 11.

_ 1412 Or. Henz._ 3787, placuit tibi scribi an in hoc quoque et tu consensurus esses.

1413 A.D. 113, as the names of the consuls show.

1414 See _Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire_, p. 208 sqq. (1st ed.).

1415 M. Aurel. vi. 46; vii. 3; ix. 30.

_ 1416 Or. Henz. Ind._ 151; _C.I.L._ xii. p. 940; _Or. Henz._ 3763, 7170 (consensus plebis); _C.I.L._ xii. 3185 (ex postulatione populi); x. 5067, 1030, 8215, 3704.

1417 Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 48; Hi (_i.e._ plebs) magistratuum et primi cujusque avaritiam increpantes.

_ 1418 C.I.L._ iv. 202, 710, 787.

1419 Marq. _Priv._ i. 159, 160; Duruy, _Hist. des Rom._ v. 631; Athen. vi. 272 D.

1420 Suet. _Octav._ 40; D. Cass. 55. 13.

_ 1421 Or. Henz._ iii. _Ind._ p. 180.

_ 1422 Or. Henz._ 4148, 4143, 4268, 4154. For the provinces of _C.I.L._ ii. Suppl. p. 1171; viii. p. 1102; x. 1163; xii. p. 943.

_ 1423 Or. Henz._, 4148, Marcia margaritaria de Via Sacra legavit ... libertis libertabusque suis....

1424 Juv. i. 24; x. 224; Mart. iii. 16, 59.

1425 Duruy, v. 637.

1426 S. Hieron. _Ep._ 108, § 3.

_ 1427 Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire_ (1st. ed.), p. 193.

1428 Momms. _De Coll._ (Morel) p. 28 sq.; Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ ii. 278; Plut. _Numa_, c. 17, _ἦν δὲ διανομὴ κατὰ τὰς τέχνας αὐλητῶν, χρυσοχόων, κτλ._

1429 Momms. _De Coll._ p. 76.

1430 Suet. _Caes._ 42; _Octav._ 32.

1431 Momms. _De Coll._ p. 84.

1432 Plin. _Ep._ x. 34.

1433 Tac. _Ann._ xiv. 17, re ad patres relata ... collegia quae contra leges instituerant dissoluta.

1434 Vop. _Aurel._ c. 38.

_ 1435 Or. Henz._ 6086; cf. Momms. _De Coll._ p. 98; Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ ii. 313; Duruy, v. 408.

1436 Momms. _De Coll._ p. 87.

1437 Lamprid. _Alex. Sev._ c. 33; cf. Duruy, v. 408.

_ 1438 Or. Henz._ 4841, Elysiis campis floreat umbra tibi; but cf. 4793, manus levo contra deum qui me innocentem sustulit; 4796, Dii irati aeterno somno dederunt.

_ 1439 Ib._ 4662, Qutia Silvana Uxor virum expecto meum.

_ 1440 Ib._ 2677, 2655, 4626, 4639, 4848, Domum servavit, lanam fecit. Dixi, abei.

_ 1441 Ib._ 4775.

_ 1442 Ib._ 2669, 4653, 2413, 2414.

_ 1443 Or. Henz._ 2815, 2817, 4687, 4777, 4653.

_ 1444 Ib._ 4852, effugi crimen longa senecta tuum.

_ 1445 Ib._ 4816, balnea, vina, Venus corrumpunt corpora nostra, sed vitam faciunt. Vixi; quod comedi et ebibi tantum meum est. Non fui, fui; non sum, non curo; 4807, 7407, 7387.

_ 1446 Ib._ 4795, 7406.

_ 1447 Ib._ 4836.

_ 1448 Ib._ 4416.

_ 1449 Ib._ 4417.

_ 1450 Ib._ 4781, 4783, 4.

_ 1451 Or. Henz._ 4386, 4357, 4360, 4362, 4388, 4396, 4423, 4425, 4427.

_ 1452 Ib._ 6086. Ex S.C.P.R. quibus coire convenire collegiumque habere liceat qui stipem menstruam conferre volent in funera, in id collegium coeant neque sub specie ejus collegii nisi semel in mense coeant, etc.

1453 Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ ii. 313.

1454 Momms. _De Coll._ p. 87.

_ 1455 Or. Henz._ 2399, 2400.

_ 1456 Ib._ 4079.

_ 1457 Ib._ 4093.

_ 1458 Ib._ 4073, Loc. sep. convictor. qui una epulo vesci solent.

_ 1459 Ib._ 6086; Momms. _De Coll._ p. 98; Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ ii. p. 309 sqq.; Duruy, v. 412.

_ 1460 Or. Henz._ 6086; Col. ii., placuit ut quisquis servus ex hoc collegio liber factus fuerit, etc.

1461 Momms. _De Coll._ p. 99; Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ ii. p. 309.

1462 Momms. _De Coll._ p. 104.

_ 1463 Or. Henz._ 2417; Junio Rufino Cos. _i.e._ A.D. 153; Momms. p. 73.

1464 Momms. _De Coll._ p. 93.

1465 They have their ordo, plebs, decuriones, quinquennales, curatores, honorati, patroni, quaestores, etc.; _v._ _Henz. Ind._ p. 176 sqq.

1466 Herodot. v. 66.

1467 Tac. _Hist._ iii. 32, tempus quoque mercatus ditem alioqui coloniam majore opum specie complebat.

1468 Friedl. _Cena Trim. Einl._ p. 63.

1469 Apul. _Met._ i. 5.

1470 Momms. _Rom. Prov._ i. 74.

_ 1471 Or. Henz._ 178; Tac. _Hist._ iv. 5.

_ 1472 C.I.L._ ii. 2423.

_ 1473 Ib._ iii. 1500.

_ 1474 Ib._ x. 1634, 1579.

_ 1475 Ib._ iii. 365, 444, 455, 6051.

1476 Suet. _Claud._ xviii.; cf. Merivale, vi. 126 sq.

1477 Juv. xiv. 276.

1478 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ iv. 34.

_ 1479 Or. Henz._ 6111, 6835.

_ 1480 Ib._ 4109.

_ 1481 Ib._ 6414, 2211, 4095, 4100, 4096; _C.I.L._ x. 5928, 1493; iii. 4045, 5678.

_ 1482 Or. Henz._ 2401.

_ 1483 C.I.L._ iv. 575, 581.

_ 1484 Or. Henz._ 4063, 4072, 4087, 7007.

_ 1485 Or. Henz._ 4243, 7205, 6950.

_ 1486 Ib._ 7007, 7254, 4110, 6950.

_ 1487 Ib._ 3655, 6029, 3178.

_ 1488 Ib._ 4093, 7206.

_ 1489 Ib._ 4105, 2619, 4113, 4112, 2625.

1490 Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ ii. p. 286.

_ 1491 Dig._ L. 7.

1492 Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ ii. 287.

_ 1493 Or. Henz._ 6302.

_ 1494 Ib._

_ 1495 C.I.L._ iii. 2, 6150.

_ 1496 Ib._ ii. 6004.

_ 1497 Or. Henz._ 2863, Hilara viva rogavit ut ossa sua in olla Midaes coicerentur cum mort. esset.

_ 1498 C.I.L._ iii. 6077, _v._ note.

_ 1499 Or. Henz._ 2386, 4938, 4123.

1500 Such as that in _Or. Henz._ 6086.

_ 1501 Or. Henz._ 6010, Colleg. Capitolinorum, etc.; cf. Cic. _Ad Quint. Fratr._ ii. 5.

1502 Rutil. Namat. i. 63.

_ 1503 Or. Henz. Ind._ p. 154 sqq.

_ 1504 Ib._ 4068, 4107.

_ 1505 Ib._ 6127, 7181, 7182, 3217, 4138 (_v._ Orelli’s note to this Inscription), 4071; _C.I.L._ x. p. 1163; iii. (2) p. 1180.

_ 1506 Or. Henz._ 2863, 7183, 5372.

_ 1507 Or._ 2417, ut ne plures adlegantur quam numerus s. s. etc.; _C.I.L._ ii. 1167, collegio hominum centum dumtaxet constituto. Cf. Plin. x. 33, where the coll. fabrorum is to be limited to 150.

1508 Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ ii. 295.

_ 1509 Or. Henz._ 4055.

_ 1510 Ib._ 4054, 2417, 4056.

1511 The ranks are mingled, however, in _Or._ 2394; _C.I.L._ iii. 633.

1512 D. Cass. 60. 6, _τά τε καπελεῖα ἐς ἃ συνιόντες ἔπινον κατέλυσε, κτλ._

_ 1513 Or. Henz._ 4088, 3298, 2279, 3787, 4085.

_ 1514 Ib._ 2417, solarium tectum junctum in quo populus collegi s. s. epuletur.

_ 1515 Ib._ 4070.

_ 1516 Or. Henz._ 65, 900, 4088; cf. 4107, 4366.

_ 1517 Ib._ 2416, 4057.

_ 1518 Ib._ 4068.

_ 1519 Ib._ 2502.

_ 1520 Ib._ 2400, 4093.

_ 1521 C.I.L._ iii. 1, 633.

1522 Marq. _Priv._ i. 203.

_ 1523 Or. Henz._ 4082, 4118.

_ 1524 Ib._ 4082, 194, 73, 4077, 6654, 4109, 4069; _C.I.L._ iii. 1, 1209, 1497, 1051; x. 228; 1696; 3910.

_ 1525 Or. Henz._ 7007, 4109.

_ 1526 C.I.L._ iii. 1968; _Or. Henz._ 3927, 3321, 6275.

_ 1527 Or. Henz._ 4133.

_ 1528 Ib._ 7116, 3914, 3923, 4080, qui facultates suas coll. reliq.

_ 1529 Ib._ 4109; 194, 4069, 4071, 4094, 7194.

_ 1530 Ib._ 4109.

_ 1531 Ib._ 3724, honore usus impensam remisit; cf. 7011, 6992, 7190, so _passim_.

_ 1532 C.I.L._ ii. 2102.

_ 1533 Or. Henz._ 4371, 4070, 4400, 7365; cf. Marq. _Pr._ i. 370.

_ 1534 Or. Henz._ 4456 aediculae in quibus simulacra, etc., 4510, 4400 area quae ante se est maceria cincta long. p. x̅l̅i̅i̅x̅., lat. p. x̅x̅x̅i̅x̅., 7365, 4337, 4070, 4085.

_ 1535 Ib._ 4366 ejusque mausolei claves duae penes aliquem libertorum meorum ... sint, 4637, 4353.

_ 1536 Ib._ 6206.

_ 1537 Ib._ 4366.

_ 1538 Or. Henz._ 3999, 4076, 4107, 4088.

_ 1539 Ib._ 3999.

_ 1540 Ib._ 6085.

_ 1541 Ib._ 7215 (A.D. 149).

1542 Macrob. _Sat._ iii. 13, 11-13.

1543 Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ ii. 319; Marq. _Pr._ i. 208; Hor. _Ep._ i. 14, 21.

1544 Momms. _De Colleg._ p. 109; cf. _Or._ 2385 (panem vinum et sportulas dedit), 3949.

_ 1545 Or. Henz._ 2417.

1546 Fl. Apolloni Proc. Aug. qui fuit a pinacothecis.... Optimi piissimi, etc.

_ 1547 Or. Henz._ 6086, quisquis ex hoc collegio servus defunctus fuerit, etc.; cf. the composition of the club in _Or._ 2394.

_ 1548 Ib._ ut quieti et hilares diebus solemnibus epulemur, etc.

_ 1549 Or. Henz._ 4107.

1550 S. Paul. Nol. _Carm._ xxvii. 547-585; S. Aug. _Ep._ 32; _Serm._ v.

_ 1551 De Coll._ p. 3.

_ 1552 Or. Henz._ 2417, 4055, 2392, 3774, 3815, 1485, 4134.

_ 1553 Ib._ 2417, Item viii K. Mart. die Karae cognationis eodem loco dividerent sportulas, etc.

_ 1554 Or. Henz._ 2399, 4073, 4093.

_ 1555 C.I.L._ i. 1406; ii. 5927.

1556 Momms. _De Coll._ p. 102; Plin. _Ep._ viii. 16.

1557 For the contempt for slaves in the fourth and fifth centuries, _v._ S. Hieron. _Ep._ 54, § 5; Salv. _De Gub. Dei_, iv. 26. For humaner sentiment, cf. Macrob. _Sat._ i. 11, 12 sqq.; _C. Theod._ ix. 6, 2, 3, vii. 13, 8; ix. 7, 4; ix. 9, 1; ix. 12, 1.

1558 Plin. _Ep._ viii. 16, § 1; on the more humane feeling to slaves, cf. Sen. _Ep._ 47; _De Ira_, iii. 24, 32; _De Clem._ i. 18; _De Ben._ iii. 18, 19, 20; Juv. xiv. 16; Spart. _Hadr._ c. 18; Wallon, _L’Esclav._ i. c. 11; Marq. _Pr._ i. 177.

1559 Cagnat, _L’Armée Rom._ pp. 457 sqq.

1560 Veget. ii. 20.

1561 D. Cass. 65. 22; Capitol. _M. Ant._ c. 7; D. Cass. 73. 8; Cagnat, p. 459; Marq. _Röm. St._ ii. pp. 136, 543.

1562 Cf. Marcian ap. Momms. _De Coll._ p. 87, neve milites collegia in castris habeant.

1563 Cagnat, p. 463.

_ 1564 C.I.L._ viii. 2552-7.

1565 Cagnat, pp. 467, 540; cf. Boissier, _L’Afr. Rom._ p. 111. _C.I.L._ viii. 2554, optiones scholam suam cum statuis et imaginibus domus div. ex largissimis stipendiis ... fecerunt, etc.

_ 1566 C.I.L._ viii. 2552, 3, 4; 2557, iii. 3524; _Henz._ 6790; Cagnat, p. 472; Marq. _Röm. St._ ii. 544.

1567 Cagnat, p. 474.

1568 The Cornicines of the 3rd Legion at Lambesi paid an entrance fee of 750 denarii (_Scamnari nomine_). The anularium on retirement, and the funeraticium, were each 500 _denarii_. It would seem that there must have been a considerable surplus. _C.I.L._ viii. 2557.

_ 1569 Or. Henz._ 6086, universi consentire debemus ut longo tempore inveterescere possimus; cf. 4357, 4360, 4366, 4386, 4395.

1570 The diptych, which has been singularly preserved, was found in a deserted mine or quarry about 1780, along with some other private documents of a commercial character; _v._ _C.I.L._ iii. p. 213, and 921. The dates range from 131 to 167 A.D. Cf. _Or. Henz._ 6087; Schiller, _Gesch. der röm. Kaiserzeit_, i. 2, p. 643.

1571 See Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 1, 13, 14, Jener dualistische Idealismus, welchen Plato begründet, und auch Aristoteles nicht grundsätzlich überwunden hatte, führt in letzter Beziehung auf nichts anderes zurück, als auf den Gegensatz des Inneren und Aeusseren des Denkens und der gegenständlichen Welt.... Es war nur ein Schritt weiter in dieser Richtung, wenn die nacharistotelische Philosophie den Menschen in grundsätzlicher Abkehr von der Aussenwelt auf sich selbst wies, um in seinem Innern die Befriedigung zu suchen, etc.

1572 See Luc. _Eun._ c. 3, _συντέτακται ἐκ βασιλέως μισθοφορά τις οὐ φαύλη κατὰ γένη τοῖς φιλοσόφοις, Στοϊκοῖς λέγω, κτλ._ Cf. Capitol. _M. Ant._ c. 3; Philostr. _Apoll._ T. i. 7, § 8.

1573 Zeller, iii, 1, 16.

_ 1574 Ib._ 493-5; Überweg, _Hist. of Phil._ i. 220; Cic. _De Nat. Deor._ i. c. 17; _De Fin._ i. c. 9.

1575 Bussell, _School of Plato_, p. 264; Zeller, iii. 1; p. 8, 9.

1576 On pessimism in the reign of Augustus, _v._ Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ i. p. 241. Cf. Sen. _De Ira_, ii. 8; _De Ben._ i. 10; _Ad Marc._ 20, 22; Tac. _Hist._ ii. 37; Petron. 88.

1577 Cf. Epict. iii. 13, §§ 9, 10, where the contrast between the “pax Romana” and moral unrest is drawn.

1578 Zeller, iii. 1, pp. 12, 14, cf. Baur, _Ch. Hist._ i. p. 14 (Tr.).

1579 Cic. _Tusc._ iii 3, est profecto animi medicina philosophia, Sen. _Ep._ 22, vena tangenda est; _Ep._ 53, Epict. iii. 23, § 30, _ἰατρεῖόν ἐστι τὸ τοῦ φιλοσόφου σχολεῖον_.

1580 Sen. _Ep._ 94, § 5, § 22.

_ 1581 Ep._ 64, § 8.

1582 Plut. _De Rect. Rat. Aud._ c. 8; Epict. iii. 23, § 23.

1583 Plut. _De Rect. Rat. Aud._ c. 12.

1584 Plut. (?) _De Lib. Ed._ c. 14.

1585 Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 1, 487; Plut. _Aemil. P._ c. vi.; Plin. _H. N._ xxxv. 135; Polyb. xxxii. 10. But cf. Mahaffy on Zeller’s view, in _Greek World under Roman Sway_, p. 67.

1586 Sen. _Ad Marc._ 4.

1587 Luc. _De Merc. Cond._ 2, 4, 25.

1588 Tac. _Ann._ xiv. 16, etiam sapientiae doctoribus tempus impertiebat post epulas, utque contraria adseverantium discordia frueretur; Spart. _Hadr._ 15.

1589 Sen. _De Tranq._ xiv. § 7.

1590 Tac. _Ann._ xvi. 34.

1591 Zeller, iii. 1, 656, 663.

1592 Epict. iii. 23, §§ 24-34; i. 4, § 9, _οὗτος, φησίν, ἤδη δι’ αὐτοῦ δύναται Χρύσιππον ἀναγιγνώσκειν. Εὖ, νὴ τοὺς θεούς, προκόπτεις ἄνθρωπε. Ποίαν προκοπήν;_

1593 Tertull. _De An._ c. 20, Seneca saepe noster; S. Hieron. _Adv. Jovin._ i. 49.

1594 S. Hieron, _Adv. Jovin._ i. 29; _De Scrip. Eccl._ 12; S. Aug. _Ep._ 153, cujus etiam ad Paulum apostolum leguntur epistolae.

1595 The worst about Seneca is collected in D. Cass. 61. 10. But cf. the attack of P. Suillius, Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 42 and xiv. 52.

1596 Sen. _Ad Helv._ xix. § 2.

1597 Sen. _Ep._ 108, §§ 13-17.

_ 1598 Ep._ 108, § 22. He abandoned Pythagorean abstinence, as suspicious, during the persecution of eastern cults; cf. Suet. _Tib._ 36.

1599 D. Cass. 59. 19.

_ 1600 Ib._ 60. 8; 61. 10; Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 42, schol. Juv. v. 109.

1601 D. Cass. 61. 4; Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 2. Dion suggests an intrigue with Agrippina, 61. 10.

1602 Sen. _De Clem._ i. 5, 8.

1603 Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 2, quo facilius ... voluptatibus concessis retinerent, etc.

_ 1604 Ib._ xiii. 42; D. Cass. 61. 10.

1605 Tac. _Ann._ xiv. 52, mors Burri infregit Senecae potentiam, etc.

1606 Tac. _Ann._ xiv. 54.

_ 1607 Ib._ xv. 56 sqq.

1608 Sen. _Ep._ 55; _De Tranq._ 1 and 2.

1609 Sen. _Ep._ 108, §§ 17-22.

1610 Cf. Baur, _Ch. Hist._ i. p. 16 (Tr.).

1611 D. Cass. 61. 10.

1612 Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 13; xiv. 7; and 11, sed Seneca adverso rumore erat, quod oratione tali confessionem scripsisset.

1613 Sen. _Ep._ 77, § 16, ecquid habes propter quod expectes? Voluptates ipsas quae te morantur consumpsisti.... Nihil tibi luxuria tua in futuros annos reservavit intactum: cf. _Ep._ 89, § 21; 90, § 42.

_ 1614 De Ira_, ii. 8.

_ 1615 Ep._ 90, §§ 38-41.

_ 1616 Ep._ 49, § 5, non vaco ad istas ineptias: ingens negotium in manibus est; _Ep._ 75, § 5, non delectent, verba nostra, sed prosint ... non quaerit aeger medicum eloquentem; _Ep._ 88, § 36, plus scire quam sit satis, intemperantiae genus est. Cf. _Ep._ 71, § 6.

_ 1617 Ep._ 89, § 8, nec philosophia sine virtute est, nec sine philosophia virtus.

_ 1618 Ep._ 66, § 12.

_ 1619 Ep._ 89, § 13; 117, §§ 30, 31.

_ 1620 Ep._ 48, § 8; 75, § 6.

_ 1621 Ep._ 64, § 3; 58, § 26.

_ 1622 De Vita B._ xiii, where he defends Epicurus.

_ 1623 Ep._ 64, § 8.

_ 1624 Ep._ 88, § 37, § 20.

_ 1625 Ep._ 88, § 2, unum studium vere liberale est quod liberum facit, etc.

_ 1626 Ib._ § 39; cf. _Ep._ 88.

_ 1627 Ep._ 89; 66, § 33; 58, § 8.

_ 1628 Ib._ 71, § 6, erige te et relinque istum ludum literarium philosophorum qui rem magnificam ad syllabas vocant, etc.

1629 Teuffel, ii. § 284, n. 6; cf. Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 1, p. 623.

1630 Zeller, iii. 1, p. 56.

_ 1631 Ep._ 117, § 19; _Nat. Quaest. Prol._; _Ep._ 65, § 15; cf. Zeller, iii. 1. 622.

_ 1632 Nat. Quaest._ v. 15; cf. _Ep._ 88, § 15.

_ 1633 Nat. Quaest. Prol._ § 11, formicarum iste discursus est in augusto laborantium.... Punctum est istud in quo navigatis, in quo bellatis; Sursum ingentia spatia sunt, etc.; cf. Macrob. _Som. Scip._ i. 16, § 6.

1634 Sen. _Ep._ 73, § 13, sic deus non vincit sapientem felicitate etiamsi vincit aetate.

1635 Cf. Pl. _Phaed._ 79 D; Arist. _Eth._ ix 8, § 7.

_ 1636 Ep._ 102, § 26, dies iste, quem tanquam extremum reformidas, aeterni natalis est ... discutietur ista caligo et lux undique clara percutiet ... nulla serenum umbra turbabit. Cf. _De Imit._ iii. 48, § 1, O supernae civitatis mansio beatissima! O dies aeternitatis clarissima, quam nox non obscurat, sed summa Veritas semper irradiat! Lucet quidem Sanctis perpetua claritate splendida, sed non nisi a longe et per speculum peregrinantibus in terra.

_ 1637 Nat. Quaest._ iii. Praef., non praeterit me quam magnarum rerum fundamenta ponam senex.

_ 1638 Ib._ ii. 59, § 2.

_ 1639 Ib._ iii, § 18.

_ 1640 Ib._ i. 17, § 8, An tu existimas auro inditum habuisse Scipionis filias speculum cum illis dos fuisset aes grave?

_ 1641 Nat. Quaest._ ii. 59, § 3.

_ 1642 Ib._ iii. 1, § 1.

_ 1643 Ib._ vi. 32.

_ 1644 Ib._ vii. 30, § 1.

_ 1645 Ib._ vii. 30, § 3, quam multa praeter hos per secretum eunt nunquam humanis oculis orientia?

_ 1646 Ib._ § 5, multa venientis aevi populus ignota nobis sciet, multa saeculis tunc futuris, cum memoria nostra exoleverit, reservantur.

_ 1647 Ib._ vii. 31.

_ 1648 De Benef._ i. 10.

1649 Sen. _De Ira_, ii. 8, 9; _Ad Marc._ ii. 11, 17, 20; Tac. _Hist._ ii. 37; Petron. _Sat._ 88; M. Aurel. v. 33; v. 10.

1650 Sen. _Ep._ 77, § 6; 24, § 25; 89, § 21; 95, § 16; _De Tranq._ c. i.

_ 1651 Ep._ 48, § 8.

_ 1652 Ep._ 71, § 27; 94, § 50; _Ad Marc._ 24, § 5; _Ep._ 79, § 12, tunc animus noster habebit quod gratuletur sibi, cum emissus his tenebris, in quibus volutatur, non tenui visu clara perspexerit ... et caelo redditus suo fuerit; Zeller, iii. i. 637.

_ 1653 Ep._ 79, § 12; 102, § 22, per has mortalis aevi moras illi meliori vitae longiorique proluditur, §§ 26, 28; _Ep._ 73, § 15, Deus ad homines venit, etc. But cf. Zeller, iii. 1, 650; and for a different view, Burgmann, _Seneca’s Theologie in ihrem Verhältn. zum Stoicismus_, etc. pp. 20-32. That Burgmann’s is the truer view appears from Sen. _Ep._ 95, § 49; 65, § 9; _De Clem._ i. 5, § 7; _De Benef._ ii. 29, § 4; _De Prov._ v. 10; _De Ira_, ii. 28, § 1; _Ep._ 41, § 2.

_ 1654 Ep._ 95, § 10.

_ 1655 Ib._ § 57, rursus voluntas non erit recta nisi habitus animi rectus fuerit, etc.

_ 1656 De Vit. Beat._ xii. § 4, nec aestimant, voluptas illa Epicuri quam sobria et sicca sit, sed ad nomen ipsum advolant quaerentes libidinibus suis patrocinium aliquod ac velamentum. Cf. _Ep._ 18, § 14; 16, § 7; 22, § 13; 28, § 9.

_ 1657 Ad Helv._ viii. § 3, quisquis formator universi fuit, sive ille deus est potens omnium, sive incorporalis ratio ingentium operum artifex, sive divinus spiritus per omnia aequali intentione diffusus, sive fatum et immutabilis causarum inter se cohaerentium series. Cf. _N. Quaest._ ii. 45, § 2.

_ 1658 Ep._ 71, § 14.

_ 1659 Ep._ 57, § 8; 66, § 12; 117, § 2.

1660 Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 1, 122; cf. _Nat. Quaest._ ii. 45, § 2.

_ 1661 De Prov._ i. ii. § 6; _De Ira_, ii. 27; _De Benef._ ii. 29; _Ep._ 73, § 16.

_ 1662 Ep._ 57, § 8, animus qui ex tenuissimo constat, deprehendi non potest, etc.

1663 Burgmann, _Seneca’s Theologie_, p. 41.

_ 1664 Ep._ 65, § 24, quem in hoc mundo deus obtinet, hunc in homine animus.

1665 Pl. _Phaed._ 83 C, D; 79 B; D; cf. Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 183; iii. 2, p. 634; Sen. _Ep._ 71, § 27.

_ 1666 Nat. Quaest._ iii. 30, § 8, sed illis quoque innocentia non durabit—cito nequitia subrepit.

_ 1667 Ep._ 120, § 14; 65, § 16, nam corpus hoc animi pondus ac poena est; premente illo urgetur, in vinculis est, etc. _Ad Polyb._ ix. § 6, omnis vita supplicium est; _Ad Marc._ xx. § 2.

_ 1668 Ib._ 22, § 3.

_ 1669 Ep._ 24, § 18, mors nos aut consumit aut eximit; _Ep._ 36, § 10; 102, § 23; _De Prov._ vi. § 6; _Ad Marc._ 25, § 1; _ib._ 19, § 5; 20, § 2, quae efficit ut nasci non sit supplicium; cf. Epict. ii. 1; iii. 10; iii. 13; iv. 1; M. Aurel. viii. 18; vi. 28; iii. 3; ix. 3.

_ 1670 Ep._ 53, § 11, est aliquid quo sapiens antecedat deum; cf. _Ep._ 59, § 16, talis est sapientis animus, qualis mundus super lunam; semper illic serenum est; 72, § 8.

_ 1671 Ep._ 74, § 1; 62, § 3, brevissima ad divitias per contemptum divitiarum via est; 59, § 14.

_ 1672 Ep._ 74, §§ 6-12; cf. M. Aurel. v. 15, _νῦν δὲ ὅσῳ περ πλείω τις ἀφαιρῶν ἑαυτοῦ τούτων ἢ καὶ ἀφαιρούμενός τι τούτων ἀνέχηται, τοσῷδε μᾶλλον ἀγαθός ἐστι_: Epict. ii. 16, § 18; iii. 3, § 14.

1673 Sen. _Ep._ 31, § 10; 74, § 14 aut ista bona non sunt, quae vocantur, aut homo felicior deo est, etc.

_ 1674 Ep._ 67, § 14.

_ 1675 Ep._ 66, § 12, ratio autem nihil aliud est quam in corpus humanum pars divini spiritus mersa.

_ 1676 Nat. Quaest._ ii. 36; _De Prov._ 5, § 8, eadem necessitate et deos adligat ... ille ipse omnium conditor scripsit quidem fata, sed sequitur; semper paret, semel jussit.

_ 1677 Ep._ 95, § 57; cf. 116, § 7, satis natura dedit roboris si illo utamur.

_ 1678 Ep._ 73, § 15, non sunt di fastidiosi: adscendentibus manum porrigunt; _Ep._ 83, § 1, nihil deo clusum est; _Ep._ 43, § 5, O te miserum si contemnis hunc testem.

_ 1679 Ep._, 90, § 38 sqq. avaritia omnia fecit aliena et in angustum ex immenso redacta paupertatem intulit, et multa concupiscendo omnia amisit.

_ 1680 Ib._ § 46, non fuere sapientes;... ignorantia rerum innocentes erant.

1681 Sen. _Ep._ 66, § 13 sqq.; 113, § 14, Cic. _Tusc._ iv. 15, 34; Plut. _Virt. Mor._ c. 2; Zeller, iii. 1, p. 224.

1682 Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 1, p. 235; Plut. _De Prof. in Virt._ i. _ὥστε τὸν πρωΐ κάκιστον ἑσπέρας γεγονέναι κράτιστον κτλ._; _Adv. St._ c. x.; cf. Sen. _Ep._ 76, § 19.

1683 Hor. _Sat._ i. 3, 124; Sen. _Ep._ i. 1, 106; cf. _Ep._ 73, § 13; Aelian, _Var. Hist._ iv. 13; Luc. _Vit. Auct._ c. 20, _μόνος οὗτος σοφός, μόνος καλός, μόνος ανδρεῖος βασιλεὺς ῥήτωρ, κτλ._

1684 Sen. _De Benef._ i. 10, § 1, hoc majores nostri questi sunt, hoc nos querimur, hoc posteri nostri querentur, eversos mores regnare nequitiam, in deterius res humanas labi. Cf. _Ad Polyb._ c. iv.

_ 1685 De Ira_, ii. 8, § 1, istic tantumdem esse vitiorum quantum hominum.

1686 Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 1, p. 637; cf. p. 249. Cf. Martha, _Mor. sous l’Emp._ p. 62. On Seneca’s relation to the old Stoic theology, _v._ Burgmann, _Seneca’s Theologie_, p. 42 sq.

1687 Sen. _De Vit. Beat._ c. 22.

_ 1688 Ep._ 74, § 17; 87, § 29 sq.: _De Ben._ v. 13, § 1 sq.; Zeller, iii. 1, p. 638.

_ 1689 εὐπάθειαι_, cf. _De Brev. Vit._ xiv. § 2; _De Ira_, ii. 2-4; Zeller, iii. 1, p. 216.

_ 1690 De Tranq._ vii. § 4, ubi enim istum invenies quem tot seculis quaerimus? Pro optimo est minime malus. _Ep._ 42, § 1.

_ 1691 Ep._ 90, § 44 sqq.

_ 1692 Ep._ 72, §§ 6-11.

_ 1693 Ep._ 75, § 8 sqq.

_ 1694 Ep._ 72, § 8 sapiens laetitia fruitur maxima, continua, sua.

_ 1695 Ep._ 57, § 3, non de me loquor, qui multum ab homine tolerabili, nedum a perfecto absum: cf. _Ep._ 89, § 2.

_ 1696 Ad Polyb._ ii. § 1; _Ep._ 53, § 4; 56 §§ 1-3.

_ 1697 Ep._ 24; esp. § 14.

_ 1698 Ep._ 53, § 7, quo quis pejus se habet, minus sentit.

_ 1699 Ep._ 94, §§ 55, 56.

_ 1700 Ep._ 112, vitia sua et amat simul et odit.

_ 1701 Ep._ 29.

_ 1702 Ep._ 28, § 1.

_ 1703 Ep._ 13, § 4 sq.; _Ep._ 24, § 11.

_ 1704 Ep._ 117, § 31; 75, § 6.

_ 1705 Ep._ 13, § 17, quid est turpius quam senex vivere incipiens?

_ 1706 Ep._ 24.

_ 1707 Ep._ 95, § 49.

_ 1708 Ep._ 94, § 5, digiti puerorum tenentur et aliena manu per literarum simulacra ducuntur.

_ 1709 Ep._ 11, § 8; Plut. _De Pr. Virt._ xv.

_ 1710 Ep._ 25, § 1.

1711 S. Hieron. _Ep._ 127, §§ 5-7; _Ep._ 118, § 5; Sulp. _Sev._ ii. 13, § 7.

1712 Sen. _Ep._ 36, § 1, illum objurgant quod umbram et otium petierit; _Ep._ 123, § 15, illos quoque nocere nobis existimo, qui nos sub specie Stoicae sectae hortantur ad vitia: hoc enim jactant solum sapientem et doctum esse amatorem.

1713 Sen. _Ep._ 123, § 10. Cf. _Inscr. Or. Henz._ 4806, 4807, 4816.

_ 1714 De Tranq._ i.

_ 1715 Ib._ i. §§ 13-15, nec aegroto nec valeo;... In omnibus rebus haec me sequitur bonae mentis infirmitas. _Ib._ § 17, rogo, si quod habes remedium quo hanc fluctuationem meam sistam, dignum me putes qui tibi tranquillitatem debeam.

_ 1716 Ep._ 7, § 8; 19, § 2.

_ 1717 Ep._ 68, ipsum otium absconde; jactandi autem genus est nimis latere.

_ 1718 Ep._ 43, § 4; cf. 83, § 1; 10, § 2, mecum loquor ... cave ne cum homine malo loquaris.

_ 1719 Ep._ 10, § 5, turpissima vota dis insusurrant; cf. Pers. _Sat._ ii. 7-18; Sen. _Ep._ 41, § 1.

_ 1720 Ep._ 11, § 8; 104, § 21, vive cum Chrysippo, cum Posidonio.

_ 1721 Ep._ 6, § 1; _Ep._ 28; _Ep._ 50, § 4; Plut. _De Prof. in Virt._ c. xi. _τὸ πάθος λέγειν καὶ τὴν μοχθηρίαν ἀποκαλύπτειν οὐ φαῦλον ἂν εἴη προκοπῆς σημεῖον_.

_ 1722 De Ira_, iii. 36, § 3.

_ 1723 Ep._ 32, § 2, in tanta brevitate vitae quam breviorem inconstantia facimus, etc.; _Ep._ 99, § 11, intelleges etiam in longissima vita minimum esse quod vivitur.

_ 1724 Ep._ 56, § 15; 51, § 5.

_ 1725 Ep._ 51, § 4; 104, § 20, si vis peregrinationes habere jucundas, tuum comitem sana.

_ 1726 Ep._ 17, § 5; 18, § 8; _Ep._ 87, § 1; cf. Martha, p. 42.

_ 1727 Ep._ 96, § 5.

_ 1728 Ep._ 78, § 16, 4, nos quoque evincamus omnia, quorum praemium non corona nec palma est, etc.

_ 1729 De Vit. Beat._ vii. § 4; _Ep._ 83, § 27.

_ 1730 Ep._ 37.

_ 1731 Ep._ 96; 98, §§ 2, 7.

_ 1732 De Prov._ iii. § 4.

_ 1733 Ep._ 24, § 13, rebus persona demenda est.

_ 1734 Ib._ § 18; cf. _Ep._ 36, § 10; _Ep._ 30, § 17; _Ep._ 58, § 27; cf. Epict. ii. 1.

_ 1735 De Prov._ vi. § 6; _Ad Marc._ 25; _Ep._ 102, §§ 23-26, Per has mortalis aevi moras illi meliori vitae longiorique proluditur.

_ 1736 Ep._ 24, § 11.

_ 1737 Ep._ 24, § 20; _Ep._ 36.

_ 1738 Ep._ 93, § 2, longa est vita si plena est; cf. 101, § 10, singulos dies singulas vitas puta.

_ 1739 De Brev. Vit._ viii. § 1.

_ 1740 Ib._ x.

_ 1741 Ib._ ix. § 4, pueriles adhuc animos senectus opprimit.

1742 Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 1, p. 329, der Stoiker ist zu gebildet ... um den Werth der wissenschaftlichen Weltbetrachtung zu verkennen.

1743 Cf. Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 1, p. 277, die Philosophie immer nur die geschichtlich vorhandenen Zustände abspiegele.

1744 Burgmann, _Seneca’s Theologie_, p. 26.

_ 1745 Ep._ 109, § 10; 9, § 15.

_ 1746 De Otio_, iv.; _Ep._ 68, § 2; cf. S. Aug. _De Civ. Dei_, xi. 1.

1747 Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 1, p. 274; Stob. _Flor._ 45, 29; Sen. _Ep._ 29, § 11.

_ 1748 Ep._ 19, § 6, subduc cervicem jugo tritam.

_ 1749 De Otio_, iii. § 2, accedet ad rempublicam nisi si quid impedierit.

_ 1750 Ib._ viii. § 1, interrogo ad quam rempublicam sapiens sit accessurus, ad Athenas in qua Socrates damnatur, etc.; cf. Diog. Laert. v. 1.

_ 1751 Ib._ vii. § 131.

1752 Sen. _Ep._ 9, § 13.

_ 1753 Ep._ 109, § 3 sqq.

1754 Epict. _Diss._ iii. 22, § 69.

1755 Epict. _Diss._ i. 9, § 1 sqq. _ἢ τὸ τοῦ Σωκράτους, μηδέποτε πρὸς τὸν πυθόμενον, ποδαπός ἐστι, εἰπεῖν ὅτι Ἀθηναῖος ἢ Κορίνθιος, ἀλλ’ ὅτι Κόσμος_.

1756 M. Aurel. iii. 11; vi. 44, _πόλις καὶ πατρὶς ὡς μὲν Ἀντωνίνῳ μοι ἡ Ῥώμη, ὡς δὲ ἀνθρώπῳ ὁ Κόσμος_.

1757 Sen. _Ep._ 95, § 52; cf. M. Aurel. iv. 4, _ὁ κόσμος ὡσανεὶ πόλις ἐστί_: Epict. _Diss._ i. 13, § 3; Cic. _De Leg._ i. 7, 23, ut jam universus hic mundus una civitas sit communis deorum atque hominum existimanda.

1758 Sen. _Ep._ 47, § 2, alteri vivas oportet, si vis tibi vivere; _Ep._ 55, non sibi vivit qui nemini.

_ 1759 De Otio_, iii. § 5.

_ 1760 De Benef._ iv. 18, § 2, nudum et infirmum societas munit.

_ 1761 De Ira_, i. 5, § 2.

_ 1762 De Ira_, ii. 10, § 5 sqq.

_ 1763 Ib._ ii. 8 and 9; _Ep._ 90, § 9 sqq.; _N. Quaest._ v. 15.

_ 1764 Ib._ ii. 10, §§ 6-8.

_ 1765 De Clem._ i. 6, § 3, peccavimus omnes.

_ 1766 De Ira_, ii. 28, § 8, aliena vitia in oculis habemus, a tergo nostra sunt.

_ 1767 De Ben._ iv. 4 and 5; iv. 28; _De Ira_, iii. 26.

_ 1768 De Ira_, ii. 28.

_ 1769 Ib._ iii. 5, ingens animus et verus aestimator sui non vindicat injuriam quia non sentit.... Ultio doloris confessio est.

_ 1770 Ib._ iii. 6.

_ 1771 Ep._ 65, § 24; _Ad Helv._ viii. § 3; _Ep._ 41, § 2; _De Ben._ iv. 4 and 7; _Ep._ 10, § 5, sic vive tamquam deus videat; Siedler, _De Sen. Phil. Mor._ p. 14; Burgmann, _Seneca’s Theologie_, p. 32.

_ 1772 De Prov._ vi. § 6, hoc est quo deum antecedatis.

_ 1773 De Ira_, iii. 26; _De Ben._ i. 10.

_ 1774 De Ben._ vii. 28, § 2.

_ 1775 De Ira_, iii. 26; ii. 28; ii. 31.

_ 1776 De Ben._ iii. 28, unus omnium parens mundus est. Cf. _Ep._ 47; _De Ira_, iii. 24; iii. 35; _De Clem._ i. 18.

_ 1777 De Ben._ iii. 18.

_ 1778 De Ben._ iii. 19 and 26; cf. Macrob. _Sat._ i. 11, § 16.

_ 1779 De Ben._ iii. 20, interior illa pars mancipio dari non potest.

_ 1780 Ad Helv._ xvi. § 3; _Ep._ 95, § 21, libidine vero ne maribus quidem cedunt.

_ 1781 Ad Helv._ xix. § 2, § 6; Marcia’s husband, probably Vitrasius Pollio, was governor of Egypt.—Teuffel, _R. Lit._ § 282, 1.

_ 1782 Ad Helv._ xv.-xvii. § 3.

_ 1783 Ad Marc._ xvi. par illis, mihi crede, vigor, etc.

1784 Tac. _Ann._ xv. 63, 64; Sen. _Ep._ 104, §§ 1-6.

_ 1785 De Ben._ iii. 28; iii. 20.

_ 1786 Ad Polyb._ xii. xiii. § 4; D. Cass. lxi. 10; Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 42.

_ 1787 Ep._ 94, § 73, quae aliis excelsa videntur, ipsis praerupta sunt.

_ 1788 De Otio_, iv. duas respublicas animo complectamur, etc.

1789 Sen. _Frag._ ap. Aug. _De Civ. Dei_, vi. 10; _Ep._ 41, § 1, non sunt ad caelum elevandae manus, nec exorandus aedituus, ut nos ad aurem simulacri quasi magis exaudiri possimus admittat.

1790 Sen. _Ad Polyb._ iv.

_ 1791 De Brev. Vit._ xv. § 3 sq.

1792 Sen. _Ep._ 77, § 6, cogita quamdiu jam idem facias: cibus, somnus, libido; per hunc circulum curritur; _Ep._ 24, § 25, quosdam subit eadem faciendi videndique satietas; _Ep._ 89, § 21; 95, § 20; 13, § 4; 24, §§ 11-14; 91, § 5, 6; _De Tranq._ ii. § 13; x. § 5, 6.

1793 Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 1, pp. 46, 47; cf. Sen. _Ep._ 88, § 20; 117, § 20.

1794 Sen. _Ep._ 48, § 8, omnes undique ad te manus tendunt, etc.

1795 M. Aurel. ix. 34; v. 33, _γυμνὰ νόμιζε βλέπειν τὰ ψυχάρια αὐτῶν. ὅτε δοκοῦσι βλάπτειν ψέγοντες ἢ ὠφελεῖν ἐξυμνοῦντες, ὅση οἴησις; ... καὶ κυνίδια διακναιόμενα καὶ παιδία φιλόνεικα, γελῶντα, εἶτα εὐθὺς κλαίοντα. Πίστις δὲ καὶ αἰδὼς καὶ δίκη καὶ ἀλήθεια πρὸς Ὄλυμπον ἀπὸ χθονὸς εὐρυοδείης._ Petron. _Sat._ 88; Sen. _De Ira_, ii. 8; D. Chrys. xiii. § 13, 33; vii. 133.

1796 Pers. ii. 4 sqq.; cf. Herod. vi. 86; Luc. _Icaromen._ 25.

1797 Bernays, _Lucian und die Kyniker_, p. 34.

_ 1798 v._ p. 231 of this work. Yet cf. Luc. _Somn. seu Gallus_, 22, _οἱ δὲ πλούσιοι φρίττουσι καὶ διανομαῖς ἱλάσκονταί σε κτλ._

1799 Croiset, _Lucien_, p. 164, il a subi fortement leur influence en écrivant les _Dialogues des morts_.

1800 Luc. _Menip._ c. 21.

1801 Luc. _Vit. Auct._ 11; _Traj._ 24; _Dial. Mort._ x. 9.

1802 Cf. Luc. _Char._ 15, 20; _Dial. Mort._ i. 3; _Somn._ 21.

1803 Luc. _Traj._ 15; _Necyom._ 12.

_ 1804 Traj._ 19; _Cyn._ 7; _Menip._ 11, _χωρὶς δὲ οἵ τε πλούσιοι προσῄεσαν ὠχροί κτλ._ Cf. _Somn._ 14, 15, _οἱ δὲ (πλούσιοι) εὖ ἴσθι πολὺ ὑμῶν ἀθλιώτερον τὸν βίον βιοῦσι_, cf. 22.

_ 1805 Char._ 23, _ἀποθνήσκουσι γάρ, ὦ πορθμεῦ, καὶ πόλεις ὥσπερ ἄνθρωποι_.

1806 As in _Icaromen._ 15; _Char._ 17.

_ 1807 Char._ 3; cf. a saying of Plato, quoted in M. Aurel. vii. 48, _καὶ δὴ περὶ ἀνθρώπων τοὺς λόγους ποιούμενον ἐπισκοπεῖν δεῖ καὶ __τὰ__ ἐπίγεια, ὥσπερ ποθὲν ἄνωθεν, κατὰ ἀγέλας ... γάμους, γενέσεις, θανάτους, δικαστηρίων θόρυβον, ἑορτάς, θρήνους, κτλ._

1808 Luc. _Char._ 17, _ἀπίασιν ὥσπερ ἐξ ὀνείρατος πάντα ὑπὲρ γῆς ἀφέντες_.

1809 Luc. _Vit. Auct._ 3, 13, 16.

1810 Epict. _Diss._ iv. i. 138, _Ἆρον ἐκεῖνα τὰ τῶν σχολαστικῶν καὶ τῶν μωρῶν κτλ._ M. Aurel. vii. 67; cf. Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 2, p. 203; Hatch, _Hibbert Lec._ p. 142.

1811 M. Aurel. vi. 15; vii. 19; vi. 24, 42, 47; viii 6; xi. 20; viii. 3; vii. 67.

1812 Epict. _Fr._ 175; cf. _Diss._ iii. 21, § 23, _ἀλλά, εἴ σε ψυχαγωγεῖ τὰ θεωρήματα, καθήμενος αὐτὰ στρέφε αὐτὸς ἐπὶ σεαυτοῦ· φιλόσοφον δὲ μηδέποτ’ εἴπῃς σεαυτόν_: cf. M. Aurel. ii. 17, _τοῦ ἀνθρωπίνου βίου ὁ μὲν χρόνος στιγμή ... τί οὖν τὸ παραπέμψαι δυνάμενον; ἓν καὶ μόνον, φιλοσοφία_.

1813 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ v. 26; D. Chrys. _Or._ xxxii.

1814 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ iv. 41; iv. 24; D. Chrys. xxxvi, § 17.

1815 Luc. _Fug._ c. 12.

_ 1816 Hermot._ c. 2, 25.

1817 D. Chrys. _Or._ lxxviii.; Martha, _Mor. sous L’Emp. rom._ p. 300.

1818 Luc. (?) _Dem._ c. 7, 8.

1819 Luc. (?) _Dem._ c. 63.

1820 Sen. _Ep._ 89, § 6; cf. A. Gell. xvii. 19, 4.

1821 Luc. _Hermot._ c. 5.

_ 1822 Ib._ c. 7, _καὶ οὗτοι δὴ ὑπὸ φιλοσοφίας ὥσπερ ὑπό τινος πυρὸς ἅπαντα ταῦτα περιαιρεθέντες κτλ._

1823 Luc. _Bis Acc._ c. 11.

_ 1824 Ib._ c. 6, _ἁπανταχοῦ πώγων βαθὺς καὶ βιβλίον ἐν __τῃ ἀριστερᾳ__ καὶ πάντες ὑπὲρ σοῦ φιλοσοφοῦσι κτλ._

_ 1825 Fug._ c. 12; _Vit. Auct._ c. 10; D. Chrys. xxxii. 9; xxxiv. 3.

1826 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ v. 37.

1827 Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 1, p. 483. Renan, _Les Év._ p. 384, les différences des écoles étaient à peu près effacées. Un éclecticisme superficie était à la mode.

1828 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ i. 7.

1829 Capitol. _M. Ant._ c. 3.

1830 Martha, _Moralistes sous l’Emp._ p. 275; Capes, _Univ. Life_, p. 58 sqq.

_ 1831 Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire_ (1st ed.), p. 355.

1832 Capes, _Univ. Life_, p. 69.

1833 Epict. ii. 19; iii. 23; Plut. _De Recta Rat. Aud._ vii. viii.; A. Gell. v. i.; Zeller, iii. 1, p. 657.

1834 Philostr. _Vit. Soph._ i. 3.

1835 Philostr. _Vit. Soph._ i. iv. _ἔθελγε τῇ τε ἠχῇ τοῦ φθέγματος καὶ τῷ ῥυθμῷ τῆς γλώττης_. A. Gell. v. 1, 3; Sen. _Ep._ 108, § 6, non id agunt ut aliqua illo vitia deponant sed ut oblectamento aurium perfruantur. Cf. Philostr. _Vit. Soph._ i. 7.

1836 Epict. iii. 23, _ἀλλ’ ἐπαίνεσόν με· εἰπέ μοι Ούᾶ καὶ Θαυμαστῶς_. Plut. _De Recta Rat. Aud._ c. viii.; cf. Hatch, _Hibbert Lec._ p. 95.

1837 Plin. _Ep._ i. 10.

1838 Epict. iii. 21; ii. 1; ii. 23; Sen. _Ep._ 108, § 6.

1839 A. Gell. v. 1, 2, tum scias neque illi philosophum loqui sed tibicinem canere. Philostr. _Vit. Soph._ iii. 3, _ῥυθμούς τε ποικιλωτέρους αὐλοῦ καὶ λύρου ἐσηγάγετο ἐς τὸν λόγον_. D. Chrys. _Or._ xxxv. §§ 7, 8.

1840 For a comparative estimate see Capes, _Univ. Life in Ancient Athens_, p. 90; Hatch, _Hibbert Lec._ p. 105.

1841 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ iv. 3; iv. 42; D. Chrys. xxxiii. § 28; xxxiv. § 4; xl. § 31.

1842 Cf. A. Gell. xii. 1, nihil, inquit, dubito quin filium lacte suo nutritura sit.

1843 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ iii. 41 sqq.; iv. 24; iv. 18, 20; i. 11; i. 31.

_ 1844 Ib._ iv. 13, 16, 19, 20, 33; vi. 40.

1845 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ v. 25, _τὸ δὲ τῶν ταύρων αἷμα καὶ ὁπόσα ἐθύετο, οὐκ ἐπῄνει τὰ τοιάδε, κτλ._

_ 1846 Ib._ iv. 3.

_ 1847 Ib._ iv. 8.

_ 1848 Ib._ iv. 31.

_ 1849 Ib._ iv. 41.

_ 1850 Ib._ i. 11; iv. 40, _ὦδε εὔχομαι, ὦ θεοὶ δοίητέ μοι τὰ ὀφειλόμενα_.

1851 Diog. Laert. iv. 3, 1, _καί ποτε ... μεθύων καὶ ἐστεφανωμένος εἰς τὴν Ξενοκράτους ᾖξε σχολήν κτλ._: Epict. iii. 1, § 14; Hor. _Sat._ ii. 3, 253, quaero, faciasne, quod olim Mutatus Polemon? Cf. the conversion of Isaeus, Philostr. _Vit. Soph._ i. 217.

1852 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ iv. 20; cf. i. 13.

_ 1853 Ib._ vii. 16; cf. Tac. _Ann._ xv. 71; D. Cass. lxii. 27.

1854 Tac. _Ann._ xv. 71; xiv. 59; Epict. i. 1, 27. The Rufus is Musonius Rufus.

1855 D. Cass. lxvi. 13, _πάντας τοὺς φιλοσόφους ὁ Οὐεσπασιανὸς πλὴν τοῦ Μουσωνίου ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης ἐξέβαλε_.

1856 Zeller. _Phil. der __Griech._ iii. 1, pp. 651-658.

1857 Tac. _Hist._ iii. 81.

1858 Max. Tyr. v. viii. §§ 3, 10; xi.; xiv. § 8; xvii. For the little known of him, _v._ Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 2. p. 182, n. 3.

1859 D. Chrys. _Or._ xxxii. § 9, _οὗτοι δὲ (οἱ Κυνικοὶ) ἔν τε τριόδοις καὶ στενωποῖς καὶ πυλῶσιν ἱερῶν ἀγείρουσι καὶ ἀπατῶσι παιδάρια καὶ ναύτας, κτλ._

1860 Sen. _Ep._ 5, § 1; 29, § 1; Mart. iv. 53, cum baculo peraque senem ... cui dat latratos obvia turba cibos; Epict. iii. 22; D. Chrys. _Or._ xxxiv. § 2; Athen. iii. 113; Petron. 14; Aleiphr. iii. 55; Caspari, _De Cynicis_, p. 10.

1861 Luc. _Conviv._ c. 16, 35, etc.

_ 1862 Fug._ c. 5, 15.

_ 1863 Ib._ c. 12, _κατεῖδον τὴν αἰδῶ ὅση παρὰ τῶν πολλῶν ἐστι τοῖς ἑταίροις τοῖς ἐμοῖς, ... ταῦτα πάντα τυραννίδα οὐ μικρὰν ἡγοῦντο εἶναι_.

1864 Luc. _Fug._ c. 17-21, _οἱ ἰδιῶται δὲ ταῦτα ὁρῶντες καταπτύουσιν ἤδη φιλοσοφίας, κτλ._

1865 Bernays, _Die Kyniker_, p. 39. Roheit und arbeitsscheues Vagabundenthum ... mussten die Kynische Lebensweise sehr bequem finden.

1866 Plut. (?) _De Plac. Phil._ ii. 8; iv. 5; Luc. (?) _Demon._ 4, _ποιηταῖς σύντροφος ἐγένετο ... καὶ τὰς ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ προαιρέσεις ... ἠπίστατο_: cf. Caspari, _De Cyn._ p. 6; Zeller, iii. 1, p. 685.

1867 Cf. Luc. (?) _Dem._ 14 sqq.; Caspari, p. 6.

1868 Epict. iii. 22, § 80, _εἰς τοὺς νῦν ἀποβλέπομεν τοὺς τραπεζῆας πυλαωροὺς κτλ._, Luc. _Fug._ 14, _καὶ οὐ πολλῆς πραγματείας δεῖ τριβώνιον περιβαλέσθαι_.

1869 Luc. _Ver. Hist._ ii. 18; Athen. iv. 158; xiii. 588.

1870 S. Aug. _Civ. D._ xiv. 20, nemo tamen eorum audet hoc facere.

1871 D. Chrys. _Or._ lxxii. 2; Pers. v. 189; Petron. _Sat._ 71; Tac. _Agr._ 4; _Hist._ iv. 5; Plin. _Ep._ i. 22; Quintil. xi. 1, 35; xii. 2, 6.

1872 Capitol. _Avid. Cass._ 1, § 8, in a letter of Verus, te philosopham aniculam, me luxuriosum morionem vocat: cf. c. 14.

1873 Bernays, _Die Kyniker_, p. 31, sie sind die am reinsten deistische Sect, welche das hellenisch-römische Alterthum hervorgebracht hat.

_ 1874 Ib._ p. 30; cf. D. Cass. lxxvii. 19, for the favours showered on the Cynic Antiochus by Severus.

1875 On Lucian’s _Peregrinus_, _v._ Caspari, _De Cyn._ p. 24 sq.; Bernays, p. 42 sqq.

1876 Luc. _De Morte Peregr._ c. 5, 10 sq.

_ 1877 Ib._ c. 11, 12.

_ 1878 Ib._ c. 14.

_ 1879 Ib._ c. 17, 18; cf. the rudeness of Demetrius to Vespasian, Suet. _Vesp._ xiii.; D. Cass. lxvi. 13.

1880 Luc. _De Morte Peregr._ c. 19, _κακῶς ἠγόρευεν ὡς καταθηλύναντα τοὺς Ἕλληνας_.

1881 Caspari, _De Cyn._ p. 16; Bernays, _Luc. u. die Kyniker_, p. 16.

_ 1882 Ib._ p. 54.

1883 This offended Demonax, cf. Luc. (?) _Dem._ c. 21, _Περεγρῖνε οὐκ ἀνθρώπιζεις_.

1884 Luc. _De Morte Peregr._ c. 13.

_ 1885 Ib._ 10, 14, 37; Bernays, p. 54.

1886 Cf. Aristid. _Or._ xlvi. (Dind. vol. ii. p. 402), _τοῖς ἐν τῇ Παλαιστίνῃ δυσσεβέσι παραπλήσιοι τοὺς τρόπους_. Bernays, p. 36, Übertritte aus dem einen in das andere Lager vorkamen; Hatch, _Hib. Lec._ p. 166; cf. Caspari, _De Cyn._ p. 25; Jul. _Or._ vii. 224. C. _τὰ δὲ ἄλλα γε πάντα ἐστὶν ὑμῖν τε κἀκείνοις_ (_i.e._ _Χριστιανοῖς_) _παραπλήσια. καταλελοίπατε τὴν πατρίδα ὥσπερ ἐκεῖνοι_.

1887 Luc. _De Morte Peregr._ c. 36, _ἐς τὴν μεσημβρίαν ἀποβλέπων_: c. 25, _ὅπως τὴν καρτηρίαν ἐπιδείξηται ὥσπερ οἱ Βραχμᾶνες, ἐκείνοις γὰρ αὐτὸν ἠχίου Θεαγένης εἰκάζειν_.

_ 1888 Ib._ c. 2.

1889 Luc. _De Morte Peregr._ c. 7 sqq.

_ 1890 Ib._ c. 4, _εἰς κενοδοξίαν τινὲς τοῦτο ἀναφέρουσι_.

1891 Sen. _Ep._ 58, § 36; 70, § 8; _De Prov._ ii. 10; vi. § 7; _De Ira_, iii. 15; _De V. Beat._ 19; Epict. i. 24. Cf. Plin. _Ep._ i. 12; i. 22; iii. 7; iii. 9; vi. 24; Boissier, _L’Opp._ p. 212 sqq.

1892 D. Cass. lxix. 8, _καὶ ὁ Εὐφράτης ὁ φιλόσοφος ἀπέθανεν ἐθελοντής, ἐπιτρέψαντος αὐτῷ καὶ τοῦ Ἁδριανοῦ κωνεῖον διὰ τὸ γῆρας καὶ διὰ τὴν νόσον πιεῖν_.

1893 Ael. Spart. _Hadr._ c. 24.

1894 Diog. Laert. vi. 18; cf. vi. 77, for the death of Diogenes himself.

1895 Luc. _De Morte Peregr._ c. 29.

_ 1896 Ib._ c. 33.

_ 1897 Ib._ c. 34, _ἐγὼ δέ, εἰκάζεις, οἶμαι, πῶς ἐγέλων_. _v._ Baur’s view of this piece (_Ch. Hist._ ii. 170). He thinks the self-immolation of Peregrinus pure fiction, and that Lucian’s object throughout was to discredit Christianity.

1898 Luc. _De Morte Peregr._ c. 36.

_ 1899 Ib._ c. 38.

1900 Luc. _De Morte Peregr._ c. 39.

_ 1901 Ib._ c. 40.

1902 A. Gell. xii. 11, virum gravem atque constantem vidimus ... deversantem in quodam tugurio extra urbem.

1903 Zeller, _Phil. der__ Griech._ iii. 1, p. 685; Bernays, _Luc. u. die Kyniker_, p. 27 sq.

1904 Epict. _Diss._ iii. 22, § 23, _ἀλλ’ εἰδέναι δεῖ ὅτι ἄγγελος ἀπὸ Διὸς ἀπέσταλται πρὸς τοὺς ἀνθρώπους, περὶ ἀγαθῶν καὶ κακῶν ὑποδείξων αὐτοῖς ὅτι πεπλάνηται καὶ ἀλλαχοῦ ζητοῦσι τὴν οὐσίαν τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ ὅπου οὐκ ἔστιν, ὅπου δ’ ἔστιν οὐκ ἐνθυμοῦνται κτλ._

_ 1905 Ib._ iii. 22, §§ 28-30.

_ 1906 Ib._ § 38, _ὅπου οὐ δοκεῖτε οὐδὲ θέλετε ζητῆσαι αὐτό. εἰ γὰρ ἠθέλετε, εὕρετε ἂν ἐν ὑμῖν ὄν κτλ._

1907 Epict. _Diss._ iii. 22, § 47, _ἴδετέ με, ὅτι ἄπολίς εἰμι, ἄοικος, ἀκτήμων, ἄδουλος_.

_ 1908 Ib._ § 56, _Κυνικῷ δὲ Καῖσαρ τίς ἐστιν ἢ ὁ καταπεπομφὼς αὐτὸν καὶ ᾧ λατρεύει, ὁ Ζεύς_.

_ 1909 Ib._ § 52.

_ 1910 Ib._ § 67.

_ 1911 Ib._ § 81, _πάντας ἀνθρώπους πεπαιδοποίηται, τοὺς ἄνδρας υἱοὺς ἔχει, τὰς γυναῖκας θυγατέρας_.

_ 1912 Ib._ § 84.

_ 1913 Ib._ § 100.

1914 Epict. iii. 22, §§ 86, 87.

_ 1915 Ib._ § 93, _πρὸ πάντων δὲ τὸ ἡγεμονικὸν αὐτοῦ δεῖ καθαρώτερον εἶναι τοῦ ἡλίου_.

1916 Bernays, _Luc. u. die Kyniker_, pp. 36-38.

_ 1917 Ib._ p. 99.

_ 1918 Ib._ p. 37; Caspari, _De Cyn._ p. 25.

_ 1919 Ib._ p. 5.

1920 Luc. (?) _Dem._ c. 16-21.

1921 Sen. _Ben._ vii. 11; Philostr. _Apoll. T._ vii. 42.

1922 Sen. _Ben._ vii. i. 3, vir meo judicio magnus etiamsi maximis comparetur; vii. 8, 2.

1923 Id. _Ep._ 20, 9; _Vit. B._ xviii. 3.

1924 Id. _De Ben._ vii. 1, § 3, egregia hoc dicere solet, Plus prodesse, si pauca praecepta sapientiae teneas, sed illa in promptu tibi sint, etc.

1925 Luc. _Adv. Indoct._ 19.

1926 Sen. _De Ben._ vii. 8, 2.

1927 Tac. _Ann._ xvi. 34.

1928 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ iv. 25, 42; vi. 13; viii. 10; vii. 42.

1929 Epict. _Diss._ i. 25, § 22, _ἀπειλεῖς μοι θάνατον σοὶ δ’ ἡ φύσις_.

1930 Suet. _Vesp._ xiii. philosophorum contumaciam lenissime tulit; _Dom._ x.; D. Cass. lxvi. 13.

1931 Bernays, _Luc. u. die Kyniker_, p. 29.

1932 D. Cass. lxvi. 15.

1933 Luc. _De Morte Peregr._ c. 19; the attempt of Peregrinus in Greece is probably referred to in Jul. Capitol. _Ant. P._ 5, § 5; cf. Bernays, p. 30; Caspari, _De Cyn._ p. 15.

1934 Bernays, p. 31.

1935 Sen. _De Prov._ 5, §§ 5-7.

1936 Luc. _Dem._ c. 11; Oenom. _Fr._ 13, _οὐκ ἀθάνατοι, ἀλλὰ λίθινοι καὶ ξύλινοι δεσπόται ἀνθρώπων_, 14; cf. Julian, _Or._ vii. 204, _a_.

1937 Caspari, _De Cyn._ p. 12; Bernays, p. 35; Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 1, p. 690.

1938 Plut. _De Def. Or._ vii.

1939 Julian, _Or._ vii. 209.

1940 Jul. vii. 209, 210, _διαφέρουσι γὰρ οὗτοί τι τῶν ἐπ’ ἐρημίας λῃστευόντων καὶ κατειληφότων τὰς ἀκτὰς ἐπὶ τῷ λυμαίνεσθαι τοῖς καταπλέουσι_.

1941 Bernays, _Luc. u. die Kyniker_, p. 104, agrees with Bekker that the _Demonax_ can hardly be a genuine work of Lucian. But its author was a contemporary and friend of Demonax (c. i. _ἐπὶ μήκιστον συνεγενόμην_).

1942 Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 1, p. 691, n. 6.

1943 Luc. _Dem._ c. 3 sqq.

_ 1944 Ib._ c. 3, 24, 31.

_ 1945 Ib._ c. 62.

1946 Luc. (?) _Dem._ c. 5, 6.

_ 1947 Ib._ c. 14.

_ 1948 Ib._ c. 7.

_ 1949 Ib._ 6.

_ 1950 Ib._ 9, 10.

_ 1951 Ib._ c. 11, _τραχύτερον ἢ κατὰ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ προαίρεσιν ἀπελογήσατο_.

_ 1952 Ib._ c. 37.

_ 1953 Ib._ 32.

_ 1954 Ib._ c. 12, 24.

1955 Luc. (?) _Dem._ c. 14, _οὗτος, ἔφη, προσειπὼν τὸ ὄνομα, καλεῖ σε Πυθαγόρας_.

_ 1956 Ib._ c. 26, _σὺ δὲ μοι ὡς ἐπ’ Ἀγαμέμνονος ἀποκρίνῃ_.

_ 1957 Ib._ c. 55.

_ 1958 Ib._ c. 57.

_ 1959 Ib._ c. 63 sqq.

1960 D. Chrys. _Or._ xxxiv. § 2; lxxii. § 2.

1961 Cf. Philostr. _Vit. Soph._ i. 7. For other authorities _v._ Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 1, p. 729, n. 1. Martha, _Moralistes sous l’Emp. rom._ 294, gives a good sketch of Dion’s career.

1962 D. Chrys. _Or._ xiii. § 1.

1963 Philostr. _Vit. Soph._ i. 7.

1964 Philostr. _Vit. Soph._ i. 2; _ἔλεγε θαμὰ ἐπιστρεφόμενος ἐς τὸν Δίωνα “τί μὲν λέγεις, οὐκ οἶδα, φιλῶ δέ σε ὡς ἐμαυτόν.”_

1965 D. Chrys. _Or._ xiii. § 6, 9, 10, _στολήν τε ταπεινὴν ἀναλαβὼν καὶ τἆλλα κολάσας ἐμαυτὸν ἠλώμην πανταχοῦ_.

_ 1966 Ib._ § 12, _πολλοὶ γὰρ ἠρώτων προσιόντες, ὅ τι μοι φαίνοιτο ἀγαθὸν ἢ κακόν. ὥστε ἠναγκαζόμην φροντίζειν ὑπὲρ τούτων ἵνα ἔχοιμι ἀποκρίνεσθαι τοὶς ἐρωτώσιν_. With the conversion of Dion cf. of that of Isaeus and Polemon, etc., Philostr. _Vit. Soph._ i. p. 218; _Apoll. Tyan._ i. 13; iv. 20; Epict. iii. 1; Diog. Laert. iv. 3, § 1.

1967 D. Chrys. _Or._ xxxvii. § 25; iv. § 1; vi.

_ 1968 Or._ liv.; xiii. § 13, 14, _ἐνίοτε ὑπὸ ἀπορίας ᾖα ἐπί τινα λόγον ἀρχαῖον λεγόμενον ὑπό τινος Σωκράτους κτλ._: cf. xviii. § 14, _πάντων ἄριστος ἐμοὶ καὶ λυσιτελέστατος πρὸς ταῦτα πάντα Ξενοφῶν_.

1969 D. Chrys. _Or._ lxx. § 1, 7; _καθόλου βίος ἄλλος μὲν τοῦ φιλοσοφοῦντος, ἄλλος δὲ τῶν πολλῶν ἀνθρώπων_; cf. xiii. § 33.

_ 1970 Ib._ xiii. § 28; xxiii. § 7, _οὐκοῦν τὸν τυχόντα ἀγαθοῦ δαίμονος ἡγῇ δικαίως ζῆν καὶ φρονίμως καὶ σωφρόνως_; cf. Epict. i. § 14, _ἐπίτροπον ἑκάστῳ παρέστησε, τὸν ἑκάστου δαίμονα κτλ._ M. Aurel. v. 27.

1971 D. Chrys. _Or._ xxxii. § 9; xxxv. § 2, 3; xxxiv. § 2.

_ 1972 Or._ xvi. § 2, 3; xxxv. § 8; cf. xiii. § 11, _οἱ μὲν γὰρ πολλοὶ τῶν καλουμένων φιλοσόφων αὐτοὺς ἀνακηρύττουσιν κτλ._

_ 1973 Or._ xiii. § 13, 34, _ἐδόκουν δέ μοι πάντες ἄφρονες, φερόμενοι τάντες ἐν ταὐτῷ καὶ περὶ τὰ αὐτά, περί τε χρήματα καὶ δόξας καὶ σωμάτων τινὰς ἡδονάς κτλ._

_ 1974 Or._ xxxiii. § 17, 23, 32; cf. the ghastly exposure in _Or._ vii. § 133.

_ 1975 Or._ xxxiii. §§ 24-28, _εἴ τις διέρχοιτο Πέλλαν οὐδὲ σημεῖον ὄψεται πόλεως, οὐδὲν δίχα τοῦ πολὺν κέραμον εἶναι συντετριμμένον ἐν τῷ τόπῳ_. Cf. xiii. §§ 33, 34.

1976 A good example is the opening of _Or._ xxxii.

_ 1977 Or._ xiv. § 2; xiii. § 13, _ἐδόκουν δέ μοι πάντες ἄφρονες, κτλ._: cf. Zeller, _Phil. der Gr._ iii. 1, p. 730, er zeigt mit den Stoikern, dass die wahre Freiheit mit der Vernünftigkeit, die Sklaverei mit der Unvernunft zusammenfalle; cf. _Or._ xvi. § 4.

_ 1978 Or._ xvii. 2, 3.

_ 1979 Or._ xx. § 8, _μὴ οὖν βελτίστη καὶ λυσιτελεστάτη πασῶν ἡ εἰς αὐτὸν ἀναχώρησις κτλ._ Hatch, _Hib. Lec._ p. 150.

1980 Plin. _Ep._ x. 17, 23, 24, 58; Bury, _Rom. Emp._ p. 439.

1981 D. Chrys. _Or._ xxxiv. § 10, 14, 48; xxxviii. § 11; xxxiv. § 16, 19, 29, 31.

_ 1982 Ib._ xxxvi.

1983 D. Chrys. _Or._ xxxvi. § 15, 8, 9, _πάντες οἱ Βορυσθενῖται περὶ τὸν ποιητὴν ἐσπουδάκασιν κτλ._ Cf. § 20, 23.

1984 Momms. _Rom. Prov._ i. pp. 326, 354; cf. Aristid. _Or._ xiv. xv. 223-230 (Dind.).

1985 Momms. _Rom. Prov._ i. p. 362; cf. Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ i. 7; _Vit. Soph._ i. p. 220, _καὶ προβήσεσθαι ἐπὶ μέγα τὰς Κλαζομενὰς ἡγουμένων εἰ τοιοῦτος δὴ ἀνὲρ ἐμπαιδεύσοι σφισίν κτλ._

1986 Momms. _Rom. Prov._ i. pp. 329, 330; cf. Aristid. _Or._ xv.; Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ iv. 7, _φρονεῖν ἐκέλευεν ἐφ’ ἑαυτοῖς μᾶλλον ἢ τῷ τῆς πόλεως εἴδει._ D. Chrys. _Or._ xxxiv. 48; Friedl. _Sitteng._ iii. p. 111.

1987 D. Chrys. _Or._ xxxviii. § 7, 31, 36.

_ 1988 Ib._ xl. § 27, _ἡ δὲ τῶν ἐγγὺς οὕτως καὶ ὀμόρων διαφορὰ καὶ τὸ μῖσος οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἔοικεν ἢ στάσει μιᾶς πόλεως ὅπου καὶ γάμων κοινωνία, κτλ._

_ 1989 Ib._ xxxviii. §§ 26-31.

_ 1990 Ib._ xxxiv. §§ 44-48, _αἱ μὲν οὖν θῖνες καὶ τὸ πρὸς τῇ λίμνῃ χωρίον οὐδενὸς ἄξια_.

_ 1991 Ib._ xl. § 35.

_ 1992 Ib._ xxxviii. §§ 42-46.

1993 Plin. _Ep._ x. 96, § 7.

1994 Mahaffy, _Greek World under Roman Sway_, p. 242; Merivale, viii. p. 239; Momms. _Rom. Prov._ ii. p. 264.

1995 Momms. ii. p. 263; D. Chrys. xxxii.; Tac. _Hist._ iv. 81; Ael. Spart. _Hadr._ c. 12, 14; D. Cass. lxix. 11; Petron. 31, 68.

1996 D. Chrys. _Or._ xxxii. § 57, 41, 51, 55; Pl. _Rep._ iii. 399; Arist. _Pol._ viii. 5.

1997 D. Chrys. _Or._ xxxii. § 75.

_ 1998 Ib._ § 31, _οἷς μόνον δεῖ παραβάλλειν τὸν πολὺν ἄρτον_.

_ 1999 Ib._ § 40.

2000 See an excellent analysis of this piece (vii.) in Mahaffy’s _Greek World under Roman Sway_, pp. 277-288.

2001 D. Chrys. _Or._ vii. § 34 sqq.

_ 2002 Ib._ §§ 105-108.

_ 2003 Ib._ §§ 82-89, _αἱ γὰρ δὴ φιλοφρονήσεις καὶ χάριτες, ἐὰν σκοπῇ τις ὀρθῶς, οὐδὲν διαφέρουσιν ἐράνων καὶ δανείων_.

2004 D. Chrys. _Or._ vii. § 133; Musonius, Stob. _Flor._ vi. 61; cf. on this subject Denis, _Idées Morales_, etc. ii. p. 134.

2005 D. Chrys. _Or._ vii. § 139.

_ 2006 Ib._ x. § 13; xv. § 5; 6, 31; cf. Juv. xiv. 16; Sen. _Ben._ iii. 21; _Ep._ 47; cf. Denis, ii. 152; Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ ii. p. 354.

2007 Cf. Newman’s _Politics of Aristotle_, Introd. p. 144.

2008 D. Chrys. _Or._ xv. § 31.

2009 D. Chrys. _Or._ i. § 13; ii. §§ 75-77; iii. § 39, 62, 107; iv. § 63; cf. Plin. _Paneg._ 72, 80, 67; Sen. _De Clem._ i. 13, § 4; i. 19, § 2.

2010 D. Chrys. _Or._ i. § 79; cf. iii. §§ 5, 6.

_ 2011 Ib._ i. § 52.

_ 2012 Ib._ § 56.

_ 2013 Ib._ § 66.

_ 2014 Or._ iv. § 39.

_ 2015 Ib._ iii. §§ 51, 62, _τὸ ἄρχειν οὐδαμῶς ῥᾴθυμον ἀλλ’ ἐπίπονον κτλ._

2016 D. Chrys. _Or._ iii. §§ 38, 88, 107.

2017 Sueton. _Dom._ xxxiii.; _Calig._ lx. abolendam Caesarum memoriam ac diruenda templa censuerunt; cf. _Or. Henz._ 698, 699, 767, where the names of Caligula and Domitian have been erased.

_ 2018 Nov. Valent._ tit. viii.; _Leg. Anthem._ tit. i.; _Nov. Mart._ ii.

2019 D. Chrys. _Or._ vii. § 135, where the gods of pure wedlock are appealed to against vagrant vice.

_ 2020 Ib._ xii. § 20.

2021 D. Chrys. _Or._ xii. § 26.

2022 Luc. _De Sacrif._ 11, _οἴονται ὁρᾶν ... αὐτὸν τὸν Κρόνου καὶ Ῥέας εἰς τὴν γῆν ὑπὸ Φειδίου μετῳκισμένον καὶ τὴν Πισαίων ἐρημίαν ἐπισκοπεῖν κεκελευσμένον_.

_ 2023 Or._ xii. § 51, _άνθρώπων δέ, ὃς ἂν ῃ παντελῶς ἐπίπονὰς τὴν ψυχήν, πολλὰς ἀπαντλήσας ξυμφορὰς καὶ λύπας ἐν τῷ βίῳ ... καὶ ὃς δοκεῖ μοι κατεναντίον στὰς τῆσδε τῆς εἰκόνος ἐκλαθέσθαι πάντων ὅσα ἐν ἀνθρωπίνῳ βίῳ δεινὰ καὶ χαλεπὰ γίγνεται παθεῖν._

_ 2024 Or._ xii. §§ 27, 28, 33, 42; cf. Sen. _Ep._ 117, § 6, omnibus insita de dis opinio est.

2025 D. Chrys. _Or._ xii. §§ 42, 43.

_ 2026 Ib._ § 61, _ὥσπερ νήπιοι παῖδες πατρὸς ἢ μητρὸς ἀπεσπασμένοι ... ὀρέγουσι χεῖρας οὐ παροῦσι πολλάκις ὀνειρώττοντες κτλ._

2027 D. Chrys. _Or._ xii. § 62.

_ 2028 Ib._ § 56.

_ 2029 Ib._ § 61; cf. Plut. _De Is. et Osir._ lxxi., lxxii., lxxvi.; Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ vi. 19; Max. Tyr. _Diss._ viii. § 5.

2030 D. Chrys. _Or._ xii. § 59, _νοῦν γὰρ καὶ φρόνησιν αὐτὴν καθ’ αὑτὴν οὔτε τις πλάστης οὔτε τις γραφεὺς εἰκάσαι δυνατὸς ἔσται_: Plut. _De Is._ lxxix.

2031 Cf. Max. Tyr. _Diss._ viii. § 3, _τὸ μὲν Ἑλληνικὸν τιμᾶν τοὺς θεοὺς ἐνομίσε τῶν ἐν γῇ καλλίστοις, ὕλῃ μὲν καθαρᾷμορφῇ δὲ ἀνθρωπίνῃ τέχνῃ δὲ ἀκριβεῖ_.

2032 D. Chrys. _Or._ xii. § 78.

_ 2033 Ib._ §§ 74, 75.

2034 Friedl. _Sittengesch._ iii. pp. 430, 435; cf. Thiersch, _Politik u. Phil. in ihrem Verhältn. zur Religion_, p. 9.

2035 Thiersch, _Politik und Philosophie in ihrem Verhältniss zur Religion_, pp. 14, 15.

2036 Réville, _Rel. unter den Sev._ p. 81.

2037 Lamprid. _Commodus_, c. 9.

2038 Apul. _Met._ xi. c. 11, 22.

_ 2039 Or. Henz._ 186, 193, 228 sqq., 275, 1637, 1580, 5873, 5879, 5887, 1993.

_ 2040 C.I.L._ vi. 110, 111.

_ 2041 Or. Henz._ 6628 (fontis), 4922 (castrorum), 1704 (legionis), 1812 (Neronis), 3953 (Hadriani).

2042 Lamprid. _Alex. Sev._ c. 29; Spart. _Hadr._ 14, § 5; Luc. _Peregr._ c. 29; Friedl. _Sittengesch._ iii. pp. 454-456. Thiersch, _Pol. u. Phil. in Verhältn. zur Rel._ p. 10.

2043 Luc. _Alex._ 19; Friedl. _Sitteng._ iii. p. 470; Thiersch, p. 19.

2044 Luc. _Deor. Conc._ 12, _ἀλλὰ ἤδη πᾶς λίθος καὶ πᾶς βωμὸς ... χρησμῳδεῖ_.

2045 Friedl. _Sitteng._ iii. pp 474-478; Wolff, _De Nov. Orac. Aetate_, p. 29 sq.

2046 Petron. _Sat._ 61, 62.

2047 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ v. 12; iv. 5; iv. 10; vii. 5.

_ 2048 C.I.L._ xii. 3070, 4316; viii. 9195; viii. 4578, Jovi, Junoni, Minervae, Soli Mithrae, Herculi, Marti, Genio loci, Diis, Deabusque omnibus; cf. viii. 4578; vi. 504.

2049 Luc. _Jup. Trag._ 8, 9; _Deor. Conc._ 8 sqq.

2050 Philostr. _Apoll. T._ vi. 40; Baumgart, _Aristides als Repräsentant der Soph. Rhet._ pp. 62, 84; cf. Apul. _Met._ xi. c. 5; Macrob. _Sat._ i. 17.

2051 Apul. _Met._ xi. cc. 3-6.

2052 Lamprid. _Alex. Sev._ c. 29.

2053 Apul. _Apol._ c. 64 (536), totius naturae causa et ratio, summus animi genitor, aeternus animantum sospitator ... neque tempore neque loco neque vice ulla comprehensus, nemini effabilis; cf. _Met._ xi. c. 25; Denis, _Hist. des Idées Morales_, ii. p. 264.

2054 Thiersch, _Pol. u. Phil. in ihrem Verhältn. zur Rel._ p. 21, man nennt den Marcus einen Stoiker.... Aber seine Dogmatik und seine ganze Seelenbestimmung gehört schon weit mehr dem Neoplatonismus an. Cf. Bussell, _School of Plato_, pp. 278-290.

2055 Sen. _De Ben._ iv. 7.

2056 Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 1, p. 649. Cf. Sen. _Ep._ 10, § 5; _Ep._ 73, § 16; _Ep._ 41, § 2; _Ep._ 63, § 7; _Ep._ 83, § 1; _Ep._ 95, § 50; _Ep._ 102, § 28, nulla serenum umbra turbabit; _De Prov._ iv. 7; _De Ira_, ii. 27; _De Clem._ i. 7; _De Ben._ 1. 29.

2057 Epict. i. 9, § 7, _τὸ δὲ τὸν θεὸν ποιητὴν ἔχειν καὶ πατέρα καὶ κηδεμόνα, οὐκέτι ἡμᾶς ἐξαιρήσεται λυπῶν καὶ φόβων_: cf. i. 3, § 3; Denis, _Hist. des Idées Morales_, ii. p. 241.

2058 Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 1, pp. 179, 184.

2059 James, _Varieties of Religious Belief_, pp. 511, 512.

2060 Bussell, _School of Plato_, p. 296.

2061 Sen. _Ep._ 41, § 2, sacer intra nos spiritus sedet.

2062 Yet cf. Zeller, iii. 1, p. 649, der göttliche Beistand, welchen er verlangt, ist kein übernatürlicher. Seneca had broken away unconsciously from the old Stoic idea of God, more than Zeller will admit, or his words have no meaning.

2063 Sen. _Ep._ 95, §§ 51, 52.

_ 2064 Ib._ 107, § 9; Epict. _Diss._ iii. 24.

2065 Epict. _Diss._ iii. 20, § 11, _κακὸς γείτων; Αὑτῷ· ἀλλ’ ἐμοὶ ἀγαθός· γυμνάζει μου τὸ εὔγνωμον, τὸ ἐπιεικές_: iv. 1, § 89; M. Aurel. vi. 44.

2066 Epict. i. 16, § 20, _τί γὰρ ἄλλο δύναμαι γέρων χωλὸς εἰ μὴ ὑμνεῖν τὸν θεόν; κτλ._

2067 M. Aurel. iv. 23.

_ 2068 Ib._ ix. 40; Sen. _Ep._ 10, § 5.

2069 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ iv. 40, _ὦδε εὔχομαι, ὦ θεοί, δοίετέ μοι τὰ ὀφειλόμενα_. Max. Tyr. _Diss._ xi. 8, _ἀλλὰ σὺ μὲν ἠγεῖ τὴν τοῦ φιλοσόφου εὐχὴν αἴτησιν εἶναι τῶν οὐ παρόντων· ἐγὼ δὲ ὁμιλίαν καὶ διάλεκτον πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς περὶ τῶν παρόντων καὶ ἐπίδειξιν τῆς ἀρητῆς_.

_ 2070 Frag._ preserved in S. Aug. _De Civ. Dei_, vi. 10.

2071 D. Chrys. _Or._ xii. § 24 (412 R); Max. Tyr. _Diss._ viii. 10.

2072 Max. Tyr. _Diss._ viii. §§ 5-10; Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ vi. 19.

2073 Max. Tyr. viii. 10, _οὐ νεμεσῶ τῆς διαφωνίας, ἴστωσαν μόνον, ἐράτωσαν μόνον, μνημονευέτωσαν μόνον_.

2074 Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 1, p. 299 sqq.; S. Aug. _De Civ. Dei_, vi. 5.

2075 Mommsen, _Hist. of Rome_, i. p. 183 (Tr.); Preller, _Rom. Myth._ p. 2.

2076 Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 1, pp. 18-20.

2077 Sen. _Ep._ 117, §§ 19-30; Epict. _Diss._ i. 17; M. Aurel. vii. 67. But cf. viii. 13; xii. 14; viii. 3.

2078 Luc. _Hermot._ c. 25, 34, 37 sqq.

2079 Überweg, _Hist. Phil._ i. p. 232; Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 2, p. 83; Thiersch, _Politik u. Phil._ etc., pp. 15, 16.

2080 Flav. Vop. _Vit. __Saturn._ c. 8, § 2, illic qui Serapem colunt Christiani sunt, et devoti sunt Serapi, qui se Christi episcopos dicunt, etc.

2081 Max. Tyr. _Diss._ xiv. 8, _ἦ γὰρ ἂν τῷ διὰ μέσου πολλῷ τὸ θνητὸν πρὸς τὸ ἀθάνατον διετειχίσθη τῆς οὐρανίου ἐπόψεώς τε καὶ ὁμιλίας ὅτι μὴ τῆς δαιμονίου ταύτης φύσεως, κτλ._ Cf. xvi. 9.

2082 Macrob. _Som. Scip._ i. 8; ii. 17.

2083 Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 2, pp. 57-62.

2084 Sen. _Nat. Q._ vii. 32, 2, Pythagorica illa invidiosa turbae schola praeceptorem non invenit.

2085 Sen. _Ep._ 49, § 2; 108, § 17.

2086 Zeller, iii. 2, p. 85.

2087 Überweg, _Hist. Phil._ i. p. 228; cf. Hatch, _Hibbert Lec._ p. 148.

2088 Überweg, _Hist. Phil._ i. p. 252; cf. Eunapius, _Vit. Iambl._

2089 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ i. 3, 1; cf. Ael. Spart. _Vit. Sev._ 18.

2090 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ i. 7.

_ 2091 Ib._ ii. 38.

_ 2092 Ib._ i. 11, § 16; i. 31; iv. 19, 20; iv. 41.

_ 2093 Ib._ iii. 41.

2094 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ iv. 13; iv. 16.

_ 2095 Ib._ iv. 1, _λόγοι τε περὶ αὐτοῦ ἐφοίτων οἱ μὲν ἐκ τοῦ Κολοφῶνι μαντείου κοινωνὸν τῆς ἑαυτοῦ σοφίας καὶ ἀτεχνῶς σοφὸν τὸν ἄνδρα ᾄδοντες, οἱ δὲ ἐκ Διδύμων_.

_ 2096 Ib._ iv. 41.

_ 2097 Ib._ iii. 35, _τὴν δὲ (ἔδραν ἀποδοτέον) ἐπ’ ἐκείνῃ θεοῖς, οἱ τὰ μέρη αὐτοῦ κυβερνῶσι_: cf. Max. Tyr. _Diss._ xiv. § 6 sqq.

2098 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ ii. 37; vi. 11; vii. 26; Max. Tyr. _Diss._ xiii. § 5.

2099 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ vi. 10; iv. 40; v. 12; iv. 18; iv. 44.

_ 2100 Ib._ iv. 13; iii. 25.

_ 2101 Ib._ vi. 19.

2102 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ iv. 40.

_ 2103 Ib._ iv. 22; iv. 41; v. 26.

2104 Gréard, _De la Morale de Plutarch_, p. 32; Volkmann, _Leben_, etc. p. 37.

2105 For the apocryphal accounts, _v._ Gréard, p. 3 sqq.

_ 2106 Vit. Anton._ c. 68, _ὁ γοῦν πρόπαππος ἡμῶν Νίκαρχος διηγεῖτο κτλ._: Volkmann, p. 21.

2107 Plut. _De __ΕΙ__ ap. Delph._ c. 1; cf. 17; _Vit. Themist._ c. 32; _Sympos._ iii. 1, § 1; ix. 14, § 2; ix. 14, § 7; i. 9; Eunap. _Vit. Soph. Prooem._ 5, _ἐν οἷς Ἀμμώνιός τε ἦν Πλουτάρχου τοῦ θειοτάτου γεγονὼς διδάσκαλος_.

_ 2108 Sympos._ v. 5, § 1, _Vit. Agesil._ c. 19; Volkmann, pp. 34, 63.

_ 2109 Praec. Ger. Reipub._ c. 20.

_ 2110 Sympos._ viii. 7, § 1, _Vit. Dem._ c. 2. In this passage he says, _οὐ σχολῆς οὔσης γυμάζεσθαι περὶ τὴν Ῥωμαικὴν διάλεκτον ὑπὸ χρειῶν πολιτικῶν ... ὀψέ ποτε καὶ πόρρω τῆς ἡλικίας ἠρξάμεθα Ῥωμαικοῖς γράμμασιν ἐντυγχάνειν_. Cf. _Frat. Am._ 4.

2111 Suet. _Dom._ c. xx.; Spart. _Vit. Hadr._ c. 16, § 5, Aul. Gell. xii. 2; Luc. _Lexiph._ c. 20; Friedl. _Sittengesch._ iii. p. 278; Macé, _Suétone_, p. 96; Gréard, _Morale de Plut._ p. 33; cf. Sen. _Ep._ 114, § 13, multi ex alieno seculo petunt verba: duodecim tabulas loquuntur.

2112 Friedl. _Sittengesch._ iii. p. 360.

2113 Plut. _De Curios._ c. 15, _ἐμοῦ ποτε ἐν Ῥώμῃ διαλεγομένου Ῥούστικος ἐκεῖνος ὃν ἀπέκτεινε Δομιτιανὸς ... ἠκροᾶτο κτλ._

2114 Plut. _De Tranq._ c. 1; _Sympos._ i. 9; v. 7, § 10; viii. 1; _De Cohib. Ira_, c. 1; _Sympos._ ii. 3; i. 5; cf. Plin. _Ep._ i. 9; iv. 5; _Ep._ i. 13; iv. 4; Tac. _Agr._ c. 2; cf. Suet. _Vesp._ c. xxii.

2115 For a description of this society, see Mahaffy’s _Greek World under Rom. Sway_, c. xliv.

2116 Plut. _Consol. ad Ux._ c. iv. x.; _Conj. Praec._ c. xliv.

2117 Plut. _Praec. Ger. Reipub._ c. 15; cf. _Sympos._ vi. 8, § 1.

2118 Plut. _An Seni Sit Ger. Resp._ c. 17, _οἶσθά με τῷ Πυθίῳ λειτουργοῦντα πολλὰς πυθιάδας_. Suidas, _Πλούταρχος_: cf. Volkmann, p. 91.

_ 2119 De Def. Orac._ c. v. viii.

_ 2120 Ib._ c. ii.

2121 Trench, _Plutarch_, p. 22; Volkmann, p. 58.

2122 Plut. _Sympos._ ii. 2, § 1 (Eleusis); v. 8, § 1 (Athens); i. 10, § 1; ii. 1, § 1 (Patrae); iii. 1, § 1; iv. 4, § 1 (Aedepsus), _χωρίον κατεσκευασμένον οἰκήσεσι ... μάλιστα δ’ ἀνθεῖ τὸ χωρίον ἀκμάζοντος ἔαρος. πολλοὶ γὰρ άφικνοῦνται τὴν ὥραν αὐτόθι, καὶ συνουσίας ποιοῦνται μετ’ ἀλλήλων ἐν ἀφθόνοις πᾶσι, καὶ πλείστας περὶ λόγους ὑπὸ σχολῆς διατριβὰς ἔχουσι_: cf. Volkmann, p. 57.

_ 2123 Vit. Anton._ c. 28, _διηγεῖτο γοῦν ἡμῶν τῷ πάππῳ Λαμπρίᾳ Φιλώτας ὁ Ἀμφισσεὺς ἰατρὸς εἶναι μὲν ἐν Ἀλεξανδρεῖᾳ τότε μανθάνων τὴν τέχνην, κτλ._

_ 2124 Sympos._ ii. 2, § 1; ix. 15, § 1; viii. 6, § 5.

_ 2125 De Fr. Am._ c. 16.

_ 2126 Sympos._ iv. 1, 1; iv. 4, 1; v. 10, 1; v. 5, 1.

_ 2127 Ib._ ix. 4, § 1; Mahaffy, _Greek World_, _etc._ p. 338.

2128 Plut. _Sympos._ viii. 2; viii. 7.

_ 2129 Vit. Alex._ c. 1, _οὔτε γὰρ ἱστορίας γράφομεν ἀλλὰ βίους οὔτε ταῖς ἐπιφανεστάταις πράξεσι πάντως ἔνεστι δήλωσις ἀρετῆς ἢ κακίας_. So _Vit. Nic._ c. 1, _οὐ τὴν ἄχρηστον ἀθροίζων ἱστορίαν ἀλλὰ τὴν πρὸς κατανόησιν ἤθους καὶ τρόπου παραδιδούς_.

_ 2130 Vit. Pericl._ c. 12.

_ 2131 Vit. Cat. Min._ c. 70.

2132 Gréard, _Morale de Plut._ pp. 36, 52, 67.

2133 Cf. A. Gell. xviii. 2.

2134 Plut. _De Tranq._ c. xx. _ἀνὴρ δὲ ἀγαθὸς οὐ πᾶσαν ἡμέραν ἑορτὴν ἡγεῖται; κτλ._

2135 Sen. _Ep._ 88, ad virtutem nihil conferunt liberalia studia; cf. _Ep._ 94, 95, § 41.

2136 M. Aurel. vii. 35; ix. 41; Epict. _Frag._ lii.

2137 Zeller, _Phil. der Gr._ iii. 1, p. 720 n.

2138 A. Gell. i. 10; ii. 26; vii. 13; xii. 1; Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ iv. 20; v. 16.

2139 Oakesmith, _Rel. of Plutarch_, p. 64.

2140 Plut. _Cic._ c. 4.

2141 Zeller, _Phil. der Gr._ iii. 1, p. 534, in der Hauptsache die bedeutendsten Philosophenschulen übereinstimmen, etc.

_ 2142 Ib._ p. 503.

_ 2143 Ib._ iii. 2, pp. 144, 145.

2144 Sen. _Nat. Qu._ vii. 32, 2; Academici et veteres et minores nullum antistitem reliquerunt.

2145 Epict. _Fr._ liii.

_ 2146 Sympos._ vii. 1; _Consol. ad Apoll._ xxxvi.

_ 2147 e.g._ _De Gen. Socr._ xxii. sqq.; _De Ser. Num. Vind._ xxii.

_ 2148 Non posse Suav. vivi sec. Epic._ c. ii. _τὰ γὰρ αἴσχιστα ῥήματα, βωμολοχίας, ληκυθισμούς, ἀλαζονείας, ἡεταιρήσεις, ἀνδροφονίας ... συνάγοντες Ἀριστοτέλους καὶ Σωκράτους καὶ Πυθαγόρου καὶ τίνος γὰρ οὐχὶ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν, κατεσκέδασαν_: _Adv. Col._ c. ii.

2149 Trench, _Plut._ p. 93.

2150 Plut. _De Virt. Mor._ c. vii. sqq.

_ 2151 Adv. Stoicos_, c. x. _ἀλλὰ ὥσπερ ὁ πηχύν ἀπέχων ἐν θαλάσσῃ ἐπιφανείας οὐδὲν ἥττον πνίγεται τοῦ καταδεδυκότος ὀργυιὰς πεντακοσίας, κτλ._ Cf. Sen. _Ep._ 66, § 10; Zeller, _Phil. der. Griech._ iii. 1, p. 230.

2152 M. Aurel. ix. 32; xii. 32; ix. 14; xi. 1; vii. 1; vi. 46; ix. 14.

_ 2153 De Tranq._ c. iii., iv., xiv., xvii.; _De Cup. Div._ iii., iv.; _De Exil._ v.; _De Alex. Virt._ c. vi.; ad init.; Zeller, iii. 1. p. 281.

2154 Zeller, _Phil. der Gr._ iii. 1, p. 208; cf. iii. 2, p. 163; Plut. _De Virt. Mor._ c. viii.

_ 2155 De Virt. Mor._ l.c.

2156 Zeller. iii. 2, p. 154.

_ 2157 De Virt. Mor._ vii.

_ 2158 Ib._ iv. sq.; _De Cur._ i.

_ 2159 De Virt. Mor._ vi.; Gréard, p. 78.

2160 Pl. _Phaed._ 82 B; cf. Archer-Hind, App. i. to _Phaed._

2161 Plut. _De Cohib. Ira_, i. ii.; _De Prof. in Virt._ xiii. xi. iii.

_ 2162 De Prof._ iv.; _De Cohib. Ira_, ii.

_ 2163 De Prof._ xvii. _ἀλλ’ οἵ γε προκόπτοντες, οἷς ἤδη καθάπερ ἱεροῦ τινος οἰκοδομήματος καὶ βασιλικοῦ τοῦ βίου κεκρότηται χρυσέα κρηπὶς οὐδὲν εἰκῆ προσίενται τῶν γινομένων, κτλ._

_ 2164 Adv. St._ iv. vii.

_ 2165 De Fato_, c. ix. (572). (Plut.?)

_ 2166 Ib._ c. iv. v. _οὐ πάντα καθαρῶς οὐδὲ διαρρήδην ἡ εἱμαρμένη περιέχει, ἀλλ’ ὅσα καθόλου_.

_ 2167 Ib._ c. iv. _οὕτω καὶ ὁ τῆς φύσεως νόμος τὰ μὲν καθόλου συμπεριλαμβάνει προηγουμένως, τὰ δὲ καθ’ ἕκαστα ἐπομένως_.

_ 2168 De Fort._ c. iii. iv.

2169 Gréard, p. 68 sq.

2170 Plut. _De Rect. Rat. Aud._ c. vi. _διὸ δεῖ ἀκροάσθαι τοῦ λέγοντος ἴλεων καὶ πρᾷων ὥσπερ ἐφ’ ἑστίασιν ἱερὰν καὶ θυσίας ἀπαρχὴν παρειλημμένον κτλ._: cf. viii. _ἀλλ’ εἰς διδασκαλεῖον ἀφῖκται τῷ λόγῳ τὸν βίον ἐπανορθωσόμενος_: c. xii.

_ 2171 Ib._ c. vii. viii.; cf. Sen. _Ep._ 108, § 6, magnam hanc auditorum partem videbis cui philosophi schola diversorium otii sit, etc.; Epict. _Diss._ ii. 23.

_ 2172 De Rect. Rat. Aud._ c. ix. _ὅμοιός ἐστι μὴ βουλομένῳ πιεῖν ἀντίδοτον ἂν μὴ τὸ ἀγγεῖον ἐκ τῆς Ἀττικῆς κωλιάδος ᾖ κεκεραμευένον_.

_ 2173 Ib._ c. xii.

_ 2174 De Cohib. Ira_, c. i. _τὸ δὲ σφοδρὸν ἐκεῖνο καὶ διάπυρον πρὸς ὀργὴν ὁρῶντί μοι πρᾷον οὕτω καὶ χειρόηθες τῷ λογισμῷ γεγενημένον ἐπέρχεται πρὸς τὸν θυμὸν εἰπεῖν κτλ._

_ 2175 De Rect. Rat. Aud._ c. xii.; cf. _De Prof._ c. xv. _τίθεσθαι πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν τοὺς ὄντας ἀγαθοὺς ἢ γεγενημένους καὶ διανοεῖσθαι τί δ’ ἂν ἔπραξεν ἐν τούτῳ Πλάτων κτλ._

2176 Trench, _Plut._ p. 33.

_ 2177 De Tranq._ c. xvi. xvii. xiv. xv.

_ 2178 Ib._ c. xix. _ἀγνοουντες ὅσον ἐστὶ πρὸς ἀλυπίαν ἀγαθὸν τὸ μελετᾶν καὶ δύνασθαι πρὸς τὴν τύχην ἀνεῳγόσι τοῖς ὄμμασιν ἀντιβλέπειν_.

2179 Plut. _De Tranq._ c. xi. xiii. xiv. _ὅτι ἕκαστος ἐν ἑαυτῷ τὰ τῆς εὐθυμίας καὶ τῆς δυσθυμίας ἔχει ταμεῖα_.

_ 2180 De Prof._ c. xiv. _δήμωμα δὲ αὐτοῦ πρῶτα μὲν ὁ πρὸς τὰ ἐπαινούμενα ζῆλος καὶ τὸ ποιεῖν εἴναι προθύμους, ἃ θαυμάζομεν, κτλ._

_ 2181 Ib._ c. i.-iv.

_ 2182 Ib._ c. x. _ὁ δὲ ἐτὸς γενομένος καὶ φῶς μέγα ἰδὼν οἷον ἀνακτόρων ἀνοιγομένων, ὥσπερ θεῷ τῷ λόγῳ ταπεινὸς συνέπεται κτλ._

_ 2183 Ib._ c. xvii.

_ 2184 Ib._ c. xv.; cf. Sen. _Ep._ 11, § 8; aliquis vir bonus nobis eligendus est ... ut sic tanquam illo spectante vivamus, et omnia tanquam illo vidente faciamus.

2185 Plut. (?) _Consol. ad Apoll._ c. vi. vii. sqq.

2186 M. Aurel. vii. 1; vii. 19; vi. 15; _ἐν δὴ τούτῳ τῷ ποταμῷ τί ἄν τις τούτων παραθεόντων ἐκτιμήσειεν ἐφ’ οὗ στῆναι οὐκ ἔξεστιν_: ix. 32; cf. _Consol. ad Apoll._ c. x. _καὶ ᾗ φησιν Ἡράκλειτος, ταὐτό τ’ ἔνι ζῶν καὶ τεθνηκός_.

_ 2187 Consol. ad Apoll._ c. xvii. _τό τε πολὺ δήπυθεν ἢ μικρὸν οὐδὲν διαφέρειν δοκεῖ πρὸς τὸν ἄπειρον ἀφορῶσιν αἰῶνα_.

_ 2188 Ib._ c. xiv.

_ 2189 Ib._ c. xv.; cf. Sen. _Ep._ 99, § 30; _Ep._ 36; _Ep._ 24.

_ 2190 Consol. ad Apoll._ c. xxxiv. xxxv. _καὶ χῶρός τις ἀποτεταγμένος ἐν ᾧ διατρίβουσιν αἱ τούτων ψυχαί_: Pind. _Ol._ ii. 106 sqq.

2191 Plut. _De Virt. Mor._ c. vi.

2192 S. Aug. _De Civ. Dei_, iv. 27; vi. 2.

2193 Macrob. _Sat._ i. c. 17; cf. _Roman Society in the Last Century of the W. Empire_, p. 77 (1st ed.).

_ 2194 De Def. Or._ c. 2.

_ 2195 De Is. et Osir._ c. lxxix.

_ 2196 De __ΕΙ__ ap. Delph._ c. xix. _ὅθεν οὐδ’ ὅσιόν ἐστιν οὐδὲν τοῦ ὄντος λέγειν ὡς ἦν ἢ ἔσται_.

_ 2197 De Is. et Osir._ c. 54, 78; _De __ΕΙ__ ap. Delph._ c. 20; _Def. Or._ c. 9, _ad fin._; Oakesmith, _Rel. of Plut._ p. 88; Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 2, p. 148; _De Is. et Osir._ c. 40, 66; _non p. Suav._ c. 22, _βοηθεῖν πέφυκεν, ὀργίζεσθαι δὲ καὶ κακῶς ποιεῖν οὐ πέφυκεν_: _De Ser. Num. Vind._ c. iv. v. xviii.; Nitsch, _De Plut. Theologo_, p. 8; Gréard, _Morale de Plut._ p. 263; cf. Burgmann, _Seneca’s Theologie_, pp. 14-20.

2198 Zeller, iii. 2, p. 152; _De Is._ c. 45-49; _De St. Rep._ c. 33.

2199 Plut. _De An. Procr._ c. 6.

2200 Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 2, p. 155; Plat. _Tim._ 29, 30.

2201 Diog. Laert. ix. § 18, _γέγραφε δὲ καὶ [Ξενοφάνης] ἰάμβους καθ’ Ἡσιόδου καὶ Ὁμήρου ἐπισκώπτων αὐτῶν τὰ περὶ θεῶν εἰρημένα_: _v._ extracts in Ritter and Preller, _Hist. Phil._ p. 82; Plat. _Rep._ ii. pp. 378-380.

2202 Plut. _De Is._ c. xxiii. _ὃς (Εὐήμερος) ... πᾶσαν αθεότητα κατασκεδάννυσι τῆς οἰκουμένης_.

2203 Plut. _De Def. Or._ c. 18, 21.

2204 Sen. _Ep._ 10, § 5; _Ep._ 41, § 1; Pers. ii. 73; Max. Tyr. _Diss._ xi. § 8, _σὺ μὲν ἡγεῖ τὴν τοῦ φιλοσόφου εὐχὴν αἴτησιν τῶν οὐ παρόντων· ἐγὼ δὲ ὁμιλίαν καὶ διάλεκτον πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς περὶ τῶν παρόντων, κτλ._: Martha, _Moralistes sous l’Emp._ p. 163; Denis, _Idées Morales_, ii. p. 245 sqq.

2205 Of the life of Maximus of Tyre little is known. He began his career as a teacher probably about 155 A.D. Like other philosophers of his time, he had travelled widely. See the references to Arabia and Phrygia in _Diss._ viii., _e.g._ § 8, _Ἀράβιοι μὲν σέβουσι μὲν ὅντινα δὲ οὐκ οἶδα· τὸ δὲ ἄγαλμα εἶδον, λίθος ἦν τετράγωνος_. Cf. Zeller, iii. 2, p. 183 n.

2206 Max. Tyr. _Diss._ iv. § 7.

_ 2207 Ib._ xvi. § 1, § 8.

_ 2208 Ib._ xvii. § 8.

_ 2209 Ib._ § 10.

2210 Max. Tyr. _Diss._ xvii. § 11.

_ 2211 Ib._ xi. § 2, § 7.

_ 2212 Ib._ viii. § 2, _ἀλλ’ ἀσθενὲς ὃν κομιδῇ τὸ ἀνθρωπεῖον καὶ διεστὸς τοῦ θείου ὅσον οὐρανοῦ γῆ, σημεῖα ταῦτα ἐμηχανήσατο_.

2213 Chrys. _Or._ xii. § 59 (404 R).

2214 Max. Tyr. _Diss._ x. § 3, _ἡ ψυχὴ ... ἐδεῖτο φιλοσοφίας μουσικῆς τινος κτλ._ Cf. § 5, _πάντα μεστὰ αἰνιγμάτων καὶ παρὰ ποιηταῖς καὶ παρὰ φιλοσόφοις_.

_ 2215 Ib._ x. § 3.

2216 Plut. _De Is._ lxviii.; xx.; Max. Tyr. x. §§ 5-7; cf. Macrob. _Som. Scip._ i. 2, 7-19; Hatch, _Hibbert Lec._ p. 55 sq.

2217 Plut. _De Is._ lxvi. _ad fin._

2218 Plut. _De Is._ c. lxvii. _ὥσπερ ἥλιος καὶ σελήνη καὶ οὐρανὸς καὶ γῆ κοινὰ πᾶσιν, ὀνομάζεται δ’ ἄλλος ὑπ’ ἄλλων, οὕτως ἑνὸς λόγου τοῦ ταῦτα κοσμοῦντος καὶ μιᾶς προνοίας ἐπιτροπευούσης, καὶ δυνάμεων ὑπουργῶν ἐπὶ πάντας τεταγμένων, ἕτεραι παρ’ ἑτέροις κατὰ νόμους γεγόνασι τιμαὶ καὶ προσηγορίαι, κτλ._

_ 2219 Ib._ c. lxi.; xxxv.; cf. Herodot. ii. c. 50.

2220 Plut. _De Is._ c. xxxv.

_ 2221 Ib._ c. xx.

2222 Plut. _De Is._ c. xxiii. _πᾶσαν ἀθεότητα κατασκεδάννυσι τῆς οἰκουμένης_.

_ 2223 Ib._ c. lxvi.

2224 Apul. _De Deo Socr._ c. vi. (133).

2225 Max. Tyr. _Diss._ xiv. §§ 7, 8.

2226 Cf. Rohde, _Psyche_, ii. 361, 1. M. Aurel. v. 10, 27, _ὅτι ἔξεστί μοι μηδὲν πρᾶττειν παρὰ τὸν ἐμὸν θεὸν καὶ δαίμονα_: vii. 17; Epict. i. 14, § 12, _καὶ (ὁ θεὸς) ἐπίτροπον ἑκάστῳ παρέστησε, τὸν ἑκάστου δαίμονα, καὶ παρέδωκε φυλάσσειν αὐτὸν αὐτῷ, κτλ._

2227 Plut. _De Sera Num. Vind._ c. xxii.

2228 Apul. _De Deo Socr._ c. xiii.; Max. Tyr. xv. § 4; Plut. _De Def. Or._ c. x.

2229 Plut _De Def. Or._ c. xvii.

2230 Max. Tyr. xv. § 3.

2231 Plut. _De Def. Or._ c. xviii.

_ 2232 Ib._ c. xxi.

2233 Plut. _De Is._ c. xxv.; _De Def. Or._ c. x.

2234 Hes. _Op. et D._ 125; cf. Rohde, _Psyche_, i. p. 96.

2235 For the spiritual influences at work _v._ Lobeck, _Aglaoph._ p. 312; Grote, i. p. 23; Bury, _Hist. of Greece_, p. 312; Hardie, _Lectures_, p. 57.

2236 Diog. Laert. i. 27, _ἀρχὴν δὲ τῶν πάντων ὕδωρ ὑπεστήσατο, καὶ τὸν κόσμον ἔμψυχον καὶ δαιμόνων πλήρη_.

_ 2237 Heracl. Reliq._ p. 26 Bywater, _Ἀθάνατοι θνητοί, θνητοὶ ἀθάνατοι ζῶντες τὸν ἐκείνων θάνατον, τὸν δὲ ἐκείνων βίον τεθνεῶντες. ὁ δὲ Ἡράκλειτός φησιν ὅτι καὶ τὸ ζῆν καὶ τὸ ἀποθανεῖν καὶ ἐν τῷ ζῆν ἡμᾶς ἐστι καὶ ἐν τῷ τεθνάναι, κτλ._ Cf. _ἀνὴρ νήπιος ἤκουσε πρὸς δαίμονος ὅπωσπερ παῖς πρὸς ἀνδρός_. Ritter and Preller, _Hist. Phil._ p. 23; Diog. Laert. ix. 1, § 7.

2238 Ritter and Preller, _Hist. Phil._ pp. 126, 7; Hild, _Étude sur les Démons_, p. 228.

2239 Diog. Laert. viii. 1, § 30 sqq.

2240 Pind. _Ol._ ii. 105 sqq. _ἔνθα μακάρων νᾶσος ὠκεανίδες αὖραι περιπνέοισιν· ἄνθεμα δὲ χρυσοῦ φλέγει τὰ μὲν χερσόθεν ἀπ’ ἀγλαῶν δενδρέων, ὕδωρ δ’ ἄλλα φέρβει_.

_ 2241 Sympos._ 202 E; _Polit._ 271 D; _Phaed._ 107 D, 108 B; _Tim._ 90 A.

2242 Max. Tyr. _Diss._ xiv. § 8.

2243 Plat. _Rep._ ii. 377-380.

2244 Plut. _De Is._ c. xlv. _αἰτίαν δὲ κακοῦ τἀγαθὸν οὐκ ἂν παράσχοι, δεῖ γένεσιν ἰδίαν καὶ ἀρχήν, ὥσπερ ἀγαθοῦ καὶ κακοῦ, τὴν φύσιν ἔχειν_: cf. Hatch, _Hibbert Lec._ p. 218.

_ 2245 De Is._ c. xxvi. _ὡς τῶν δαιμόνων μικτὴν καὶ ἀνώμαλον φύσιν ἐχόντων καὶ προαίρεσον_: _De Def. Or._ c. x., c. xvi.

_ 2246 De Is._ c. xxv.

2247 Mr. Oakesmith thinks that Plutarch tended to identify them, _Rel. of Plut._ p. 127.

2248 Tatian, _Adv. Gr._ 20; Clem. Alex. _Ad Gent._ 26; Cypr. _Ep._ 75, 10; Min. Felix, c. 26, 27, isti igitur impuri spiritus daemones, ... sub statuis et imaginibus delitescunt, et adflatu suo auctoritatem quasi praesentis numinis consequuntur, dum inspirant interim vates, dum fanis immorantur ... sortes regunt, oracula efficiunt, falsis pluribus involuta, etc. Cf. Tertull. _Apol._ c. xxii. operatio eorum est hominis eversio.... Itaque corporibus quidem et valitudines infligunt et aliquos casus acerbos, etc. Cf. _De Idol._ c. ix; Maury, _La Magie_, p. 99 sqq.

2249 Aug. _De Civ. Dei_, viii. 14-22.

2250 Cic. _De Div._ ii. 57, 117, cur isto modo jam oracula Delphis non eduntur ... ut nihil possit esse contemptius? Strab. vii. 7, 9, _ἐκλέλοιπε δέ πως καὶ τὸ μαντεῖον τὸ ἐν Δωδώνῃ καθάπερ τἆλλα_.

2251 Herodot. viii. 134.

2252 Plut. _De Def. Or._ c. v. viii.

2253 D. Cass. lxiii. 14, _καὶ τὸ μαντεῖον κατέλυσεν, ἀνθρώπους ἐς τὸ στόμιον, ἐξ οὗ τὸ ἱερὸν πνεῦμα ἀνῄει, σφάξας_.

2254 Plut. _De Def. Or._ c. ii.

_ 2255 De Pyth. Or._ c. xxix.; _v._ Gréard, p. 252.

_ 2256 De Pyth. Or._ c. x. _τοῦτό γε μᾶλλον ῥίψαι καὶ διασπεῖραι λόγους ... οἷς πλανωμένοις ἀπῄντῃσε πολλάκις ἡ τύχη, κτλ._

_ 2257 De Pyth. Or._ c. xi.

_ 2258 Ib._ c. v. xvii.

_ 2259 Ib._ c. xix.

_ 2260 Ib._ c. xxiii.

_ 2261 Ib._ c. xxiv.

_ 2262 Ib._ xxii. _τραφεῖσα ἐν οἰκίᾳ γεωργῶν πενήτων κτλ._

_ 2263 De Pyth. Or._ c. xxv. _πλείστης μέντοι ποιητικὴν ἐνέπλησεν ἀδοξίας τὸ ἀγυρτικὸν καὶ ἀγοραῖον καὶ περὶ τὰ μητρῷα καὶ σεράπεια βωμολόχον καὶ πλανώμενον γένος κτλ._

_ 2264 De Def. Or._ c. viii.

_ 2265 Ib._ c. ix. _εὐηθές γὰρ κομιδῇ τὸ οἴσεθαι τὸν θεὸν αὐτὸν ... ἐνδυόμενον εἰς τὰ σώματα τὼν προφητὼν ὑποφθέγγεσθαι_; c. xlviii.; _De Pyth. Or._ c. xxi.

_ 2266 De Def. Or._ xlii. _ψυχῆς τὸ μαντικὸν ὥσπερ ὄμμα δεῖται τοῦ συνεξάπτοντος οἰκείου καὶ συνεπιθήγοντος_.

_ 2267 Ib._ c. x. xii. _φύσεις εἰσί τινες ἐν μεθορίῳ θεῶν καὶ ἀνθρώπων, δεχόμεναι πάθη θνητά, οὗς δαίμονας ὀρθῶς ἔχει κατὰ νόμον πατέρων σέβεσθαι_: cf. Plat. _Sympos._ 202 E; Apul. _De Deo Socr._ c. vi.; Max. Tyr. _Diss._ xiv. §§ 2-8.

_ 2268 De Def. Or._ c. xliii. _τῶν δὲ περὶ αὐτὴν (τὴν γῆν) δυνάμεων πῆ μὲν ἐκλείψεις πῆ δὲ γενέσεις ... εἰκὸς ἐστι συμβαίνειν, κτλ._

_ 2269 Ib._ c. xxxviii.; Maury, p. 149.

2270 Plut. _De Def. Or._ c. xlvi.

_ 2271 De Gen. Socr._ c. xi. xx.; cf. Hild, _Étude sur les Démons_, p. 263 sqq.

_ 2272 De Gen. Socr._ c. xi. _ἀκούω δὲ καὶ τὴν ἐν Σικελίᾳ τῆς Ἀθηναίων δυνάμεως φθορὰν προειπεῖν αὐτόν κτλ._

2273 Plut. _De Gen. Socr._ c. xx.

2274 Philostr. _Apoll. T._ vi. 11.

_ 2275 De Gen. Socr._ c. xx. _αἱ δὲ τῶν δαιμόνων φέγγος ἔχουσαι τοῖς δυναμένοις ἐλλάμπουσιν, οὐ δεόμεναι ῥημάτων οὐδ’ ὀνομάτων κτλ. οὕτως οἱ τῶν δαιμόνων λόγοι διὰ πάντων φερόμενοι μόνοις ἐνηχούσι τοῖς ἀθόρυβον ἦτος καὶ νήμενον ἔχουσι τὴν ψυχήν· οὓς δὲ καὶ ἱεροὺς καὶ δαιμονίους ἀνθρώπους καλοῦμεν_; cf. _De Def. Or._ c. xxxvii.

_ 2276 De Def. Or._ c. xxxix.

_ 2277 De Def. Or._ c. xxxix.

2278 Cic. _De Nat. Deor._ i. 17, 42, § 117; ii. 28, § 70; _De Div._ ii. 72; Sen. _Ep._ 123; Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ i. 23.

2279 Lamprid. _Com._ c. 9.

2280 Vop. _Aurelian._ c. 35, § 3.

2281 Plut. _De Superst._ c. 5, 6, _ἡ μὲν ἀθεόθης ἀπάθεια πρὸς τὸ θεῖόν ἐστι ... ἡ δὲ δεισιδαιμονία πολυπάθεια κακὸν τὸ ἀγαθὸν ὑπονοοῦσα_.

_ 2282 De Superst._ c. 3, _μόνη γὰρ οὐ σπένδεται πρὸς τὸν ὕπνον ... εἴδωλα φρικώδη καὶ τεράστια φάσματα καὶ ποινάς τινας ἐγείρουσα καὶ στροβοῦσα τὴν ἀθλίαν ψυχήν_.

_ 2283 Ib._ c. 4, _συνάπτουσα τῷ θανάτῳ κακῶν ἐπίνοιαν ἀθανάτων_.

_ 2284 Ib._ c. 6, _φοβοῦνται τοὺς θεοὺς καὶ καταφεύγουσιν ἐπὶ τοὺς θεούς, κολακεύουσι καὶ λοιδοροῦσιν_. Cf. Bacon’s _Essays, Of Superstition_, “It were better to have no opinion of God at all, than such an opinion as is unworthy of Him.”

2285 Gréard, p. 269.

2286 Luc. i. 65; iii. 991; cf. Cic. _De Div._ ii. 72.

2287 Apul. _Met._ xi. c. 24.

2288 Juv. vi. 523, 547; Mart. vii. 54; Luc. _Philops._ c. 7-13.

2289 Eurip. _Ion_, 104.

2290 Liv. xliii. 13.

2291 Cic. _De Div._ ii. 24.

2292 Tac. _Ann._ xi. 15, rettulit deinde ad senatum super collegio haruspicum, ne vetustissima Italiae disciplina per desidiam exolesceret.

2293 Warde Fowler, _Rom. Festivals_, p. 343.

2294 D. Cass. lii. 36, _τοὺς δὲ ξενίζοντάς τι περὶ τὸ θεῖον καὶ μίσει καὶ κόλαζε_.

2295 Suet. _Octav._ xxxi.

2296 Cic. _De Leg._ ii. 9; Fowler, _Rom. Fest._ p. 233.

2297 Ov. _Fast._ iii. 285; Lucr. i. 131; Liv. i. 20.

2298 Val. Max. i. 3, 3; cf. Cic. _De Div._ ii. 43.

2299 Aul. Gell. iii. 10.

2300 Cic. _In Catil._ iii. 4; cf. Plut. _Vit. Cic._ c. 17.

2301 Suet. _Octav._ xciv. xcvii.

2302 Cf. D. Cass. lxvi. 9, _τούς τε ἀστρολόγους ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης ἐξώρισεν (Οὐεσπασιανὸς) καίτοι πᾶσι τοῖς ἀρίστοις χρώμενος_.

2303 Suet. _Dom._ x. interemit Met. Pompeianum quod habere imperatoriam genesin vulgo ferebatur.

2304 Tac. _Ann._ xii. 52; ii. 32, 75; D. Cass. xlix. 43; Suet. _Vitell._ xiv.

2305 Suet. _Tib._ lxix., circa deos negligentior quippe addictus mathematicae, etc.

_ 2306 Ib._ xiv. Yet cf. his love of mythical _nugae_, _ib._ lxx.

2307 Juv. x. 94. See the remarkable chapters in Tac. _Ann._ vi. 21-22.

2308 Tac. _Ann._ xii. 52.

2309 Suet. _Ner._ lx.; xxxiv., facto per magos sacro evocare manes et exorare tentavit.

_ 2310 Ib._ xl.

2311 Suet. _Galb._ xviii.

2312 Suet. _Otho_, iv.

2313 Tac. _Hist._ i. 22.

2314 Suet. _Otho_, vii. viii.

2315 Tac. _Hist._ ii. 50.

2316 Suet. _Vitell._ iii. xi. xiv.

2317 Tac. _Hist._ ii. 62.

2318 D. Cass. lxv. 1, _ἀντιπαρήγγειλαν ἀπαλλαγῆναι ἐκ τοῦ βίου ἐντὸς τῆς ἡμέρας κτλ._

_ 2319 Ib._ lxvi. 9, 10.

2320 Tac. _Hist._ ii. 78.

2321 Suet. _Titus_, v. viii. ix.

2322 Id. _Dom._ xiv. xv.

2323 Suet. _Dom._ x. xiv. xv. xvi.; D. Cass. lxvii. 15, _πάντως γὰρ καὶ ὁ Δομιτιανὸς τῶν πρώτων τάς τε ἡμέρας καὶ τὰς ὥρας ἐν αἷς ἐγεγένητο διασκοπῶν ... προανήλισκε_.

2324 Spart. _Hadr._ c. 16; cf. Renan, _L’Égl. Chrét._ c. 2.

2325 Spart. _Hadr._ c. 2, § 4.

2326 D. Cass. lxix. 11, _μαντείαις μαγγανείαις τε παντοδαπαῖς ἐχρῆτο κτλ._

2327 Spart. _Hadr._ c. 16, § 7.

2328 Id. _M. Anton._ c. 19.

2329 D. Cass. lxxi. 8.

2330 Luc. _Alex._ c. 35, 47.

2331 M. Aurel. x. 5; ix. 27: on the Stoic belief in divination, _v._ Cic. _De Div._ i. 38 (82); Zeller, _Phil. der Griechen_, iii. 1, p. 313 sqq.

2332 Plin. _Ep._ iii. 5, § 4.

2333 Plin. _Ep._ vii. 27.

_ 2334 Ib._ i. 18, v. 5, 5; cf. Mayor’s learned note on iii. 5, 4; Gregorovius, _Hadrian_, p. 229 sqq.

2335 Suet. _Jul. Caes._ lxxvii.

2336 Id. _Octav._ xciii.

2337 Cf. Macé, _Suétone_, p. 59 sqq.

2338 Apul. _Met._ iv. 27; i. 8; cf. Petron. _Sat._ 62, 63.

_ 2339 v._ Fabian, _Quid Tac. de num. div. judicaverit_, pp. 7, 13, 16, 21, 24, 29; Nipperdey, _Einleitung_, xiv. xxvi.; Tac. _Hist._ v. 5; ii. 38; _Ann._ iii. 18; vi. 22; xiv. 12; cf. Peter, _Die Gesch. Litt._ ii. p. 221.

2340 Tac. _Agric._ c. 2, 4; _Hist._ iv. 5; _Ann._ xiv. 12.

_ 2341 Agric._ c. 45; _Hist._ i. 2; iii. 37; _Ann._ i. 7.

_ 2342 Ann._ i. 1.

_ 2343 Hist._ i. 3 _ad fin._

_ 2344 Ann._ xvi. 33, aequitate deum erga bona malaque documenta.

_ 2345 Ib._ vi. 22; cf. Mackail, _Rom. Lit._ p. 210.

_ 2346 Hist._ i. 22, genus hominum potentibus infidum sperantibus fallax, quod in civitate nostra et vetabitur semper et retinebitur; cf. _Hist._ v. 4; _Ann._ vi. 28; iv. 58; cf. Fabian, p. 19.

_ 2347 Hist._ ii. 50.

_ 2348 Ib._ iv. 81; cf. Nipperdey, _Einl._ xxvi.

_ 2349 Hist._ ii. 50; iv. 81; i. 6; i. 18; v. 13; _Ann._ i. 65; ii. 14; _Hist._ iii. 56; iv. 83; cf. Fabian, _Quid Tac. de num. div. judicaverit_, p. 19.

2350 Peter, _Gesch. Litt._ ii. p. 42.

2351 Tac. _Hist._ iii. 83, simul cruor et strues corporum, juxta scorta et scortis similes, etc.

2352 Suet. _Nero_, c. iv. vi.

2353 Id. _Calig._ xxi. xxii. xxix. xxxiv. xxxvii.; cf. Mackail, _Rom. Lit._ p. 213.

2354 Suet. _Nero_, lvii.

2355 Epict. _Diss._ ii. 7, § 10, _τί οὖν ἡμᾶς ἐπὶ τὸ συνεχῶς μαντεύεσθαι ἄγει; Ἡ δειλία, τὸ φοβεῖσθαι τὰς ἐκβάσεις_.

_ 2356 Ib._ _ὡς ὁ ὁδοιπόρος πυνθάνεται ... ποτέρα τῶν ὁδῶν φέρει ... οὕτως ἔδει καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν θεὸν ἔρχεσθαι, ὡς ὁδηγόν_. Cf. _Ench._ 32.

2357 Warde Fowler, _Roman Festivals_, p. 72; Preller, _Rom. Myth._ (Tr.), p. 381.

2358 Philostr. _Vit. Soph._ ii. p. 273, _ἐθαύμαζε δὲ τὸν Ἡρώδην ὡς ποικιλώτατον ῥητόρων_: cf. _Praef. Jac. Perizonii ed. Aeliana_, Gronov.; Suid. _καὶ ἐσοφίστευσεν ἐν Ῥώμῃ αὐτῇ ἐπὶ τῶν μετὰ Ἁδριανὸν χρόνων_.

2359 Ael. _Var. Hist._ xi. 13.

_ 2360 v._ _Fragm. Ael. ap. Gronov._ p. 1014.

_ 2361 Ib._ p. 1022.

_ 2362 Ib._ p. 1024.

_ 2363 Ib._ p. 1023.

_ 2364 Ib._ p. 1011.

_ 2365 Ib._ p. 1030.

_ 2366 Fragm. Ael._ pp. 1009, 1034.

_ 2367 Ib._ p. 1013.

_ 2368 Ib._ p. 1049.

_ 2369 Ib._ p. 1051.

_ 2370 v._ Jebb’s _Aristides_, _Collect. Hist._ § vi.

2371 Philostr. _Vit. Soph._ ii. p. 253.

2372 Friedl. _Sittengesch._ iii. p. 440 sqq.; Baumgart, _Ael. Aristides als Repräsentant der Soph. Rhet._ pp. 68, 96.

2373 Baumgart rejects Welcker’s view of the essentially religious character of Aristides, pp. 112, 113.

2374 Baumgart, pp. 62, 102, Bald ist in der ganzen Heilungsgeschichte dies die Hauptsache, dass nun sein Rhetorentum die höchste Weihe erhalten habe.

2375 Id. p. 62.

2376 Baumgart, pp. 60, 61.

2377 Id. p. 64.

_ 2378 v._ c. iii. of Pater’s _Marius the Epicurean_.

2379 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ iii. 44; D. Cass. lxix. 22, _Ἁδριανὸς δὲ μαγγανείαις μέν τισι καὶ γοητείαις ἐκενοῦτό ποτε τοῦ ὑγροῦ_.

2380 Caton, _Temples and Ritual of Asklepios_, p. 27.

2381 Baumgart, p. 97; cf. Aristid. _Or._ p. 574 (Jebb’s Ed.), 531.

2382 Aristid. _Or._ p. 530 (Jebb).

2383 Caton, p. 29.

2384 Maury, _La Magie_, p. 231.

2385 S. Hieron. in _Is._ c. lv. p. 482.

2386 Pausan. ix. 39, § 4; Max. Tyr. _Diss._ xiv. 2.

2387 Plut. _De Def. Or._ c. 41-46; Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ i. 8; cf. Maury, _La Magie_, p. 237.

2388 Apul. _Met._ xi. c. 22.

2389 Max. Tyr. xvi. i.; Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ ii. 37; vi. 11.

2390 See a list in Tertullian, _De Anima_, c. 46.

2391 Strab. xvii. 17 (1052).

2392 Diod. Sic. i. 25.

2393 Cic. _De Div._ i. 58.

2394 Wolff, _De Nov. Orac. Aet._ p. 29.

2395 Caton, p. 28.

2396 Diod. Sic. i. 25.

2397 Wolff, _De Nov. Orac. Aet._ p. 31, Ejus sacerdotes fraudibus famosi opportune Isidis templo Pompeiano culpae convicti sunt; ubi ipse scalinam vidi secretam, etc. Maury, _La Magie_, pp. 237-8.

2398 Cf. Maury, p. 240.

2399 See a list in Caton, p. 36 sq.

2400 Caton, p. 28; Pausan. ii. 27, § 5; cf. Strab. viii. 6, § 15.

2401 Caton, pp. 40, 38.

2402 Baumgart, p. 101.

2403 Cf. Aristid. _Or._ 536-538 (Jebb, t. i.).

2404 Aristid. _Or._ 537, _Ἕβρος πᾶς ἠπείρωτο ὑπὸ κριστάλλου, πεδία δὲ λιμνάζοντα_.

_ 2405 Ib._ 538, _καὶ τέλος, οἱ ἰατροὶ κατέτεμνον ἐκ τοῦ στήθους ἀρξάμενοι πάντα ἑξῆς ἄχρι πρὸς τὴν κύστιν κατω. κτλ._

_ 2406 Ib._ 541, _οὔτε βοηθεῖν εἴχον οὔτε ἐγνώριζον τὴν ποικιλίαν τῆς νόσου. τοσοῦτον δ’ οὖν συνέδοξεν εἰς τὰς πηγὰς τὰς θερμὰς κομίσαι._ Cf. 514, _κτλ._, and _Collect. Hist. ad an._ 160, in Jebb’s Ed.

_ 2407 Ib._ 504.

_ 2408 Ib._ 554, _τὸ δὲ στῆθος ἔξω παρεωθεῖτο καὶ τὸ νῶτον εἰς τοὔπισθεν ἀντεσπᾶτο ἠρέμει δὲ οὐδὲν τοῦ σώματος, κτλ._

2409 Arist. _Or._ 501-3, 506, 531, 532.

2410 Aristid. _Or._ 521.

_ 2411 Ib._ 504-5, 541-2.

2412 Baumgart, p. 101; Aristid. _Or._ p. 550 (Jebb, t. i.).

2413 Aristid. _Or._ 553; Baumgart, p. 99.

2414 Aristid. _Or._ 506, 515; cf. Baumgart, p. 122.

2415 Aristid. _Or._ 505, _οἱ δὲ ἐνεκάλουν ὡς λίαν ἅπαντα ἐπὶ τοῖς ὀνείρασι ποιουμένῳ, κτλ._

_ 2416 Ib._ 529.

2417 Baumgart, p. 64, und dabei entwickelte sich der Glaube, dass er dem Asklepios alles verdanke, Leib, Leben, und speciell die Gabe der Rede, etc.; cf. p. 68, erhebt er ihn auch als den eigentlichen Verleiher und Spender seiner rednerischen Gaben, etc., p. 69, er dem Gotte einen stärkeren und bleibenden Einfluss auch auf die Gestaltung seines inneren Lebens zuschreibt.

2418 Id. p. 69.

2419 Aristid. _Or._ 512, _εὐθὺς ἐξ ἀρχῆς προεῖπεν ὁ θεὸς ἀπογράφειν τὰ ὀνείρατα_.

2420 Baumgart, pp. 112, 123.

2421 On his vanity _v._ Baumgart, p. 110. The most glaring example is in _Or. Sac._ 4, 591-2, _ἐξεβόησα, εἶς, λέγων τὸν θεόν, καὶ ὅς ἔφη, σὺ εἶ_.

2422 Artemid. _Oneirocrit._ iii. 66.

_ 2423 Ib._ i. 1, _διὰ τὴν εὐχρηστίαν οὐ μόνον τὴν ἡμῶν αὐτῶν ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν μετέπειτα ἐσωμένων ἀνθρώπων_.

_ 2424 Ib._ Cf. Tertullian, _De An._ 46, 47.

2425 Artemid. _Oneirocrit._ _οὐ γὰρ ἀπὸ πείρας ἀλλ’ αὐτοσχεδιάζοντες ... οὕτως ἔγραφον_. Praef.

_ 2426 Ib._ ii. 70, _ad fin._

_ 2427 Ib._ i. Praef., _οὐκ ἔστιν ὅ τι βιβλίον οὐκ ἐτησάμην ὀνειροκριτικόν_.

2428 Artemid. _Oneirocrit._ iv. 71.

_ 2429 Ib._ _ἀλλὰ ποτὲ μὲν ἁπλῶς λέγουσι, ποτὲ δὲ αἰνίσσονται ... ἐπειδὴ καὶ σοφώτεροι ὄντες ἡμῶν αὐτῶν οὐδὲν ἡμᾶς ἀβασανίστως βούλονται λαμβάνειν_.

_ 2430 Ib._ ii. 69.

2431 Maury, p. 241.

2432 Artemid. _Oneirocrit._ iv. Praef.

_ 2433 Ib._ ii. 4.

_ 2434 Ib._ i. 13, 17.

_ 2435 Ib._ i. 22.

_ 2436 Ib._ i. 37, 39.

_ 2437 Ib._ i. 51.

_ 2438 Ib._ i. 66.

_ 2439 Ib._ v. 18.

2440 Artemid. _Oneirocrit._ v. Praef.

2441 Luc. _Concil. Deor._ c. 12, _ἀλλ’ ἤδη πᾶς λίθος καὶ πᾶς βωμὸς χρησμῳδεῖ, κτλ._ Cf. Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ iv. 14.

2442 Cic. _De. Div._ ii. 57, cur isto modo iam oracula Delphis non eduntur non modo nostra aetate, sed jamdiu, jam ut nihil possit esse contemptius?

2443 Strab. ix. 3, 4, (419), _ὠλιγώρεται δ’ ἱκανῶς καὶ τὸ ἱερόν, κτλ._: vii. 7, 9, (328) (Dodona); xvii. 1, 43 (Ammon).

2444 Plut. _De Def. Or._ c. 5.

2445 Plut. _De Def. Or._ c. 8, 38.

2446 Id. _Cic._ c. 5.

2447 Tac. _Ann._ ii. 54.

2448 Suet. _Tib._ c. xiv.

2449 Id. _Calig._ c. lvii.

2450 Id. _Nero_, xl.

2451 Tac. _Hist._ ii. 78.

2452 Suet. _Tit._ c. v.

2453 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ iv. 24.

2454 Luc. _Alex._ c. 29.

2455 Friedl. _Sittengesch._ iii. p. 469.

2456 D. Cass. lxiii. 14.

_ 2457 v._ Wolff. _De Nov. Orac. Aet._ p. 5.

_ 2458 Ib._ pp. 6, 52.

2459 Luc. _Alex._ c. 3, _ὀφθαλμοὶ πολὺ τὸ γοργὸν καὶ ἔνθεον διεμφαίνοντες, κτλ._

2460 Luc. _Alex._ c. 4, 5.

_ 2461 Ib._ c. 8, _ῥᾳδίως κατενόησαν τὸν τῶν ἀνθρώπων βίον ὑπὸ δυοῖν τούτοιν μεγίστοιν τυραννούμενον_.

_ 2462 Ib._ c. 9.

_ 2463 Ib._ c. 12.

_ 2464 Ib._ c. 15-18.

_ 2465 Ib._ c. 20.

2466 Luc. _Alex._ c. 23, _ἐτέτακτο δὲ καὶ μισθὸς ἐφ’ ἑκάστῳ χρησμῷ δραχμὴ καὶ δύ’ ὀβολώ_.

2467 If I am right in interpreting Lucian’s statement, _ἀλλ’ εἰς ἑπτὰ ἢ ὀκτὼ μυριάδας ἑκάστου ἔθους ἤθροιζεν_.

2468 Luc. _Alex._ c. 23, _ἅπασιν ἔνεμεν ἑκάστῳ τὸ κατ’ ἀξίαν_.

_ 2469 Ib._ c. 24.

_ 2470 Ib._ c. 51, _ἀλλὰ καὶ βαρβάροις πολλάκις ἔχρησεν ... Συριστὶ ἢ Κελτιστί_.

_ 2471 Ib._ c. 30, _ἀλλόκοτα περὶ τῶν θεῶν πεπιστευκώς, κτλ._

_ 2472 Ib._ c. 31.

_ 2473 Ib._ c. 32.

_ 2474 Ib._ c. 30, _ἐν πολλαῖς τάξεσι ἐξητασμένος_.

2475 Luc. _Alex._ c. 35.

_ 2476 Ib._ c. 38, _εἴ τις ἄθεος ἢ Χριστιανὸς ἢ Ἐπικούρειος ἥκει κατάσκοπος τῶν ὀργίων, κτλ._: cf. 25, _λέγων ἀθέων ἐμπεπλῆσθαι καὶ Χριστιανῶν τὸν Πόντον, κτλ._

_ 2477 Ib._ c. 46.

_ 2478 Ib._ cc. 53 sqq.

2479 Jul. Capitol. _M. Ant._ cc. 22, 17.

2480 Luc. _Alex._ cc. 36-48.

2481 Luc. _Alex._ c. 38.

2482 Friedl. _Sittengesch._ iii. 456.

_ 2483 Or. Henz._ 1810, 5320; cf. Preller, _Rom. Myth._ (Tr.), p. 415.

2484 D. Cass. lxix, 11; cf. Gregorov. _Hadrian_, p. 128.

2485 Luc. _De Morte Peregr._ c. 29.

2486 Jul. Capitol. _M. Ant._ c. 18, hodieque in multis domibus M. Antonini statuae consistunt inter deos penates ... sacrilegus judicatus est qui ejus imaginem in sua domo non habuit.

2487 Max. Tyr. _Diss._ xiv. 8.

2488 Petron. _Sat._ 17.

2489 Herod. i. 60.

2490 Preller, _Myth. Rom._ p. 65, 66, 387.

2491 Cf. _Or. Henz._ Ind. pp. 27, 28; _v._ especially 1730 (genius Jovis), 1812 (Neronis), 193 (Arvernorum), 2204 (Col. Ostiensis), 689 (municipii), 1704 (legionis), 4113 (pavimentariorum), 6628 (fontis).

_ 2492 Or. Henz._ 2135, Sei Deo Sei Deivae Sac. etc.; 1580, Aesculapio et Hygiae caeterisque diis deabusque hujus loci Salutaribus; 5902, Hospitibus diis Mauricis et genio loci, etc.

2493 Cf. Tertull. _Apol._ c. 24.

_ 2494 Or. Henz._ 1997-2001; cf. D. Cass. lxxvii. 15.

_ 2495 Or. Henz._ 823, 1967.

_ 2496 Ib._ 1959, 1986, 1954; cf. _C.I.L._ xii. 1556, 3097; viii. 9195, 4578, 8834.

2497 Friedl. _Sittengesch._ iii. pp. 482-4.

_ 2498 Or. Henz._ 1580.

_ 2499 Or. Henz._ 5689.

_ 2500 Ib._ 1560.

_ 2501 Ib._ 1632, 4, 7; Nymphis ob reditum aquarum, etc.

_ 2502 Ib._ 5758.

2503 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ iv. 16, _Θετταλοὶ γὰρ τὰ ἐναγίσματα χρόνον ἤδη πολὺν εκλελοίπασί μοι_.

2504 Friedl. _Sittengesch._ iii. p. 479.

2505 Orig. _C. Celsum_, lib. iii. p. 124, ed. Spencer; lib. vii. p. 334, Friedl. iv. p. 458; S. Aug. _De Civ. D._ xix. 23, quis ita stultus est qui non intelligat ... consilio simili ab impuris daemonibus ita fuisse responsa, etc.; cf. viii. 22, mirabilibus et fallacibus signis sive factorum sive praedictorum deos se esse persuaserunt.

2506 Herodot. vi. 86.

2507 Plut. _Non posse suav. vivi_, etc. c. 26 sq.; _De Ser. Num. Vind._ c. 18.

2508 Plat. _Phaed._ 85 D, _εἰ μή τις δύναιτο ἀσφαλέστερον ἐπὶ βεβαιοτέρου ὀχήματος [ἢ] λόγου θείου τινὸς διαπορευθῆναι_.

2509 Soph. _O.C._ 1055.

2510 Sellar’s _Virgil_, p. 367; cf. Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ i. 367.

2511 Cic. _Tusc._ i. 16, sub terra censebant reliquam vitam agi mortuorum; cf. F. de Coulanges, _La Cité Ant._ p. 8.

_ 2512 Or. Henz._ 4525.

_ 2513 Ib._ 4433, posticum cum apparitorio, et compitum a solo pecun. sua fecerunt, etc.; cf. 4353; Petron. c. 71.

2514 Marq. _Priv._ i. 367.

2515 Cf. Duruy, _Hist. Rom._ v. 637.

2516 Aesch. _Choeph._ 92, 488; F. de Coulanges, _La Cité Ant._ p. 16.

_ 2517 Or. Henz._ 7364, 7338, 4076, 4417, 4422.

_ 2518 Ib._ 4428, somno aeterno sacr. ... fecerunt sibi et suis libertis libertabusque, etc., 4631, 4435.

_ 2519 Ib._ 4781, 3, 5, 6, 4790, quisquis hoc sustulerit aut laeserit ultimus suorum moriatur.

_ 2520 Or. Henz._ 4775, 4419, 4420, 4415, 4737; T. Lollius positus propter viam ut dicant praeterientes, Lolli ave, cf. 4745.

2521 Fowler, _Rom. Festivals_, p. 307.

_ 2522 Or. Henz._ 4414, 4417, nam curatores substituam qui vescantur ex horum hortorum reditu natali meo et praebeant rosam in aeternum. Hos neque dividi neque alienari volo.

_ 2523 Ib._ 4084, 4100, 4420.

2524 Marq. _Priv._ i. 362; Mau, _Pompeii_, p. 421 sqq.; cf. Cic. _Tusc._ i. 16.

_ 2525 Or. Henz._ 4737.

_ 2526 Ib._ 7396, 7402, vivite felices qui legitis.

2527 Cic. _Tusc._ i. 12, 27, quas (caeremonias sepulcrorum) ingeniis praediti nec tanta cura coluissent, nec violatas tam inexpiabili religione sanxissent, nisi haereret in eorum mentibus mortem non interitum esse omnia tollentem, etc.

2528 Aelian, _Fr._ p. 1023 (Gronov.).

2529 S. Paulin. Nol. _Carm._ 27; S. Aug. _Ep._ 22, _Serm._ v. xvii.; cf. Sidon. Apoll. v. 17; Bingham, _Antiq. of Chr. Church_, ii. p. 1165.

2530 Fowler, _Rom. Festivals_, p. 108.

_ 2531 Or. Henz._ 4775, horis nocturnis ut eum videam, et possim dulcius et celerius aput eum pervenire.

_ 2532 Ib._ 7346.

2533 Marq. _Priv._ i. pp. 438-9; Preller, _Rom. Myth._ (Tr.), p. 331.

2534 Momms. _Rom. Hist._ i. p. 189; Tertull. _Apol._ xv. vidimus et Jovis fratrem gladiatorum cadavera cum malleo deducentem.

2535 Fowler, _Rom. Festivals_, p. 211.

2536 Luc. _Philops._ c. 6.

_ 2537 Ib._ c. 16.

_ 2538 Ib._ cc. 22-24.

_ 2539 Ib._ c. 27.

2540 Plut. _Cim._ c. 1, _ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον εἰδώλων τινῶν ἐν τῷ τόπῳ προφαινομένων, ὡς οἱ πατέρες ἡμῶν λέγουσι, κτλ._

2541 Plin. _Ep._ vii. 27.

2542 Suet. _Calig._ c. 59.

2543 D. Cass. lxii. 17.

2544 Lobeck, _Aglaoph._ i. p. 221.

2545 D. Cass. lvii. 15.

2546 Suet. _Nero_, c. xxxiv.

2547 Max. Tyr. xv. 7.

2548 Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ i. p. 316.

_ 2549 Ib._ p. 279; cf. Conington, _Introd. Aen._ vi. p. 419; Rohde, _Psyche_, ii. p. 165.

2550 Grote, ii. p. 518 (ed. 1862).

2551 Mommsen, _R. Hist._ i. p. 187; Preller, _Rom. Myth._ pp. 197, 407, 438.

_ 2552 Aen._ vi. 289.

_ 2553 Ib._ 313, 416.

_ 2554 Ib._ 441.

_ 2555 Ib._ 472.

_ 2556 Ib._ 555.

_ 2557 Ib._ 600.

_ 2558 Ib._ 608.

_ 2559 Aen._ 640; cf. Pind. _Ol._ ii. 130.

_ 2560 Aen._ vi. 645.

_ 2561 Ib._ 748; cf. Conington’s _Virg. Introd. Aen._ vi. p. 419; Lobeck, _Aglaoph._ ii. 798.

2562 Diog. Laert. _Vit. Pythag._ viii. 1, § 14; _πρῶτόν τέ φασι τοῦτον ἀποφῆναι τὴν ψυχὴν κύκλον ἀνάγκης ἀμείβουσαν ἄλλοτ’ ἄλλοις ἐνδεῖσθαι ζῴοις_: S. Aug. _De Civ. D._ vii. 6; cf. Liebaldt, _Theolog. Varr._ i. p. 14; Cic. _Rep._ vi. 15-25; Macrob. _Som. Scip._ i. 14.

2563 Rohde, _Psyche_, ii. 161, n. 1, 34, 312; Cic. _De N. D._ i. 11, 27; Pythagoras qui censuit animum esse per naturam rerum omnem intentum et commeantem, ex quo nostri animi carperentur, etc.

_ 2564 Aen._ vi. 756 sqq.

_ 2565 C.I.L._ iv. 2361, 1982; Mau, _Pompeii_, 486-8; Friedl. iii. p. 300.

2566 Sen. _Ad. Marc._ xix. 4; Cic. _Tusc._ i. 21, 48; Juv. xiii. 48; Plut. _De Superst._ c. 4.

2567 Luc. _De Luctu_, cc. 1-10.

2568 Plut. _Non p. Suav._ c. 27.

2569 Id. _De. Ser. Num. Vind._ iv. 44; _De Gen. Socr._ c. 22.

2570 Luc. _De Luctu_, c. 10; Friedl. iii. p. 632; Rohde, _Psyche_, i. p. 306, n. 3; Maury, _La Magie_, p. 158.

_ 2571 Or. Henz._ 4443.

_ 2572 Ib._ 1197.

_ 2573 Ib._ 2982.

_ 2574 Ib._ 4433, 4416, 4417.

_ 2575 Ib._ 4662, 4755.

_ 2576 Or. Henz._ 4581, 4841, 4849, 4701, 7352.

_ 2577 Ib._ 7392.

_ 2578 Rel. Rom._ i. 342.

_ 2579 Or. Henz._ 1192.

_ 2580 Ib._ 7387, 4809, 4810, 4811, 4807, 4813, vixi dum vixi bene; jam mea peracta mox vestra agetur fabula; velete et plaudite, 7411.

_ 2581 Or. Henz._ 4806, 7; 4; 4816, hic secum habet omnia. Balnea, vina, venus corrumpunt corpora nostra, set vitam faciunt.

_ 2582 Ib._ 7407.

_ 2583 C.I.L._ ii. 1877.

_ 2584 Or. Henz._ 6674, dum vixi bi(bi) libenter; bibite vos qui vivitis.

_ 2585 Ib._ 7410—miscete Lyaeum, etc., caetera post obitum tellus consumit et ignis.

2586 Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ i. 312-316; Thiersch, _Politik und Phil. in ihrem Verhältn. zur Rel._ p. 13.

2587 Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ i. 310.

2588 Lucret. iii. 952, 991.

_ 2589 Ib._ 844 sqq.

2590 Plut. (?) _De Plac. Phil._ iv. 7, _οἱ Στωικοὶ ἐξιοῦσαν ἐκ τῶν σωμάτων ὑποφέρεσθαι, τὴν μὲν ἀσθενεστέραν ἅμα τοῖς συγκρίμασι γενέσθαι· τὴν δὲ ἰσχυροτέραν, οἵα ἐστὶ περὶ τοὺς σοφούς, καὶ μέχρι τῆς ἐκπυρώσεως_.

2591 Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 1, p. 185; Cic. _Tusc._ i. 32, 79.

2592 Zeller, iii. 1, p. 711, keine Seelenthätigkeit ist ohne körperliche Bewegung möglich; Renan, _Averroès_, pp. 128 sq., 418; Rohde, _Psyche_, ii. p. 309.

2593 Cf. Graham, _Creed of Science_ (2nd ed.), p. 183, “The poets must count for much in the argument, since they possess in higher degree than others the great creative faculty of imagination which outlines the province of the possible”; Jowett, _Plato_, i. pp. 389 sqq., etc.

2594 Sall. _Catil._ c. 51.

2595 Plin. _H. N._ vii. 55, 188.

2596 Cf. Plut. (?) _Cons. ad Apoll._ c. xii. xiii.

2597 Sen. _Ad Marc._ c. xix.

2598 Sen. _Ep._ 54, 99, § 30; _De Prov._ vi. § 6; _Ad Marc._ 25.

2599 Quint. _Inst._ v. 14, 13, cum, soluta corpore anima an sit immortalis vel ad tempus certe maneat, sit in dubio.

2600 Tac. _Agric._ c. 46; cf. Rohde, _Psyche_, ii. p. 318, n. 3.

2601 Spart. _Hadr._ c. 13, § 3; 14, § 3; 17, § 9; cf. Gregorovius, p. 303.

2602 Spart. _Hadr._ 13, § 1.

_ 2603 Ib._ c. 15, § 12; 16, § 8.

2604 Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 1, p. 660 n.

2605 Epict. _Diss._ iii. 6, § 10.

2606 A. Gell. xv. 11.

2607 Ael. Spart. _Hadr._ c. 16.

2608 Epict. _Diss._ iv. 5, § 17.

2609 M. Aurel. i. 7, _καὶ τὸ ἐντυχεῖν τοῖς Ἐπικτητείοις ὑπομνήμασιν ὧν οἴκοθεν μετέδωκε_.

2610 Epict. _Diss._ ii. 1, § 17.

_ 2611 Ib._ iii. 24, § 93; cf. M. Aurel. iv. 14, 21, and Rohde, _Psyche_, ii. 330.

2612 Epict. _Diss._ iii. 13, § 15.

_ 2613 Ib._ § 14, _ὅταν δὲ μὴ παρέχῃ τἀναγκαῖα, τὸ ἀνακλητικὸν σημαίνει, τὴν θύραν ἤνοιξε, καὶ λέγει σοι, Ἔρχου, Ποῦ; Εἰς οὐδὲν δεινόν· ἀλλ’ ὅθεν ἐγένου, εἰς τὰ φίλα καὶ συγγενῆ, εἰς τὰ στοιχεῖα_.

_ 2614 Diss._ i. 9, § 14, _ἄφες ἡμᾶς ἀπελθεῖν ὅθεν ἐληλύθαμεν κτλ._

2615 Überweg, _Hist. Phil._ i. p. 237.

2616 Zeller, iii. 1, p. 735.

_ 2617 Phaedo_, 86 B.

2618 Zeller, iii. 1, p. 740; Überweg, _Hist. Phil._ i. p. 237.

2619 Jul. Capit. _M. Ant._ c. 13; c. 21; cf. Merivale, _Rom. Hist._ viii. pp. 335-6.

2620 M. Aurel. vii. 67; Zeller, iii. 1, p. 677.

2621 M. Arnold, _Essays in Criticism_, p. 427.

2622 M. Aurel. iii. 3, _εἰ δὲ ἐν ἀναισθησίᾳ, παύσῃ πόνων καὶ ἡδονῶν ἀνεχόμενος, καὶ λατρεύων τοσούτῳ χείρονι τῷ ἀγγείῳ ἢ περίεστι τὸ ὑπηρετοῦν_: Rohde, _Psyche_, ii. pp. 327-28.

2623 ix. 3, _οὕτως ἐνδέχεσθαι τὴν ὥραν ἐν ᾓ τὸ ψυχάριόν σου τοῦ ἐλύτρου τούτου ἐκπεσεῖται_.

2624 xii. 30-32.

2625 vi. 42, 47; ix. 29, 32; vi. 15; vii. 19; vi. 36, _πᾶν τὸ ἐνεστὼς τοῦ χρόνου, στιγμὴ τοῦ αἰῶνος_: Rohde, _Psyche_, ii. p. 147.

2626 M. Aurel. vi. 49, _μήτι δυσχεραίνεις ὅτι τοσῶνδέ τινων λιτρῶν εἶ καὶ οὐ τριακοσίων; οὕτω δὲ καὶ ὅτι μέχρι τοσῶνδε ἐτῶν βιωτέον σοι καὶ οὐ μέχρι πλείονος_.

2627 M. Aurel. ix. 32, _ἀχανὲς δὲ τὸ πρὸ τὴς γενέσεως ὡς καὶ τὸ μετὰ τὴν διάλυσιν ὁμοίως ἄπειρον_.

_ 2628 Ib._ vi. 36, _ἡ Ἀσία, ἡ Εὐρώπη, γωνίαι τοῦ κόσμου ... Αθως βωλάριον τοῦ κόσμου_.

_ 2629 Ib._ vii. 35.

_ 2630 Ib._ x. 33; v. 11; v. 27.

_ 2631 Ib._ xi. 1.

_ 2632 Ib._ vi. 16; vi. 2; vi. 51; vii. 21, _ἐγγὺς μὲν ἡ σὴ περὶ πάντων λήθη ἐγγὺς δὲ ἡ πάντων περὶ σοῦ λήθη_.

_ 2633 Ib._ xi. 1; vii. 1.

2634 M. Aurel. vi. 46, 47; vii. 3; ix. 30.

_ 2635 Ib._ vi. 47; cf. Luc. _Icaromenippus_, c. 18; _Traj. sive Tyr._ c. 8; _Charon_, c. 17; _Menip._ c. 15, _ἀλλ’ ὅμοια τὰ ὀστᾶ ἦν, ἄδηλα καὶ ἀνεπίγραφα κτλ._

2636 M. Aurel. vii. 19, _διὰ τῆς τῶν ὅλων οὐσίας, ὡς διὰ χειμάρρου, διεκπορεύεται πάντα τὰ σώματα_. Cf. ix. 29, _χειμάρρους ἡ τῶν πάντων αἰτία· πάντα φέρει_.

_ 2637 Ib._ vii. 49; vii. 1; ix. 14; x. 23; xi. 1.

2638 M. Aurel. iv. 32.

_ 2639 Ib._ xi. 1.

_ 2640 Ib._ ix. 29, _μηδὲ τὴν Πλάτωνος πολιτείαν ἔλπιζε, ἀλλ’ ἀρκοῦ εἰ τὸ βραχύτατον πρόεισι_.

_ 2641 Ib._ vii. 47; ix. 34.

2642 Sen. _Ep._ 109, § 9.

2643 Sen. _Ep._ 57, § 7.

_ 2644 Ib._ 73, § 16; _Ep._ 83.

2645 Id. _De Prov._ iv. § 7, quos amat indurat, exercet.

2646 Id. _De Ben._ iv. 4; _De Ira_, ii. 27.

2647 Sen. _Ep._ 65, § 22; 102, § 26; _Ad__ Helv._ 11, § 7; _Ad Marc._ 24, § 5. Cf. Plat. _Phaed._ 83 C, D. Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ vi. 11; vii. 26.

2648 Plat. _Phaed._ 79 C; 81 A.

2649 Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 1, p. 185.

2650 Sen. _Ad Marc._ c. 19, 20; cf. Plut. (?) _Consol. ad Apoll._ c. 15, _εἰς τὴν αὐτὴν οὖν τάξιν οἱ τελευτήσαντες καθίστανται τῇ πρὸ τῆς γενέσεως_: cf. _ib._ c. 34.

2651 Sen. _Ep._ 36; 71, § 12; _Ad Marc._ 19, § 4. Cf. Rohde, _Psyche_, ii. p. 328.

2652 Sen. _Ep._ 102, § 21.

_ 2653 Ep._ 120, § 14; 102, § 28, aliquando naturae tibi arcana retegentur: discutietur ista caligo ... nulla serenum umbra turbabit, cf. Rohde, _Psyche_, ii. p. 328, n. 4. Rohde, like Zeller, seems to me not to recognise sufficiently how far Seneca has departed from the old Stoicism.

_ 2654 Ep._ 26, § 5; _Ad Marc._ xxv.

2655 See the apocryphal letters, p. 477, of Haase’s ed. of Sen.; cf. Lightfoot, _S. Paul’s Ep. to the Philippians_, p. 268 sqq. Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 1, p. 637, n. 1; Baur, _Ch. Hist._ i. p. 16.

2656 Sen. _Ep._ 108, § 17; cf. Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ i. 7, 8.

2657 Sen. _Nat. Qu._ vii. 32, § 2, Pythagorica illa invidiosa turbae schola praeceptorem non invenit.

2658 Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 2, p. 95.

2659 Herodot. ii. 123.

2660 Herodotus never mentions Orpheus, but speaks of _τὰ Ὀρφικά_, ii. 81; nor do the schol. on Homer allude to him (Lob. _Aglaoph._ i. p. 540; cf. _Aglaoph._ p. 255 sqq.). His existence was denied by Aristotle (Cic. _De Nat. Deor._ 1. 38, 108). Plato seems to be as assured of it as Iamblichus, _Cratyl._ 402; cf. Iambl. _Pythag._ 145, 243.

2661 Iambl. _Pythag._ 151; Lobeck, _Aglaoph._ i. p. 238.

2662 Cic. _De Leg._ ii. 14, 36, neque solum cum laetitia vivendi rationem accepimus, sed etiam cum spe meliore moriendi.

2663 Plut. _Cons. ad Ux._ c. 10.

2664 Plat. _Phaed._ 70 C; 69 C.

2665 Plat. _Rep._ ii. 364 B.

2666 Cf. Gardner and Jevons, p. 268, who think the ceremonies never were indecent. Rohde, i. p. 289.

2667 Herodot. ii. 81; Iambl. _Pythag._ 151; Rohde, _Psyche_, ii. p. 103.

2668 Baur, _Ch. Hist._ ii. p. 178.

2669 Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 2, p. 99.

2670 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ i. 7, 8; cf. Sen. _Ep._ 108, §§ 17-20.

2671 Zeller, iii. 2, p. 122.

2672 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ i. 2; cf. Zeller, iii. 2, p. 134, n.; Baur, _Ch. Hist._ ii. pp. 174, 206.

2673 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ iv. 20; iii. 41; i. 11, 16; vi. 40.

2674 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ ii. 37; vi. 11.

_ 2675 Ib._ iv. 16.

_ 2676 Ib._ iv. 16.

_ 2677 Ib._ viii. 31, _περὶ ψυχῆς δὲ, ὡς ἀθάνατος εἴη, ἐφιλοσόφει ἔτι διδάσκων μὴν ὅτι ἀληθὴς ὁ ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς λόγος, πολυπραγμονεῖν δὲ μὴ ξυγχωρῶν τὰ ὦδε μεγάλα_.

2678 Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ viii. 31, _ἢ τὶ μετὰ ζῳοῖσον ἐὼν περὶ τῶνδε ματεύεις;_

2679 Plut. (?) _Consol. ad Apoll._ c. 34; cf. c. 15.

_ 2680 Ib._ c. 7 sqq.

_ 2681 Ib._ c. 36, _τεθνεῶτας γὰρ δεῖ κρίνεσθαι κτλ._

_ 2682 Consol. ad Ux._ c. 3.

_ 2683 Consol. ad Ux._ c. 4, 6.

_ 2684 Consol. ad Apoll._ c. 17-24.

_ 2685 De Ser. Num. Vind._ c. 18 (561 A).

_ 2686 Ib._ _οὐδέν ἐστι πρὸς ἡμᾶς τοὺς ζῶντας ἀλλ’ ἀπιστοῦνται καὶ λανθάνοισιν_.

_ 2687 Non p. Suav._ c. 26, 27.

_ 2688 Ib._ c. 23 (1103).

_ 2689 Non. p. Suav._ c. 30, 26.

_ 2690 Ib._ c. 27, _δι’ ἣν ὀλίγου δέω λέγειν πάντας καὶ πάσας εἶναι προθύμους τῷ Κερβέρῳ διαδάκνεσθαι ὅπως ἐν τῷ εἶναι διαμένωσι μηδ’ ἀναιρεθῶσι_.

_ 2691 Ib._ c. 28.

_ 2692 Ib._ c. 28, _ἡλίκης ἑαυτοὺς χαρᾶς ἀποστεροῦσι ... καὶ τὸν φίλον πατέρα καὶ τὴν φίλην μητέρα καί που γυναῖκα χρησθὴν ὄψεσθαι μὴ προσδοκῶντες μηδ’ ἔχοντες ἐλπίδα τῆς ὁμιλίας ἐκείνης καὶ φιλοφροσύνης ἣν ἔχουσιν οἱ τὰ αὐτὰ Πυθαγόρᾳ καὶ Πλάτωνι δοξάζοντες_.

_ 2693 Consol. ad Apoll._ c. 36.

_ 2694 De Ser. Num. Vind._ c. 16: cf. Gréard, _De la Morale de Plut._ p. 283; Oakesmith, _Rel. of Plut._ p. 111 sqq.

_ 2695 De Ser. N. Vind._ v. c. 17, _εἷς οὖν, ἔφην, λόγος ὁ τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν πρόνοιαν καὶ τὴν διαμονὴν τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης ψυχῆς βεβαιῶν, κτλ._

_ 2696 Ib._ c. 17 (560 F).

_ 2697 Ib._ c. 17, ad fin.

2698 Rohde, _Psyche_, ii. pp. 275, 279; Jowett’s _Plato_, i. p. 396; Pl. _Phaed._ 85 C, D; 60 B, C; 69 C; _Meno_ 81 A; _Phaed._ 114 D, _τὸ μὲν οὖν τοιαῦτα διισχυρίσασθαι οὕτως ἔχειν, οὐ πρέπει νοῦν ἔχοντι ἀνδρί, κτλ._

2699 Plut. _De Ser. Num. Vind._ c. 22 (563 C).

_ 2700 Ib._ _εἶτα ῥηγνυμένης ἀτρέμα τῆς πομφόλυγος, ἐκβαίνειν τύπον ἐχούσας ἀνθρωποειδῆ, τὸν δ’ ὄγκον εὐσταλεῖς κτλ._

2701 Plut. _De Ser. Num. Vind._ c. 22 (565).

_ 2702 Ib._ c. 22 (566), _ἔδοξεν ἀφορᾶν κρατῆρα μέγαν, εἰς δὲ τούτον ἐμβάλλοντα ῥεύματα τὸ μὲν ἀφροῦ θαλάσσης ἢ χιόνων λαμπρότερον κτλ._

2703 Plut. _De Ser. Num. Vind._ c. 22 (567 D), _πάντων δὲ πάσχειν ἔλεγεν οἰκτρότατα τὰς ἤδη δοκούσας ἀφεῖσθαι τῆς Δίκης, εἶτ’ αὖθις συλλαμβανομένας· αὖται δ’ ἦσαν ὧν εἴς τινας ἐκγόνους ἢ παῖδας ἡ ποινὴ περιῆλθεν κτλ._

2704 Cf. Pausan. ix. 39, § 5; Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ viii. 19; Plut. _De Gen. Socr._ c. 21, 22 (589, 590); cf. Gardner and Jevons, _Greek Antiq._ pp. 267-8.

2705 Plut. _De Gen. Socr._ c. 22 (590), _ἀναβλέψας δὲ τὴν μὲν γῆν οὐδαμοῦ καθορᾶν, νήσους δὲ λαμπομένας μαλακῷ πυρί κτλ._

_ 2706 Ib._ (591).

2707 Plut. _De Fac. in Orb. Lun._ c. 30.

2708 Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ i. p. 67.

2709 W. Fowler, _Rom. Festivals_, p. 89.

_ 2710 Ib._ p. 229.

2711 Cic. _De Div._ i. 5, 9, existimo ... si Dii sint, esse qui divinent; i, 38, 82; si sunt Dii, neque ante declarant hominibus quae futura sint, aut non diligunt homines, aut quid eventurum sit ignorant. This argument is attributed to Chrysippus and Diogenes in ii. 49, 101.

2712 Sen. _Frag._ 39 (Aug. _De Civ. D._ vi. 11). See Varro’s opinion, _ib._ vi. 5.

_ 2713 De Civ. Dei_, vi. 4.

2714 Cic. _De Nat. D._ ii. 28, 70; cf. Sen. _Frag._ 39, cf. _Ep._ 95, 47.

2715 Cic. _De Div._ i. 3, 6.

2716 Polyb. vi. 56, _καὶ μοι δοκεῖ τὸ παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις ὀνειδιζόμενον τοῦτο συνέχειν τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα, λέγω δὲ τὴν δεισιδαιμονίαν, ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον γὰρ ἐκτετραγῴδεται ... ὥστε μὴ καταλιπεῖν ὑπερβολἠν, κτλ._

2717 Cic. _De Nat. Deor._ iii 17, 43, in illa aureola oratiuncula, cf. Sym. _Rel._ iii.

2718 Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ i. p. 60.

2719 Aug. _De Civ. D._ vi. 2; cf. Cic. _De Leg._ ii. 13, 33, dubium non est quin haec disciplina et ars augurum evanuerit jam et vetustate et negligentia.

2720 D. Cass. liv. 36; cf. W. Fowler’s _Rom. Fest._ p. 343, Preller, _Rom. Mythol._ p. 24.

2721 Suet. _Octav._ c. 30.

_ 2722 Ib._ c. 70, coena _δωδεκάθεος_: cf. Thuc. vi. c. 28, § 1.

2723 Suet. _Octav._ c. 91, 92.

2724 D. Cass. liv. 35 _ad fin._

2725 Ov. _Fasti_, i. 609, hic socium summo cum Jove nomen habet. Sancta vocant augusta patres; augusta vocantur Templa, sacerdotum rite dicata manu.

2726 D. Cass. lii. 36, _τὸ μὲν θεῖον πάντῃ πάντως αὐτός τε σέβου καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τιμᾷν ἀνάγκαζε_.

_ 2727 Ib._ xlvii. 15 _ad fin._

_ 2728 Ib._ liv. 6.

2729 Suet. _Octav._ c. 31.

2730 D. Cass. li. 20.

2731 Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ i. 87.

2732 Momms. _Röm. Staatsr._ ii. p. 1024.

_ 2733 C.I.L._ vi. 2042; cf. 2444 and 2034. Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ i. p 363.

_ 2734 C.I.L._ vi. 2051, 2.

2735 Momms. _Röm. Staatsr._ ii. p. 1022.

2736 Liv. i. 20.

2737 Habel, _De Pontif. Rom._ p. 45.

_ 2738 Or._ 1080, 1117; cf. Zosim. iv. 36; Amm. Marc. xvi. 10; Sym. _Ep._ x. 54.

2739 Habel, _De Pontif. Rom._ p. 13.

_ 2740 Ib._ pp. 16, 17, 62; _C.I.L._ vi. 932, 1984.

2741 Habel, p. 62.

_ 2742 Ib._ p. 24.

2743 Jul. Capitol. _M. Ant. Phil._ c. 4.

_ 2744 Ib._ c. 6.

_ 2745 Ib._ c. 16; Lamprid. _Com._ c. 12 (a. 175).

2746 Jul. Capitol. _M. Ant._ c. 13.

2747 Tac. _Ann._ iv. 16. Yet he is said to be _circa deos negligentior_, c. 69.

_ 2748 Ib._ c. 36.

2749 Suet. _Claud._ c. 22; Tac. _Ann._ xii. 8.

2750 Suet. _Otho_, c. 7, 8, 12; _Vitell._ c. 5, 11; Tac. _Hist._ i. 87.

_ 2751 Or._ 2364.

2752 Tac. _Hist._ iv. 53.

2753 Suet. _Dom._ c. 5, 15.

2754 Ael. Spart. _Hadr._ c. 22.

_ 2755 Ib._ 16, § 5; Plin. _Ep._ vi. 21, § 1; Macé, _Suétone_, p. 96; Martha, _Moralistes_, p. 184 sq.

2756 Pater, _Marius_, chap. ii., xxvii.

2757 Jul. Capitol. _Ant. P._ c. 11.

_ 2758 Ib._ c. 4.

_ 2759 Ib._ c. 13.

2760 Petron. c. 17.

_ 2761 C.I.L._ iii. p. 1160 sqq.; xii. p. 924 sqq.; _Or. Henz._ iii.; _Ind._ pp. 25, 29, 30, 33.

_ 2762 C.I.L._ xii. 3070, 3077; 2383; iii. 2804, 5787; _Or. Henz._ 1244, 1245.

2763 Liv. xxi. 38, quem in summo sacratum vertice Poeninum montani appellant; _Or. Henz._ 231-6, 5028, 1271.

_ 2764 Or. Henz._ 1267, 1271.

2765 Petron. _Sat._ 44.

2766 Jul. Capitol. _Vit. Ant. P._ c. 8; Preller, _Rom. Myth._ p. 185.

2767 Suet. _Dom._ c. 4.

_ 2768 Or. Henz._ 1561, 1590; _C.I.L._ xii. 4316; iii. 1162.

2769 Preller, p. 437.

_ 2770 Or. Henz._ 1603.

_ 2771 Ib._ 1613.

_ 2772 Ib._ 1632, 1634, 1637, 5758a.

2773 Preller, pp. 406-8; _Or._ 1580, 1581, 1572.

_ 2774 Or. Henz._ 2270; cf. Wordsworth, _Specimens of Early Latin_, p. 158; _C.I.L._ vi. 2024 sqq.

2775 Preller, p. 293.

2776 Fowler, _Rom. Festivals_, p. 74, 275.

_ 2777 C.I.L._ vi. 2059, ob inlatum ferrum, etc.

_ 2778 Ib._ vi. 2040, 2041, 2043; Preller, p. 294; Oldenberg, _De Sacris Fr. Arv._ p. 5.

2779 Oldenberg, p. 9.

_ 2780 C.I.L._ vi. 2086.

2781 Boissier, i. p. 369; Oldenberg, p. 41.

2782 Boissier, i. p. 374; Preller, p. 295.

_ 2783 C.I.L._ vi. 2023-2113.

_ 2784 Ib._ 2056, ex tabella missa Imp. Vesp. cooptamus, etc.

_ 2785 Ib._ 2024.

_ 2786 Ib._ 2051.

2787 Jan. 16, 69 A.D.

_ 2788 C.I.L._ vi. 2052.

_ 2789 C.I.L._ vi. 2040, 2041.

_ 2790 Ib._ 2039.

_ 2791 Ib._ 2042.

_ 2792 Ib._ 2044; cf. 2029 (Caligula).

_ 2793 Ib._ 2064, 2067.

_ 2794 Ib._ 2074.

_ 2795 Ib._ 2078.

_ 2796 Ib._ 2086; cf. Flav. Vop. _Probus_, c. 12.

_ 2797 C.I.L._ vi. 2092.

_ 2798 C.I.L._ iii. 5788; _Or._ 1245, 1290.

_ 2799 Or._ 1238, Fulguratori, 1240, 1271, Jovi O. M. tempestatum potenti.

_ 2800 C.I.L._ iii, 1032, 1948, 1590; _Or._ 1269, 1248, 1225, 1269; _C.I.L._ xii. 1066.

_ 2801 Or._ 1335.

_ 2802 Ib._ 1410.

_ 2803 Ib._ 1428, 1429, restitutione facta sibi capillorum.

_ 2804 Ib._ 1634.

_ 2805 Ib._ 1572, 1576.

2806 Plin. _H. N._ ii. 7, 5, fragilis et laboriosa mortalitas in partes ista digessit infirmitatis suae memor, ut portionibus coleret quisque quo maxime indigeret.

_ 2807 v._ supra, p. 425 sqq.

2808 Min. Fel. _Octav._ c. 6, quanto venerabilius ac melius antistitem veritatis majorum excipere disciplinam, religiones traditas colere, deos, quos a parentibus ante imbutus es timere quam nosse familiarius, adorare, etc.

2809 Virg. _Aen._ viii. 343; Ov. _Fasti_, ii. 267; Baronius, _Ann. Eccl._ viii. 60; Gibbon, c. 36; Fowler, _Rom. Fest._ p. 310.

2810 Sym. _Relat._ 3.

2811 Aug. _De Civ. Dei_, ii. 4; Tertull. _Apol._ 13; _Adv. Marc._ i. 13.

2812 Lucret. ii. 600.

2813 Aug. _De Civ. Dei_, ii. 8, vii. 24.

_ 2814 C.I.L._ vi. 499, 504, 509, 510, 511, 512; xii. 1782, 1567; _Or._ 1899, 1890, 2335.

_ 2815 De Civ. Dei_, ii. 4, 7, 8; vi. 7; vii. 24.

_ 2816 C.I.L._ ii. 179 (Spain, 108 p. Chr.); iii. 1100, 1443 (Dacia, p. Chr. 110); _Or. Henz._ 5839 (Portugal).

2817 Liv. 29, 10.

_ 2818 Or._ 1906, Navisalviae et matri D. (_v._ note).

2819 Ov. _Fasti_, iv. 305; Sen. _Frag._ 80; Suet. _Tib._ c. 2.

2820 Fowler, _Rom. Fest._ p. 70.

2821 Val. Max. vii. 7, 6; Goehler, _De Matr. Magn. Cultu_, p. 10.

2822 Lucret. ii. 600; Virg. _Aen._ ix. 620; x. 220; Ov. _A. Am._ i. 507; Prop. iii. 17, 35; cf. Preller, p. 484.

_ 2823 C.I.L._ vi. 496.

2824 Goehler, p. 12.

2825 Yet cf. D. Cass. lxi. 20, _ἐκιθαρῴδεσέ τε Ἄττιν ὁ Αὔγουστος_.

_ 2826 C.I.L._ x. 1406. Imp. Vesp. templum M. M. terrae motu conlapsum restituit.

_ 2827 Ib._ ii. 179 (108 p. Chr.); cf. _Or. Henz._ 5839.

_ 2828 C.I.L._ iii. 1100, 1443.

_ 2829 Ib._ x. 1596 (Naples, p. Chr. 134).

_ 2830 Or. Henz._ 2322.

2831 Goehler, p. 15.

2832 Tertull. _Apol._ 25; D. Cass. lxxi. 33.

_ 2833 C.I.L._ vi. 501 (p. Chr. 383); 509, 511, 510, 500.

2834 Réville, p. 60; Ov. _Fasti_, iv. 251,

Cum Trojam Aeneas Italos portaret in agros, Est dea sacriferas paene secuta rates.

2835 Ov. _l.c._ 293.

2836 Aug. _De Civ. Dei_, vi. 8; vii. 25; Jul. _Or._ v. p. 161 D.

2837 There were many variations of the myth; _v._ Goehler, pp. 2, 3; Foucart, _Assoc. Rel._ p. 89; Ov. _Fasti_, iv. 223.

2838 Réville, p. 64; Preller, p. 485.

2839 Fowler, _Rom. Festivals_, p. 70; cf. Foucart, _Assoc. Rel._ p. 88, for similar treatment at Athens.

_ 2840 C.I.L._ x. 3810; viii. 8203; xii. 1782; ii. 5260.

_ 2841 Ib._ xii. 1782; _Or. Henz._ 2325, 6031; Goehler, p. 40.

2842 Goehler, p. 12; _C.I.L._ vi. 511, 504, 500.

_ 2843 C.I.L._ iii. 2920; xii. 1567.

_ 2844 Ib._ x. 6074; vi. 502, 508; _Or. Henz._ 7200 (Acte), 2330, 1902, 2371, 2319, 2325; _C.I.L._ xii. 4322, 4326.

_ 2845 Or. Henz._ 7336, 2322, 6031, 4109, 7197; _C.I.L._ viii. 9401.

2846 Goehler, p. 45.

_ 2847 C.I.L._ xii. 1782.

_ 2848 Or. Henz._ 2325, 2984.

2849 Mahaffy, _The Greek World under Roman Sway_, p. 295 sqq.

2850 Réville, _Rel. unter den Sev._ p. 65; Apul. _Met._ viii. 24 (_v._ Hildenbrand’s notes.)

2851 Apul. _Met._ viii. c. 27 (580); cf. Aug. _De Civ. Dei_, ii. 4.

2852 Apul. _Met._ viii. c. 28 (583).

_ 2853 Ib._ c. 28 (585).

_ 2854 Ib._ c. 30 (589).

_ 2855 C.I.L._ x. 1406; Lamprid. _Alex. Sev._ c. 37.

2856 Firm. Matern. _De Err. Prof. Rel._ c. 2, 3.

2857 Réville, p. 66; Goehler, p. 29; Cumont, _Mon. figurés de Mithra_, Introd. p. 333; _Or._ 2329, 2330, 1900; _C.I.L._ vi. 497, 500, 511; cf. _ib._ x. 1596, where the taurobolium is connected with Venus Coelesta (_sic_); Preller, p. 486.

2858 Tertull. _De Praescrip. Haeret._ 40; Firm. Matern. _De Err. Prof. Relig._ c. 27, neminem aput idola profusus sanguis munit ... polluit sanguis iste, non redimit.... Tauribolium quid vel criobolium scelerata te sanguinis labe perfundit? S. Paulin. Nol. _Poem. Ult._ 112-117.

2859 Cumont, Introd. pp. 236, 333; Herodot. iv. 103; Eur. _Iph. T._ 1455; Strab. v. 3, § 12, p. 240.

2860 Cumont, p. 334; Gasquet, _Culte de Mithra_, p. 75; Cumont, Introd. p. 334, n. 5; Réville, _Rel. unter den Sev._ p. 93, takes an opposite view.

2861 Donsbach, _Die __räumliche__ Verbreitung des Mithrasdienstes_, pp. 8, 9.

2862 This is rendered doubtful by Porphyr. _De Abstin._ iv. 16, _ὡς τοὺς μὲν μετέχοντας τῶν αὐτῶν ὀργίων μύστας λέοντας καλεῖν (εἰώθασιν). τὰς δὲ γυναῖκας ὑαίνας_ (altered by Felicianus to _λεαίνας_); cf. Gasquet, p. 98.

_ 2863 C.I.L._ vi. 1778, 9.

2864 Goehler, p. 55; _C.I.L._ x. 1596; Puteoli, p. Chr. 134; taurobol. Veneris Caelestae (_sic_).

_ 2865 Or._ 2382; Goehler, p. 55; cf. _C.I.L._ viii. 8203.

_ 2866 Or._ 2327, ex jussu ipsius; _C.I.L._ xii. 1782, ex vaticinatione Archigalli; cf. xii. 4321, 4323.

_ 2867 C.I.L._ xii. 1782.

_ 2868 Ib._ xii. 4321 (_stipe collata_); at private expense, xii. 1568.

_ 2869 Peristeph._ x. 1011; cf. Duruy, v. p. 743.

_ 2870 C.I.L._ xii. 1311, 251, 1822, 4332; _Or._ 2332.

2871 Goehler, p. 34; Réville, p. 66; Preller, p. 488; Cumont, Introd. p. 333.

2872 Goehler, p. 29.

2873 Lafaye, _Culte des divinités d’Alexandrie_, p. 15; Plut. _De Is. et Osir._ c. 28.

2874 Plut. _De Is. et Osir._ c. 35, addressed to Clea, who was high in the worship of Dionysus, and “hereditarily devoted to Osiris.”

2875 Lamprid. _Com. Ant._ c. 9; Spart. _Sev._ c. 17; Réville, _Rel. unter den Sev._ p. 58.

2876 Foucart, _Assoc. Religieuses_, p. 83.

2877 Lafaye, pp. 27-32; Paus. i. 18, § 4.

2878 Lafaye, p. 38.

_ 2879 v._ Plut. _De Is. et Osir._ c. 53, _τὸ τῆς φύσεως θῆλυ_, c. 52, _οὐχ ἑτέραν τῆς σελήνης_: c. 38, _οὕτος Ἴσιδος σῶμα γῆν ἔχουσι καὶ νομίζουσιν, οὐ πάσαν, ἀλλ’ ἧς ὁ Νεῖλος ἐπιβαίνει σπερμαίνων_: cf. c. 32; c. 56, _Ὄσιριν ὡς ἀρχήν, τὴν δὲ Ἴσιν ὡς ὑποδοχήν, τὸν δὲ Ὥρον ὁς ἀποτέλεσμα_: cf. Herodot. ii. 156; Apul. _Met._ xi. c. 7, matrem siderum, parentem temporum, orbisque totius dominam blando mulcentes affamine.

2880 Herodot. ii. 154.

_ 2881 Ib._ 156; cf. Plew, _De Sarapide_, p. 23 sqq.

2882 Thuc. i. 104.

2883 Lafaye, p. 15 sqq.

2884 Plew, _De Sarapide_, p. 10 sqq.

2885 Tac. _Hist._ iv. 84.

2886 Plew, _De Sarapide_, p. 15; Preller, p. 478.

2887 Plew, _De Sarapide_, p. 6.

2888 Lafaye, p. 17.

2889 Plut. _De Is. et Osir._ c. 45, 49.

_ 2890 Or._ 1890 sqq.; _C.I.L._ viii. 1005; iii. 4560, 3.

2891 Aristid. _Or. Sac._ viii. 53, _καὶ ταμίας ὢν τοῦ βιωσίμου κατὰ τοῦτ’ ἃν δικαίως ἅπαντα περιειληφέναι νομίζοιτο ... ὁ δὲ ὥσπερ κορυφαῖος πάντων ἀρχὰς καὶ πέρατα ἔχει_. Cf. Baumgar. _Aristides als Repräsentant der Soph. Rhet._ p. 90 sqq.

_ 2892 Or._ 1871, tibi quae es omnia.

2893 Apul. _Met._ xi. 7.

2894 Lafaye, p. 43.

2895 Id. p. 40; Mau, _Pompeii_, p. 163.

2896 Liv. xxix. 10; Goehler, _De Matris Magnae Cultu_, p. 7.

2897 Liv. xxxix. 19.

2898 Preller, _Myth. Rom._ p. 473.

2899 Plin. _H. N._ xiii. 27; Liv. xl. 29; Momms. _Rom. Hist._ ii. p. 402; Lafaye, p. 41.

2900 Tertull. _Adv. Marc._ i. 13; Firm. Mat. _De Err. Prof. Rel._ 2, § 7, cur plangitis fruges terrae et crescentia lugetis semina?

2901 Apul. _Met._ xi. c. 30, Collegii vetustissimi et sub illis Sullae temporibus conditi, etc.

2902 Tertull. _Apol._ 6; _Ad Nat._ i. 10; prohibitos Capitolio Varro commemorat eorumque aras a senatu dejectas nonnisi per vim popularium restructas, Val. Max. i. 3, 4; cf. Lewald, _De Peregr. Rel. ap. Rom._ p. 10.

2903 D. Cass. xlii. 26.

2904 Lafaye, p. 47; Val. Max. vii. 3, 8; cf. App. _B. C._ iv. 47.

2905 D. Cass. xliii. 27; xlvii. 15.

2906 Catull. x. 26; Tibull. i. 3, 23; Propert. ii. 33.

_ 2907 Aen._ viii. 698.

2908 D. Cass. liii. 2, _τὰ μὲν ἱερὰ τὰ Αἰγύπτια οὐκ ἐσεδέξατο εἴσω τοῦ πωμηρίου_; cf. liv. 6.

2909 Lafaye, p. 55, discredits the tale of the seduction, which is given by Josephus alone, _B. Jud._ xviii. 3; cf. Tac. _Ann._ ii. 85; Suet. _Tib._ 36.

_ 2910 C.I.L._ x. 2, 7563 sqq.

2911 Suet. _Claud._ 25; cf. D. Cass. lx. 6.

_ 2912 C.I.L._ vi. 353.

2913 Tac. _Ann._ xv. 36; cf. Suet. _Nero_, 40, 47, varia agitavit, an vel Aegypti praefecturam concedi sibi oraret, etc.

2914 Suet. _Otho_, 12.

2915 Suet. _Vesp._ iv. v. vii.; Tac. _Hist._ iv. 81.

2916 Tac. _Hist._ iii. 74; cf. Suet. _Domit._ i.

2917 Lafaye, p. 61, n. 8.

2918 Boissier, _Prom. __Archæol._ p. 238; Spart. _Hadr._ c. 26.

2919 Lamprid. _Commod._ 9.

2920 Gibbon, c. 28; Amm. Marc. xxii. 16.

_ 2921 C.I.L._ ii. 6004.

2922 Lafaye, p. 157.

_ 2923 Ib._ p. 158.

2924 Lafaye, p. 157.

_ 2925 C.I.G._ 5900, _Ἀρχιερεῖ Ἀλεξανδρεῖας καὶ Αἰγύπτου πάσης καὶ ἐπιστάτῃ τοῦ Μουσείου καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν ἐν Ῥώμῃ βιβλιοθηκῶν ... ἐπιστολεῖ τοῦ αὐτοῦ αὐτοκράτορος_: cf. Macé, _Suétone_, pp. 92, 116.

2926 Lucan, _Phars._ viii. 831, nos in templa tuam Romana accepimus Isin; ix. 158, jam numen gentibus Isin.

_ 2927 C.I.L._ viii. 2630; cf. Cagnat, _L’Armée Rom. d’Afr._ p. 423. See other dedications by officers in _Or. Henz._ 5836, 7.

_ 2928 C.I.L._ viii. 2629, 1002, 4, 5.

_ 2929 Ib._ iii. 881, 2, 1428, 1590, 1342, 4015; _Or. Henz._ 5838.

_ 2930 C.I.L._ iii. 4809; _Or. Henz._ 2035, 5833.

2931 Tac. _Germ._ 9.

_ 2932 Or. Henz._ 1897.

_ 2933 Ib._ 5836.

2934 Lafaye, p. 162. For an interesting dedication for the support of the worship at Nîmes _v._ _C.I.L._ xii. 3058.

_ 2935 Or. Henz._ 457; cf. Tac. _Hist._ i. 67, in modum municipii exstructus locus, amoeno salubrium aquarum usu frequens.

2936 Lafaye, p. 160; Réville, _Rel. unter den Sev._ p. 53; _C.I.L._ ii. 3386, Isis puellaris.

2937 Apul. _Met._ xi. c. 11.

2938 Lafaye, p. 160, 1.

_ 2939 Met._ xi. c. 24.

2940 Plut. _De Is. et Osir._ c. 78; Aristid. _Or. Sac._ viii. 52, 53.

2941 Herodot. ii. c. 50.

_ 2942 Ib._ c. 81; Iambl. _De Pythag. Vit._ § 151, cf. § 14; Porph. _Pythag._ § 6; Plut. _De Is. et Osir._ c. 10.

2943 Philostr. _Apollon. Tyan._ vi. 19; D. Chrys. _Or._ xii. § 68.

2944 Juv. xv. 3; cf. Cic. _De Nat. Deor._ iii. 15; _Tuscul._ v. 27.

2945 Plut. _De Is. et Osir._ cc. 72-74.

2946 Herodot. viii. c. 41.

2947 Apul. _Met._ xi. c. 11, attollens canis cervices arduas Anubis; cf. Juv. vi. 534; Plut. _De Is._ c. 44; Tertull. _Apol._ 6; _Ad Nat._ ii. 8.

2948 Mau, _Pompeii_, p. 175.

2949 Lafaye, p. 106, 7.

_ 2950 Or._ 1871.

2951 On a Dacian inscription, _C.I.L._ iii. 1590, Placidae Reginae.

2952 Baumgart, _Ael. Aristides Repräsent. der Soph. Rhet. des zweit. Jahr._ p. 91; cf. Hadrian’s letter to Servianus, Vopisc. _Vit. Saturn._ c. 8.

2953 Plut. _De Is._ c. 66, 79.

2954 Lafaye, p. 101.

2955 Tac. _Hist._ i. 23; D. Cass. lxxi. 8, _καὶ γάρ τοι λόγος ἔχει Ἀρνοῦφιν τινα μάγον Αἰγύπτιον συνόντα τῷ Μάρκῳ κτλ._

2956 Juv. vi. 581.

_ 2957 Or._ 1882, ex visu; _C.I.L._ vi. 346, 572; v. 484.

2958 Cic. _De Div._ i. 58, 132; Diod. i. 25; Aristid. _Or. Sacr._ iii. p. 319 (Jebb).

2959 Tac. _Hist._ iv. 81, monitu Serapidis, etc.

2960 Lafaye, p. 104; Aristid. _Or. Sacr._ viii. 55.

2961 Aristid. _Or. Sacr._ viii. 54, _φιλανθρωπότατος γὰρ θεῶν καὶ φοβερώτατος αὐτός, κτλ._

_ 2962 Ib._ viii. 54, _σωτὴρ αὐτὸς καὶ ψυχοπομπός, ἄγων εἰς φῶς καὶ πάλιν δεχόμενος κτλ._; Plew, _De Sarapide_, p. 30.

2963 Rohde, _Psyche_, ii. p. 126; cf. i. 286; Lobeck, _Aglaoph._ i. p. 239; Hardie, _Lectures on Classical Subjects_, pp. 56, 57. The Orphici laid more stress on the moral aspect of immortality than the priests of Eleusis did.

2964 Apul. _Met._ xi. c. 22.

_ 2965 C.I.G._ 6562, _δοίη σοι ὁ Ὄσιρις τὸ ψυχρὸν ὕδωρ_: cf. Plew, _De Sarap._ p. 31.

_ 2966 Or._ 1879.

2967 Pind. _Fr._ 137 (Christ); Soph. _Fr._ 753—

_ὡς τρὶς ὄλβιοι_ _κεῖνοι βροτῶν οἳ ταῦτα δερχένθες τέλη_ _μόλωσ’ ἐς Ἅιδου._

Cf. _O.C._ 1051.

_ 2968 C.I.L._ xii. 4321, ex stipe collata.

2969 Apul. _Met._ xi. c. 28 (813), veste ipsa mea quamvis parvula distracta sufficientem corrasi summulum; cf. Tertull. _Apol._ 13.

2970 Tibull. i. 3, 31, bisque die, resoluta comas, tibi dicere laudes Insignis turba debeat in Pharia.

2971 Apul. _Met._ xi. c. 20 (795), velis candentibus reductis.

2972 Mart. x. 48, 1, nunciat octavam Phariae sua turba juvencae.

2973 Mau, _Pompeii_, pp. 171, 172.

2974 Lafaye, p. 115; _Catal._ No. 222.

2975 Mau, p. 171; Apul. _Met._ xi. c. 17 (791), intuitans deae specimen pristinos casus meos recordabar; Mart. ii. 14, 8.

2976 Lafaye, p. 126; Plut. _De Is. et Osir._ c. 39, _διὸ μηνὸς Ἀθὺρ ἀφανισθῆναι τὸν Ὄσιριν λέγουσιν, __κτλ._: Juv. viii. 29; vi. 534; Ov. _Metam._ ix. 692, nunquamque satis quaesitus Osiris; Lucan, viii. 831, et quem tu plangens hominem testaris Osirim; Min. Fel. c. 21.

2977 Ov. _Am._ i. 8, 74; iii. 9, 30; Prop. ii. 33, 3; Tibull. i. 3, 23.

2978 Apul. _Met._ xi. c. 11 (774-78); Réville, _Rel. unter den Sev._ p. 56.

2979 Plut. _De Is. et Osir._ c. 38, _Νεῖλον Ὀσίριδος ἀπορροὴν ... ἔχουσιν_.

2980 Réville, p. 54; Lafaye, p. 130 sqq.

_ 2981 C.I.G._ 6006; Apul. _Met._ ii. c. 28 (159), propheta primarius, xi. c. 17 (788), sacerdos maximus. _Or. Henz._ 2305, C. Ruf. Volusianus pater ierofanta profata Isidos; 1878, 6666; _C.I.L._ x. 6445; xii. 410.

2982 Lafaye, p. 133.

_ 2983 C.I.L._ xii. 3061, Ornatrix fani Nemausi.

2984 Lafaye, p. 135.

2985 Apul. _Met._ xi. c. 17 (789).

_ 2986 Ib._ c. 9 (772), dicati Serapi tibicines.

2987 Lafaye, p. 138, n. 4.

_ 2988 Or. Henz._ 2355, 6385, 2309.

2989 Foucart, _Assoc. Religieuses_, p. 117; _Inscr._ 66, 240.

2990 Mau, p. 478, Cn. Helv. Sabinum aed. Isiaci rogant.

2991 Foucart, pp. 25-30; _Or. Henz._ 6029, 2313, mater sacrorum; _C.I.L._ vi. 2277; _Or._ 2308, patrono Sacr. Isidis; Apul. _Met._ xi. c. 30 (817).

2992 Lamprid. _Commod._ c. 9.

2993 Apul. _Met._ xi. c. 22 (800).

2994 Lafaye, pp. 189, 190; Mau, p. 169.

2995 Lafaye, p. 149.

2996 Apul. _Met._ xi. c. 22 (800), Mithram illum suum sacerdotem praecipuum, divino quodam stellarum consortio ut aiebat mihi conjunctum, sacrorum ministrum decernit.

2997 Lafaye, pp. 151, 186; Mau, _Pompeii_, p. 174.

2998 Tibull. i. 3, 30; Mart. xii. 29; Juv. vi. 526; Suet. _Otho_, 12.

2999 Plut. _De Is._ c. 4, 8, 32.

3000 Aristid. _Or. Sacr._ xiii. p. 54.

3001 Apul. _Met._ xi. c. 24.

_ 3002 Ib._

3003 Cumont, _Monuments Relatifs aux Mystères de Mithra_, Intr. pp. 309, 310.

3004 Zeller, _Phil. der Griech._ iii. 2, p. 101; cf. Macrob. _Sat._ i. 17; Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ ii. 38; vi. 10, § 1; M. Aurel. xi. 27.

3005 Cumont, Intr. p. 336; Dieterich, _Eine Mithrasliturgie_, p. 197.

3006 Flav. Vop. _Aurelian_, c. 36, 39.

3007 Cumont, Intr. p. 223 sq.; Gasquet, _Le Culte de Mithra_, p. 16 sq.

3008 Cumont, Intr. p. 225.

3009 Gasquet, p. 20.

3010 Cumont, Intr. p. 226 sqq.

3011 Xen. _Cyrop._ vii. 5, 53; _Oecon._ iv. § 24.

3012 Cumont, Intr. p. 231; Gasquet, p. 21 sqq.

3013 Donsbach, _Die räumliche Verbreitung des __Mithrasdienstes_, p. 5.

_ 3014 De Laud. Stilich._ i. 62.

3015 Luc. _Menippus_, cc. 6-9.

3016 Cumont, Intr. p. 232.

_ 3017 v._ Cumont, _Inscr. Orient._ i. 2, 3.

3018 Id. _Inscr. Grecques_, i.

3019 Cumont, Intr. p. 236.

3020 Gasquet, pp. 31 and 75; Réville, _Rel. unter den Sev._ p. 93; Goehler, _De Matris Mag. Cultu_, p. 55; but cf. Cumont, Intr. pp. 334-5.

3021 Gasquet, p. 31.

_ 3022 C.I.L._ vi. 508, 511; cf. Cumont, Intr. p. 235.

3023 Strab. xv. 3, § 13 (732), _Πέρσαι τοίνυν ἀγάλματα μὲν καὶ βωμοὺς οὐχ ἱδρύονται ... τιμῶσι δὲ καὶ Ἥλιον ὃν καλοῦσι Μίθραν, κτλ._

3024 Cumont, Intr. pp. 181, 237.

3025 Herod. i. 131; Xen. _Cyrop._ vii. 5, 53; Strab. _l.c._

3026 Q. Curt. iv. 13, § 48.

3027 Stat. _Theb._ i. 717; cf. Cumont, _Textes_, p. 47.

3028 Plut. _De Is. et Osir._ c. 46.

3029 Luc. _Deor. Concil._ c. 9; _Menippus_, c. 6 sqq.; _Jup. Trag._ c. 8.

3030 Plut. _Pomp._ c. 24.

_ 3031 Or. Henz._ 5844.

3032 Cumont, Intr. p. 243, n. 3; Tac. _Ann._ ii. 42; D. Cass. lvii. 17; Suet. _Vesp._ c. 8.

_ 3033 C.I.L._ vi. 732. On the date of the _Thebaid_, cf. Teuffel, _Rom. Lit._ § 316, n. 3.

3034 Cumont, Intr. p. 253; cf. Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 35.

_ 3035 C.I.L._ vi. 718, A.D. 102.

3036 Cumont, Intr. p. 265, _Inscr._ No. 133.

3037 Réville, p. 81.

3038 Cumont, Intr. p. 274, n. 6.

_ 3039 Ib._ p. 275; Donsbach, pp. 15-17.

3040 Cumont, p. 265, n. 4; cf. p. 333.

3041 Id. _Inscr._; _C.I.L._ vi. 510; _Or. Henz._ 6040.

3042 Donsbach, p. 17.

3043 Cumont, Intr. p. 246 sq.

_ 3044 Ib._ p. 258, n. 8; cf. _Or. Henz._ 5855, 1916, 1917, 1922.

3045 Cumont, Intr. p. 263.

_ 3046 C.I.L._ iii. 3960, 4797, 5620, 4802; vi. 721.

3047 Cumont, Intr. p. 265.

3048 Cf. Cumont, _Inscr._ 150, sagaris actor; cf. the list of the Cultores Mithrae, _C.I.L._ xi. 5737.

3049 Cumont, Intr. p 268; Donsbach, p. 19.

3050 Cumont, Intr. p. 268.

3051 Donsbach, p. 19.

_ 3052 C.I.L_ ix. 4109, 4110.

_ 3053 Ib._ xi. 5737.

3054 Donsbach, p. 20; Cumont, Intr. p. 266.

3055 Cumont, Intr. p. 269.

3056 Cumont, _Mon._ 237, 239; _Inscr._ 408.

_ 3057 C.I.L._ iii. 3480, 3479, 4796, 4797, 5121.

3058 Donsbach, p. 21.

3059 Cumont, Intr. p. 249; Donsbach, p. 22.

3060 Cumont, Intr. p. 250.

3061 Eutrop. viii. 6.

3062 Cumont, Intr. p. 247, n. 6.

_ 3063 Ib._ p. 251, n. 3.

3064 Cumont, Intr. pp. 252, 3.

3065 Id. _Mon._ No. 228; Intr. p. 253.

3066 Id. _Mon._ No. 225; Intr. p. 253.

3067 Id. _Inscr._ No. 368.

3068 Mommsen, _Rom. Prov._ ii. p. 63, n.

_ 3069 C.I.L._ iii. 4418, 4416; Donsbach, p. 25.

3070 Tac. _Ann._ 13, 35, habiti per Galatiam Cappadociamque dilectus.

3071 Cumont, _Mon._ No. 225.

_ 3072 C.I.L._ viii. 2675; Cagnat, p. 189.

_ 3073 C.I.L._ iii. 5650; Cumont, _Inscr._ No. 416; _Mon._ No. 238; cf. Donsbach, p. 26.

3074 Cumont, Intr. p. 255; Donsbach, p. 27.

3075 For the number and the sites _v._ Donsbach, p. 27.

3076 Cumont, _Mon._ No. 351.

3077 Id. _Inscr._ No. 423; Intr. p. 256, n. 2.

3078 Id. _Mon._ No. 248 (p. 359).

_ 3079 Ib._ No. 265 (p. 388).

3080 Tac. _Ann._ 14, 33, Londinium ... copia negotiatorum maxime celebre.

3081 Cumont, _Inscr._ Nos. 471-490; Donsbach, p. 29.

3082 Id. Intr. p. 259 n.

_ 3083 Ib._ p. 260; Donsbach, p. 30.

3084 Cumont, _l.c._; cf. Cagnat, _L’Arm. rom. d’Afr._ p. 353, on the history and composition of the Legio III. Augusta.

3085 Luc. _Deor. Concil._ c. 9.

3086 Réville, p. 87.

3087 Cumont, Intr. p. 190; Gasquet, p. 70.

3088 Cumont, Intr. p. 56; Gasquet, p. 36.

3089 Cumont, _Inscr._ 441, 444; _Mon._ 213, 245, 252.

_ 3090 Ib._ 251 (p. 365); Intr. p. 92; cf. Herod. i. 131.

3091 Cumont, _Mon._ 246 (p. 348).

3092 Id. Intr. p. 109; _Mon._ 246, 247, 248, 251, 273.

3093 Donsbach, p. 6; Gasquet, p. 24; Dieterich, _Mithrasliturgie_, p. 146; S. Hieron. _Com. in Amos_, v. 9, 10.

3094 Macrob. _Som. Scip._ i. 15, § 10 sqq.

3095 Cumont, Intr. pp. 71, 72.

3096 Cf. Dieterich, _Mithrasliturgie_, pp. 150, 165, 202; Cumont, Intr. pp. 331, 336.

3097 Gasquet, p. 104; cf. Macrob. _Som. Scip._ i. 12; Macrob. _Sat._ i. 17; cf. Lobeck, _Aglaoph._ ii. 933; Rohde, _Psyche_, ii. pp. 121, 402.

3098 Cumont, Intr. pp. 308, 309; cf. Macrob. _Som. Scip._ i. 12.

3099 Cumont, Intr. p. 294; _ib._ p. 75. But cf. Gasquet, p. 41.

3100 Cumont, Intr. p. 295.

_ 3101 Ib._ p. 296.

_ 3102 Ib._ p. 301.

3103 Id. _Mon._ 251 (p. 365).

3104 Id. Intr. p. 297.

3105 Id. _Mon._ 246 (p. 349).

3106 Cumont, _Mon._ 251 (p. 365).

3107 Id. Intr. p. 300; Gasquet, p. 62.

3108 Cumont, Intr. p. 316; cf. Gasquet, pp. 94, 95.

3109 Cumont, Intr. p. 301.

3110 Cf. Denis, _Idées Morales_, etc. ii. p. 248 sq.; cf. Burgmann, _Seneca’s Theologie_, p. 37; Sen. _Ep._ 95, 50; 31, § 11; Philostr. _Apoll. Tyan._ v. 25; Max. Tyr. _Diss._ viii.; xiv. § 7, 8; xvi. § 9.

_ 3111 v._ supra, p. 426.

3112 Cumont, Intr. p. 303.

_ 3113 Ib._ pp. 207, 208.

3114 Plut. _De Is. et Osir._ c. 46.

3115 Firm. Matern. c. 20, alterius profani sacramenti signum est _θεός ἐκ πέτρας_, etc. Cf. S. Hieron. _Adv. Jov._ i. § 7; Just. Mart. _Dial. c. Tryph._ c. 70; Prud. _Cathem._ v. 9; Cumont, _Mon._ 199, 207.

3116 Id. Intr. p. 160.

_ 3117 Ib._ p. 162; _Mon._ 204.

3118 Id. Intr. p. 164.

_ 3119 Ib._ p. 165; _Mon._ 204 (p. 318), 235 (p. 338).

3120 Cumont, Intr. p. 167 sq.; _Mon._ 253, 192, 204, 221.

3121 See the finest extant specimen from Osterburken; Cumont, _Mon._ 246; cf. the one at Heddernheim, _Mon._ 251.

3122 Cumont, Intr. p. 186 sq.; _Mon._ 104, 246.

3123 Gasquet, p. 70.

3124 Cumont, _Mon._ 191 (p. 312); 203 (p. 317); 242 (p. 342); 246 (p. 350); Intr. p. 172.

3125 Cumont, Intr. p. 175.

3126 Réville, p. 83.

_ 3127 Ib._ p. 89.

3128 Gasquet, p. 77.

3129 Gasquet, p. 108.

3130 Cumont, _Mon._ 31, 35, 43.

_ 3131 Ib._ 251 (p. 364).

3132 Id. Intr. pp. 308, 309.

3133 Cumont, Intr. p. 297.

3134 Dieterich, _Mithrasliturgie_, p. 197; Cumont, Intr. p. 309.

_ 3135 Ib._ p. 308 sqq.

_ 3136 Ib._ p. 310.

3137 Réville, p. 150; cf. _C.I.L._ vi. 510; _Or. Henz._ 2352.

_ 3138 Or. Henz._ 6042; Gasquet, p. 112, on the inscription of Vincentius, priest of Sabazius, who was buried by the side of Aurelius, a priest of Mithra; cf. Réville, p. 92; Renan, _M. Aurèle_, pp. 578-9, n. 1.

3139 Cumont, Intr. pp. 299, 323.

_ 3140 Ib._ p. 313; cf. Dieterich, _Mithrasliturgie_, pp. 25, 26.

3141 Tert. _De Praescrip. Haeret._ c. 40; cf. _C.I.L._ vi. 2151, Ordo sacerdotum Mag. suo; xiv. 403; xiv. 65.

3142 Cumont, Intr. p. 325.

_ 3143 Ib._ p. 325; cf. Lafaye, _Div. d’Alexandrie_, p. 138; flutes and bells have been found among débris of chapels, Cum. _Mon._ 253 (p. 380); Intr. p. 68.

3144 Gasquet, p. 125.

3145 S. Hieron. _Ep._ 107, § 2; Gasquet, pp. 91, 2; 96; Cumont, Intr. p. 315; Réville, p. 97.

_ 3146 De Abstin._ iv. 16. Porphyry connects the degrees with ideas of metempsychosis, _τὴν κοινότητα ἡμῶν τὴν πρὸς τὰ ζῷα αἰνιττόμενοι, κτλ._

3147 Gasquet, p. 101; Réville, p. 97.

3148 Tert. _De Corona_, xv.

3149 Cumont, Intr. p. 322.

3150 Lamprid. _Commodus Ant._ c. 9, sacra Mithriaca homicidio vero polluit, cum illic aliquid ad speciem timoris, vel dici vel fingi soleat; Gasquet, p. 90.

3151 Cumont, Intr. p. 326. For the organisation of the societies of Magna Mater _v._ Foucart, _Associations Religieuses_, p. 20 sqq. Cf _C.I.L._ vi. 717; vi. 734; vi. 3728; xiv. 286; _Or. Henz._ 6042 (Sentinum).

_ 3152 Or. Henz._ 6042; on the doubt, however, as to the meaning of _patroni_ in this inscription _v._ _Henz._ note; and Cumont, Intr. p. 327, n. 4.

3153 Cumont, _l.c._

_ 3154 Ib._ p. 264. Cf. dedications by slaves or liberti, _Inscr._ 67, 245, 175, 53, 410, 47, 178, 292.

3155 Cf. _Or. Henz._ 6042; Cumont, Intr. p. 327, n. 4.

3156 For the dimensions of one at Rome _v._ Cumont, _Mon._ 19 (p. 205).

3157 Tert. _De Pr. Haeret._ c. 40.

3158 Gasquet, p. 84; Cumont, Intr. p. 318.

3159 Gasquet, pp. 81, 82; Cumont, Intr. p. 320.

3160 Just. Mart, c. 78; Porphyr. _De Antro Nymph._ c. 5; Tertull. _De Cor._ xv.; S. Hieron. _Ep._ 57, 107.

3161 Cumont, Intr. p. 57; _Mon._ 237.

3162 Cumont, Intr. p. 59. Cf. _C.I.L._ iii. 1096, cryptam cum porticibus et apparatorio et exedra, etc.; iii. 3960.

3163 Cumont, Intr. p. 61; _v._ the sketch of the Mithraeum under the Church of S. Clement, at Rome, Cumont, _Mon._ 19.

3164 Id. _Mon._ 19.

3165 Id. Intr. p. 64.

3166 Twenty-six lamps were found in one Mithraeum, Cumont, _Mon._ 250 (p. 362). For the classical gods, cf. _Mon._ 221 (p. 326), 235, 246 (p. 349).

3167 Apul. _Met._ xi. c. 22.

3168 Cumont, Intr. p. 279 sqq.

_ 3169 v._ supra, p. 254.

3170 Suet. _Vesp._ iv. v. vii.; _Tit._ v.; _Domit._ i. xiv.; cf. Renan, _Les Évangiles_, p. 226 sq.; _L’Antéchrist_, p. 491.

3171 D. Cass. xliii. 14; Tac. _Ann._ iv. 15; vi. 18.

3172 Mart. ix. 4.

3173 Sen. _Lud. De Morte Claud._ c. 12; cf. Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ i. p. 193.

3174 Suet. _Aug._ c. lii.

3175 Id. _Calig._ c. xxii.; Meriv. vi. pp. 4-9.

3176 D. Cass. lxiii. 5, _ἦλθον πρός σε τὸν ἐμὸν θεὸν προσκυνήσων σε ὡς καὶ τὸν Μίθραν_.

3177 Suet. _Aug._ lii.; D. Cass. li. 20; lxvii. 13; Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ i. p. 163.

3178 Id. _Vesp._ c. xxiii. vae, inquit, puto, deus fio.

3179 Id. _Domit._ c. xiii.

3180 Virg. _Georg._ i. 498; Warde Fowler, _Rom. Festivals_, p. 258.

3181 Plut. _Flamin._ c. 16; cf. Herod. v. 47; Thuc. v. 11.

3182 Plato, _Meno_, 99 D.

3183 Capitol. _M. Aurel._ c. 18.

3184 Boissier, _Rel. Rom._ i. 125; Cumont, Intr. p. 283 sqq.

3185 Amm. Marc. xv. 1, 3.

3186 Athen. vi. 252, _τράπεζαν παρετίθει χωρὶς ὀνομάζων τῷ δαίμωνι τῷ βασιλέως_.

3187 Cumont, Intr. p. 286.

_ 3188 Ib._ p. 290, n. 2.

3189 D. Cass. lxiii. 5, _καὶ ἦλθον πρός σε τὸν ἐμὸν θεόν, προσκυνήσων σε ὡς καὶ τὸν Μίθραν_.

3190 W. Fowler, _Roman Festivals_, p. 169.

3191 Plut. _De Fort. Rom._ iv. _οὕτως ἡ τύχη καταλιποῦσα Πέρσας καὶ Ἀσσυρίους ... τῷ δὲ Παλατίῳ προσερχομένη, κτλ._

3192 Capitol. _Ant. P._ c. 12.

3193 Cf. Vop. _Prob._ c. i. § 3.

3194 Cf. Amm. Marc. xv. 1, 3.

3195 Cf. Amm. Marc. xv. 1, 3.

3196 Amm. Marc. xxiii. 6, 5, unde reges ejusdem gentis praetumidi appellari se patiuntur Solis fratres et Lunae.

3197 D. Cass. lxxii. 15, 5.

3198 Treb. Poll. _Gallien._ 16, 18, crinibus suis auri scobem aspersit, etc.

3199 Cumont, Intr. p. 291, n. 5.

3200 Cumont, _Inscr._ No. 367.

3201 Macrob. _Sat._ i. 17; Cumont, Intr. p. 348. The Mithraeum of Sarreburg seems to have been frequented till 395 A.D.

3202 Cumont, Intr. p. 332, n. 3.

_ 3203 C.I.L._ vi. 504, 846; C. Volusianus was perhaps Praef. Urb. in 365 or Consul in 314.

3204 Herod, ii. 48, 50; Caes. _B.G._ vi. 17; Tac. _Germ._ c. 9.

3205 Cumont, Intr. pp. 341, 2.

_ 3206 Ib._ p. 339.

_ 3207 Ib._ p. 341; cf. Gasquet, p. 118 sqq.

3208 Macrob. _Som. Scip._ i. 13.

3209 Cumont, Intr. p. 344.

3210 S. Hieron. _Ep._ 107 (Ad Laetam).

3211 Gasquet, p. 134.

3212 Cumont, Intr. p. 329; Porphyr. _De Abstin._ iv. 36; cf. Gasquet, p. 98.

3213 Hatch, _Hibbert Lectures_, pp. 49, 135, 292.

3214 Cumont, Intr. p. 334.

3215 Gasquet, p. 137.

_ 3216 C.I.L._ vi. 500, 504, 511, 1779.

3217 Maury, _La Magie_, p. 54.

_ 3218 Ib._ p. 146.

3219 Macrob. _Sat._ i. 17, § 4.

3220 S. Hieron. _Ep._ 107, § 2.

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

The following changes have been made to the text:

page xx, “Pages” added before “560-584” page 13, “pannelled” changed to “panelled” page 14, “aceticism” changed to “asceticism” page 16, comma changed to semicolon after “23” page 30, comma added after “17” page 33, “Bossier” changed to “Boissier” page 53, “proem.” changed to “prooem.” page 55, period added after “character” and after “v” page 96, “sick bed” changed to “sick-bed” page 176, period added after “Capitol” page 205, semicolon added after “sq.” page 211, comma changed to period after “Henz” page 212, “Cæsar” changed to “Caesar” page 216, italics removed from “Marq.”, “wechselude” changed to “wechselnde” page 224, period added after “wealth” page 228, “mediæval” changed to “mediaeval” page 229, “1” changed to “i.” page 284, comma added after “Boissier” page 289, “fuhrt” changed to “führt” page 300, “Æneas” changed to “Aeneas” page 305, period changed to comma after “Burgmann”. period added after “2” page 312, “fastidiodosi” changed to “fastidiosi” page 320, “intelliges” changed to “intelleges” page 325, italics removed from “Laert.” page 332, comma added after “female” page 338, “_τά_” changed to “_τὰ_” page 348, “Greich.” changed to “Griech.” page 359, “Phil der.” changed to “Phil. der” page 397, comma changed to period after “Saturn” page 405, period added after “_παραδιδούς_” page 407, period added after “64” page 415, “xv;” changed to “xv.;” page 437, period added after “Diss” page 457, p. added before “1051” page 459, period added after “piece” page 464, period added after “_κτλ_” page 475, comma added after “23” page 480, “Aesclepius” changed to “Asclepius” page 513, period removed after “Ad” page 517, comma added after “2” page 524, “mythopœic” changed to “mythopoeic” page 550, comma added after “Foucart” page 556, “raümliche” changed to “räumliche” page 557, parenthesis removed before “Puteoli” page 567, “Archaeol.” changed to “Archæol.” page 578, period added after “_κτλ_” page 584, comma added after “lonely” page 587, “Mithrasdientes” changed to “Mithrasdienstes” page 614, italics added to “Mon.” page 627, “Caeonius” changed to “Caeionius” page 628, comma added after “Aurelius” and “Hadrian” page 629, “Mithriac” changed to “Mithraic” page 633, comma added after “_ib._”

Variations in hyphenation (e.g. “springtime”, “spring-time”), capitalisation (“inscription”, “Inscription”) and spelling (“under world”, “underworld”; “mediaeval”, “medieval”; “praetorian”, “pretorian”) have not been changed.