CHAPTER XI

THE ENGLISH NATION UNDER HENRY II

Society in England during Henry’s reign might be considered as arranged in three groups: (1) The Military Class, with the king at its head, ranging from the semi-independent earl to the humble tenant of some fraction of a knight’s fee. (2) The Merchants and Traders--dwellers in cities and seaports, from the wealthy councillor to the humble apprentice. (3) The Peasantry--the comfortable yeoman, the farm labourer, whose theoretical lack of freedom often sat but lightly upon him, and the hired servants. From this third class the two superior classes were completed. They formed the nameless ranks of archers and foot soldiers who bore the brunt of many a battle, and, unprotected by coat of mail or prospect of ransom, paid forfeit for defeat with their lives, and they were the hardy sailors, serving the merchants in time of peace, but ever ready to convert their ships into men-of-war. It might seem that the clergy should form a fourth class, but they really fall into the same three divisions as the laity. The prelates and dignitaries, holding their lands by military service and bound to provide so many knights for the king’s army, sometimes leading their troops in person; then, opposed to these sons of the Church Militant, the monks and canons of the religious orders, intent on the business of religion, not wholly averse to trading spiritual for material blessings, and displaying some skill in laying up treasure in this life as well as for the next; and finally the poor, but not always honest, parish priests and unattached clerks, the hardest workers and the worst paid, little above the secular peasantry from whose ranks they sprang, their many virtues unrecorded and the excesses of their unworthy members pilloried. If a fourth group did exist it consisted of the officials, blending the characteristics of clerks, soldiers, and merchants--men prepared at a moment’s notice to hear pleas, superintend the purchase and despatch of stores, or take command of a force of soldiers.

The king’s supremacy in his court was indisputable; his greatest nobles were proud to serve him, and quick to resent any infringement of their rights of service. Thus the Earl of Arundel, hereditary chief butler, returning from a long journey just as the two kings, Henry and Louis, were sitting down to dinner, strode into the hall, flung off his cloak and seized the royal goblet from the acting butler, who resisting, the powerful earl knocked him down and presented the wine on bended knee to his royal master, explaining apologetically to the French king that it was his privilege and that the deputy butler ought to have withdrawn without protest. So also, at a later date, William de Tancarville, chamberlain of Normandy, forcibly possessed himself of the basin and ewer which another courtier was carrying to the king. Yet was Henry the most accessible of men; out of doors he suffered his subjects to crowd round him and speak to him freely, in his court he was almost always ready to give informal audience to all who sought him, and it was only at the very door of his bedchamber that a messenger would be challenged. Men of wit, such as Walter Map, the cynical canon of St. Paul’s, might break in on his conversation with a humorous or sarcastic comment unrebuked, and Henry could even take in good part the public reprimand addressed to him by an obscure monk of his neglected priory of Witham. The English court under Henry attracted scholars of European fame, and on the lighter side of literature we find the king encouraging Gerald de Barri, the proto-journalist, listening amusedly to his anecdotes and bantering him, giving money to “Maurice the story-teller” (_fabulatori_), and replying with mock seriousness to the heroics purporting to be addressed to him by King Arthur.

If his nobles did not share the king’s literary tastes they were at least in tune with him on the subject of sport. Hunting and hawking were the recreations of the English and Norman nobility, and in his devotion thereto Henry yielded to none of his subjects. The keepers of his hounds formed not the most insignificant part of his retinue; hawks were procured for him from Norway and from Ireland and passed as presents between himself and foreign princes; when he went out of England, whether for peaceful cause or war, his hawks and hounds and huntsmen followed him. His sons also, like all the magnates of their days, were devotees of the chase, but the two elder found greater pleasure in the sport of war, and the young King Henry in particular shone as the patron of the tournament. The gradual repression of private warfare, at least between the smaller lords, had deprived life of much of its excitement, and the more warlike spirits sought to counteract what they no doubt considered the softness and degeneracy of the age by the institution of tournaments, a species of private war cleansed of personal rancour and lacking the disastrous consequences to lands and tenants involved by the real thing. To picture the tournament of this date as resembling the formal and chivalrous jousting in the lists of later centuries would be completely misleading. For the most part the frequenters of these meetings were landless men, younger sons and needy adventurers, intent solely, or at least mainly, on making money by the capture of opponents, whose chargers and armour then became their own, and whose bodies might be held to ransom. It was no shame for ten to set on one, and William the Marshal, one of the most brilliant of these adventurers and the instructor of the young king, gained praise by the skill with which he let his adversaries exhaust themselves before he flung his forces upon them. This same Marshal, who went with another knight on a pot-hunting expedition during which they accounted for 103 knights, besides extra chargers, on one occasion saw one of the opposing knights thrown by his horse and lying on the ground, disabled with a broken thigh; rushing out of the tent where he was dining he picked up the injured man and bore him back into the tent, handing him over a prisoner to his companions “to pay their debts with.” In this particular instance there was no doubt an element of rough humour, but the whole spirit of the tournament was practical and unromantic, though fame and glory were sought at the same time as wealth, and the Marshal would have set a higher value upon his reputation for skill and courage than upon the fund of ready money for which he was remarkable at a time when steel and silver were rarely found together.

The spirit of the tournament pervaded the field of battle, and so far as the knightly combatants were concerned their chief aim was to capture and hold to ransom their adversaries rather than to kill them. Such lust of slaughter as they felt was satisfied at the expense of the unfortunate infantry, drawn from the ranks of the peasants and yeomen and not worth ransoming. After a desperate and decisive battle the chroniclers will recount a long list of knights captured, but it is rare indeed that any are recorded to have fallen in battle, and on such rare occasions it was usually by the hand of a common foot soldier or by a chance arrow. It was precisely this tradition of the respect due to gentle blood that made the Norman knights so useless against the Welsh or Irish, who ignored their gentility and fought to kill.

Henry’s genius for organisation found scope in military matters as elsewhere. During the reigns of the Saxon kings the _fyrd_ or national militia, theoretically consisting of all the able-bodied male population, was always liable to be called out in time of war, and this liability had remained in force after the Conquest. Under William the Conqueror the country had been parcelled out into estates, great and small, the tenants of which held by the service of supplying a fixed quota of knights, in no way proportionate to the size or value of the estate, to serve in the royal army for forty days when required. It has been already pointed out that Henry II. encouraged the system of commuting personal service for a money payment, and in order to ascertain the exact amount of service due he caused a general return to be made by his military tenants in 1166. They were required to state how many knights they were bound to find, and as there were two ways of providing for these knights, either by granting them land in return for their services when required or by hiring them as occasion demanded, a distinction was to be drawn between the knights enfeoffed and those chargeable on the demesnes. A further distinction was to be made between those knights already enfeoffed at the time of the death of Henry I. and those of newer feoffment. In many cases the greater barons had enfeoffed more knights than they were bound to supply, probably for the most part during Stephen’s reign, with the intention of augmenting their own private forces, and Henry claimed that they should pay scutage on this larger number of knights instead of on their original quota, a claim which was strenuously resisted.

For the re-organisation of the national forces an Assize of Arms was issued in England in 1181. Every holder of a knight’s fee or of rents and property to the value of sixteen marks was to keep a coat of mail, a helmet, a shield, and a lance; the owner of property worth ten marks should have a hauberk, an iron headpiece, and a lance, and all burgesses and the whole body of freemen should have a quilted jacket (_wambais_), an iron headpiece, and a lance. These arms were never to be parted with, but to descend from father to son; but in order to render the supply more accessible it was ordered that no burgess should keep more arms than his statutory quota, and if he had others should give or sell them to those that required them; at the same time Jews were forbidden to retain coats of mail and hauberks, presumably the most expensive portions of the outfit. From the absence of any mention of horses it has been assumed by some writers that all these troops were expected to fight on foot, but this is undoubtedly an error; presumably the provision of a horse was left to the discretion of the soldier, and practically the whole of the first class and a large proportion of the second would have been mounted men. Another noteworthy omission is that of the bow; some thirty years later the holder of property worth twenty shillings was required to provide a bow and arrows, but at this time it would seem that the bow was regarded as unworthy of a freeman and its use confined to the villein soldiers.

The justices itinerant were to publish this assize in the different county courts and to make it known that any defaulter would pay for his fault with his body and by no means escape with fine or forfeiture. At the same time the justices were to hold inquiries by juries of freemen of good standing as to the persons in the several hundreds and boroughs who held property worth sixteen marks or ten marks, to draw up lists of such persons and to swear them to the observance of the assize.

The final article of the Assize of Arms directed that no one should buy or sell any ship to be taken away from England, or export timber. In this decree we have evidence of Henry’s comprehension of the value of a strong navy to the country. In speaking of a strong navy it must not be supposed that any royal force of fighting ships existed or was even contemplated at this time. Such naval organisation as existed was almost entirely confined to the federation of the Cinque Ports. The origin and early history of this federation is very obscure, but it seems clear that Hastings and Dover and probably the other three ports of Sandwich, Hythe, and Romney, were bound together by the possession of common privileges and common responsibilities in the reign of Edward the Confessor. Hastings was the undoubted head of this group of ports and the first to acquire privileges at the royal court and in connection with the herring fishery at Yarmouth which were afterwards extended to the other members. When the title of the Cinque Ports was assumed has not yet been discovered, but it was clearly established by the beginning of the reign of Henry II., as in 1161 we find a payment of £34, 17s. to the ships of “the five ports” which conveyed treasure across the channel. As one main division of the English fleet employed in the expedition against Lisbon in 1147 was referred to as the “Hastingenses,” almost certainly alluding to the ships of the allied ports, it would seem that the title was first officially recognised under Henry II. The bonds of union were still so loose that the separate ports and their affiliated members received separate charters. One of these, of quite uncertain date, issued by Henry at Westminster, confirmed to the “barons” of Hastings their privileges at court, exemption from customs and other dues, and the foreshore rights of “strand and den” at Yarmouth, in return for the provision of twenty ships for fifteen days when required. Henry also granted similar exemptions to the two “ancient towns” of Rye and Winchelsea, affiliating them to Hastings, to whose quota of twenty ships they were to send two; they were further exempted from the jurisdiction of the ordinary courts and might be impleaded only in the same manner as the barons of Hastings and of the Cinque Ports. This privilege of a separate court was clearly of early date, as in another charter given during the first six years of Henry’s reign to the men of Hythe he ordered that they should not plead elsewhere than they were used to do, namely at the Shipway.

As a result of grants and confirmations of privileges the king could rely at need upon a force of some sixty ships. The ships themselves were the ordinary fishing and trading vessels of the channel ports, small but seaworthy, easily converted into fighting ships by the erection of wooden fore and stern castles and manned by hardy and experienced sailors. But for all their experience the little ships with their single square sail were not very manageable in a storm and the tale of shipwrecks was large. When used for transport purposes it would seem that about a hundred soldiers could be carried by each vessel. The Cinque Port vessels were bound to carry a crew of twenty-one, but this was apparently an exceptional complement, as in the levy of ships for the Irish expedition of 1171 the average crew was twelve men and a master, such crews being carried by the thirty-six ships from Norfolk and Suffolk, the seven from Dorset and Somerset, six from Devon, two from London, and one from Herefordshire; on the other hand the twenty-eight ships supplied by Gloucestershire averaged only six men, but eight from Sussex nineteen, and two from Hampshire twenty-two apiece. During the troubles of 1173 most of the ships which were “sent to Sandwich to meet the ships of the Cinque Ports” carried crews of twenty or upwards, and the two vessels from Colchester carried sixty seamen between them. Probably the numbers were raised at this time in anticipation of attack, as we find that an extra force of from ten to twenty men was put on board the king’s yacht each time it crossed with treasure this year. This royal yacht was the only vessel permanently retained in the king’s service, naval forces being collected as required from the Cinque Ports and other coast towns, though there were at Southampton certain private ship-owners whose vessels were so often chartered for national service that they might almost be held to have constituted a miniature royal navy in embryo.

Southampton was at this time the chief mercantile port of England, pre-eminent for its valuable wine trade, thanks alike to the natural advantages of its situation relative to Normandy and the wine-exporting districts of the west, and to its proximity to the royal city of Winchester. Although London had already outdistanced Winchester in wealth the latter was still the home of the treasury, the rival of Westminster as the king’s official residence, and a leading centre of trade. The great fair of St. Giles drew merchants from all over England and from foreign lands to Winchester, to sell their fine worked stuffs to the king’s purveyors for his royal robes or to buy the coarse woollen cloth of local manufactures, for Winchester with its gilds of weavers and fullers was a great seat of the cloth industry, most of its products being the coarse “burrell” cloth of which two thousand ells were purchased and sent to Ireland in 1171 for the troops. A cheaper and coarser cloth seems to have been made in Cornwall, as on several occasions Cornish “burrells” in large quantities were bought for the king’s almoner. The output of English cloth was altogether more remarkable for quantity than quality; gilds of weavers existed in 1156 at Winchester, London, Lincoln, Oxford, Huntingdon, and Nottingham, all being of sufficient importance to pay yearly to the king from 40s. to £6, but their productions were for the most part poor and coarse, with the notable exception of the scarlet cloths of Lincoln, which are found fetching the prodigious price of 6s. 8d. the ell. So far as there were exceptions to the general lack of quality they were no doubt due to foreign, especially to Flemish, influence. At the time of the expulsion of the Flemings after the rebellion of 1173 there are numerous entries on the Pipe Rolls recording seizures of wool and woad belonging to Flemings; the dyers of Worcester are recorded as owing £12 to the king’s Flemish enemies, and there is other evidence to show the presence of these skilled clothworkers throughout the country.

For foreign trade, statistics, and even such details as would permit of broad generalisations, are lacking. There was no imposition of customs for revenue purposes by the central authorities; each town, whether seaport or inland market, had its own schedule of customs and _octroi_ dues, but they were only under the control of the Crown in so far that the king could by charter exempt persons from the payment of such dues throughout the realm. Such exemptions were amongst the most valued franchises of the barons of the Cinque Ports, the men of a few privileged boroughs, and the tenants of certain great religious houses. A trading privilege of particular interest for its bearing upon the development of London under Norman influence was the right of the citizens of Rouen to a port or anchorage in the Thames close to the city walls, which was confirmed to them by Henry II. in 1174. A still more striking instance of the connection of two ports was Henry’s grant of Dublin to the burgesses of Bristol, assuring to them a virtual monopoly of the Irish trade, which they appear to have previously shared with Chester, the monopoly of the Irish trade with Normandy being in the same way assured to Rouen. As a whole Henry’s policy towards the towns and trading communities, especially in the earlier years of his reign, was liberal and encouraging; we find him granting the customs of York to the burgesses of Scarborough in 1155, the liberties of London and Winchester to the men of Gloucester, and the customs of Lincoln to the burgesses of Coventry at a later date; gilds merchant and trade gilds were confirmed in their privileges at Oxford, Nottingham, Lincoln, and elsewhere, and the formation of others licensed. With the growth of trade other unauthorised gilds sprang up, and in 1180 no fewer than nineteen such “adulterine” gilds were reported in London alone, five of them being connected with London Bridge, the famous stone bridge built in 1176. Of these London gilds the only four definitely identified with special trades were those of the goldsmiths, spicers, butchers, and clothworkers, the others being, no doubt, social and religious societies of a less specialised composition.

Side by side with the growth of manufactures developed the exploitation of the mineral wealth of England. The lead mines of Derbyshire, Yorkshire, and Shropshire were being worked, and the valuable silver-bearing lead mines of Carlisle, which were farmed in 1158 for 100 marks, were bringing in 150 marks at the end of the reign, having fluctuated between 500 marks in 1166 and no yield at all after the border wars of 1173-4. At the other end of the kingdom were the rich tin mines of Cornwall and Devon. Iron was worked in the northern counties and to some extent in Northamptonshire, but the industry had not yet attained any degree of importance in the Weald of Sussex and Kent, and the Forest of Dean enjoyed a practical monopoly of the southern iron trade. Tin was undoubtedly exported to the Continent, lead we read of as sent by King Henry for the use of the monks of Clairvaux; but it is doubtful whether it was to any extent an article of commerce, and iron was almost certainly not exported.

By a curious inversion of later practice the chief exports from England in early times were the raw materials of wool and hides and a certain amount of food stuffs. Amongst the latter were no doubt cheeses, which had already found a market in Flanders in the eleventh century, and possibly ale, for which England, and especially Kent, was celebrated. In 1168 we find fifty-three hogsheads of ale sent to the king in Normandy, and that this drink was appreciated by foreigners we may conclude from its having occupied so prominent a part amongst the gifts which Becket carried with him on his famous embassy to the French court. While ale was the national drink, no small quantity of wine was grown in England, vineyards existing in the southern counties from Kent to Hereford, and at least as far north as Cambridgeshire, and references to cider are also numerous.

The preference given to cider over Kentish ale was one of the charges of luxury brought by Gerald de Barri against his monastic entertainers at the cathedral priory of Christchurch, Canterbury. How far the accusations of excess, in food and in other matters, brought by Gerald and by Walter Map against the monks, and in particular against those of the Cistercian order, could be sustained is a question difficult to answer. Both men bore personal grudges against the Cistercians, both preferred a scandalous story or a witty jest to strict accuracy, and Gerald especially was utterly unscrupulous in the abuse of his enemies. At the same time some of the little details in the stories told seem to support their accuracy, and there is evidence that in many cases abuses had crept in and ascetic ideals been relaxed with a rapidity which is astonishing when it is remembered that Bernard of Clairvaux, the founder of the order, had died only the year before Henry ascended the throne. One of Gerald’s tales relates how an abbot of one of the English Cistercian houses hospitably regaled the king, not knowing him, with a drinking bout, initiating him into the mysteries of “Pril” and “Vril,” the private toasts, or drinking cries, used in the monastery in place of the secular “Washeil” and “Drinkheil,” and how Henry, when the abbot subsequently came to court, welcomed him with “Pril” and made him repeat the performance, to his utter confusion and the intense amusement of the nobles. The possibility of this being a true story is increased when we read in the Cistercian annals a generation later that in 1215 the Abbot of Beaulieu was deposed because he behaved outrageously at table, drinking hilariously, in the presence of three earls and forty knights, and that, two years later, the Abbot of Tintern drank ceremoniously (_solemniter_) with bishops and monks. Of the purely English order of Gilbertines, whose founder, Gilbert of Sempringham, died in 1181, Gerald speaks favourably, though deprecating their system of double convents for nuns and canons, but it is only of the austere Carthusians and Grammontanes that he writes with whole-hearted commendation. That his praise was justified is confirmed by the exceptional favour shown to these two orders by Henry, who troubled little about other religious, save the nuns of Fontevrault and the military order of the Templars.

Gluttony and drunkenness were indeed vices in their addiction to which the English, both clergy and laity, compared unfavourably with their Welsh and Irish contemporaries. William Fitz-Stephen, in his famous description of London, gives “the immoderate drinking of fools” as one of the two “plagues” of the city. The degree of luxury then prevalent at table is indicated by his account of the public cook-shop on the river bank near the wine wharves, where every variety of fish, flesh, and fowl, roast meat, baked meat, stew and pasty was ever preparing. Hither ran the servants of those upon whose empty larders unexpected guests had descended; here was store sufficient to satisfy an army of knights or a band of pilgrims; here an epicure might call for sturgeon, woodcock, or ortolan. It was a gay, busy, prosperous city, ships of all nations loading and unloading, crowds chaffering with the merchants and tradesmen, whose stalls were congregated according to kind; here the booths of the goldsmiths, and here a street of cloth merchants; here the grocers, and here a row of cutlers, while through the narrow, irregular streets, scattering purchasers and loafers, would pass the retinue of some prelate or baron on the way to his town house. Then there was the weekly excitement of the horse fair held outside the city walls on the flat fields of Smithfield; every one was there, come to buy, to sell, or to look on, and there were horses to suit every conceivable want, at least if you accepted the word of their owners; here were ambling nags, unbroken colts, of whose heels you had better be careful, stately chargers, sturdy pack horses, mares with their foals, cart horses, driving horses, horses innumerable. But the fun really began when, with a sudden shouting, the crowd parted hastily and left a clear course down which thundered the chargers in mad race, scarcely needing the shouts and spurring of their boy jockeys to urge them to their utmost effort. And then there were the holidays, when the fields outside the city were thronged with students, chaffing each other and lampooning their teachers with apt Latinity, young nobles from the court at Westminister, and apprentices from the city, while their elders looked on and grew younger with excitement as they watched them cock-fighting, ball-playing, or tilting; and as the day wore on the girls would come to the fore and there would be song and dancing until the moon rose. Or the scene would shift to the river, where the boys, standing in the bows of a boat, would tilt at a shield suspended above the water and win either the applause or more often the laughter of the watchers on the bridge and in the riverside houses by their efforts to maintain their balance and avoid a ducking. And then in the winter, when the marshes were covered with ice, bone skates were in demand, and tilting on skates warmed the blood even if it was responsible for rather a large number of broken heads and limbs. For those who were too old, too timid, or too dignified for such boisterous sports there were the pleasures of hunting and hawking over the great preserves belonging to the city in Hertfordshire, Middlesex, and Kent. A gay city, but one whose gaiety was only too often suddenly checked by an outbreak of fire, the second of Fitz-Stephen’s “plagues.” With their wooden hovels, wooden booths, and primitive open hearths the English towns were constant sufferers from fire. Becket’s parents had been impoverished by a succession of fires, and in one year, 1161, London, Canterbury, Winchester, and Exeter were devastated; next year the booths of St. Giles’ fair at Winchester were burnt with all the merchandise in them, and in 1180 a fire beginning at the mint destroyed the greater part of the unfortunate town of Winchester; Glastonbury was burnt in 1184 and Chichester in 1187; and these are only instances recorded for the magnitude of destruction wrought; smaller outbreaks must have been of continual occurrence.

The description of London, _mutatis mutandis_, would apply sufficiently well to other towns of the period, though in many of the smaller boroughs the mercantile element must be almost eliminated and a large agricultural element introduced to render the picture even tolerably faithful. But when we get outside the walls of the towns we meet with quite a different state of affairs. Here and there a castle or the chief seat of some powerful landowner would present us with a building of some architectural importance, but in far the greater number of cases the chief house, the manor, would be a barn-like structure of one storey, the main feature of which would be the hall, or living room, with the massive beams of its open roof blackened by the smoke from the fire burning on an open hearth in the centre of the hall. The chamber, or sleeping apartment, a similar but smaller room connected with the first by a lobby or vestibule, would possibly be partitioned into cubicles either by lath and plaster walls or by cloth hangings. The kitchen, with brew-house, wash-house, dairy and other offices, where such existed, might form part of the main buildings or be in a block by themselves, and there would be one or two barns, with cart-houses, stables, cow-sheds, hen-houses, pig-styes and the miscellaneous appurtenances of a farm. The roofs of the various buildings would be thatched and the windows unglazed, closed with wooden shutters; on the floor would be a layer of rushes, not too frequently renewed, and one or two trestle tables, some benches and stools; a cupboard and possibly a couple of massive chests would pretty nearly exhaust the catalogue of the furniture, save for the wooden platters and bowls, buckets and barrels in the kitchen. Near the manor house as a rule would stand the church, massive and dark, its walls adorned with crudely realistic paintings and its stonework enriched with the strong, barbaric mouldings of the period, and hard by, overshadowed by the tithe barn, would be the house of the parish priest, little superior to the clusters of mud huts in which the peasantry contrived to exist.

To obtain a true estimate of the position of the peasantry at this time it is essential to grasp the entirely different standard of life then prevalent. Comfort and happiness are mainly matters of comparison, and at a time when the country gentleman was content with a simplicity which a modern artisan would scorn the labourer might well see no discomfort in conditions against which an Irish peasant would protest. A condition of servitude was no great burden in itself to those upon whose imaginations the theoretical beauty of liberty had not dawned. The gradations between free and bond were so fine that it required a skilled lawyer to draw the line that separated them, and in practice many freemen were worse off than the average villein. If villeinage legally bound the tenant to perform irksome service for his lord it morally bound the lord to provide for his tenant. At the same time the services exacted from the villein were arduous; in theory they were unlimited, but in practice custom had already fixed their nature in most manors. Striking a rough average, we may say that a villein as a rule had to work for his lord one day in each week for every five or ten acres that he held, and in addition to put in a number of extra days during the busy and critical weeks of harvest and further occasional days for ploughing, harrowing, and sowing. Then there were occasions when he might be called upon to help in thatching the farm buildings, carting manure, repairing hedges, carrying farm produce to market or fetching salt, or such local requirements as the drying and salting of herrings. For many of these extra services he had some return in the shape of a meal at the lord’s cost, but the demands upon his time were heavy and would have left him little opportunity to cultivate his own small holding if he had no sons or others to assist him.

The lot of the people, villein, landowner, and burgess had improved under the wise rule of Henry, and even the great lords, if shorn of their power, were safe from the attacks of rivals and secure of their possessions so long as they remained loyal. The seeds of the English Constitution had been sown. The English nation, which had been nursed, in part unwittingly, by Henry, was to discover its own existence under his successors when his foreign policy failed and the connection between Normandy and England was severed. The relations between Church and State were settled upon a firm basis, and if the supremacy of the State, for which Henry had fought, had to be abandoned, the Catholic Church in England developed a consciousness of nationality and remained independent of Rome in a degree quite exceptional when compared with the Church on the Continent. As the effects of Henry’s policy were either evanescent and negligible or enduring, and in the latter case easy to trace, it is not hard to estimate the significance of his reign, but to obtain a just estimate of the man himself is more difficult. For the more intimate details we are largely dependent upon men who either bore him ill-will or, more rarely, were writing in a spirit of flattery, but putting the evidence together we see a strong, clear-headed man, controlling his emotions but occasionally clearing off accumulations of irritation and annoyance by tremendous outbursts of mad rage; a methodical man with a keen sense of justice, but arbitrary and unscrupulous; a skilled general who never engaged in warfare if it could be avoided; a keen and restless sportsman with a sense of humour and a passion for literature; a free-thinking adulterer with a genuine appreciation of purity and true religion; a king who could manage the affairs of half-a-dozen principalities but could not rule his own house; an acute judge of men, who lavished affection and benefits upon ungrateful and unworthy sons; a mass of contradictions; in other words, an entirely human man.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

RECORDS

For the whole period covered by the reign of Henry II. the English national archives are fortunate in the possession of the unique series of Pipe Rolls. On these annual account rolls were entered in detail the issues of all the counties, escheats, vacant sees and other lands farmed for the Crown. The details of these payments, including “relief” paid by the heirs of deceased tenants in chief, amercements for innumerable offences and other miscellaneous information, are most valuable to the genealogist, topographer, and constitutional historian, but of greater value to the general historian are the balancing items of money expended by the sheriffs upon building operations, hiring ships, provisioning troops, entertaining members of the royal family or ambassadors from foreign courts, and in a hundred other different ways. From these it is possible in many cases to follow the king’s movements, while often the details given throw a cold, impartial light, corroborative or corrective, upon the prejudiced or distorted statements of the chroniclers. Of the corresponding Pipe Rolls for Normandy only that for 1180 and a fragment for 1185 have survived.

A large number of royal _Charters_ of this period have survived and are of great value to the antiquary, though, for the most part, they yield little to the general historian. The _Calendars of Charter Rolls_, Mr. Round’s _Calendar of Documents preserved in France_, and the _Monasticon Anglicanum_ contain the most important collections of these charters. With practically no exceptions the charters of Henry II. are undated and can only be assigned to their years by a careful examination of the attesting signatures, but M. Leopold Delisle in a series of articles in the _Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes_ (1906-1908) claims that the charters prior to 1173 can be at once distinguished from those of later date by the absence from the king’s title of the formula _Dei gratia_, which is invariably found from 1173 onwards. This theory has been disputed, but the weight of evidence is in favour of M. Delisle.

Surveys of the manors and churches belonging to the canons of St. Paul’s, made in 1181 (printed in the _Domesday of St. Paul’s_ by the Camden Society), and of the possessions of the Knights Templars in 1185 (Exch. K. R., Misc. Books, vol. 16) are of interest for the light thrown upon land tenure and agricultural life in general, and further particulars can be gleaned from the many monastic cartularies, printed and manuscript, which exist. Most important, perhaps, of all this class of records is the “Boldon Book,” an elaborate survey of the possessions of the see of Durham in 1183, which has been fully treated by Dr. Lapsley in the _Victoria History of the County of Durham_.

_The Red Book of the Exchequer_, which has been printed in the Rolls Series, contains the important returns of knights’ fees made in 1166 and the “Constitutio Domus Regis,” an account of persons composing the king’s household, their wages and perquisites, originally compiled in the reign of Henry I., but equally applicable to the court of Henry II.

CHRONICLES

For the acts of Henry prior to his accession we are mainly dependent upon the concise records of the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ and Henry of Huntingdon, with the valuable addition of the more detailed _Gesta Stephani_.

For the general history of the reign the _Chronicles_ of Robert of Torigny, Abbot of Mont St. Michel, down to 1186, in which year he died, and the _History_ of William of Newburgh are two of the most reliable sources. From 1170 onwards we have the valuable aid of the _Gesta Henrici_, known by the name of Abbot Benedict of Peterborough, which is incorporated in the _Chronicles_ of Roger of Hoveden. The works of Ralph de Diceto, Dean of St. Paul’s, and of Gervase of Canterbury are for the most part compilations based upon other writers, but each contain a few facts not found elsewhere. The _Annales Monastici_ and other monastic chronicles printed in the Rolls Series and the _Annales Angevines_ (_Collection de Textes_) supply a few occasional details of local events and serve to corroborate the more important works.

The bulk of the literature concerned with the Becket controversy has been collected in the seven volumes of Canon J. C. Robertson’s _Materials for the History of Thomas Becket_ in the Rolls Series. These contain the _Lives_ by William of Canterbury, including a long list of Miracles, Benedict of Peterborough, John of Salisbury, continued by Alan of Tewkesbury, William Fitz-Stephen, Herbert of Bosham, Edward Grim and two anonymous biographers, and also over eight hundred _Letters_ connected with the controversy. Some light is thrown on the contemporary estimate of Becket by the Latin metrical chronicle, _Draco Normannicus_, attributed to Etienne of Rouen and written before Becket’s martyrdom had conferred upon him exemption from criticism.

Welsh affairs are recorded in the _Annales Cambriæ_ and the more detailed _Brut y Tywysogion_, and much light is thrown upon them by the _Descriptio Cambriæ_ and the _Itinerarium Cambriæ_ of Gerald de Barri (“Giraldus Cambrensis”). The same writer’s _Topographia Hibernica_ gives an interesting but inaccurate account of Ireland, and his _Expugnatio Hiberniæ_ recounts the conquest of Ireland by Richard “Strongbow,” Earl of Pembroke, and his companions. Another and more reliable account of the conquest is given in the Norman poem, _The Song of Dermot and the Earl_ (ed. G. H. Orpen, 1891); it appears to have been based upon materials supplied by Morice Regan, secretary to King Dermot. In addition to these sources we have, for Irish history, the _Annals of the Four Masters_ and the _Annals of Loch Cé_.

Jordan Fantosme has left us a spirited Norman poem on the war between England and Scotland in 1173-4, including the capture of the Scottish king, at which he was present. Another poem, _Guillaume le Maréchal_ (ed. P. Meyer, Société de l’Histoire de France), throws considerable light upon Henry’s later years, as does the _De Principis Instructione_ of Gerald de Barri and the _Vita Hugonis_, or Life of St. Hugh of Lincoln.

On the legal and constitutional side we have Glanville _De Legibus_, a formulary compiled by the justiciar about the end of Henry’s reign, and the _Dialogus de Scaccario_ of Richard Fitz-Neal, an elaborate account, historical and technical, of the exchequer.

In the matter of illustrating the life of the times first place must be accorded to Gerald de Barri, who exhibits in a unique degree the qualifications of a journalist; clever, humorous, plucky, possessing immense self-confidence, a fund of quotations, a love of “purple patches” and an eloquence of abuse worthy of his Welsh extraction, he continually enlivens his pages with personal anecdotes, usually scandalous. With him may be classed Walter Map, Archdeacon of Oxford, witty and sarcastic. The _Maréchal_ poem, already mentioned, throws some light on the life of the nobles, more especially of the younger landless men, whose chief delight was in the tournament. The inner life of a monastery is shown with singular fidelity in the _Chronicle_ of Jocelin of Brakelond, monk of Bury St. Edmunds, and a few details of the general life of the people may be gleaned from the writings of Alexander Neckam.

MODERN WRITERS

The reign of Henry II. has been treated by Lord Lyttleton, and more recently by Miss Norgate and by Mrs. J. R. Green. The period is also covered by the third volume of Sir J. Ramsay’s solid and scholarly _History of England_. Mr. Eyton in his _Household and Itinerary of Henry II._ endeavoured to trace the movements of the restless king from day to day and to assign to definite occasions his undated charters. Complete success in such a task is not to be expected, but although there are a number of mistakes, especially in the dating of charters, the work is monumental and most valuable to the student. Finally, mention may be made of Mr. Round’s various papers in _Geoffrey de Mandeville_, _Feudal England_, and _The Commune of London_.

APPENDIX

ITINERARY OF HENRY II

This itinerary is based upon Eyton’s monumental work, the sources being, first, the definite statements of the chroniclers; secondly, the evidence of records, more particularly the Pipe Rolls, which prove the presence of the king at certain places in the course of the year but do not as a rule give an exact date; and thirdly, royal charters, which can be dated within certain limits by the names of the witnesses. Where the name of a place is given with a date in brackets, it indicates that the place was visited during the year under which it appears, but that the exact date is problematic. In cases where charters given at a particular place can be assigned with reasonable probability, but not with certainty, to a particular year, the place name is put in brackets.

1154

December 7 Barfleur

” 8 Coast of Hampshire (Henry lands)

Winchester

” 19 Westminster (coronation)

” 25 Bermondsey

1155

January 13 Oxford

[January, [Northampton] February, York March] Scarborough [Lincoln] [Peterborough] [Thorney] [Ramsey] Nottingham

March [c. 27] London

April 10 Wallingford

[May, June] Cleobury Wigmore Bridgnorth

July 7 Bridgnorth

[July, August, [Worcester] September] [Salisbury]

September 20 Winchester

[October, Cricklade November, Woodstock December] Windsor

December 25 Westminster

1156

January 2-10 Dover

” [11-31] Wissant [St Omer]

February 2 Rouen

” 5 near Gisors

[February-August] Anjou Mirebeau, in Poitou Chinon, in Touraine Loudun, in Touraine

[September 1] Saumur

[October] Limoges

December 25 Bordeaux

1157

[January-March] Normandy

April [c. 8] Barfleur Southampton London

[May] Ongar

May 19 Bury St. Edmunds

” 23-28 Colchester

[June] [Thetford] [Norwich]

July 17 Northampton

[July] The Peak Chester

[August] North Wales

December 13 Gloucester

” 25 Lincoln

1158

[January] Carlisle

[February, [Blythe] March] [Nottingham] The Peak

April 20 Worcester

[April-August] [Evesham] [Tewkesbury] Gloucester Wells Cheddar Brill Clarendon [Westminster] Brockenhurst Winchester

August 14 Portsmouth (Henry crosses to Normandy)

[August] near Gisors

September 8 Argentan

[September] Paris

September 29 Avranches

October [c. 9] Nantes

[October] Thouars

[November] Le Mans

November 23 Mont St. Michael

[November, Avranches December] Bayeux Caen Rouen

December 25 Cherbourg

1159

[? April] Blaye in Guienne Poitiers

May 21-23 Bec Hellouin

” 24 Rouen

June 6-8 Hilliricourt

” 24 Poitiers

” 30 Perigueux

July 1-3 Agen

” [c. 5] Auvillards

July-September Toulouse [c. 26]

[October] Uzerche Limoges Beauvais

[November] Guerberoi Estrepagny

December 25 Falaise

1160

Normandy

July Neufmarché

November 2 Neufbourg

December 25 Le Mans

1161

Normandy

March 1 Mortimer-en-Lions

[March] [Lions-la-Forêt] Le Mans

[May, June] The Vexin near Chateaudun

July-August Châtillon (? on 10 the Garonne)

[October] Fréteval

December 25 Bayeux

1162

February 25 Rouen

[March] Lillebone Fécamp

[April] Rouen

[May] Falaise Normandy

[September] Choisi on the Loire

[December] Barfleur

December 25 Cherbourg

1163

January 25 Southampton

[February] Oxford Salisbury

March 3-6 London

” 8 Westminster

” 17 Canterbury

” 19 Dover

” 31 Windsor

April Reading Wallingford

[May] Wales

[June] Carlisle York Northampton

July 1 Woodstock

[July, August] London Windsor

October 1, 2 Westminster

[October- Northampton December Lincoln The Peak Gloucester Oxford

December 25 Berkhampstead

1164

January 13-28 Clarendon

[March] Porchester Woodstock

April 12 London

” 19 Reading

c. August 24-c. Woodstock September 10

September 14 Westminster

October 6-20 Northampton

December 24-26 Marlborough

1165

[February] [Westminster]

[March] Normandy

April 11 Gisors

” [15] Rouen

May Southampton Surrey Rhuddlan Basingwerk

[July] Shrewsbury Oswestry

[August] Powys Chester

[September- Westminster December] Woodstock

December 25 Oxford

1166

February Clarendon

March [c. 20] Southampton

[April] Maine Alençon Roche-Mabille

April 24 Angers

May 10-17 Le Mans

June 1 Chinon

” 28 near Fougères

July 12-14 Fougères

[August, Rennes September] Rédon Combour Dol Mont St Michel Thouars

[October, Caen November] Touques Rouen Caen

November 18 Tours

” 20 Chinon

December 25 Poitiers

1167

January Guienne

February, March Gascony

April Auvergne

May Normandy

June 4 The Vexin

[July] Chaumont

[August] The Vexin Rouen

September Brittany

October [Valognes] Caen

November 26-December 4 Argentan

[December] Le Mans

December 25 Argentan

1168

January Poitou

[March] Normandy

April 7 Pacey

May Brittany Vannes Porhoet Cornouaille

June Dinan St. Malo Heddé

” 24 Bécherell Tinténiac

” 25 Leon

[July] La Ferté Bernard

[August Ponthieu September] Brueroles Neufchâtel Norman frontier

[October] Perche

December 25-31 Argentan

1169

January 1 Argentan

” 6 Montmirail

March St. Germain-en-Laye Poitou

[April] St. Machaire

May-July Gascony

August Angers

” 15 Argentan

” 23, 24 Damfront

” 31 Bayeux

September 1, 2 Bur-le-Roi

” 3-October Rouen

November 16 St. Denis

” 18 Montmartre

December 25 Nantes

1170

January Brittany

February 2 Séez

” [c. 25] Caen

March 3 Portsmouth

April 5 Windsor

” [c. 10] London

June 11 London

” 14, 15 Westminster

” [c. 24] Portsmouth Barfleur

” [c. 30] Falaise

[July] Argentan

July 6 La Ferté Bernard

” 20, 22 Vendome near Fréteval

August La Mote Garnier, near Damfront

September Roque Madour

October Tours

” 12 Amboise Chaumont Chinon

[November] Loches

November 23 Mont Luçon

” 26 Bourges

December 21 Bayeux

” 25 Bur-le-Roi

” 31 Argentan

1171

January 1-February [c. 10] Argentan

February [c. 11-25] Pont Orson

[March, April] [Brittany]

May 2-16 Pont Orson

[June, July] Normandy Valognes

August 2 Portsmouth

” [c. 5] Winchester

September [c. 8] Welsh border

” 25 Pembroke

” 27 St. David’s

” 29-October 15 Pembroke

” 16 Milford Haven

” 17-31 Waterford

November 6 Cashel

” 11-December 31 Dublin

1172

January, February Dublin

March, April 1-16 Wexford

April 17 Portfinnan

” [19] Haverfordwest

” 21 Pembroke

” 22 Cardiff

April 23 Newport

” 24 Talacharn

May [c. 12] Portsmouth Barfleur

” 16 Gorram, in Maine

” 17 Savigny

” 21 Avranches

[June-August] Brittany

September [c. 29] Caen

[December] Le Mans

” 25-31 Chinon

1173

[January] Montferrand, in Auvergne

February 21-28 Limoges

March [c. 1] Vigeois

” 5 Chinon

” 7 Alençon

” [c. 10] Gisors

April 4 St. Barbe

” 8 Alençon

April-June Rouen

[June, c. 25] Northampton

July Rouen

August 6, 7 Conches

” 8 Bréteuil, Conches

” 9 Verneuil

” 10 Damville

” [c. 12-20] Rouen

” 22-29 Dol

September 8-15 Le Mans

” 25, 26 Gisors

[November] Anjou

November 30 Vendome

December 25 Caen

1174

January-April Normandy

April 30 Le Mans

May 12 Poitiers

[May] Saintes

June 11 Ancenis

” 24 Bonneville

July 7 Barfleur

” 8 Southampton

” 12, 13 Canterbury

” 14-17 Westminster

” 20, 21 Huntingdon

” 24, 25 Seleham

” [27] Brampton

” 31 Northampton

August 8 Portsmouth Barfleur

” 11-14 Rouen

September 8 Gisors

” c. 22 Poitiers

” 30 Mont Louis, near Tours

[October] Falaise

December [c. 1] Falaise

” 8 Valognes

” 25 Argentan

1175

January Anjou

February 2 Le Mans

” 24 Gisors

” 26 Rouen

March Anjou

” 25 Caen

April 1 Bur-le-Roi

” [c. 3] Valognes

” 13 Cherbourg

” 22 Caen

May 8 Barfleur

” 9 Portsmouth

” 18 Westminster

” 28 Canterbury

June 1 Reading

[June] Woodstock

June 24 Oxford

” 29 Gloucester

July 1-8 Woodstock

” 9 Lichfield

August 1 Nottingham

” 10 York

[September] [Stamford] [Northampton] London Windsor

October 8 Windsor

” 31 Winchester

November Windsor

” 26 Eynsham

” c. 30 Winchester

December 25-31 Windsor

1176

January 26 Northampton

March 14 London

April 4 Winchester

May 25 Westminster

” [c. 30] Winchester

[June-August] Clarendon Ludgershall Titgrave Marlborough Geddington Nottingham Feckenham Bridgnorth [Shrewsbury]

August 15 Winchester

September 21 Winchester

” 28 Windsor

October, c. 9 Feckenham

” 17 Cirencester

November 12 Westminster

December 24,25 Nottingham

1177

January, c. 15 Northampton

” 20 Windsor

February 2 Marlborough

” 22 Winchester

March 9 Windsor

” 13 Westminster

” [c. 20] Marlborough

April 17 Reading

” 21 Canterbury

” 22 Dover

” 23, 24 Wye

” c. 26 London

May 1 Bury St. Edmunds

” 2 Ely

May Geddington Windsor Oxford

” 22 Amesbury

” 29 Winchester

June [c. 10] London

” 11 Waltham

” 12 London

” c. 16 Woodstock

July 1 Winchester

” 9 Stokes, near Portsmouth

” 10-17 Stanstead, in Westbourne

July c. 17-August 15 Winchester

August 18 Portsmouth

” 19 Caplevic

September [c. 1] Ivry

” 11 Rouen

” 21 Near Ivry

” 25 Nonancourt

[October] Verneuil Alençon Argentan Berri

” 9 Châteauroux La Châtre Limousin Berri

[November] Graszay Grammont

December 25 Angers

1178

March 19 Bec-Hellouin

April 9 Angers

July 15 “Dighesmut,” on English coast

[July] Canterbury London

August 6 Woodstock

December 25 Winchester

1179

[January-March] Winchester Windsor Gloucester

April 1 Winchester

” 10 Windsor

August 23 Dover Canterbury

” 26 Dover

” 27 Westminster

[October] Windsor Worcester

December 25 Nottingham

1180

[January] Oxford

[April] Reading

April [15] Portsmouth Alençon

” 20 Le Mans

[May] Chinon

June 28 Gisors

[July-September] Quillebœuf Bonneville Argentan Caen Bur-le-Roy Valognes Cherbourg Tenchebray Damfront Mortain Gorron Lions-la-Forêt Driencourt Falaise

September c. 29 Gisors

December 25 Le Mans

c. 31 Angers

1181

[March] [Ivry] Grammont

March 5 Valasse

April 5 Chinon

April 27 near Nonancourt

[May] Barfleur

[July] Gisors

July 26 Cherbourg Portsmouth

[August] Canterbury Nottingham Pontefract York Knaresborough Richmond Lichfield Feckenham

September 6 Evesham

” 12 Winchester

December 25 Winchester

1182

January 6 Marlborough

[February] [Arundel]

February 21, 22 Bishops Waltham

March, c. 10 Portsmouth Barfleur

[March-May] Senlis Poitou Grammont St. Yriez Pierre Buffière

June 24 Grammont

July 1 Perigueux

” c. 6 Limoges

December 25 Caen

1183

January 1 Le Mans

[February] Limoges Aixe

March 1 Limoges

” 8 Poitiers

March Angers Mirebeau

April 17-June 24 Limoges Le Mans

July 3 Angers

December 6 Gisors

” 25 Le Mans

1184

[January-May] Limoges Evreux Rouen

June, c. 5 Choisi

” 10 Wissant Dover ” c. 12 Canterbury

” c. 13 London

July 22 Worcester

” c. 25 Winchester

August 5 Reading

” 16 Woodstock

” c. 21 Dover Canterbury London

October 21-23 Windsor

December 1-13 Westminster

” 14 Canterbury

” 15,16 London

” 25 Windsor

” c. 31 Guildford

1185

January 1-6 Winchester

” 25 Melkesham

[February] Chipping Campden

March [c. 10] Nottingham

” 17 Reading

” 18 Clerkenwell Westminster

” 31 Windsor

April 10-16 Dover

” 16 Wissant

” 21 Rouen

May 1 Vaudreuil

November 7 Aumâle

” 9 Belvoir

December 25 Damfront

1186

[February] Gisors

March 10, 11 Gisors

April 27 Southampton

” c. 30 Merewell Winchester

May 25 Eynsham Oxford

July 1 Northampton

” 15 Feckenham

[July] Carlisle

September 5 Woodstock

” 9-14 Marlborough

October 20 Reading

November 30 Amesbury

December 25, 26 Guildford

1187

January 1 Westminster

February 10 Chilham

” 11 Canterbury

” 14-17 Dover

” 17 Wissant

February 18 Hesdin

” 19 Driencourt

” c. 20 Aumâle

April 5 Gué St. Remy, near Nonancourt

June 23 Châteauroux

August 28 Alençon

[September] Angers Brittany Montreleis

[November] Bur-le-Roy

December 25 Caen

1188

January c. 4 Barfleur

” 13-21 Gisors

” 23 Le Mans

” c. 25 Alençon

” 29 Dieppe

” 30 Winchelsea

[February] Oxford Northampton

” 11 Geddington Bury St. Edmunds

” 29-March 1 Clarendon [Cirencester]

[March-April] Kingston-on-Thames

[March-April] Winchester Woodstock

June 5 London

” 14 Geddington

July 10 Portsea

” 11 Barfleur

” [12] Alençon

” 16-18 Gisors

” 30 Mantes

September Ivry

October [c. 1] [Gisors]

” 7 Châtillon

November 18 Bonmoulins

December Guienne

” 25 Saumur

1189

February 1-3 Le Mans

March 20 Le Mans

May 19 Le Mans

June 4-9 La Ferté Bernard

” 10-12 Le Mans

” 12 Frenelles

” 18 Savigny

July 3 Azay

” 4 Colombier

” 5, 6 Chinon: death of King Henry

INDEX

Aaron of Lincoln, Jew, 200

Abacus, the, 206

Abbeys, vacant. _See_ Monasteries, vacant

Abergavenny, 36

Abraham, the Jew, 199

Adelisa, Queen, 95

Adrian IV., Pope, 17, 22-23, 46; Bull Laudabiliter, 114

Advowsons, 67, 178

Ælnoth, 146

Agen, 243

Aids, 203-5; Sheriff’s. _See_ Sheriff’s aid

Aixe, 249

Alais, French Princess, 49, 152, 164-65, 168-69, 172

Alais of Savoy, 125

Ale, 226

Alençon,171, 244, 246, 248-49, 251

Alexander III., Pope, 46-47, 79-82, 85-87, 89-90, 94, 101-2, 114-15, 122-23, 158

Allington Cast., 145

Alnwick, 140; Cast., 134

Amadour, St., 161

Amboise, 92, 245; Cast., 127

Amesbury, 154, 248, 250

Anagni, Cardinal John of. _See_ John of Anagni

Ancenis, 247

Angers, 244, 248-51

Anglesea, 32

Anglo-Saxon Chron., 237

Angus, Earl of, 140

Anjou, 24, 136, 168, 242, 246-47

---- Fulk, Count of, 2

---- Geoff., Count of, 2-7

---- Geoff. of (d. 1158), 8-9, 16, 24, 44, 204; Hamelin of. _See_ Warenne, Hamelin of; Will. of, 16, 22, 62-63, 99

_Annales Angevines_, 238

_Annales Cambriæ_, 238

_Annales Monastici_, 238

_Annals of Loch Cé_, 239

_Annals of the Four Masters_, 239

Appleby, Cast., 131, 137, 147

Aquitaine, 8, 163

Ard-Righ (Irish King), 103

Argentan, 101, 242, 245-49

Arms, Assize of, 218-19

Army, 217-19; Mercenaries (_see_ Mercenaries); Scutage (_see_ Scutage)

Arnulf, Bishop of Lisieux. _See_ Lisieux

Arques, 7

Arson, 189

Arundel, 249; Cast., 131

---- Earl of, 16, 49, 66, 79-80, 127, 135, 213

---- Joscelin of, 95

Aumâle, 250-51

---- Count Will. of, Earl of Yorkshire, 19-20, 131

Aumône, Phil., Abbot of, 65

Auvergne, 47, 93, 172, 244-46

Auvillard, 243

Avalon, Hugh of. _See_ Lincoln, St. Hugh, Bishop of

Avranches, 122, 242-43, 246

Axholme, Cast., 130, 139, 145

Aymary, Phil., 208

Azai, 171, 251

Baillol, Bern. de, 140; Joscelin de, 83

Baldwin, King of Jerusalem, 163

---- Archd., 55

Bamborough, 136

Bampton, Hon. of, 202

Bandinelli, Cardinal Roland. _See_ Alexander III., Pope

Bangor, Bpric., 30

Bannow, 107

Baptism, Irish custom, 113

Bar, Count of, 141

Barcelona, Raymond Berenger, Count of. _See_ Raymond Berenger

Barfleur, 8, 122, 137, 142, 241-42, 245-47, 249, 251

Barre, Rich., 102

Barri, Gerald de (Giraldus Cambrensis), 38, 106, 166, 214, 226-27, 238-39; Rob. de, 106

Basingwerk, 31-33, 37, 244

Bath, Bpric., 201

---- Reynold, Bp. of (Archd. of Salisbury), 128

Battle, Walter de Lucy, Abbot of, 52

Battle-axe, the Irish, 103

Bayeux, 88, 243, 245-46

Beauchamp, Hugh de, 132; William, 6

Beaumont, Ermengarde of. _See_ Ermengarde, Queen of Scotland; Rich., Visct. of, 164

Beauvais, 46, 243

Bec Hellouin, 243, 248

Bécherell, 245

Becket, Gilb., 54-55; Mary. _See_ Berking, Mary, Abbess of; Maud, 54-55; Roese, 138; Thos., Archb. of Canterbury. _See_ Canterbury, Thos. Becket, Archb. of

Belvoir, 250

Bennington, Keep, 146

Berenger, 87

Berkeley, Rog., 6

Berkhamstead, 244; Cast., 131; Hon. of, 57, 65, 72

Berking, Mary (Becket), Abbess of, 139

Bermondsey, 17, 241

Berry, 167, 248

Berwick, 134; Cast., 144

Berwyn, Mts. of, 37

Beverley, Provostship, 57

Big, Raymond the. _See_ Raymond the Big

Bigot, Bigod, Hugh, Earl of Norfolk. _See_ Norfolk; Rog. le, 135

Bishoprics, vacant. _See_ Sees, vacant

Bisset, Manser, 6

Blaye in Guienne, 243

Blois, 159

---- Count of (1188), 8, 47, 101, 127, 167

---- Hen. of. _See_ Winchester, Hen. Bp. of; Steph. of. _See_ Stephen, King

Blythe, 242

Bohun, Engelger de, 96; Humph. de, 128, 134-35

Boldon Book, 237

Bonmoulins, 8, 168, 251

Bonneville, 125, 137, 247, 249

Bordeaux, 242

Bosham, Herb. of, 74, 76, 78, 238

Boston, 77

Boulogne, county of, 62

---- Eustace of. _See_ Eustace of Boulogne; Mary, Ctss. of, 62, 77; Matthew (of Flanders), Count of, 62, 127, 132; Will., Count of. _See_ Warenne, Will., Earl of

Bourges, 246

Bourton, 4

Bowes Cast., 131

Boxley, Abbot of, 99

Brabantine mercenaries, 27, 132, 142

Brackley Cast., 145

Brackelond, Jocelin of, 239

Brakespere, Nich. _See_ Adrian IV., Pope

Brampton, 247

Braose, Phil. de, 118; Will. de, 153

Breifny, 105

Breteuil, 246; Cast., 132

Breton, Rich. le, 96, 99

Bridgnorth, 242, 247; Cast., 22

Brightwell Cast., 10

Brill, 242

Bristol, 9, 105, 112, 119; Cast., 146; Dublin granted to, 224

Brittany, 24, 44, 47-49, 132-33, 144, 245-46, 251

---- Conan, Count of, 24, 44, 49, 66, 144; Geoff., Count of (d. 1158). _See_ Anjou, Geoff. of; Geoff., Count of (d. 1186). _See_ Geoffrey, son of Hen. II; Hoel, Count of, 24

Broc, Randulf, Ranulf de, 76, 82-83, 93, 135; Rob. de, 95, 97, 99

Brockenhurst, 242

Broi, Phil. de, 63-64

Brough-under-Stanemore, 137

Brueroles, 245

Brut-y-Tywysogion, 238

Bungay, Cast., 130, 141

Burgundy, Dk. of, 171

Bur-le-Roi, 95, 124, 245-47, 249, 251

Burrell, a cloth, 223

Bury St. Edmunds, 11, 24, 135, 242, 248, 251

Cadwalader, Welsh prince, 26, 33, 36

Caen, 243-47, 249, 251

Caereinion Cast., 38

Caerleon on Usk, Cast., 112

Cahaignes, Ralf de, 199

Cahors, 46, 57

Calculating board. _See_ Abacus

Cambridge, Cast., 131

---- Earldom, 127

Cambridgeshire, 11, 226

Canterbury, 59, 94, 162, 243, 247-50; Becket’s murder, 95-100; Cast., 131; Christ Church Priory, 52, 138, 227; fire at, 11, 61, 230; Henry II.’s penance at, 138; moneyers, 208; pilgrimages to, 157-58; St. Augustine’s Abbey, 203

---- Archbpric., 16, 52, 74, 90, 201

---- Bald., Archb. of, 162, 166; Rich., Archb. of, 128-29, 149, 162; Theobald, Archb. of, 11, 15, 50, 54-57; Thos. Becket (St.), Archb. of, Bibliography, 238; burial, 99-100; canonisation, 129; as chancellor, 15, 46, 50-51, 57-58; consecration as archb., 50-54; early life, 54-56; French embassy, 41-43; Henry II.’s penance at tomb of, 138; murder, 95-99, 122-24, 153; pilgrimages to shrine of, 156-58; struggle with the king, 58-95, 197

---- Geoff. Ridel, Archd. of. _See_ Ely, Geoff. Ridel, Bp. of; Walt., Archd., 56.

---- Gerv. of, 238; Will. of, 238

Caplevic, 248

Cardiff, 246; Cast., 34

Cardigan Cast., 37

Cardigan, dist. of, 33, 35

Carlisle, 6, 40, 127, 242-43, 250; Cast., 131, 134; mines, 202, 225; siege, 136-37, 139

Carmarthen, 34

Carrick Cast., 110-11

Carthusians, 154, 228

Cashel, 246; Council of, 113-14

Castile, King of, 150

Castles in England, 12, 18-19, 130-31, 145-46, 210; in Ireland, 118; in Wales, 28

Ceiriog, valley of the, 36

Champigny, 136

Chancellor, 183

Chastel, Hugh de, 135

Châteaudun, 243

Châteauroux, 164, 167, 248, 251

Châtillon, 167, 243, 251

Chaumont, 48, 245

Cheddar, 242

Cheeses, English, 226

Cherbourg, 44, 243, 247, 249

Chester, 25-26, 37, 242, 244; Cast., 130; Irish trade, 224

---- Hugh, Earl of, 66, 126, 130, 132-33, 138, 144; Ralph, Earl of, 6, 21

Cheyney, Will., 11, 49, 199

Chichester Cast., 131; fire of (1187), 231

---- Hilary, Bp. of, 52, 65, 73, 75, 79, 82; Joscelin, Bp. of, 128

Chilham, 250; Cast., 131

Chinon, 24, 82, 125, 165, 167, 171-72, 242, 244-46, 249, 251

Chipping Campden, 250

Chirk, 36

Choisi-on-the-Loire, 243, 250

Church, the English, 60-61, 63-69, 128, 149-50, 193, 212-13, 234. _See_ also Clarendon, Constitutions of, and Ecclesiastical Courts

---- the Irish, 113-15

---- the Welsh, 30

Churches, 232; advowsons. _See_ advowsons; lands granted to, 179

Cider, 226

Cinque Ports, 219-22, 224

Cirencester, 9, 248, 251

Cistercians, 227

Clare, Earl of, 34, 63, 141

---- Rich. of, Earl of Pembroke. _See_ Pembroke

Clarendon, 210, 242, 244, 247, 251; Assize of, 182-85,187; Constitutions of, 66-67, 79-81, 86, 89, 122, 177-82; Council of, 65-69

Cleobury, 242; Cast., 21

Clerical courts. _See_ Ecclesiastical courts

Clerkenwell, 250

Clifford, Rosamund (Fair Rosamund), 152; Walt., 33

Clipston, 210

Clondalkin moor, 108

Cloth trade, 147, 223

Cock-fighting, 230

Cogan, Miles de, 108-11, 118; Rich. de, 111

Coinage, 207-9

Colchester, 24, 222, 242; Cast., 131

Cologne, Archb. of, 49

Colombier, 171, 251

Combour, 244

Conan, Count of Brittany. _See_ Brittany

Conches, 132, 246

Connaught, King of, 118, 120

Consillt, 31

Constable of England, office, 32

Constance (of Brittany), 144

---- Queen of France, 41

---- French princess. _See_ St. Gilles, Constance, Ctss. of

Constantin, Geoff. de, 130

Constantinople, 150

Constitutional history, 175-93

Conway, 32

Cork, King of, 120

Cornhill, Gerv. of, 93

Cornouaille, 245

Cornwall, cloth manuf., 223; tin mines, 225

---- Reynold, Earl of, 16, 34, 66, 68, 118, 127, 133, 135, 152

Coronation, 15-17, 41, 51-52, 90-91, 123-24

Coudre, Simon de, 86

Courcy, John de, 116, 121; Rob. de, 31

Court Christian. _See_ Ecclesiastical courts

Courtmantel, nickname of Hen. II., 173

Coventry, 225

Craon, Maur. de, 173

Cressi, Hugh de, 135

Cricklade, 4, 242

Crioill, Sim. de, 97

Crook, 113

Crowmarsh, 10-11

Crown demesnes, grants of, 18-19, 195

Crusade, 83, 153, 160-61, 163, 165-66, 169, 172, 200

Cumberland, 25

Cumin, John, 83

Customs dues, 224-25

Cynan, Welsh prince, 31

Damfront, 245, 249-50

Damville, 246

Danegeld, 203

David, King of Scotland, 6

---- Scottish prince, 127, 130

---- ap Owain, Welsh King, 31 128, 142

Dean, Forest of, 226

Debts, pleas of, 178

_De Legibus_, 239

Demetia. _See_ Wales, South

_De Principis Instructione_, 239

Derby, Ferrers, Earl of. _See_ Ferrers, Earl

Derbyshire lead mines, 225

Dermot MacMurrogh, King of Leinster, 104-9, 239

Dervorgille, Irish queen, 105

_Descriptio Cambriæ_, 238

Devizes, 6

Devon tin mines, 225

_Dialogue de Scaccario_, 239

Diceto, Ralph de, 238

Dieppe, 251

Dighesmut, 248

Dinan, 245

Dives, Will. de, 127

Dol, 132-33, 244, 246

Domfront, 87

Donnell Kavanagh, Irish prince, 107

Dover, 12, 23, 49, 59, 93, 220, 242-43, 248-50; Cast., 127, 131, 210

Dover, Prior of, 99; Rich., Prior of. _See_ Canterbury, Rich., Archb. of

_Draco Novmannicus_, 238

Drausius, St., 82

Drax, Cast., 18

Driencourt, 249-51; Cast., 131

Drunkenness, 227-28

Dublin, 108-10, 112, 115-17, 224, 246

Duel, judicial, 190-91

Duffield Cast., 130

Dundonuil, 108

Dunham Cast., 130

Dunstable, 12

Dunstanville, ----, 66

Dunstaple, 63

Dunwich, 139

Durham Cast., 130, 141

---- Hugh Puiset, Bp. of, 90, 128, 130, 134, 146, 203

Dynevor, 35

Eastry, 77

Ecclesiastical courts, 60-61, 63-71, 149, 178-82

Edinburgh Cast., 144, 164

Eleanor (dau. of Hen. II.), Queen of Castille, 150

---- (of Aquitaine), Queen of England, 7-8, 24, 40-41, 44-45, 125, 138, 149, 163

Ely, 248; Bpric., 201

---- Geoff., Ridel, Bp. of (Archd. of Canterbury), 72, 84, 87, 92-93, 128; Nigel, Bp. of, 195

Emelin Cast., 142

---- dist., 142

Emma, Queen of North Wales, sister of Hen. II., 142

England, Church of. _See_ Church, the English

Epernon Cast., 46

Ermengarde (of Beaumont), Queen of Scotland, 164

Ernald the armourer, 36

Essex, Geoff. de Mandeville, Earl of, 25, 66; Will. de Mandeville, Earl of, 96, 127, 153, 171

---- Hen. of, Constable of England, 16, 31-32

Estrepagny, 243

Eu, Count of, 66, 72, 126

Eustace of Boulogne, son of King Stephen, 6-7, 11, 45, 56

---- Master, 55

Eva, Irish princess, 106, 108

Evesham, 11, 242, 249

Evreux, 250; Bp. of, 102, 124

---- Count of, 46, 126, 151

Exchequer, 194-95, 206-7, 237, 239

Excommunication, 67, 181

Exeter, fire of (1161), 230

---- Bp. of, 52

Exports, 226

_Expugnatio Hiberniæ_, 238

Eye, Hon. of, 57, 65, 72

Eynesford, Will. of, 63, 72

Eynsham, 247, 250

Falaise, 91, 144, 156, 243, 245, 247, 249; Cast. of, 136

Fantosme, Jordan, 239

Farms (firmæ) of counties and honours, 196

Faye, Ralph de, 125-26

Fécamp, 243

Feckenham, 247-50

Ferns, 109

Ferrers, Earl, 66, 126, 130, 142, 145, 176

Final concords. _See_ Fines

Finance, 194-211, 236

Fines, payments, 198-202

---- (final concords), 186-87

Fires, 230

Firmæ. _See_ Farms

Fitz-Audelin, Will., 114, 118

Fitz-Bernard, Rob., 113, 116-17

Fitz-Count, Brian, 10

Fitz-Ercenbald, Will, 202

Fitz-Gerald, Dav., Bp. of St. David’s. _See_ St. David’s; Maur., 107; Warin, 16

Fitz-Godebert, Rich., 106

Fitz-Harding, Rob., 105

Fitz-Henry, Meiler, 106, 110, 116

Fitz-Herbert, Herb., 118; Will., 118

Fitz-John, Eustace, 31; Will., 96

Fitz-Neal, Rich., 239

Fitz-Nigel, Will., 97

Fitz-Peter, Sim., 63-64, 66

Fitz-Richard, Rog., 134

Fitz-Stephen, Rob., 37, 106, 110-11, 113, 116-18; Will., 74-75, 228, 238

Fitz-Urse, Reynold, 96-98

Flanders, Count of, 12, 16, 59, 62, 77, 127, 131-32, 139, 150, 153, 159, 162, 167, 171; Ctss. of, 12; Matthew of. _See_ Boulogne, Matthew, Count of

Flemeng, Steph. le, 119

Flemings; banishment, 146-47; clothworkers, 223-24; heretics, 83; mercenaries, 17, 119, 136; in rebellion of the young king, 134-36,139, 141; Welsh colony, 17

Foliot, Gilb., Bp. of London (Bp. of Hereford). _See_ London; Rob., Bp. of Hereford. _See_ Hereford

Fontevrault Abbey, 154, 173

Forest laws, 147-49, 188, 205

Forest, Assize of the, 191-93

Forgery, 189

Fornham-St. Geneveve, battle of, 117, 135

Fougères, 244

---- Ralph of, 132-33, 144

_Four Masters, Annals of the._ See _Annals of the Four Masters_

Framlingham Cast., 130, 135, 141, 146

Frank pledges, 185

Frascati, 102

Frederic I., Emperor, 41, 46, 80-81, 150, 159

Freeholds, actions concerning, 190; succession to, 189-90

Frenelles, 251

Fresnai, 170

Fréteval, 91, 243

Fugitive criminals, 185

Fyrd, 217

Galloway, 164, 204

Gaols, 185

Gascony, 244-45

Geddington, 166, 247-48, 251

Geoffrey, son of Hen. II.; birth, 45; Brittany acquired, 49, 144; death, 121, 164; marriage, 49, 144; quarrels with Richard, 160, 163; rebellion, 126, 133

---- illegitimate son of Hen. II. (Bp. of Lincoln), 128, 139, 156, 170-71, 173

Gerard, heretic, 83

_Gesta Henrici_, 238

---- _Stephani_, 237

Gilbertines, 228

Gilds, 223, 225

Giraldus Cambrensis. _See_ Barri, Gerald de

Gisors, 44, 47, 117, 129, 133, 143, 164-65, 242, 244, 246-47, 249-51; elm of, 165, 167

Glamorgan, 34

Glanville, Ranulph de, 119, 140, 146, 186, 239

Glastonbury Abbey, 201, 231

Glendalough, 107

Gloucester, 119, 225, 242, 244, 247-48; Cast., 21, 146

---- Rob., Earl of, 3-4; Will Earl of, 5, 33-34, 72, 127, 146, 151; Ctss. of, 34

---- Isabel. _See_ Isabel (of

Gloucester), wife of King John

Godred, King of Man, 41

Godstow Abbey, 152

Gorram, 246

Gorron, 249

Gospatric, son of Orm, 137, 147

Gower, 34

Grammont, 248-49; monastery of, 160, 228

Grand Assize, the, 190

Grantham, 77

Graszay, 248

Gratian, Cardinal, 87

Gravelines, 78

Grim, Edw., 98, 238

Groby Cast., 130, 142, 145

Grosmont, 36

Gruffudd, of South Wales, 33

Guerberoi, 243

Gué St. Remy, 251

Guienne, 49, 243-44, 251

Guildford, 250

_Guillaume le Maréchal_, 239

Gundeville, Hugh de, 96

Guy, King of Jerusalem, 165

Gwynedd, Owain, King of North Wales. _See_ Owain Gwynedd

Harbottle, fortress, 137

Harcourt, Ivo de, 199

Hasculf Torkil’s son, 108, 111-12

Hastings, 220-21; Cast., 131

---- Rich, de, 68

Haughley Cast., 135

Haverfordwest, 246

Haverholme, 77

Hawking, 214-15

Heddé, 245

Henry V., Emperor, 1

Henry I., King of England, 2-3, 33, 191

Henry II., arms of, 173; Becket controversy, 50-102, 138, 140, 153-54; birth, 3; children of, _see_ Geoffrey, Henry, Joan, John, Maud, Richard, William; coronation, 16, 41; death, 173; description of, 14-15, 213-14, 234-35; England acquired by, 4-13, 25; financial policy, 194-211; foreign policy, 40-49, 150-53, 158-59, 164-72; Ireland in reign of, 23, 103-21; itinerary, 241-51; legal and constitutional work, 175-93; marriage, 8; military organisation under, 217-19; navy of, 219-22; rebellion against, 19-22, 122-44, 160-62, 167-72; Welsh wars of, 26-39

Henry, son of Henry I., 33

---- son of Hen. II., King, at Avranches, 123; Becket and, 51, 65, 96; birth, 21; Brittany under, 49; coronation, 51, 90, 124; court at Bur-le-Roi, 124; death, 161-62; fealty sworn to, 22, 51; French King aided by, 159; marriage, 42, 44, 47; rebellion, 116, 125-44; tournaments, 215; war with Richard, 160

---- Dk. of Saxony, 49, 150, 159

---- (of Blois), Bp. of Winchester. _See_ Winchester

---- of Pisa, Cardinal, 47, 51

Heraclius, Patriarch of Jerusalem. _See_ Jerusalem

Hereford Cast., 21

---- Archd. of, 168

---- Gilb. Foliot, Bp. of. _See_ London, Gilb. Foliot, Bp. of; Rob. Foliot, Bp. of (Archd. of Lincoln), 128; Rob. of Melun, Bp. of, 65, 81

---- Rog., Earl of, 6, 21

Herefordshire, vineyards, 226

Heretics, 83

Hertford Cast., 131

---- Earl of, 66, 151

Hesdin, 251

Hilliricourt, 243

Holy Trinity, Feast of. _See_ Trinity Sunday

Houses, 231-32

Hoveden, Rog. of, 238

Howel, Welsh prince, 112

Hugh (of Lincoln), St. _See_ Lincoln,

Hugh, Bp. of

Huitdeniers, Osbern, 55

Humet, Rich, de, 16, 96

Humez, Will, de, 132

Hunting, 214-15

Huntingdon, 247; Cast., 130, 137, 139, 141, 145; weavers, 223

---- Earldom, 25, 127, 139

---- Hen. of, 237

Hussey, Hen., 6

Hythe, 220-21

Ilchester, Rich. of. _See_ Winchester, Rich. of Ilchester, Bp. of (Archd. of Poitiers)

Industries. _See_ Trade and Industries

Interdict, 67, 88-89, 101-2, 152

Ipres, Will. of, 17

Ipswich, 11

Ireland, bibliography, 238-39; conquest, 16, 22-23, 104-21; description, 103-4; trade with, 224

Irish Church. _See_ Church, the Irish

Iron industry, 225-26

Isabel (of Gloucester), wife of King John, 151

_Itinerarium Cambriæ_, 238

Itinerary of Hen. II., 241-51

Ivry, 248-49, 251; Conference at, 152-53

Jedburgh Cast., 144

Jerusalem, fall of, 165; King of, 41, 165

---- Heraclius, Patriarch of, 162-63

Jews, 199-200, 218

Joan (dau. of Hen. II.), Queen of Sicily, 150-51

John (son of Hen. II.), besieged at Châteauroux, 164; birth, 49; grants to, 144; Ireland under, 118-21; marriage schemes for, 125, 151-52, 169; Norman castles reserved for, 171; rebellion, 172; war with Richard, 163, 170

---- of Anagni, Card., 169

---- the Wode, 111-12

Jordan, castellan at Malmesbury, 10

Jorweth ap Owain, 112

Jorwerth the Red, 36-37

Jousts. _See_ Tournaments

Jury, trial by. _See_ Trial by jury

Justices, itinerant, 182-84, 189

Justiciar, 183

Kavanagh, Donnell, Irish prince. _See_ Donnell

Kenilworth Cast., 131

Kent, 127, 226

Kildare, 116

Kingston-on-Thames, 251

Kirkby Cast., 145

Knaresborough, 249; Cast., 99

Knight service, 217-18

La Châtre, 248

Lacy, Hugh de, 116-18, 120-21, 132

La Ferté Bernard, 168, 245, 251

La Haye, 136

La Haye, Ralph de, 139

L’Aigle, Richer of, 8, 55, 66

La Mote Garnier, 245

Laudabiliter, Bull, 114-15

Lauder Cast., 130

Lead mines, 225-26

Legal codes, 177-93

Legge, Rob., 97

Leicester, 131, 133, 142; Cast., 130-31, 133, 142, 145

---- Ctss. Peronelle of, 135-36; Rob., Earl of (d. 1168), 6, 15-16, 66, 68, 75-76, 126; Rob., Earl of (d. 1190), 126-27, 130, 132-36, 138, 144, 146-47

Leicestershire, Bertram de Verdon, Sheriff of. _See_ Verdon

Leinster, 104, 106, 109, 111, 116-17

Le Mans, 44, 166, 168-70, 174, 243-47, 249-51

Lenton Priory, 21

Leon, 245

Les Andelys, 48

Lesnes, priory of, 158

Lichfield, 247, 249

Liddel fortress, 137

Lillebonne, 243

Limerick, 117-18; King of, 120

Limoges, 125, 160, 242-43, 246, 249-50

Limousin, 248

Lincoln, 21, 77, 241-42, 244; aid paid by, 203-4; Cast., 131; cath., 56; local tradition, 40; weavers, 223

---- Bpric. of, 201

---- Bp. of, 63-64, 199, 203; Geoffrey, Bp. of. _See_ Geoff., illegitimate son of Hen. II.; St. Hugh (of Avalon), Bp. of, 154-57, 239

---- Rob. Foliot, Archd. of. _See_ Hereford, Rob. Foliot, Bp. of

---- Aaron of, Jew. _See_ Aaron of Lincoln

Lions la-Forêt, 243, 249

Lisbon expedition, 220

Lisieux, Archd. of, 74, 102

---- Arnulf, Bp. of, 65, 82, 102, 122, 128

Llandaff, Archd. of, 114

---- bpric., 30

Llantilis, 36

Llewellyn, Alexander, 73

_Loch Cé, Annals of._ _See Annals of Loch Cé_

Loches, 245

London, 12, 21, 129, 242-45, 247-48, 250-51; aid paid by, 203; Bridge, 225; Fitz-Stephen’s account of, 228-31; gilds, adulterine, 225; Rouen’s trading privilege, 224; St. Mary le Strand, ch., 56; St. Paul’s Cath., 56, 87; Tower, 57, 131; weavers, 223

---- bpric., 52

---- Gilb. Foliot, Bp. of (Bp. of Hereford), 50, 54, 59, 65, 74-75, 79, 81, 87, 90, 93-94, 102, 138

Longchamp, Will., 168

Loudun, 24, 125, 242

Louis VII., King of France; alliances with Hen. II., 13, 44, 152-53; Becket protected, 79, 86, 89, 101; death, 158; Hen. II.’s homage to, 24; marriages, 7-8, 41, 47; pilgrimage to Canterbury, 157-58; rebellions against Hen. II. supported, 124-26, 132-33, 136, 142-43; wars with Hen. II., 6-9, 46-49

Luci, Rich. de, appointed justiciar, 16; at Council of Clarendon, 66; death, 158; defeat near Oxford, 11; election to see of Canterbury held, 52; excommunication of, 82, 87; nicknames, 84, 128; renounces allegiance to Becket, 78; writ suspending forest laws produced, 148; young king’s rebellion resisted, 127-28, 133-34

Ludgershall, 247

Lusignan, Geoff. de, 126; Guy de, 126, 165

MacDonnchadh, King of Ossory, 111

Mackelan, 107

MacMurrogh, Dermot, King of Leinster. _See_ Dermot

Madog of Powys, 36

Maine, 24, 168, 244, 246

Malannai, 143

Malcolm, King of Scotland, 25, 40-41, 45

Malmesbury Cast., 9

Malory, Ansketil, 142

Malzeard Cast., 130, 139, 145

Man, Isle of, 41

Mandeville, Earl Will. de. _See_ Essex, Will, de Mandeville, Earl of

Manor-houses, 231-32

Mantes, 7, 167, 251

Manuel, Emperor of Constantinople, 150

Map, Walt. _See_ Oxford, Walt. Map, Archd. of

Marchers, Lords, 28, 38-39

Marches, Hugh de Mortimer, lord of the. _See_ Mortimer

Margaret, Queen (French princess), 41-42, 44, 47, 90-91, 124, 138, 157, 164

Mark, 207

Marlborough Cast., 144, 244, 247-50; Council at, 81

Marshal, John the, 70-71, 75; Will. the, 127, 129, 161, 168-70, 173, 215-16

Martel, 161

Mary, dau. of King Stephen. _See_ Boulogne, Mary, Ctss. of

Masci, Hamo de, 130, 145, 147

Matthew, Master, 4

Matthew of Flanders. _See_ Boulogne, Matthew, Count of

Mauclerc, Hugh, 99

Maud, Empress, 1-5, 18, 23, 48, 50, 81, 85

---- Dchss. of Saxony, dau. of Hen. II., 24, 49, 80

Maurienne, Hub., Count of, 125, 151

Mauvoisin, Will., 96

Meath, 116

Melkesham, 250

Melun, Rob. of. _See_ Hereford, Rob. of Melun, Bp. of

Mercenaries, 17, 27, 36, 45, 119, 129, 132, 136, 142, 194

Merewell, 250

Merionethshire, 37

Merton Priory, 55

Meulan, Count of, 126

Miles, son of the Bp. of St. David’s, 106

Milford Haven, 112, 119, 246

Militia, 217-19

Mines, 225-26

Mirabeau, 24, 125, 242, 250

Monasteries, 226-28, 239; vacant, 149, 178, 201

Money, 207-9

Moneyers, 208

Money-lending, 199-200

Mont Dieu, Prior of, 86

Montferrand, 125, 246

Montfort Cast., 46

---- Hugh de, 32; Rob. de, 31-32

Montgomery, 36

Mont Louis, 247

---- Lucon, 246

Montmartre, 89, 245

Montmirail, 86, 245

Montmorency, Hervey de, 106, 108, 117

Montreleis, 251

Mont St. Michel, 243-44

Montsoreau, 9

Morgan, Welsh prince, 29

Morin, Ralph, 97

Mortain, 127, 249

Mort d’Ancestor, Assize of, 190

Mortimer, Hugh de, lord of the Welsh marches, 21-22, 199

Mortimer-en-Lions, 243

Morville, Moreville, Hugh de, 96, 98-99, 137; John de, 137; Rich. de, 130, 137, 140

Mountsorel Cast., 130, 142

Mowbray, Rog., 126, 130, 136, 139-40, 142, 145

Munfichet, Gilb., 141

Munster, 111, 117-18

Murder, amercement for, 199; punishment of clerks for, 150

Mutilation, 184, 189

Nantes, 24, 44, 242, 245

Nant Pencarn, stream, 34

Navarre, King of, 150

Navy, 219-22

Néaufles Cast., 47

Neckam, Alex., 239

Nest, Welsh princess, 33

Neufbourg, 243

Neufchâtel, 245; Cast., 47

Neufmarché, 46, 243

Nevers, Bp. of, 89

Newburgh, Will. of, 238

Newcastle, 140; Cast., 131, 134

Newnham, 112

Newport, 246

Nonancourt, 248-49, 251

Norfolk, Hugh Bigot, Earl of, deprived of castles, 25; excommunicated, 87; fine paid, 199; high steward, 16; in rebellion of the young king, 126, 130, 134-36, 139, 141; re-created earl, 20

Norham Cast., 130, 141

Normandy, 4, 6-7, 23, 171, 242-47

Northallerton Cast., 130, 141, 146

Northampton, 20, 25, 65, 130, 141, 241-44, 246-48, 250-51; aid paid by, 203; battle at, 142; Council of, 70-77; St. Andrew’s Priory, 73

Northampton, Earl of, 127, 139

---- Assize of, 189

Northamptonshire, iron industry, 225

Northumberland, 25, 127, 133-34

---- Hen., Earl of, 6

North Wales. _See_ Wales, North

Norway, 41

Norwich, 242; aid paid by, 203-4; capture of, 139; Cast., 24, 131

---- Bp. of, 67, 151

Nottingham, 21, 147, 241-42, 247-50; Cast., 131, 144, 210; plundered, 11; sack of, 142; weavers, 223

Novel Disseisin, Assize of, 185-86, 189

O’Brien, King of Munster, 111

O’Conor, Roderic, Irish Ard-Righ. _See_ Roderic O’Conor; Turlogh, Irish Ard-Righ. _See_ Turlogh

Octavian. _See_ Victor III., Pope

O’Dempsey, 116

Odrone, Pass of, 110

Offaly, 116

Offelan, 107

Ongar, 242

Ordeal of battle, _see_ Duel, judicial; of water, 184

Oreford Cast., 131

Orewell, 139

O’Rourke, Tiernan, King of Breifny. _See_ Tiernan

Ossory, King of, 107, 111

Oswestry, 36, 244

Otford, Ch., 56

O’Toole, 107; Lawr., Archb., 108-9

Otto, Cardinal, 84

Owain Cyveliog, Welsh prince, 36-37

---- Gwynedd, King of North Wales, 26, 29, 31-33, 35-38

Oxford, 12, 19, 65, 241, 243-44, 247-51; battle, 11; Cast., 131, 210; weavers, 223

---- Walt. Map, Archd. of, 214, 227, 239

---- Aubrey de Vere, Earl of, 23

Oxford, John of. _See_ Salisbury, John of Oxford, Dean of

Pacey, 8, 167, 245

Pagham, man., 70

Painel, Gerv., 145, 147

Paris, 43-44, 242

Patric, Will., 132

Pavia, Cardinal Will. of. _See_ William

Paynel, Fulk, 202

Peak, The, 25, 131, 242, 244

Peasantry, 212, 232-33

Pembroke, 112-13, 246

---- Eva, Ctss. of. _See_ Eva, Irish princess; Gilb., Earl of, 4; Rich., Earl of, 49, 106, 108-12, 116-18

Pembrokeshire, 35

Pencader, 34

Penny, silver, 207

Perche, 245

---- Count of, 48

Périgueux, 243, 249

Peterborough, 241; abbey, 21

---- Abbot Benedict of, 238

Pevensey Cast., 4, 24, 55

Peverel, Will., 21

Philip II., Augustus, King of France; 157-59, 162-69, 171-72

Pierre Buffière, 249

Pipe Rolls, 236

Pisa, Cardinal Henry of. _See_ Henry

Planches, 85

Plinlimmon, Mts. of, 34

Poer, Rob. le, 118; Will. le, 119

Poitiers, 243-44, 247, 250

---- Richd. of Ilchester, Archd. of. _See_ Winchester, Richd. of Ilchester, Bp. of

Poitou, 8, 48-49, 137, 144, 160, 163, 242, 245, 249

Pomeray, Jolland de la, 118

Pontefract, 249

Ponthieu, 245

---- Count of, 48, 126

Pontigny, 81-83

Pont l’Evêque, Rog. of, Archb. of York. _See_ York

---- Orson, 246

Porchester, 244; Cast., 131

Porhoet, 245

Port, Ad. de, 136, 140, 202

Portfinnan, 246

Portsea, 251

Portsmouth, 90, 122, 242, 245-49

Portugal, King of, 162

Pound (in money), 207-9

Powys, 27, 36, 244

Prendergast, Maur., 106-8, 111, 117

Prestatyn, Cast., 38

Preuilly, 136

Prices, 209

Prudhoe Cast., 131, 139

Puiset, Bp. Hugh. _See_ Durham, Hugh Puiset, Bp. of

Quency, Rob. de, 116

Quillebœuf, 249

Quincy, Saer de, 96

Radnor, 34

Ramsey, 21, 241

Rastel, Rog., 119

Raymond Berenger, Count of Barcelona, 45

---- the Big, 108-10, 117-18

Reading, 31-32, 243-44, 247-50; Cast., 10

_Red Book of the Exchequer_, 237

Redon, 244

Regan, Morice, 106, 108, 239

Relief, a death duty, 201-2

Rennes, 244

Reynold, Archd. of Salisbury, Bp. of Bath. _See_ Bath

Rheims, Archb. of, 150, 171

---- Council of (1148), 56

Rhuddlan, 32-33, 35-36, 38, 244

Rhys (ap Gruffudd), King of South Wales, 33-38, 106, 112, 128, 142

---- Gwrgant ap, 29

Richard I., son of Henry II., besieged at Châteauroux, 164; birth, 40; cross assumed by, 166; Hen. II.’s fortune dissipated, 211; King, 173; marriage scheme, 49, 152, 164, 168; rebellions, 126, 133, 137, 143-44, 165, 168-72; wars with brothers, 160, 163; war with Philip of France, 166-67; war with Toulouse, 166

Richard, Prior of St. Martin’s. _See_ St. Martin’s, Rich., Prior of

---- Strongbow, 127, 238

Richmond (Yorks.), 249; Cast., 131

---- Conan, Earl of. _See_ Brittany, Conan, Count of

Ridel, Geoff., Bp. of Ely--Archd. of Canterbury. _See_ Ely

Robert, Duke of Normandy, 1

Rochelle, la, 162

Roche Mabille, 244

Rochester, 95; Cast., 127, 131

---- Bp. of, 52, 90

Rochfort Cast., 46

Roderic O’Conor, Irish Ard-Righ, 107-10, 113, 115

Roger, Archb. of York. _See_ York

Romney, 69, 220

Romsey, Mary, Abbess of. _See_ Boulogne, Mary, Ctss. of

Roquemadour, 161, 245

Rosamund, Fair. _See_ Clifford, Rosamund

Rotrou, Archb. _See_ Rouen, Rotrou, Archb. of

Rouen, 44, 129, 131, 133, 152, 242-48, 250; siege, 142-43; surrender to Geoff. of Anjou, 4; trading privilege in London, 224

---- Rotrou, Archb. of, 81, 89, 102, 124

---- Etienne of, 238

Roxburgh Cast., 144

Rufus, Guy, 154

Rye, 221

Sackville, Nigel de, 93

Saintes, 137, 217

St. Alban’s Abbey, 176

St. Asaph, bpric., 30

St. Barbe, 246

St. David’s, 113, 115, 246

St. David’s, bpric., 30

St. David’s, Dav. Fitz-Gerald, Bp. of, 113

St. Denis, 245

St. Edmunds, Abbot of, 199

St. Germain-en-Laye, 245

St. Giles, fair of, Winchester, 223

St. Gilles, 151

St. Gilles, Count of, 45; Ctss. of, 45

St. Hilaire, Hasculf de, 127, 132

St. John, John, 6

St. Machaire, 245

St. Malo, 245

St Martin’s, Rich., prior of, 94

St. Mary of Wigford, ch., 40

St. Michael’s Mount, 44

St. Omer, 242; St. Bertin, Mon., 77-78

St. Omer, Otes, or Tostes, de, 68, 141

St. Yriez, 249

Saladin, 165

---- tithe, 166

Salisbury, 242-43

---- Reynold, Archd. of. _See_ Bath, Reynold, Bp. of

---- Bp. of, 67, 87, 90, 93-94, 102

---- John of Oxford, Dean of, 80, 83-84, 93-94, 102

---- Earl of, 6, 66, 127

---- John of, 22-23, 238

Saltwood, 95, 99; Cast., 96, 145

---- Hon. of, 93

Sandwich, 93, 220, 222

Sarthe R., 169

Saumur, 242, 251

Savigny, 122, 246, 251

Savoy, 125

Saxony, Hen., Dk. of. _See_ Henry

Scandinavians, 108, 111-12

Scarborough, 60, 225, 241; Cast., 20

Scotland, vassalage to England, 144; war with, 134, 136, 139-40, 239

Scutage, 204-5, 217-18

Sees, vacant, 149, 178, 201

Séez, 245; Bp. of, 82

Selby, 147

Selby, Fulk of, 147; Will. of, 147

Seleham, 141, 247

Sempringham, Gilb. of, 228

---- Priory, 77

Senlis, 249

Sens, 69, 79, 87

Sens, Archb. of, 101-2

Sheriffs, 184-85, 187-88, 196-98, 206-7

Sheriff’s aid, 61-62, 197-98

Ships, 219, 221

Shipway, The, 221

Shrawardine, 36

Shrewsbury, 244, 247

Shropshire lead mines, 225

Sicily, 150-51

Silver mines, 202, 225

Skating, 230

Skenfrith, 36

Smithfield horse fair, 229

Society during the reign, 212-35

Soissons, 82

_Song of Dermot and the Earl_, 239

Son of Orm, Gospatric. _See_ Gospatric

Southampton, 58, 222, 242-44, 247, 250; Cast., 131

South Wales. _See_ Wales, South

Spalding Priory, 21

Stamford, 247; Cast., 11

Stanstead, 248

Stephen, King, agreement with Hen. II., 12; death, 13; forests relinquished by, 191; grants by, 17-19; Henry II.’s war with, 3-6, 9-11; Lincoln tradition defied, 40; money, 207; revenues, 195

Stirling Cast., 144

Stockport Cast., 130

Stokes, 248

Strongbow. _See_ Richard Strongbow

Stuteville, Rob. de, 128, 140, 146; Rog. de, 134, 136

Surrey, Hamelin, Earl of, _see_ Warenne, Hamelin, Earl of; Will., Earl of, _see_ Warenne, Will., Earl of

Talacharn, 246

Tallies, 207

Tamworth, Ralph of, 83-84

Tancarville, Will. de, 126, 214

Tenants-in-chief, ecclesiastical, 178; excommunication of, 67, 181

Tenchebray, 249

Tewkesbury, 242

---- Alan of, 238

Theobald, Archb. of Canterbury. _See_ Canterbury

Thetford, 242; Cast., 145

Thirsk Cast., 130, 139, 142, 145

Thomas of Canterbury, St. _See_ Canterbury, Thos. Becket, Archb. of

Thomond, King of, 118

Thorney, 241; Abbey, 21

Thouars, 44, 242, 244

Tiernan O’Rourke, King of Breifny, 105, 112

Tin mines, 225-26

Tinténiac, 245

Titgrave, 247

_Topographia Hibernica_, 238

Torigny, Rob. of, 237

Torkil’s son, Hasculf. _See_ Hasculf

Toulouse, 45-46, 57, 204, 243

---- Count of, 166

Touques, 244

Touraine, 168, 242

Tournaments, 215-16

Tours, 171, 244-45, 247

---- Steph. of, 169

Tracy, Will. de, 96, 98

Trade and industries, 222-26

Tregoz, Rob., 127

Trenchemer, Will., 32

Trial by jury, 179-80, 190-91

Trihan, Will., 173

Trinity Sunday, 53

Turlogh O’Conor, Irish Ard-Righ, 105

Turville, Geoff. de, 145

Tutbury Cast., 130, 142, 145

Tyre, Archb. of, 165

Ugoccione, Cardinal, 149

Ullerwood Cast., 130

Ulster, 113, 116, 121

Umfraville, Odinell (al), de, 128, 139-40

Urban III., Pope, 121, 165

Usurers. _See_ Money-lending

Uzerche, 243

Vagabonds, 185

Valasse, 249

Valognes, 245-47, 249

Vannes, 245

Vaudreuil, 250

Vaux, Hub. de, 6; Rob. de, 134, 137, 139

Vendome, 245-46

Venedotia. _See_ Wales, North

Verdon, Bertram de, 146

Vere, Aubrey de, Earl of Oxford. _See_ Oxford

Verneuil, 132, 246, 248

Vesci, Will. de, 128, 134, 136, 140

Vexin, the, 7, 243-44; Norman, 47

Vézelay, 172; abbey of, 82

Victor III., anti-Pope, 46, 80-81

Viel, John le, 176

Vigeois, 246

Villeins, 233; ordination of, 67

_Vita Hugonis_, 239

Vivian, Cardinal, 87

Wales, bibliography, 238; Church, _see_ Church, the Welsh; crusade preached in, 166; description, 26-30; mercenaries, 45, 48, 142; wars in, 30-39, 51, 112

---- North (Venedotia), 27, 242

---- South (Demetia), 27, 106

Wallingford, 10, 22, 242-43; Cast., 10, 131

Waltham, 248

---- Bishops, 249

---- Abbey, 153-54

Walton, 134; Cast., 131, 134, 146

Wareham, 6, 9

Warenne, Hamelin, Earl, 62, 76, 127; Isabel, Ctss., 62; Will., Earl, 11-14, 24, 62

---- Reynold de, 49, 93

Wark, 136; Cast., 131, 134

Warkworth Cast., 134

Warwick Cast., 11, 131

---- Earl of, 6; Gundreda, Ctss. of, 11; Ctss. of, 202

Waterford, 108, 110-13, 116-20, 246; synod of, 114-15

Weavers, 223

Wells, 242

Welsh Church. _See_ Church, the Welsh; mercenaries. _See_ Wales, mercenaries; wars

Westbourne, 248

Westminster, 23, 51, 150, 241-45, 247-50; Abbot of, 199; Council at (1163), 64

Westmoreland, 25, 127, 134

Weston Cast., 145

Wexford, 107, 110-13, 115-18, 246

Wigmore, 242; Cast., 21

William (the Lion), King of Scotland (1173), 127, 133-34, 136-37, 139-40, 143-44, 164, 166

---- King of Sicily, 150

---- son of Henry II., 22

---- grandson of Hen. II., 157

---- son of Rob. of Normandy, 1

---- son of King Stephen. _See_ Warenne, Will., Earl of

---- of Pavia, Cardinal, 47, 84

Winchelsea, 221, 251

Winchester, 12, 22, 94, 124, 166, 241-42, 246-51; Cast., 131; description, 222-23; fires, 230-31

---- bpric., 201

---- Hen., Bp. of, 3, 11, 22, 52, 56-57, 71, 73, 95, 112, 203; Rich. of Ilchester, Bp. of (Archd. of Poitiers), 80, 83, 87, 128, 137

Windsor, 242-45, 247-50; Cast., 131

Wine trade, 222, 226

Wisbeach, Cast., 131

Wissant, 93, 242, 250

Witham Priory, 154-55, 214

Woodstock, 35, 40, 105, 155, 164, 192, 197, 210, 242, 244, 247-48, 250-51

Wool, 226

Worcester, 41, 223, 242, 249-50; Cast., 131

---- Bp. of, 79, 102, 124, 162

Wurzburg, 80

Wye, 248

Yarmouth, 220

York, 146-47, 241, 243, 247, 249; aid paid by, 203; Cast., 131

---- archbpric., 74, 201

---- Rog. of Pont l’Evêque, Archb. of, 52, 56, 65, 69, 74, 79, 90-91, 93-94, 149, 158, 203

---- Lefwin of, 199

Yorkshire, lead mines, 225

---- Earl of. _See_ Aumâle, Will., Ct. of

Yvor the Little, 33-34

Printed by BALLANTYNE, HANSON & CO. at Paul’s Work, Edinburgh

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Later writers, anxious to depreciate Henry II. even to the extent of making him illegitimate, and his mother a bigamist, retailed a legend to the effect that the Emperor Henry V. had not died at this time, but had retired secretly into a monastery: Giraldus Cambrensis, _Op._ viii. 300.

[2] Mr. Round (_Feudal England_, 491-4) rejects the “Invasion of 1147,” of which the only mention is the account given in the _Gesta Stephani_, and considers that the events recorded relate to Henry’s visit in 1149. He is undoubtedly right in pointing out that the chronicler confused Henry’s unwarlike cousin, Earl William of Gloucester, with his loyal uncle, Earl Robert, making the latter refuse to give that help which, had he then been living, he would certainly have rendered to the utmost of his ability. On the other hand, what we know of Henry’s visit to England in 1149 is quite inconsistent with the wretched fiasco described in the _Gesta_, and when Mr. Round argues that “the statement that Henry applied for help to his mother by no means involves ... her presence in England at the time,” it is difficult to follow his argument. Had Henry applied for money to any one outside England it would presumably have been to his father, and, moreover, in 1149 the empress could not have been in straitened circumstances.

[3] See list of witnesses to charter executed at Devizes on 13th April, 1149: _Sarum Charters_ (Rolls Ser.), 16.

[4] The connection between Louis and Eleanor was very distant, but a literal observance of the Canon Law would have invalidated the marriages of half the nobility of Europe.

[5] It is not quite certain when Richard de Luci was associated with the Earl of Leicester in the justiciarship, but the earl was clearly Chief Justiciar until his death in 1168, and may have held the superior position by priority of appointment.

[6] Nicholas Brakespere, the only Englishman to attain the papacy, was elected pope and took the title of Adrian IV. in December 1154.

[7] Roger of Hoveden mentions in particular the Yorkshire castle of Drax as one of the last of many destroyed by Stephen.

[8] After his description of Earl William’s great castle of Scarborough, William de Neuburgh adds that when in course of time it fell into decay, King Henry rebuilt it. It is rather surprising to find how soon this occurred, but the Pipe Roll for 1159 shows £111 spent “on the works of the castle of Scardeburc,” and £70 spent on the works of the “tower” (_turris_), a term which Mr. Round has shown to imply a keep. Next year £94, 3s. 4d. was spent on the keep, and the following year £107, 6s. 8d. on the castle.

[10] The claim of the popes to the sovereignty over islands was based upon the forged “Donation” of Constantine.

[11] This payment of 500 marks, entered under Essex on the lost Pipe Roll for the first year of Henry II., is copied into the _Red Book of the Exchequer_.

[12] There are numerous references to the “nova terra” of Earl Warenne on the Pipe Roll 4 Henry II.

[13] According to the _Brut y Tywysogion_ (p. 109), an English governor on one occasion took certain action, “knowing the manners of the people of the country, that they would all be killing one another.”

[14] Many of these were probably merely positions of advantage strengthened with ditch and wooden stockade.

[15] See Round, _Commune of London_, 281.

[16] Details of these proceedings are to be found on the Pipe Rolls, 11 and 12 Henry II.

[17] In justice to Henry it must be remembered that the mutilation or execution of hostages was the natural outcome of the rebellion of those for whose good conduct they were sureties. A hostage who cannot be punished for the sins of those whom he represents is merely a useless expense to his keeper.

[18] The Pipe Roll, 12 Henry II., shows both these princes on good terms with the English.

[19] The Pipe Roll for 8 Henry II. shows “60s. paid to William Cade for gold for the crown of the king’s son, and for preparing the regalia,” and the Roll for the twelfth year records the expenditure of 7s. “for carrying the regalia of the king’s son into Normandy.” It would also seem (see below, p. 91) that the pope issued a commission for the Archbishop of York to crown the young prince.

[20] Gervase of Canterbury (_Opera_, i. 171) says that Thomas instituted the feast of the Holy Trinity. It would seem that the Sunday following Whitsunday was already sacred to the Trinity, but that he gave to the feast a position which it had not held before in England, and which it did not attain on the Continent till a much later date.

[21] The legend that the mother of Thomas was the daughter of a Saracen emir into whose hands Gilbert Becket had fallen during a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, and that, after helping Gilbert to escape, she followed him to London, is of late date and absolutely without foundation.

[22] The actual salary of the chancellor was 5s. a day, but the perquisites of the office, including the gifts which those who required his favour had to make, were great. Becket himself was said, by Foliot, to have paid “many thousand marks” for the office.

[23] Translation from one see to another, except in the case of promotion to the primacy, was extremely rare, and almost unheard of, in England at this time.

[24] A small point, not without significance as an indication of character, is observable in the gradual degradation of the royal oath. The Conqueror swore “by the splendour of God,” Henry “by the eyes of God,” Richard “by the body” or “by the thighs of God,” and John “by the feet,” or even “by the nails, of God.”

[25] Isabelle de Warenne had been the wife of William, son of King Stephen, the cousin of William of Anjou. The connection being through the Empress Maud there was no obstacle to her marriage, afterwards effected, with Hamelin, the illegitimate son of Geoffrey of Anjou.

[26] Their names occur as owing these sums “pro plegio archiepiscopi” on the Pipe Roll, 11 Henry II.

[27] The claim of the northern archbishops to have their cross carried before them within the province of Canterbury was a continual source of dispute for several centuries, leading to many undignified scenes.

[28] See Pipe Roll, 16 Henry II.

[29] See Pipe Roll, 12 Henry II.

[30] For a discussion of the authenticity of this letter of Pope Adrian, see Round, _The Commune of London_, 171-200, and, on the other side, Orpen, _Ireland under the Normans_, i. 312-8.

[31] This province had been previously offered to Herbert and William Fitz-Herbert, half-brothers of Earl Reynold of Cornwall, and Jolland de la Pomeray, but they had wisely declined the gift.

[32] The Pipe Roll, 19 Henry II., shows an expenditure of £32, 6s. 5d. for the king’s maintenance at Northampton for four days; and it would seem that he travelled without luggage, as over £72 was spent at the same time on the outfit which the sheriff provided for the king. None of the chroniclers notice this flying visit, but the evidence appears to favour the end of June as the most probable date.

[33] All the authorities agree as to the rapidity of Henry’s dash to Dol. Presumably he had with him only a small mounted escort.

[34] The Pipe Roll of 21 Henry II. shows a pension of 33s. 4d. paid to her for the last quarter of the twentieth year. She seems to have died in 1188, as the pension was then paid to her son John.

[35] “Fair Rosamund” was buried at Godstow Abbey, where the king set up a wonderfully carved monument to her memory. As we find fifty marks paid “for work at Godstow” in 1177, the first of a number of similar payments, it is probable that she had been buried there the previous year.

[36] She was apparently still alive in 1181, when a small allowance was made her, the sum of 66s. 8d. paid “matri G. cancellarii ad eam sustentandam” appearing amongst the charges on the bishopric of Lincoln.

[37] It is interesting to observe that Matthew Paris assigns to the young king Henry a shield of arms,--per pale gules and sable, three golden leopards; _Chron. Maj._ (Rolls Ser.), vi. 473. This bears every mark of being an exceptionally early instance of differencing, and makes it more than probable that Henry II. bore the red shield with the three golden leopards, which has ever since been the arms of England.

[38] As for instance in the case of the disputed privileges of the abbey of St. Alban’s, when his examination of their charters and his comments thereon showed remarkable painstaking ability: _Gesta Abbatum S. Albani_ (Rolls Ser.) i. 145-155. Another case, reported in still greater detail, is the suit between the Bishop of Chichester and the Abbot of Battle: _Chron. of Battle Abbey_ (ed. Lower), 78-115. For an instance of the king’s appreciation of legal technicalities, see _ibid._, 182.

[39] The Pipe Roll for 31 Henry II. records a fine of 500 marks imposed on the Bishop of Durham for holding a plea touching the advowson of a church in Court Christian.

[40] An instance of a difficult case being referred by the justiciar to King Henry occurs in the _Chron. Mon. de Abingdon_ (Rolls Ser.), ii. 229.

[41] Instances of the blessing of the ordeal pits occur in the Pipe Rolls. In 1166, for instance, 10s. was paid to two priests for blessing the pits (_fossarum_) at Bury St. Edmunds, and in Wiltshire 5s. was paid for preparing the pools (_polis_) for the ordeal of thieves, and 20s. to priests for blessing the same pools. As early as 1158 the sheriff of Wiltshire accounted for making “the pools of the moneyers,” and in 1175 in Hampshire there were payments made for “blessing the ordeal pits (_fossis iuisse_), and the cost of doing justice on the peasants who burnt their lord.”

[42] _Engl. Hist. Rev._, xxv. 709.

[43] The fragmentary return to the Inquest of Sheriffs made from the Earl of Arundel’s lands in Norfolk has been printed as an appendix to the _Red Book of the Exchequer_ in the Rolls Series, but was first identified by Mr. Round.

[44] See Round, _Commune of London_, 229-233.

[45] In connection with the “sheriff’s aid” there is an interesting entry in the _Chronicle of Abingdon_ (ii. 230), which relates that a former abbot had granted the sheriff 100s. yearly to protect the interests of the abbey’s tenants. The later sheriffs had continued to draw the money while doing nothing for it, and Abbot Ingulf refused to continue the payment, lest it should become established as a custom. The matter was brought before King Henry, who gave his decision in the abbot’s favour. The survey of the manors belonging to the canons of St. Paul’s in 1181 shows that the payments due to the sheriff from the different manors varied from 6d. to 4s. on the hide.

[46] The numerous references to Jews on the Pipe Rolls and in contemporary chronicles have been brought together in Jacobs’ _The Jews of Angevin England_. Examples of their dealings with monastic houses may be found in Jocelin of Brakelond’s _Chronicle_, relating to St. Edmund’s Abbey, and in the _Gesta Abbatum_ concerning St. Alban’s, while an idea of their importance to the litigant in want of ready money for legal expenses may be gathered from Richard of Anstey’s famous story of the costs of his lawsuit (translated in Hall’s _Court Life of the Plantagenets_), in which he accounts for some seventeen different loans, amounting in all to £87, on which he paid £53 for usury.

[47] The tally, the precursor of the counterfoil, was a wooden stick on the edge of which the sum paid was indicated by a series of cuts or notches, the various sizes of which indicated definite sums. The stick being split parallel to its face, each party to the payment retained one portion, with its edge thus significantly notched, and the genuineness of either portion could at once be proved by putting the two together, when the notches would be found to tally.