Part II

. p. 10.

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F 6 [FROM KÖNIGSMARCK TO SOPHIA DOROTHEA]

_Sunday [Spring of 1692]._

Yes, Madam, I will suffer for your sake, as you command me to do so; but when shall I be fortunate enough to find myself at the point to which I aspire—I mean in your arms? But when shall I have this satisfaction? I lose all hope, for in the way in which things go on, I cannot flatter myself that it will come about. My mind gives way over it all, and, if I write to you without rime or reason, do not find fault with me on that account—it is [because of] the despair to which I find myself reduced. If you disbelieve me, I beg you to look at these [gray] hairs which I had pulled out of my head this morning: I cannot declare to you that they turned last night; but I can swear to you that a week ago I had none. Believe me that my despair is great, and that my trouble is extreme. I stay on for the love of you; I risk honour, reputation, and ambition; for, since I do not join in the campaign, what will they say of me; and why do I risk this, without seeing you after all? I have reached this extremity that I must either conquer [?] or die. Use therefore your force [influence] with the _Gro[ndeur]_; it is he who alone can save us, and I call this to conquer. I absolutely must have your commands as to what I am to do. To stay on in this way at Han[over] is out of the question; for after three weeks you will go [away] with the _Gron[deur]_. What shall I then do in a place from which you are absent? I beg you to reflect on that, and after that give your commands; I am ready to show you by my obedience that my love does not listen to reason. You see to what state you have reduced me, for I sacrifice to you my ambition, which is the single thing that up to this time I had preserved. See to what length my passion goes; judge in what state I find myself; do not ruin me utterly—be more ambitious than I am, and encourage a lover who no longer has any [ambition]! You would pity me if you quite understood the troubles that oppress me. I see clearly that it is your trouble which is killing me; for although we actually are together we never have anything but trouble; and this is an ill beyond cure. The only consolation is to play [cards] with you; but the pleasure of looking at you is never allowed me; for at one time the _Schwartz gesicht_ [black face], at another the Innocent One, at another some one else among the maids [of honour], comes to watch us. All this is enough to make me die of it. Console me, I entreat you, or I shall despair; and my despair may drive me to seek remedies unworthy of a man of honour. You wait for me, certainly; but, Madam, when one is in the Labyrinth as I am, honour and trust come to an end. It is well to come to a close, or I shall be still more enraged.

F 1 [FROM SOPHIA DOROTHEA TO KÖNIGSMARCK]

On the Brockhausen journey.[198] _Tuesday [1 June 1692]._

The Hereditary Princess is very impatient to know whether Königsmarck has arrived safely. Many things have happened which the Hereditary Princess has written on a quite clean half-sheet. I cannot console myself for having lost Königsmarck so soon; this makes his absence a thousand times harder to bear. I am worn out to the point of being unable to keep up any longer. The excess of enjoyment and the sorrow at seeing no more what I love reduce me to this condition. How hard it is to take oneself away from you! You are the most amiable of men. The more one sees you the more charm one finds in you. How happy I am to be loved by you, and how well I know all my happiness! All my bliss depends on the continuance of this tender affection. If I am deprived of it, I no longer wish to live. You take the place of everything else for me, and I care nothing for the whole of the world besides. I wish that you may be as pleased with me as I am with you. You have enchanted me, and I feel fonder of you than ever. Be you the same, and nothing will be wanting to my happiness. I need not tell you that all the actions of my life shall declare my attachment to you; for you must be convinced of this, and time will show you that I do not wish to live except for you. The Hereditary Princess leaves to-morrow.

I have instructed 220 to send me your letter by [way of] Nienb[urg].

-----

Footnote 198:

_Voyage de Brockhausen_ may mean ‘during the journey from’ or ‘to Brockhausen.’ This and the following letters appear to belong to the dates here assigned to them; but it is possible that they belong to June 1693. The Princess left Hanover for Brockhausen on June 21, 1692, see Wilkins, p. 180; as to her movements to and from that place in June 1693, see ib. pp. 256-76. After a careful consideration of dates, as well as of the general contents of the letters, I have come to the conclusion that the 1692 date is the more probable. Brockhausen, or Bruchhausen, was a country-seat of the Duke of Celle, situate, like the town of Nienburg, mentioned at the end of this letter, in the division of the old countship of Hoya, which had from the middle of the sixteenth century onwards belonged to the Celle branch of the House of Brunswick-Lüneburg. Brockhausen is about 18 miles N.W. of Celle.

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F 2 [FROM SOPHIA DOROTHEA TO KÖNIGSMARCK]

Brockhausen, _Thursday, June 22nd {1692}_.

The Hereditary Princess arrived yesterday evening. She is pleased with the Duchess of Celle. I have no doubt but that she will do everything that one wishes. The Duke of Celle is far more difficult [to manage]. I have as yet heard nothing of you, which makes me very sad. I flatter myself, however, that nothing has happened, inasmuch as I have heard nothing. The Duke of Hanover goes on Monday to Hanover. This resolution was taken yesterday; if I had known it sooner, I should not have started, and I might have been able to see you for some days more. I am convinced that he waited on purpose, and this truly vexes me; for I hate worse than death whatever seeks to separate me from you. It is a great unhappiness to have to pass one’s life as I now pass mine. I cannot, however, see the end of my woes. Yesterday I had a thousand thoughts in the chaise which drove me into despair. I could not think of waiting a whole month before seeing you without mortal grief; all the measures which I must take ... me. I cannot do without you; I do not care to see anybody in the world except you; yet I do not see you; and at every moment I have to be deprived of [the sight of you]. I can no longer exist in this constraint, it drives me to despair; my passion increases day by day; I do not know what you have done to me, but you bewitched me the last time that I saw you, and I have never loved you with so much ardour as I do. It is certain that you will [completely] turn my head. Yesterday I wrote a song, and this makes it clear to me that love works miracles. I cannot keep myself from telling you my song; it goes to the air ‘_Dans mon malheur_’:

‘Without my ... I loathe all company:[199] He is my only bliss, my sole content, The one enchantment of this life to me, On whom the wishes of my heart are spent.’

It is my heart and nothing else that speaks; I hope that I shall go further, and as time goes on I shall be able to prove it to you. The Duke of Celle [or the Hereditary Prince][199] goes on Tuesday to Celle; for this reason do not write to me any more lest I be not there [?]. The Duchess of Celle has promised 2000 dollars if the Hereditary Prince does not return; this redoubles my friendship. The Hereditary Princess spoke yesterday at Luisburg[200] to 110; he sought for an opportunity for it. It was to exhort him not to give any chance to his enemies, and above all to be on his guard against Countess Platen. The Hereditary Princess begged him particularly to let her know about anything which concerned her. He promised her to do so. I am not aware whether all this does not concern Königsmarck. I cannot speak to you except about the grief which it is to me to be so far away from you. Do not console yourself for my absence, I entreat you, and have no enjoyment when I am not with you. Great God, what a charm and what a delight to be always with you; the more one sees you, the more one finds you superior to all men in the world. I occupy my whole time with the charming remembrance of the last time when I saw you; it will never quit my memory. Ah, my dear child, how tenderly you are loved, and how insupportable it is to me not to see you! I am about to go to bed; I hope that my dreams will figure you to me as charming as you are. If I did not think I should see you while asleep, I should not care to sleep at all; for as soon as I am awake you take up all my thoughts, and there is nothing that is pleasant to me in my life but the time which I pass in thinking of you. Good-night, most amiable of men; you are adored by me, and so you will be all my life. Good-bye, once more—why am I not in your arms?—I shall die of this!

-----

Footnote 199:

Cipher uncertain.

Footnote 200:

A country-seat, not very far from Brockhausen, belonging to the Duke of Hanover, where his Court seems to have been in the earlier as well as in the later part of this summer. Cf. Colt, _ap._ Wilkins, p. 215, _note_.

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On Wednesday the Hereditary Princess appeared at table and spoke to 110, then to the Field-Ma[rshal].[201] She arrived late. Prince Max received her and shook hands with her; she said very little to him. The Duke of Celle came into the room; Prince Max did not come in at all; the Duchess of Celle had gone to bring her in, and came back late for she did not find the Hereditary Princess. Supper was afterwards served. The Hereditary Princess, the Duchess of Celle, and the Duke of Celle, were together, quite by themselves. The Duchess of Celle took the Hereditary Princess to her rooms, and nobody entered them.

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Footnote 201:

Field-Marshal Henry von Podewils (1615-96) commanded the Hanoverian troops in the campaign of 1688, and also in the demonstration of 1693.

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F 12

[FROM KÖNIGSMARCK TO SOPHIA DOROTHEA.]

The 3_rd_ —————— 23_rd_[202] [1692?]

My Mistresses are supposed to have prevented me from thinking of you? God, is it possible that you should believe this; and, even had I not written to you about everything (though this is letter No. 4) you ought never to have harboured such a thought. Is it possible that you should believe that I love anyone but yourself? No, I protest to you that after you I shall never love again. It will not be very difficult to keep my promise, for after one has adored you is it possible to think any other woman pretty? You wrong yourself by believing such a thing; and how could you draw a comparison between yourself and the others; and is it possible that after having loved a Goddess, one could bestow a look upon Mortals? No, in truth, I have too good taste for that, and I am not one of those people who wish to make themselves common. I adore you, charming brunette, and I shall die with this feeling. If you do not forget me, I swear to you that I shall love you all my life. I expect no more letters from you, because I intend to be soon in your company, and my sole occupation will then be to prove to you, that I love you to distraction, and that nothing is so dear to me as your person. Adieu!

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Footnote 202:

The above dating is incomprehensible; ‘the 3rd’ may possibly be a slip of the pen for ‘the 13th.’ There is nothing in the letter to give any satisfactory clue to the time of writing.

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F 18

[FROM KÖNIGSMARCK TO SOPHIA DOROTHEA]

[_July 1692_, from the Camp.]

I am very well pleased that you are for once satisfied with me; but it seems to me that this does not delight you, for you are always supplying me with matter for reproaching you; and thus you deprive me of the joy of being satisfied with you. You complain that your love interferes with your rest; I am willing to believe it, but this love does not touch your heart so deeply that you would cut off the slightest pleasures for its sake. No, no; it is for me to complain: my passion not only troubles me, but brings me to despair. Oh, God! how I [hate] the places where I know the amusements are going on; I should much like to see you at the Gate of Brussels[203] or of Ghent[?] without appearing there myself; rather than do this you would abandon me and ten other _galans_. You find your conduct correct; so do I; but I should be beyond despair if mine were not still more so. I am very well pleased that you have not fallen ill; it would have left me inconsolable. Although I am not satisfied with you, you were satisfied with my letter; this fills me with joy; you find there the unfeigned sentiments of my heart; I thank you very humbly that you promise me not to give your portrait to the person we know of. Why do you flatter me so much in your letters, when you think so little of keeping your promises to me? You assure me that nothing will be difficult for you, and that you will do everything to please me; this is very well said, but very ill kept. Alas! you say to me, let us trust that time will be able to make us happy; but know that time will make me the most unhappy of mankind. I have not the audacity to say to you what I already know; but, my dear, I believe that they will force me to leave you. I cannot finish this letter, what with trouble, sorrow, and anger. Adieu; do not, at all events, hate me; for, I swear by my God, I do not deserve it in [any] way on earth.

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Footnote 203:

In July 1692 Königsmarck appears to have paid a visit from the Camp to Brussels, see the Princess’s letter _ap._ Wilkins, p. 197. (Of the old gates of Brussels the Porte de Hal now alone remains.)

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F 11

[FROM KÖNIGSMARCK TO SOPHIA DOROTHEA]

From the Camp at Hall _[August] 2nd-3rd {1692}_.[204]

Although I had resolved to write to you to-morrow and to reply at length to the letters of the 13th[205], 14th and 15th, which I received from you at the same time, I find myself deprived of this pleasure by the resolution which the King has taken to attack to-morrow the French army, which is two hours distance from us; the place is called Enghien. At any other time this news would have delighted me; but I confess to you at the present moment it troubles me. I am loved by you, the only object that I have found worth loving. I have not deceived myself in my belief that you possess all the fine qualities to be found in the world; but, my dear, I must risk my life, and perhaps never see you again. Hardly was I made aware that you were innocent, and that I falsely suspected you, when I am perhaps never to see you again. I have risked my life a hundred times, by way of folly or high spirits, and I knew myself sufficiently to be sure that death never terrified me. But, my divinity, that which makes me a coward is the fear of not seeing you again. Adieu then, amiable Doro, adieu; how much I am to be pitied—and yet I am fortunate, but I cannot take advantage of my good fortune. Do not, however, think that you have a coward admirer; no, my dear, since to battle I must go, I will behave there as is right, and, if I can, I hope to distinguish myself. But, my heart, permit me to make a request to you, namely, that, if my fate is so unkind to me as to leave me crippled by the loss of an arm, or a leg, do not forget me, and have a little pity for a poor fellow who has let it be his only pleasure to love you; no, my dear, do not forget him: he is a man who has been really and truly attached to you, and will remain so for the remainder of his life, although a cripple; my eyes which have been charmed by yours, will perhaps never see them any more. I cannot think of that, without shedding tears. Ah, how little advantage I have from being loved by you, and of how many torments you are the cause to me! It is striking twelve from the Hall[206] clock tower; they are bringing in cannon-balls, powder, and matches; it is the prelude to the scene which we have to play to-morrow; I must betake myself to my duty; adieu, beloved child! Ah, how I am to be pitied!

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Footnote 204:

This letter is dated ‘the 23rd,’ but August 3rd, O.S., was the date of the battle of Steenkirk, on the eve of which this letter seems to have been written. I have adopted a very ingenious conjecture, which I can hardly describe as warranted by the transcript, but which may nevertheless be correct.

Footnote 205:

See the Princess’s letter of July 13th _ap._ Wilkins, pp. 193-6.

Footnote 206:

A small town between Brussels and Enghien. Compare Wilkins, pp. 208 sqq.

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F 22

[FROM SOPHIA DOROTHEA TO KÖNIGSMARCK]

[Wiesbaden], _August 25th/September 4th {1692}_.[207]

I take so much pleasure in conversing with you that, so soon as I have a moment of liberty, I employ it to assure you of my affection. I wrote to you yesterday, but it seems to me that I did not sufficiently insist to you on the disquiet in which I am about what you tell me. It prevented me from sleeping all the night. I reviewed all my actions, and, the more I examine myself, the less I can guess what you can have against me. It is certain that you ought to be content with my conduct; it is ruled by my affection, and this is sufficient. I entreat you once more to let me know as soon as you are able what it can be. It will be very easy for me to justify myself, since I have never thought of anything but pleasing you, and I will with pleasure take all the most horrid oaths to you as to my innocence; but I urgently ask of you to inform me who are they that tell you such calumnies. No doubt they have their reasons for making a quarrel between us, and according to all appearances they will not stop there. Be persuaded, I entreat you, that I am incapable of doing anything that could displease you. My behaviour has shown you this up to the present time, and I will do even more in the same way in the future. I am in despair not to be able to make you perceive as much as I should like to do my affection for you. The opportunities are wanting to me, but not the will; and I shall not be happy until I have made the whole earth see that for me you take the place of the grandeurs and pleasures of the world and of all its charms. The only one which I desire is that of possessing your heart; I demand no other, and this one happiness will always make me indifferent to all others. I am convinced that if I were at Han[over], I should be told plenty of stories against you; but I trust you too much to listen easily to what I might be told. Do you act in the same way, and believe firmly that nothing is capable of making me change! I am in mortal trouble. They say that an engagement was fought a short time since, and I do not yet know the rights of it. I tremble lest you should expose yourself without need, and that some accident should have befallen you. Take care of yourself, I entreat you, if there remains in you any affection [for] me. What would become of me if I were to learn that you were wounded? I think I should die of it.

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Footnote 207:

Cf. Wilkins, pp. 233 sqq.

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F 32

[FROM KÖNIGSMARCK TO SOPHIA DOROTHEA]

_[September] 2nd {1692}_.

You make me [wish to] die when you pay me compliments. Since you do not reply to me on all the points of my letters, I have begged you not to write at all, and simply to let me know through Fräulein von dem Knesebeck the state of your health. I repeat it again here, and entreat you not to do it if it causes you the slightest fatigue. It is sufficient that you should write me two words, so that I may see that divine handwriting which is able to banish all the fears that I imagine to myself. The resolution which I must take, according to the opinion of all my friends, exposes me to the risk that, when I shall have taken my leave, I shall set all the world arguing about it; and perhaps I might be told through a third party that it is desired that I should retire. What will then become of me? Believe me that it is necessary to think of everything before taking a fixed resolution. The matter is of too great importance to me. The Duke of Hanover will find a thousand people like Königsmarck, but I trust that the Hereditary Princess will never find anyone who is so faithful and who loves her with more ardour than myself. My passion is so beyond bounds as to rise to madness. Alas! my dearest, you deserve [lovers] far better than Königsmarck. I am quite convinced that if they had given you an admirer according to your deserts, I should not have had the honour of being your Slave; but if some one with an extraordinary affection and an unequalled constancy was to have been your admirer, it is right and just that this should be myself; for I would dispute the place not with Mortals, but with the Gods themselves, and I defy them to create anyone to equal me. What an effect vows have when one is in the condition in which you are; never have I been more satisfied with you, never did I believe you more implicitly, than at present. You will, then, always love me, I may rest assured of it, for you swear to me that, so long as I shall love you, you will do the same. I shall love you all my life, and you vow the same thing to me; what more can I desire?—all my wishes are fulfilled, I am the happiest man in the world; recover your health, and I can be at the height of my bliss. I am not pleased to find that you prefer writing to me to taking your rest; I entreat you, think first of taking your rest, and then of your lover. How angry I am with your heart for its bad taste, to leave you in order to come to me; it does not know the difference; leave that to mine, one ought not to change for the worse, but for the better. Your account makes me tremble, and I fear lest the fever [and] the other accident tire you out so much that you will not be able to recover as quickly [as you ought]. I do not know, my heart tells me you are out of danger; I am no longer so much disquieted as I was at the beginning. I take that for a very good sign; at least I hope it is, and I ardently wish that it may be so; I hope that my prayers are granted, and that at the present moment you are better. The resolution that you have taken, to take what I had left you, is great; I avow to you that, if I had known it beforehand, it would have made me tremble; but, since everything has gone off well, I am at rest; and there is only the trouble of being the cause of so much more suffering on your part, and, if you found yourself still worse, I should be inconsolable. I am obliged to confess that the marks of your affection greatly surpass mine at present; nothing could be so touching as what you write to me ... of falling ill. I shall not find an opportunity of enabling you to see how great an affection I have for you. Is it possible that the Duke of Hanover is stupid enough to have refused you the appointment? I would rather put twenty field-marshals to death than once refuse such a favour to the Hereditary Princess. Although the Hereditary Prince does not return so soon and in response to the orders which it was made known had been sent, we are in any case already in the month of September, and the campaign will soon be at an end. Reflect on that! Adieu!

F 23

[FROM SOPHIA DOROTHEA TO KÖNIGSMARCK]

[Wiesbaden], _September 2nd/12th {1692}_.

It was so late when I wrote to you that I could not reply to all that you told me. I reread your letter several times; it is a mixture of love and raillery which I find very pleasing; and it seems to me, whatever countenance you may assume, that my journey does not find favour with you. Yet you are altogether as wrong as possible; for, according to all appearances, I shall go away again from this place without having seen any reasonable person, and I desire it with all my heart. I do not think of going to Frankfort fair, and I shall not say a word to help to bring this about. It seems to me that this ought to convince you that I am not in quest of society, and that I am incapable of thinking of pleasures when I do not see you. I hope to leave this place in a fortnight. The Peda[gogue] has to-day taken this resolution. I return with her to join the _Grondeur_; and I shall proceed to Han[over] a little before the return of the Reformer. I cannot yet tell you anything positive about what concerns the Göhrde;[208] I do not, however, think that I shall go there, for the season is too advanced for the Reformer to be able to be there, and I hope that, provided that nothing keeps you where you are,[209] I shall soon be able to see you. I shall judge of your affection by your eagerness, but I entreat you to take your measures so well that I may see you in private on the first occasion. It would be impossible for me to bear seeing you in public, and my transport [of delight] would betray me. They say that the French could easily carry us off. This makes me wish very much to get away, for I should not at all like to be taken prisoner, and I wish to keep your conquest safe for you. I am delighted with your [present?],[210] and I offer you all the thanks for it which you deserve. It took me by surprise and I did not expect it at all, which makes the thing all the more obliging. There is no sentinel in the world that you ought to fear, and the prisoner may reckon on the prison which will always be open to him and closed to all the rest of the world. As to this you may depend on me, and as to a love which will serve as a model; I wish to convince you of it, although you have some of it, and that I find no happiness or satisfaction except in loving you and in being loved. You seem to me so little certain of this truth that I am sensibly affected by it. Tell me what should be done so that you should be unable to doubt it any more; there is nothing that I would not joyfully do in order to make you see that for me you take the place of everything else, and that all my desires and my ambition are confined to pleasing you. If nothing but this is needed to render you happy, you are more so than any person in the world, for I do not desire to live but for you alone, and I renounce with pleasure the whole world, in order never to belong to anyone but yourself.

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Footnote 208:

George Lewis’ favourite hunting-box near Lüneburg, in the eastern corner of the principality. There is a picture of it at Herrenhausen, with a meeting of the hunt in face of the _château_.

Footnote 209:

In camp in Flanders.

Footnote 210:

The significance of the word _carême_ in this passage is obscure. Its ordinary meaning ‘lent, fasting’ gives no sense. Dr. Braunholtz informs me that the word may also mean ‘a collection of lent-sermons’; but, as he observes, this was not a very likely gift in the circumstances. And a ‘lenten gift’ of any kind seems out of season in September.

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F 24

[FROM SOPHIA DOROTHEA TO KÖNIGSMARCK]

[Wiesbaden], _September 13th/23rd {1692}_.

Instead of the extreme pleasure which all your letters afford to me, that which I received this evening has pierced my heart. One could not think of anything that could hurt one more than what you write to me. I shall not repeat it; I believe that you will remember it still very well, and I would give everything in the world to be able to forget it. By what passage of my life can I have deserved the opinion which you show you have of me? If I thought to have given cause for it, I should wish to be dead; but, the more I examine myself, the more I find myself far removed from such sentiments, and, thanks be to God, I feel my heart as noble as it ought to be. I wish to say nothing further to you on this subject; I might lose my temper, and I very much hate harshness. But, to reply to the four points on which you continue to harp. I am very much deceived if I did not tell you that Sparr has been at L.,[211] and, if I did not do so, it was certainly because I forgot to do so and because I did not think that he was worth the trouble of my remembering him. I can swear to you all the oaths you please that there is no reason besides this; moreover, I did not say two words to him [about] the joy which you reproach me for having felt at finding Guldenleu[212] here. I shall not reply to you on the subject, for it is a ridiculous notion, and nothing in the world could be so ill-imagined with regard to the Fair. I assure you that I did not say a word in order to go there; but as I am quite sincere I am prepared to _confess to you that I was not vexed about it_; and, as to my new lover, you are mad to disquiet yourself about him; for he is far away from here, and according to all appearances I shall not see him; and [neither] his sisters nor anybody in the world will ever make me take any step against the affection which so fills my heart. I have already told you that I am convinced that he is not coming to Han[over]; but, if this should happen, provided that I am better pleased with you than I am this evening, I shall treat [him] with absolute rudeness rather than allow his visits. I am very foolish to give a reasonable explanation in reply to all your fancies—[to] you who are so far from reasonable as to anything that concerns me, and who have driven me to despair by your fine letter. It is true that you mean afterwards to repair your fault; but this is not sufficient, and I am not well pleased, for I desire your esteem, and you do not show that you have any for me. The _Confidante_ yesterday received [a letter] from the beloved Ketler,[213] who writes to her by order of the Landgrave[214] to offer his compliments to Leonisse, since you wish to call her by that name, and to assure her that he will do what is in his power to see her here or at the Fair. I do not, however, think that this is possible, because we take our departure to-morrow, and one will only be there for a single day. I shall not write to you till I shall have arrived, and I shall give you a sincere and faithful account of all. I shall say nothing affectionate to you this evening, for you do not deserve it; I am afraid that I shall not have the same strength of mind to-morrow, and that I shall have forgotten my anger, for I am furiously fond of you, and, although I do not tell you about it, I nevertheless feel that I love you with a passion of which there never was the like.

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Footnote 211:

I cannot offer any conjecture as to the identity of Sparr. He may have been a descendant of the celebrated Brandenburg Field-Marshal von Sparr. ‘L.’ may of course be Luisburg.

Footnote 212:

‘Guldenleu,’ if that be the true reading of the MS. (Wilkins, p. 229, spells the name ‘Guldenlon’), might conceivably mean Ulric Christian Gyldenlöve, the natural brother of Charles XII.

Footnote 213:

The Kettelers of Harkotten were Hanoverian Barons. (The famous Bishop of Mainz was a scion of this family.)

Footnote 214:

The Landgrave is no doubt Landgrave Charles of Hesse-Cassel, of whom the Duchess of Orleans speaks as her cousin. His mother, the Landgravine Hedwig Sophia, was a daughter of the Elector George William of Brandenburg and his wife Elizabeth Charlotte, sister of the Elector Palatine Frederick V.

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F 25

[FROM SOPHIA DOROTHEA TO KÖNIGSMARCK]

Fra[nkfort], _14th/24th [September 1692]_.

I have been here during the last two hours. The Peda[gogue] alighted at the house of the P[rincess] of Tarente,[215] where I saw nothing but silly faces. From there we went to the Fair, where I saw nobody of quality. The Marionette is here, and her sister-in-law. I shall not see them till to-morrow, with which I am well pleased, for I shall be able to take a rest, of which I have great need, not having closed an eye all the night. I spent half of it in writing to you, and the other in worrying myself about the fine passage in your letter. I beg you very

## particularly not to give me any further such subjects of annoyance, for

I am very touchy on the subject in question. Except that wicked passage which I cannot forget and which spoils all, your letter is charming, and nothing is more delightful than all that you say to me. Put this matter to rights, if you wish to be on good terms with me, for it goes very near to my heart. Mine is so full of you that, although I have reason to complain of you, I cannot bring myself not to mention to you that yesterday evening I had to make a terribly violent effort in order to keep silence to you about my affection. Never did one feel so much of it, and never did one less deserve reproaches than in my case. You are the most unjust of mankind to have the slightest mistrust as to what concerns me. I am too veritably yours that you should have anything to fear. All my actions should convince you of it, for it is certain that my passion for you exceeds all bounds. I entreat you to be fully convinced of this truth, and that there is nothing in the world which I would not do to make you see that I am more yours than my own. I hope that I shall not see either the Land[grave] or anybody, and I wish it with my whole heart. If you find anything which does not please you in what I wrote to you yesterday, lay all the blame on the vexation which you caused to me. It was enough to make me cry, and all the charms of your letter could not induce me to forgive the offending passage. Rest tranquil as to my behaviour. It shall be divine, I promise you for myself and for the Rival.

-----

Footnote 215:

Princess Emily of Hesse-Cassel, sister of Landgrave William VI, married Henry Charles, Prince of Tarente, and died in 1693. As to the ‘Marionette’, see the Introduction to this Appendix.

-----

F 26

[FROM SOPHIA DOROTHEA TO KÖNIGSMARCK]

[Ebsdorf,[216] _September 1692_.][217]

In the name of God, take care of yourself! My life is united to yours. A thousand desperate thoughts come into my mind, and I am crushed with grief; I should find it difficult to speak to you of anything else. I have plenty of leisure for nursing my trouble, and it is with a real joy that I find myself in this solitude. I forgot yesterday to return you my thanks for what you tell me about _la Boule_. Nothing could be so polite; I consent, on this condition, that she becomes my rival, for I confess to you that I love a triumph, and that it is very much to my taste. Adieu, nothing is capable of making me change. I was born for loving you; you are my sole passion; I never had one before I knew you, and I shall die loving you more than anyone has ever loved.

-----

Footnote 216:

Ebsdorf, a hunting-box of the Duke of Hanover, about fifteen miles from Lüneburg.

Footnote 217:

Cf. Wilkins, p. 233.

-----

F 27

[FROM SOPHIA DOROTHEA TO KÖNIGSMARCK]

[Ebsdorf,] _Wednesday, the 24th [September 1692]_.

I ought to give you an account of my doings of yesterday. I was alone all day. Then arrived some one sent from the master of this place to pay his respects to the Peda[gogue]. He got into such difficulties in his speech that I could scarcely stop myself from laughing at it. He also made a speech to the _Cœur Gauche_, and then took his departure. Then there was a promenade on foot, and on our return there was supper, and I had a conversation with the _Confidante_. This is the only pleasure I have, for we always talk about you.

F 28

[FROM KÖNIGSMARCK TO SOPHIA DOROTHEA]

[Hanover, _November 1692_.]

Although I wrote to you yesterday evening, I cannot stop myself from telling you that I have spent the worst night in the world; I dreamt of you, but I beheld you faithless to me. I dreamt as follows: It seemed to me that I had requested you not to see a certain great man, and that, notwithstanding your promise, you had appointed him to pay you a visit so as to say good-bye to him. I was informed of it, and, not being able to endure this faithlessness, I pretended to have a letter from Madame your mother to hand to you. I entered your room abruptly, and saw the most horrible sight in the world: that great gentleman held you in his arms, and, what is worse, you were alone in your room. You pretended a little to be annoyed with your Adonis, telling him that he was impertinent. In my turn, I wished to withdraw, but you called out to me. I was delighted with this, because it gave me a chance of whispering into your ear that you were the most ungrateful of all ladies, and that this would be the last time that I should speak to you. In fact, I went to find out M. de Pude [Podewils] in order to beg him to send me to Hungary,[218] which he did. I beg your pardon for this criminal dream; but I should think myself very much more criminal if I did not let you know of it. Do not think that I am inventing; no, by my God, it is a true tale. For the love of all that is dearest to you, take care to restore my peace of mind, and free me from my fear. I am afraid that this dream may be some melancholy presage, and something that bodes no good. It would be unjust that a tender affection should be requited by infidelities; I hope it may not be so; for why should you wish to desert a heart that adores you, and that swears to be faithful to you? If such vows can attach you solely to me, I protest to you before God, that never will I be unfaithful to you, and that I will love you all my life with the same passion that I do [at present]. When I shall have the honour of amusing you with an account of yesterday’s debauch, you will laugh a good deal. The Baroness[219] [_sic_] distinguished herself on the occasion, and the big Swedish beard[s] made the best effect in the world; she was so much ... that her natural colour began to appear beneath, which produced the most diverting spectacle in the world. She asked me why I did not amuse myself; I answered that I had come to pay my court to M. [Bielke][220] and not to amuse myself. In leaving me she called me a traitor; whereupon I replied that I was not one yet, but might very possibly become one. M. le Duc played at ombre yesterday evening with her. That is the very Devil! I will conclude by asking you to prepare yourself to rescue me from the disquietude in which I am, and to believe me inviolably attached to you and to all those who have a regard for you. I embrace you from my very heart, and I kiss your portrait a million times. Farewell!

-----

Footnote 218:

The Imperial campaigns in Hungary were still in progress, and, by the _Kurtractat_ of 1692, Ernest Augustus and his brother were under the obligation of keeping up a military force there till the end of the war.

Footnote 219:

The ‘Baroness’—unidentifiable—not the ‘Countess’; though Countess Platen was famed as an expert in the art of painting, and was even said to have invented a mysterious pigment called ‘white rouge.’

Footnote 220:

The letters ‘Bil’ in the original no doubt stand for ‘Bielke.’ See note to F 10, below. ‘M. le Duc’ is clearly the Duke of Celle.

-----

F 29

[FROM KÖNIGSMARCK TO SOPHIA DOROTHEA]

[Hanover, _December 1692_.]

Come here some Friday evening, and wait till the Elector[221] comes here. If Prince Max cannot be got rid of, you can go back, and that will serve you as a pretext with the Duke of Celle and the Electoral Prince. Tell me if you agree with my notion; if you can do it, arrange so that I may see you, for, frankly, I cannot go on living in this way; for the love of me [and] of you arrange for me to see you and to embrace you, for without this satisfaction life is worth nothing to me.

F 30

[FROM KÖNIGSMARCK TO SOPHIA DOROTHEA]

[Hanover, _December 1692_.]

The joy of finding the Ref[ormer] departed was broken by the trouble of finding you ill; I hope, however, that it will not be of consequence; for otherwise I shall not be able to sleep all night because of it. I hope to embrace you to-morrow evening; I await the ordinary signal; and the bad weather shall not prevent me from tasting the delight of your charming kisses; unless indeed you give me other orders. I hope for the contrary, and I trust that your eagerness will respond to mine. If you do not go out to-morrow, this will suffice to assure you that the moments will seem like centuries to me, and that the times during which I am away from you are those which I pass to no purpose whatever; and that I am ready to come to-morrow to the well-known place. I await the signal and am your very obedient servant.

F 31

[FROM KÖNIGSMARCK TO SOPHIA DOROTHEA]

[Hanover, _December 1692_.]

One could not be better pleased with you than I am. Your obliging ways of yesterday, your very dear letter, in a word everything, charms me; I begin to revive, and yesterday is one of those days which I ought to mark in my book. In order to take full advantage of it, I beg that I may see you this evening; I shall await the signal with great impatience, for I die with desire to prove to you my joy—it is beyond all bounds, and cannot express itself. For the love of you, of myself, and of everything that is dear to you, continue in the same way; you will then be able to persuade me that I have nothing to fear, that I shall always be happy and contented—that is the pleasure of love, those are the charms of an attachment that is sincere and genuine. The avowal of the _Grond[eur]_ further gives me much hope—seek to soften him, you will be able to do it if you try; but you must take pains about it, and choose your time well. Be withal convinced that, if Heaven destines me the joy of having you for my own, my ways will be quite different from what you have imagined to yourself, and I swear to you that I shall regulate them according to yours. Put faith in this avowal, for it is sincere, and springs from a soul without guile and without finesse; as the weather is fine, I hope to see you in the [falconry] [?].[222] I hope to find you there loving and happy. Farewell till then; you will, I feel sure, say a little word to me, from which I can perceive that you grant my prayer.

-----

Footnote 221:

Of Hanover (on the point of becoming such).

Footnote 222:

I cannot be sure about the ‘falconry.’ The list of the Elector’s household in 1696, ap. Malortie, _Der Hannoversche Hof unter d. Kürfürsten Ernst August_, &c., p. 40, includes one ‘bird-catcher,’ and one ‘ortolan-catcher.’

-----

F 33

[FROM SOPHIA DOROTHEA TO KÖNIGSMARCK][223]

[Hanover, _December 1692_ (?)]

Let [him] be at 8 o’clock in the evening near the door of the great hall, where the Pr[incess] is accustomed to play cards; he will be able to meet her there in safety, since nobody passes there, to-morrow being Sunday.

-----

Footnote 223:

What is here printed as two letters (F 33 and F 34) runs on without break in the Berlin manuscript. It is, however, difficult to believe that the earlier portion is not distinct from the latter, and that the former was not written by ‘_la Confidante_,’ and the latter by Königsmarck; and I have therefore, though with diffidence, ventured on the arrangement in the text. It must not be supposed that these two letters refer to the assignation which led to the catastrophe of the amour between Sophia Dorothea and Königsmarck. The day of Königsmarck’s disappearance was, no doubt, a Sunday, and the place in which, according to tradition, he was struck down dead was by the door of the _Rittersaal_, in the _Leineschloss_ at Hanover. But apart from the fact that, according to Rüdiger’s statement (Cramer, vol. i. p. 69), Königsmarck did not leave his lodgings till between 9 and 10 p.m., the body of the letters in the Lund and in the Berlin collection appear to belong to an earlier date than that at which Königsmarck quitted the Hanoverian service (probably about the spring of 1694): and it can hardly be supposed that these two specially incriminating letters were left by the Secretary Hildebrandt to be seized, and that they found their way to Berlin with a series of which they formed no integral part. The Princess, it may be added, was in the habit of playing cards in the Grand Hall as early as 1691 (cf. Wilkins, p. 145).

-----

F 34

[FROM KÖNIGSMARCK TO SOPHIA DOROTHEA]

[Hanover, _December 1692_ (?)]

He will be there at the above-mentioned hour; do not doubt of his fidelity. Adieu, incomparable Goddess; I wish you good evening, and desire that your dreams may be as full of me as mine are of you. After having once more reread your letter, I shall go to sleep, with the hope of dreaming of [nothing] else than you. I embrace you a Million times, and am your very obedient ser[vant].

-----

Footnote 224:

Near Celle.

-----

F 9 [FROM KÖNIGSMARCK TO SOPHIA DOROTHEA]

_Friday, 8 o’clock at evening. [Summer, 1693.]_

This moment I have received a very long letter, and one of the kind I like from the Electoral Princess. I have not had leisure to read it, lest the post should leave, and without assuring you what joy it gave me when I received it; _le bonhomme_ goes to-morrow to Engsen[224]; on his return I shall know my fate, which I shall at once make known to the Electoral Princess. I am continually offering up vows that I may not have to set out on the march, so that I may be able to embrace her whom I love, and for whom I am ready to die a thousand and a thousand times. Believe me that I adore you in the most violent way in the world. Would to Heaven I might have occasion to prove it to you! I shall not forget for a moment, in order to convince you of it. What satisfaction it will be to me if by my obedience I shall be able to show you how deep a regard I have for you and what pleasure I take in being your slave for ever. Adieu, my incomparable Leonisse; how I will kiss thee, my little one.[225]—K.

-----

Footnote 225:

_Ma petite._ For Königsmarck’s use of the same term of endearment, cf. Wilkins, p. 162.

-----

F7 [FROM KÖNIGSMARCK TO SOPHIA DOROTHEA]

_One o’clock in the night. [Summer of 1693.]_

The _bonhomme_ has returned from his conference, and made me dismiss the orderlies without commands. This is what leads me to suppose that we shall still remain [here] during the present week; and, as I am to dine with him to-morrow, I shall have some further information, which I will at once communicate to you. In the meantime, make ready to carry out what follows. The Duchess has been to Linde,[226] to get rid of Countess Platen. Count de Stenbock, whom you saw here seven years ago, wished to pay his respects, and Count de La Gardie also.[227] I took them there, and I found the good Plesse[?][228] at a stand [?], and the paint running down everywhere—she was so overcome at seeing such a number of strangers arrive that she was quite confused. She chose the wiser part, for she withdrew at once, to put herself to rights again. There is a good deal of malicious wit in the Electress, and she could not have revenged herself better. Think of coming, I entreat you; and believe that without seeing you is to be dead, and I marvel that my fate should have been so cruel to me as to let me survive all its misfortunes; but, if I do not see you soon, there is no war nor danger which I will not seek in order to shorten my unhappy life. I die with shame at not being dead already. How does it agree with my loving you to distraction that I neither see you nor speak to you, and yet survive! I believe that my confounded fate preserves me in order to trouble me all the more. You alone can rescue me from my despair; come quickly to console me, or I shall commit some desperate act which I shall regret all my life, for the life I lead is unbearable; I hate it like death, I am tired out with it and can no longer bear it; I wish that the lightning would destroy all those who prevent us from seeing one another and joining our flames. Pardon the rage which my too violent passion calls forth in me: it seems to me that, if I must not see what I love, it is right that I should not see the light of day. At this moment I should be capable of sacrificing Father, Mother, Brother, and Sister, if I thought that they prevented me from seeing my angel. Leonisse, what torments your beauty costs me, to what trouble your charms give rise! Come and make me forget all my woes; thou canst do it, by thy embraces, by thy caresses; and there is no one in the world capable of this but thyself. I await you with the greatest impatience in the world; and do not allow me to say that you are quick to depart, while ... to return where love calls [?] you. I should however be in the wrong, if I complained of our parting, for it was loving and sincere; but I beseech you, do not give me reason to complain of a last parting. Farewell! I kiss you a thousand, thousand times. Mlle. de Knesebeck is the best person in the world; I beg you to tell her of my regard for her. I ask, with your permission, to be remembered to her.

-----

Footnote 226:

See note to F 4 below.

Footnote 227:

Count Magnus Stenbock, afterwards renowned as a Swedish general under Charles XII, and sympathetically remembered for his tragic death, entered the Dutch service as a volunteer in 1690. The Count de La Gardie mentioned here may be Pontus Frederick who died in 1693. Stenbock was connected by descent with the de La Gardies; a Countess Stenbock, born de La Gardie, was with Aurora von Königsmarck immediately after her brother’s death. The two Counts are mentioned as likely to come to Celle in July 1693, _ap._ Wilkins, p. 288.

Footnote 228:

‘The good Plesse’ must have been the lady of General Pless, formerly in the Danish service, like many other members of his family, which was of ancient Brunswick descent.

-----

F 10 [FROM KÖNIGSMARCK TO SOPHIA DOROTHEA]

[Hanover], _Saturday, [July 1693]_.

It is easy to suppose with what satisfaction I have read your very charming letter. This satisfaction was due to me, in order to take me a little out of the deep reverie into which my misfortunes and our separation have plunged me. Your letter is long, loving, and as I desire it to be; do not write any more short letters; this ought to relieve you, and I swear to you that for me also you cannot make them long enough. Your love is so agreeable to me that I have no pleasure while away from you but to see that love depicted on paper. I preserve your letters as the most precious things in the world, because they console me for all the disgrace I have to undergo; as I see in them that you swear to love me, to be faithful to me, and never to abandon me—and what more can I desire from you? You see, then, that I am thoroughly well pleased with you; I conjure you to be the same with me, and not to impute it to me that you do not receive my letters regularly by every post. I did not know one day which was Sunday; but, since I am now informed of it, my exactness will show you that I sinned because I knew no better; and my negligence was due to the trouble which is upon me. It is then that I think most of you, for you serve as a consolation to me, and the pleasure of thinking of you surpasses all others that I know. _Idolo mio_, when shall I have the joy of holding thee in my arms? Is it not enough to make a Cato despair, to see that you can come if Prince Max did not prevent it[229]; but, although the wish to see you took away my jealousy and I begged you to come, how long shall I be able to be with you, perhaps only two days, and then I shall see you among people who hate us, and others who wish to insinuate themselves. Do not believe, my Angel, that my jealousy springs from any bad opinion I have of you: this would be too criminal—it springs from the violence of my love; so I flatter myself that you will always make excuses for me when this madness takes hold of me. What do I not owe you for taking so much pains to ease me of all my suspicions! Your diaries console me; your vow makes me forget all that I had in my brain. Ah! why am I not by your side! I would throw myself at your feet, to thank you for all the care you take to render me happy and contented. I am convinced of your good intentions; I have no doubt of your fidelity; and I see very well that if you ruled fate, so many worries would not occur. As I may perhaps receive orders to march to Lunen [Lüneburg?], tell me if I may not go to Celle, without giving umbrage. If you are not there, politeness demands it; but at present I do not know what I ought to do. The answer of the Electress of Brandenburg[230] is amusing enough, and well deserves an answer, in which the music ought not to be spared. I do not know whether I am mistaken, but, on rereading letter No. 11, I do not find it so sincere as No. 10; tell me if I am mistaken; No. 10 is charming—it shows the real passion which you felt in writing it. For the love of me, be always like that, and do not let me perceive any coldness. What have I done to deserve it; tell me, so that I may exculpate myself. Is it perhaps that you do not think it loving that I do not ask you to come? But remember what it is that prevents me from doing so. If, however, you desire it, I will beg you to come; but I shall be perhaps two days here; and then your neighbour will have a free field. He has loved you, and, indeed, he has not been indifferent to you. I am always afraid of him, though there is hardly anything to be afraid of in him; but it is sufficient that he has been on a very familiar footing with you, for me to have good reason for fearing his impertinence, and it would even be annoying to see a man about you who might find twenty little holes through which he might see you, besides that you would not be able to say a single word without his hearing it. But all these reasons are not enough; and, if I had hopes of staying, I would nevertheless entreat you to come, in the hope that you would find out a way to get rid of him; for, apart from this, I shall not be able to see you, since he will always be looking out for spying [upon you]. Inasmuch as I cannot give you up, I for this reason refuse all the advantages which present themselves; I intend to make you see from this how attached I am to you, and this is my sole reason why I make you look at the letters which were written to me on all sides. Believe, all the same, that no advantage is capable of making me leave this place so long as you will be kind to me. I know the power of a mother whom one loves, and when she gives you an opportunity, you ought to be prudent enough to resist it. My blood curdles, when I think that your [mother] would be capable, in order to take vengeance on the Electoral Prince, of letting you make a _cocu_ of him; and when this comes into my head, if you ever thus caressed anyone but myself, all my blood flows back in my veins, and I cannot rest still, so long as this thought keeps me unquiet. Ah! good God! if I saw you kiss anyone with the same passion with which you have kissed me, and ride on horseback with the same pleasure—may I never see God if it would not drive me mad! Why, in writing it my hand trembles, and I find it difficult to go on. Let us change the subject. The friends of whom I spoke to you, Bussche and Hammerstein[231], could you have believed it, it is they who have put into the head of the Electoral Prince all the stories about my [game]. But I have written a letter to the first, which will make him see his falseness very clearly. I am in hopes, moreover, since the Duchess of Celle and the Duke of Celle have come to an agreement; therefore do your best. The war will not last so long as to ruin the country[232]; that is why this [excuse] cannot long be accounted a defeat. See if you will keep your promise; for you promised me that you would die sooner than not be united to me; continue in this way of thinking, and you will restore my life to me. Am I dear enough to you for you to keep the promise you made to me? If this is so, I swear to you once more by the stars, that nothing in the world shall separate me from you. By the letter _enclosed_ you will see how they are once more trying to persuade me to Marry the Daughter of M. Bielke[233]; but my answer was, that I would rather die of hunger than do it; and that I begged him particularly not to speak to me any more of marriage, for this might cause a quarrel between us. I flatter myself that you will be pleased with my resolution. Since we have so little chance of seeing each other, we must think of expedients. _You will find it in this note_; I think that it can be managed, provided I do not go away and that I let you know between the present time and that. If you wish to wait till Prince Max is tired, I shall not see you for a long time; for when he is with the Electress and his thin divinity[234], he is as happy as a King. I should not have thought that this magpie would have caused me so much sorrow as he does; I wish he were in the heart of Hungary, he would no longer cause me so much heart-ache as he does at present. One could not speak more kindly than you do on the subject of dying of hunger; but do you believe that, although it would be a great consolation to me to see you always at my side, I should like to drag you down into misery? No, no, do not believe it! You must live happy and contented, while I seek some glorious death, to put an end to my unfortunate life and die the lover of the Electoral Princess. I hope that you have received the two letters about which I spoke to you; if not, tell me; you will no longer do me the injustice of believing that any consideration in the world could detach me from you; my protestation on this subject will make you see that I shall die with my Love. How could one forsake you, for the more one knows you the more one adores you; one discovers every day new merits [in you]; and your love alone is capable of making me prefer to have my head cut off rather than abandon you for ever. I am ashamed of my want of exactness; I beg your pardon for it; it is a fault which I entreat you not to attribute to my negligence but to my shortness of memory. But, my divine Leonisse, acknowledge in your turn that my letters are much the longest; and that, had I not told you of it, you would not have made [yours] so large. So each has his due; hence I shall never concede that your love is greater than mine, and I should be inconsolable if I had not given you more substantial proofs of it; for you might believe that vanity, since you are a princess, is the cause of my attachment. No; I swear to you that if you were the hangman’s daughter, and if you possessed the attractions which are actually yours, I should love you with as much ardour. You will think me not very polite; but I flatter myself that you will find my feelings tender and true; in the name of the Gods, continue in the sentiments in which I find you now! If any disgrace were to drive me so far that you conceived a dislike for me, I should certainly send a pistol-shot through my brain....

-----

Footnote 229:

Prince Maximilian, who excited Königsmarck’s jealousy so strongly, was staying at Brockhausen in June 1692 after his catastrophe at Hanover (cf. Wilkins, p. 136), Königsmarck being at Hanover. In June 1693 Maximilian was lodged at Luisburg, in rooms next to the Princess (cf. Wilkins, p. 259). In July 1693 he was at Herrenhausen (ib. p. 286). The letter, with its references to the contiguity of Prince Maximilian’s rooms, and to the Duchess of Celle’s encouragement of him, seems to belong to the later date.

Footnote 230:

Sophia Charlotte.

Footnote 231:

Probably Christian William von dem Bussche, who became Adjutant-General of the Elector George Lewis, and died as a general in 1711. George Christopher von Hammerstein was Adjutant-General to the Hereditary (Electoral) Prince.

Footnote 232:

The war, begun in 1688 by the French invasion of the Palatinate, lasted till the conclusion of the Peace of Ryswyk in 1697.

Footnote 233:

Count Niels Bielke, the well-known Swedish politician (afterwards governor of Swedish Pomerania), seems already at this time as Swedish envoy to have furthered the French interest, with which he remained identified. See Colt _ap._ Wilkins, p. 176.

Footnote 234:

Can this have been Melusina von der Schulenburg?

-----

F 16 [FROM KÖNIGSMARCK TO SOPHIA DOROTHEA]

_September 1st_ [1693, from the Camp].

Pardon me, if sorrow and despair has made me commit the fault of not writing to you for two days. When one is in the state in which I am, one does not know what one is doing. I will begin by telling you that I have changed two ciphers in our key, namely, j means 31, i means 35, u means 53, v means 54. I [beg] you to note this. Next, I must tell you that you have marked two letters No. 10, so that No. 14 ought to be No. 15. But just continue for the present, for there is no other harm done, [except] that the second or first No. 10 might have been lost without one’s having known at all that one had been lost. I must further tell you that I wrote to you two letters addressed to 131, whom I supposed to be at Celle; you must let me know whether you have received them. Three letters were addressed to the postmaster at Celle, which are dated the 20th, and [this] is letter No. 9; the 26th, and [this] is letter No. 12—this one is of consequence; the 30th, and [this] is letter No. 14. It would also be well to see whether you have letter No. 13. I beg you to reply to me without fail as to this. You can see everything by the way in which they follow on one another; for I am quite sure that I have been exact on this occasion. You will be surprised to find me making such reflexions, in the condition in which I am; but, my dear, we have had so many misfortunes, that one must not create any more for oneself. I received yours dated the 26th; but you know what accident happened to me in mistaking one bottle for another. I told you about it in my preceding letters; I see, however, in yours dated the 28th, 29th and 30th what you meant to say to me in [that dated] the 26th. It is a great joy to me to know you free from fear, and I am angry with myself for having been the cause of your disquiet, which has contributed greatly to your illness.[235] At present, now that you are free from fear, I hope that the fever will leave you also. How I pity you for having suffered so much—[a] six hours of fever. I do not understand how you have strength enough still to write to me. I am as grateful as I ought to be; and I am convinced that it is love which gives you strength; but to what extent am I not obliged by this mark of your affection? Never shall I forget such favours. If my letters had force enough to comfort you in your sufferings, I would arrange for you to have one every hour; but I take this compliment to be an effect of your kindness. However, I can swear to you that your letters are a great consolation to me, and without the three last of them, dated 28th, 29th and 30th, I should be in my grave at this very moment. It would after all be the greatest folly I could commit, for, though it would be a sign of affection, I should lose you; and, [as] you say very well in one of yours, what despair never to see each other again for ever! Let us then live on, together, love each other everlastingly, and swear to each other afresh a constancy which shall never end; and that [after?] death, if we have sense enough, this may likewise endure. In order that we may live together, take all imaginable pains to preserve yourself; remember that my quiet of mind depends on it: if your illness continues, I am quite sure that I shall go mad. The fever prevails a great deal here; we have nearly 200 on the sick-list among our troops; my servants fall sick one after the other. I have been obliged to send my valet de chambre to Celle; the others are at Lüneb[urg]; if this continues, my turn [?] will come too.

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Footnote 235:

Cf. Wilkins, pp. 313 sqq.

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F 17 [FROM KÖNIGSMARCK TO SOPHIA DOROTHEA]

_The 3rd_ [_September 1693_, from the Camp].

I thought I should have an apoplectic fit when I opened your letter, without seeing your handwriting. I hoped to hear that you were better, and you are doing quite the contrary. I believed at the beginning that it was all over with you. Do not suppose that I am annoyed that it is not in your handwriting—far from that, I entreat you to continue in the same way, for I am absolutely against your fatiguing yourself. I pity you as much as an affectionate and tender ... can do so—must the most perfect object in the universe suffer so cruelly? Ye gods, why are you so unjust? But, my heart, I know why this misfortune comes to you[236]—it is to render me more unhappy that destiny causes you to fall ill; you are made to suffer in order that I may be crucified. And the design succeeds, for no one could send me a greater misfortune. You order me not to disquiet myself—it would be necessary not to love you, in order not to be at the point of death. Every moment I am on my knees to offer up prayer for your complete recovery; I flatter myself that in the end I shall find pity—my prayers are too devout not to find acceptance. May God grant that you may speedily be relieved of your sufferings and I of my fears and of my anxiety! With what joy shall I embrace you, when I shall have that of seeing you. I do not know when this will be possible to me; but my design is to make pretence of an access of fever happening to me; I shall say to the _bonhomme_ that I should like to go for three days to 317, to avoid the fever taking hold of me, that is to say, to take some remedies. Instead of staying at 317, I shall take the post and fly to Celle. I should be able to be two nights with you—what joy, what satisfaction! I should be able to be at your feet, to bathe them with my tears: you would see into how pitiable a state your illness had driven me. But perhaps I am indulging these hopes in vain; for before I can play this part it is in the first instance necessary that the _bonhomme_ should be in better health ... depends further on the future of the 9 [?] ... I have nothing good to Hope for; rage, despair, trouble, disquietude, Love—all these things together have such an effect on me that I am like those people one sees at Amsterdam in the madhouse. God knows what the end of all this will be. The sickness spreads from day to day; my old Lieutenant-C[olonel] and two Lieutenants have fallen [ill] to-day; I do not know how I shall escape it; it is a miracle, for with all the troubles that oppress me I ought to catch it. Farewell, my Angel, I can tell you no more. The express that was sent to me by the _bonhomme_ by [?] thought that you have a lover, who takes so much [interest] in everything that concerns you that you ... do yourself [?]; he is sincere [and] adores you, and has as much Respect for you as anyone in the world; I deserve all your affection and all the kind interest you take in me. If I do not give you assurances enough of my love and fidelity, it is not my fault—it is that I have no opportunity for doing so; I should weary you with my protestations, for I repeat them in all my letters. I fancy that you are like myself. I cannot wait for them too long, and all your letters, were they filled with anything else, would be to me always agreeable and more so than if there were nothing in them.

F 8 [FROM KÖNIGSMARCK TO SOPHIA DOROTHEA]

Atlenburg, _the 13th [of September, 1693]_.[237]

On the twelfth I did what I do on all other days: that is to say, drink, eat, and go the rounds; the same on the thirteenth. The Duke of Celle came to call on us. You see that I can keep my diaries without difficulty; I do not think they will annoy you at all, for nothing could be more innocent, and those from Hanover will be of the same sort, at least if my going to sup with ladies does not displease you. But I promise to leave this alone also, assuring you that it is the very slightest proof I can offer you, inasmuch as I shall be pleased to do without it, even if you send no orders to stop it. Would to God I could show you by my conduct, that all my thoughts, all my acts are only done for you; but, alas! you are so unjust that you refuse to perceive this. I hate my bad fortune, and it is this which one day will ruin me with you. I have received the letter No. 3 dated the 5th, within eight days after that marked 4; I cannot understand whence arises this delay; but I well know that it is dangerous that the letter should be so long on its way. I am not satisfied with you, and the unkind opinion you have of me as if I neglected you hurts me very much; I think only of you night and day; no other thought enters my mind; and yet, I am [supposed to] forget you, to neglect you. I am inconstant—do I really deserve these designations; be you the judge yourself! Can you accuse me of no longer loving you? Is it possible that it is Leonisse who believes this and reproaches me with it! Great God! how full of injustice you are, and how great a wrong you do me! I love you to madness; I adore you beyond compare; my love surpasses all others—and yet you have doubts of all this; your heart does not speak in my favour. I have reason for complaining of it—that barbarous heart, which ought to plead for me, instead of being my accuser. I have known it kind to me; but little by little all that affection has vanished. Will not your heart recover itself? reproach it on my part; my heart promises an eternal attachment, it swears constancy to you, and, provided that you deign to think of it once in every twenty-four hours, it is content. Does it deserve to be remembered by you? I think it does, but it is for you to judge the case. If I am ever unfortunate enough to love you no longer (which is an impossibility), your wish will be no punishment to me [??], for I swear to you that I shall never seek any other faithful attachment, and, though the present one is dearer to me than my life, I should never wish for another. Remember what a certain Spaniard said: ‘I do not wish to make myself common’—I call it to make myself common if I were to quit the most perfect object of the universe for some other, who could never compare herself as to ....

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Footnote 236:

The familiar second person singular is employed in this and the next two lines.

Footnote 237:

Atlenburg (mis-spelt ‘Altenburg’ _ap._ Wilkins, p. 314) must be Artlenburg, in the part of the duchy of Saxe-Lauenburg on the left bank of the Elbe.

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F 19

[FROM KÖNIGSMARCK TO SOPHIA DOROTHEA]

_The 14th_ [_of September, 1693._ From the Camp].

Most assuredly, without yours of the 12th the Beating of my Heart, of which 127 had been the cause, would have made an end of me, but, most fortunately for me, I received it at the time when my heart was about to burst; and, as I see from it that the news is quite false, I also begin to recover myself. He told me, as quite certain, that your fever had seized you again. Assuredly I should not, with this disquiet, have been able to pass the night alive; and now while I am writing to you I still have the Queen of Hungary Water[238] on my nose. I think, however, that this will pass away; but I feel very much upset and exhausted; if this does not go away in the night, I shall bleed myself to prevent any evil consequences that might overtake me. M. de Sporck[239] will, according to all appearances, die before the day is over; I have 3 Captains, 5 Lieutenants and 4 Ensigns sick to death, more than 300 foot-soldiers and dragoons, of our troops only, are quite down; it is an infected air, the healthiest sicken in it; all the same, I hope not to fall sick, knowing you to be out of the wood. You will have seen from my letter dated the 12th how well satisfied I am with you; do not be offended that I begged you to [write] me two words with your own hand; I knew that you were a little better; otherwise I should not have done it; but, my best beloved heart, you have done too much, for you have written me two entire pages; I beg you very particularly not to do this any more, nor until you are quite well again. The siege of Charleroi[240] will prevent the Electoral Prince from being here so soon; great God, may this siege deliver us from troublesome people! It is said for certain that things are settling down; but the orders that are given for taking care of the sick make me tremble with fear that we shall not so soon quit this post. I am agitated by the same despair as you are, to have to pass my life with people for whom I feel an aversion, and to be allowed to pass so little time with her whom I adore. However, you are more to be pitied, for I can very often get free of it, and you not, besides the embraces which you are obliged to undergo. It seems to me that, if I had to suffer the same sort of thing, I could not prevent myself from being sick every time it should happen to me. Ah, how horrible to caress what one hates mortally; I firmly believe that purgatory does not inflict so many torments as do caresses of that sort. If it is true that the Elector of Hanover is not going to 308, I might well come there; but we cannot take our measures before it is known what will become of the Electoral Prince. The Duchess of Hanover[241] will not arrive till towards the end of next month; and then the Electoral Prince will have returned, and the hunting will be over. May God only grant that we begin it soon, and that you are able to put in an appearance. I pity you for having grown so thin; but (with your permission) I find the question which you put to me ridiculous and absurd. If I loved nothing in you but your beauty I would forgive it you; but you are convinced that it is not only this which I adore—it is your merits, your [sweet] temper.[242] I confess to you that to see you beautiful charms the eyes; but I protest to you that, were you ugly like Madame Kopstein,[243] I should not love you a whit the less. Tired of you? Ah, is it possible to ask such a question as this of a lover who loves you dearly! No, no, Leonisse, you are not convinced of my sincere affection. What must I do to bring the conviction of it home to you? I shall never be at rest, till I know that you are quite convinced of it. Do you believe that an affection like mine arose out of anything so transitory as beauty? Although you have much of it, and more than any one else of your sex, I can tell you that it is not your beauty which has put me into the condition in which I am. It is true that the beauty which you possess set me on fire, and that without it I should perhaps not have been as happy as I am; but that which has made me as I am is your _esprit_, your sincerity, your way of living, and, finally, it is your soul, so high-bred and so well-balanced, which produces in you a sweetness beyond compare, an unequalled generosity, with clemency beyond all imagination. It is these virtues which have placed me in the dear slavery in which I find myself at this moment, and in which I also mean to die. In truth, Leonisse, you trouble me greatly with your questions; you fear that I shall become unfaithful to the greatest Beauty of the age, and to virtue itself, for some unfledged princesses[244] without any other merit but that of having been to Paris. Once more, I see only too well that you are not well convinced of my love; I hope that in the end I shall give you so many signs of it that you will no longer be able to doubt it. To take the proper steps it is necessary that we should speak to each other; we have time up to the end of the coming month [?], and before this time we need not fear the return of the Electoral Prince, and of the Duchess. You still attack [me about] princesses [?]. Do you perhaps think that I am so fond as you are yourself of novelty, of change, and of people who come from Paris? You are quite mistaken: I wear my chains with very great pleasure, and would not change them for the Kingdom of the Great Mogul. The letter of the Lieutenant-Colonel is very silly, but the person is reasonable enough; she has inspired a strong affection in a very brave man, of high rank, in the Low Countries, whose name is the Marquis of Spinosa.[245] He is one of the fine gentlemen [_galans_] of that country. But since I have sent you a very silly letter, I shall make up for it by one that is very well written; if it were not written out of a book, we ought to admire it

## particularly as coming from this person; but let me tell you that

she found it word for word in a book. However, it must be allowed that it is phrased very suitably. I beg you to send it back to me; I send it you because I think it will amuse you. Adieu.

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Footnote 238:

This old-fashioned toilet-water has hardly gone quite out of use. Its name is said to have been derived from the fact that the original formula of the compound (of which the chief ingredient is rosemary) was presented by a hermit to a queen of Hungary. In his rapturous letter _ap._ Wilkins, p. 155, Königsmarck begs Sophia Dorothea to have _de l’eau de la reine d’Hongrie_ in readiness.

Footnote 239:

A member of the ancient family von Spörcken, which possessed numerous estates in Lüneburg, and from which sprang Field-Marshal von Spörcken. He was born in 1698, and his mother was a sister of Field-Marshal von der Schulenburg.

Footnote 240:

The siege of Charleroi by Vauban began on September 15, 1693, and ended with the capture of the place on October 11.

Footnote 241:

_Sic_ in text (‘_la Dujais d’Hanovre_’ and, lower down, ‘_la Dujaiÿse_,’ Königsmarck’s spelling), though the date of the letter admits of no doubt.

Footnote 242:

The remainder of this letter was misplaced in the Berlin copy.

Footnote 243:

Probably the wife of Court-Marshal von Koppenstein.

Footnote 244:

_Gosses de princesses_ in the original. I owe the following reference to Dr. Braunholtz: _Dans le jargon des voyous, une_ gosse, _une_ gosseline, _c’est une fillette de quinze à seize ans_.... (L. Rigaud, _Dictionnaire d’argot moderne_, n.e., 1888).

Footnote 245:

I am unable to identify this nobleman. The spelling Espinosa seems the more common.

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F 4

[FROM KÖNIGSMARCK TO SOPHIA DOROTHEA]

_Thursday {1693}_.

I needed your letter to sustain me in the despair which had fallen upon me. This is what comes of acting openly, and if you had not spoken to me of ... I believe that I could not have held out a day longer. However, I controlled myself excellently; and I wished in the first instance to know what you would say to me; so I did not give way to my anger. Let me tell you then that I was the day before yesterday at Linde.[246] Mme. la Comtesse was greatly astonished that I did not play with you. I said to her that this required permission; she said, Mme. Léonisse made the Elector ask me; and he replied positively that she might summon her players. Yesterday, before receiving your letter, I was told by Oberg who had seen M. Weyhe at Linde, that his Highness had said it to yourself.[247] Prince Ernest Augustus said to me in these words, that the Elector had said to you, ‘You are bored, Madam; you ought to summon your players.’ It would have depended on yourself, if he had spoken to you in this way. But, Madam, I was greatly relieved when I read your letter, in which you write to me about this matter. I have drawn my moral, which is never begin to fly into a passion about vapours. But, my divine creature, could you not [contrive to] let [me] come, in order that I might have the joy of gazing upon you, and that my eyes and my heart might learn from yours how I stand with them, and whether your love is such as you wrote to me. Your letter of yesterday is charming; it touched me so that I feel more on fire than ever. You write that you see nobody; nothing could be more obliging; but you see the Reformer all the more; which makes me fear that you will accustom yourself little by little to his mediocre caresses, and he will kiss you so often that I die with trouble only to think of it. For the love of yourself, do not accustom yourself to it; always remember the way in which he treats you—you who deserve all proper, obliging and respectful ways. But I see the defects of another man, and I do not see that it is in this that I am the most criminal. You have told me yourself that the Re[former] ... [at times?] was not so unpleasant in his ways as myself. I die to think of it. How unfortunate I am to love you so tenderly, and that this excessive passion makes me so odious. Think no more of the past, I beseech you. Adieu, adieu, alas, adieu!

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Footnote 246:

Linde or Linden, an estate in the immediate vicinity of Hanover, purchased in 1688 by Count Platen, who built in its fine gardens a _château_, frequently mentioned as ‘_la cour de Linden_.’

Footnote 247:

The Obergs were an ancient noble family, whose estates lay in the bishopric of Hildesheim and elsewhere. A Privy-Councillor von Oberg is mentioned _ap._ Malortie, _u. s._ pp. 193, 194. Christian Lewis von Oberg, a general of much distinction in the Hanoverian service, was not born till 1689. The Obergs were afterwards raised to the rank of Counts.—The von der Weyhe mentioned in the text was probably the same who afterwards became a General, and married the widowed Frau von dem Bussche, Countess Platen’s sister.

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F 5

[FROM KÖNIGSMARCK TO SOPHIA DOROTHEA]

[1693.]

I am much to be pitied, and my ill-fortune persecutes me too much for me to be able to bear it any longer. Yesterday’s letters give us no hope that the Ref[ormer] may take his departure; and until he has gone I cannot and ought not to see you. What a cruel destiny! oh, insupportable misfortune! Can I still breathe after such heavy blows; life becomes insupportable to me; I cannot, nor ought I to, remain any longer in the world, for what can I do in it without seeing you! I have to-day had two unfortunate experiences, of which at present the second seems to me the most cruel, but the first may prove the most terrible. I have fallen out with our old _bonhomme_, and with Gor too; and, as he told you, if I were to repeat it to those with whom his Highness is displeased, they would be much astonished. Apart from my passion [for you], I know what course I have to take; but, my dear, as I have promised you to do nothing without your consent, I wish to let you know about it beforehand. My intention is to write to him, and to say to him that I was very much annoyed that duty had involved me in a dispute with the person in the world whom I honour most; but, as I had carefully taken note of the words he addressed to me, I had observed at the time that he said [that] if I repeated [it] to all those whom our master holds in contempt, there would be many who would be undeceived; I thought that your Excellency would not be offended, if I asked you to be good enough to inform me privately, whether I am unfortunate enough to have displeased Monseigneur the Elector—in order that I might shape my course accordingly. For hitherto I had served him from affection only, and without any interested motive; and, if I was unfortunate enough to have incurred his disfavour, it would be impossible for me to serve him any longer.[248] This was, in substance, what I wished to say to him, being aware of your opinion. I can assure you that I positively perceived that his rage directed itself against me. I am surprised at my own patience, and I cannot understand how I managed to control myself, for I had it very often on the tip of my tongue to say to him what I intend to write to him. The second misfortune troubles me a great deal more. I saw your windows open; the Ref[ormer] came out of your dressing-room; without [my] seeing you there, though I raised my voice tolerably high, and passed and repassed; but there was nothing—one could not see a living soul there. I suppose that, as it was late, you were already in the room of the _Romaine_. I should be inconsolable, if I had not the hope of seeing you this evening at 6 o’clock. To what am I reduced! I count it the greatest good fortune in the world to see you a thousand feet off. In good truth, it will be a great consolation to me if I can have this pleasure. That of writing to you is very dear to me, and I would not give it up for a Kingdom. I fear that my Diabolical destiny will deprive me of it; this would be my finishing stroke. I conjure you, take your measures so well that we may not miss this joy. You know, I hope, through your own self that one would not be able to live without this. Alas! why am I not Reden or Hortense[249]; so long as you are there, it matters not if you were to hate me. I shall, however, have the joy of seeing her whom I adore; it is our love which takes the one far away from the other; without my love, I should be wherever you are; but because I love you I am in bad repute, I am disregarded, I am forgotten. But never mind; let them spit in my face, I will not take offence at it.

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Footnote 248:

The meaning of this passage is hopelessly obscured in the original by the wild use of brackets, and by a reckless interchange between _oratio obliqua_ and _directa_, and the second and third persons.

Footnote 249:

Von Reden was Chamberlain to the Electress Sophia. ‘Hortense’ is the Abbé Hortensio Mauro, mentioned in Chapter III. In her letters, the Electress often refers to him as ‘Ortence.’

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F 13

[FROM KÖNIGSMARCK TO SOPHIA DOROTHEA]

[Hanover, _latter part of 1693_].[250]

In fear of not being able to speak to you, I take the liberty of expressing to you my concern at the misfortune which has happened to you. God knows that my heart forewarned me of it; but my companion was never willing to wait, although I begged him to do so; but, by way of climax to my ill luck, I have to wait till my intimate friend has had the pleasure with his troublesome companion of an interview with you; it seems to me that I have great reason to complain of the Gods, as they are unjust enough to deprive me of all means of being serviceable to you, while at the same time they furnish such means to those from whom I have most to fear. Since this accident strange things have come into my head, and I am foolish enough to believe that the accident which happened yesterday is a prognostic of my ill luck, and that this is the same man who will be the cause of all these troubles to me. The result will be that I shall have him watched as closely as possible while I am away, and, if I hear the slightest thing, believe me as a man of honour that I will never see you again, and that I would rather seek out the innermost parts of Lapland than appear before those eyes which [once] enchanted me. I detest my companion, for without this I should have had the pleasure of serving you, instead of my seeing this joy in the breast of a man whom I abhor, and who is impertinent enough to come and tell me of it himself, informing me of the condition in which you were, your _déshabillement_, without a cap, your hair loose over your incomparable bosom. O God, I am too furious to write any more.

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Footnote 250:

This and the following two letters might belong to the spring of 1692; but I think that they may with more probability be assigned to the latter part of 1693.

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F 14

[FROM KÖNIGSMARCK TO SOPHIA DOROTHEA]

[Hanover, _latter part of 1693_.]

While I was reflecting on the miserable state in which I found myself they brought me your letter, which I had little expected. My joy was so great that I forgot my sufferings, throwing myself on the letter as if nothing were wanting to me. You have done everything that I wished to see you do; it therefore only remains for me to thank you for your kindness, and to give you every assurance of my fidelity:

_Io ti saro fedele, Ne mai ti tradiro. Se ben mi sei crudel, Sempre t’adorero._

If you do not believe me, I am ready to abandon Mother, Kinsfolk, Friends, Possessions and Country, the better to convince you of it; and it will only depend on you whether I shall take the journey of which you are well aware. My unhappy condition furnishes me with a good excuse; I shall be able to pretend illness for a long time. If you agree with me, I beg you to let me know; for I will take my measures accordingly; it is the greatest proof [of my affection] which I can offer you at present; so pray accept it, and thus make me happy; for the satisfaction of seeing you far surpasses the ambition which I have of making my fortune. I could not find any greater [good fortune], and that of possessing you is so dear to me that I do not any longer meditate on any of the others. By your letter you have so purified my heart that there no longer remains in it the slightest suspicion of jealousy; the eagerness which you show to know the state of my health sufficiently convinces me that you love me. To meet your wish, I will tell you that I suffer extremely; yet the pain of not seeing you greatly exceeds that of my fall. I expect to be better in four days; but if you accept my proposition, I shall keep my room for ten days longer. This will not prevent me, so soon as I shall be able to walk, from being able to embrace you in the well-known locality; to have news of you, I believe that the safest way is for one of my people (in whom I am able to place confidence)....

F 15

[FROM KÖNIGSMARCK TO SOPHIA DOROTHEA]

[Hanover, _latter part of 1693_.]

Anyone but myself would put you to the proof, to see whether your love will carry you so far as to come to me; but, as for me, I love you too much to be able to expose you to this risk, and your offer is sufficient for me. However, in order not to lose the occasion of seeing you (since I have so little time for remaining with you) I will come to you this evening, if you consent; and I shall wait to hear from you the hour of the _rendez-vous_. If you think it well that I should appear at court, I will do so, but not otherwise. The joy of seeing you again makes me forget all the trouble that my illness has brought upon me; for the rest, I am well enough pleased with you; I cannot, however, forget how little opposition you have to offer on the subject of my journey, having a good excuse for dissuading me from it; I do not know at what judgment to arrive on the subject.[251] Only, may God grant that this absence may not prove of deadly import to me! You accuse me of not loving you enough; how can you be so unjust, but I will pass over this point without reply, knowing well that you are too fully convinced of my love, which is the purest that ever existed, and which will last so long as I live. I have often protested this to you in prose; permit me on the present occasion to do it in verse:

While breath within my heart remains, Beloved is _votre nom_ by me; So long as blood runs in my veins, It shall retain the mark of thee; And with the current of my days, Love shall remain with me always.

At 6 o’clock my man shall be in front of the room of the _bonne, bonne amie_.[252]

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Footnote 251:

The reference seems to be to his intention to quit the Hanoverian service.

Footnote 252:

Fräulein von dem Knesebeck.

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F 20

[FROM KÖNIGSMARCK TO SOPHIA DOROTHEA]

[Hanover, _latter part of 1693_.][253]

I perceive the pleasure that I had taken in embracing you vanishes entirely since the Troublesome One has appeared so suddenly. I confess to you that this countenance displeased me very much so soon as I perceived it; a thunderclap could not have surprised me more. But it is fated that there should always be disagreeable faces to prevent a tender meeting like that which all appearances allowed us to think ours was to be. Yes, my idea of it was so full of joy that I could not sleep all the night; but alas! all is vanished, and I have to pass a second night without sleeping, and with grief instead of the joy with which the first filled me; it is certain that, unless you are so kind as to console me, I shall bathe in my tears. Console me then, divine beauty, and comfort a man who is dying for you, and who is so set upon your charms that his head turns:

For a toy [?] of charming beauty Such flame me doth consume, That to love her is reason and duty, Till I am laid in my tomb.

Such is my maxim, and you shall see me carry it out exactly; my greatest satisfaction shall be to prove to you that only death is alone capable of extinguishing my love. But, for the love of God, think of the motto, ‘Nothing impure inflames me’;[254] adieu!

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Footnote 253:

This and the following letter ought possibly to be dated in the spring of 1692; but I think the date assigned the more probable one.

Footnote 254:

The seal on some of Königsmarck’s letters in the Lund Correspondence represents a flaming heart on an altar, the sun shining down upon it, with the circumscription, _Rien d’impure m’allume_. Wilkins, p. 123.

-----

F 21

[FROM KÖNIGSMARCK TO SOPHIA DOROTHEA]

[Hanover, _latter part of 1693_] _6 o’clock_.

I cannot go away from here without thanking you for having rescued me from such a difficulty. Surely I was a lost man without yesterday evening’s conversation. I go away as happy as a man can do who leaves behind what he adores; but what consoles me is that I am well assured of your friendship, and that my absence does me no harm; my soul is so at ease that I am quite a different man from what I was before. I beg of you, no _tête-à-têtes_—not with anybody, in particular with M. R.[255] I shall know everything, for I have good friends here whom you do not in the least suspect. Adieu, _Bella dea_, think of me as much as I think of you. I kiss your knees a thousand times, and am eternally your slave.

-----

Footnote 255:

I cannot guess at ‘M. R.’ Prince Maximilian’s second name was William.

-----

APPENDIX C NOTE ON THE RELIGIOUS SITUATION IN SCOTLAND, AS IT AFFECTED THE HANOVERIAN SUCCESSION

The Church of Scotland was, in the main, well affected to the Union and the consequences which it entailed as regards the Succession. But the friends of the House of Hanover had to guard against two distinct sources of weakness within the Establishment itself.

(I) Episcopacy in Scotland had never been more than a compromise, even in the districts where it had not been violently opposed. The best instance of this is Aberdeenshire, where protests against the government of Charles II are late in date and are confined to verbal expressions of sympathy with the persecuted Presbyterians. But the _Records of the Exercise_ [Presbytery] _of Alford_ (New Spalding Club, 1897), dealing with the period 1662-1688, show clearly enough that the episcopal function was ordination, and that the government and, in many respects, the public worship of the Church was Presbyterian. The effect of this was that, at the Revolution, Episcopal clergymen were permitted to remain in their parishes on condition of their taking the oath to William and Mary, although they were forbidden to take part in Presbyteries, Synods, or Assemblies. The tendency was for such men to conform to Presbytery, but they formed a distinct ‘left wing.’ They were most numerous in the north-east, and they were well represented in the Universities. Both the Universities of Aberdeen, for example, were Jacobite in sympathy. The result was that many ministers shared in, and urged their people to join, the ’15. They were deposed in 1716, and the Universities were ‘purged’ by the Commission of 1717.

(2) A section of the more robust Presbyterians in the Church sympathised with their brethren who had declined to accept the Revolution Settlement, and their feeling was accentuated by a gross breach of faith on the part of the British Parliament—the passing of the Patronage Act of 1712, which disturbed the Church for more than a century and a half. So strong was this tendency that, as late as 1745, the Provincial Synod of Moray considered it necessary to inform George II that ‘with pleasure we reflect that very few of the people who hold communion with us have joined those enemies of your Majesty’s crown and government.’ (Allardyce, _Jacobite Papers_.)

Episcopalian Jacobitism within the Church practically disappears in 1716, and the clergy, as represented in ecclesiastical and academic records, were devotedly loyal to George I and II, from that date.

Outside the Church we have a body who were not Dissenters in the English sense, for they approved of the constitution of the Church, but objected to the establishment of Episcopacy in England, and the toleration of Dissenters in Scotland. They were the men who had suffered most in the ‘killing time,’ and their only associations with the functions of government were connected with Grierson of Lagg and Bloody Mackenzie. They considered it possible that James Stewart might be turned from the error of his ways, and take the Covenant as Charles II had done. Their attitude, in fact, was precisely similar to that of their predecessors, who had crowned Charles II after fighting against Charles I. They declined to acknowledge the Revolution Settlement and the Union. They spoke of Queen Anne as ‘that wicked Jezabel the pretended Queen,’ and ‘the late woman.’ But even when they had little hope of the Pretender’s conversion, they protested against ‘the Prince of Hanover, who hath been bred and brought up in the Luthren religion, which is not only different from but even in many things contrar unto that purity in doctrine, reformation, and religion we in these nations had attained unto.’ (_Protestation against the Union._)

The Episcopalians, the largest section of Protestant Dissenters, were, almost without exception, High Tories. They had suffered for refusing the oath to William and Mary, and had undergone some trifling inconveniences as the defeated and unpopular party. The rising of 1715 was, therefore, very largely supported by Episcopalians, who found themselves ranged along with extreme Presbyterians and Roman Catholics. The religious aspect of the ’15 and the ’45 has never been satisfactorily examined. Mr. Blaikie said, not long since, that the ‘45 was much more Presbyterian than is commonly imagined. I hope he will work out the subject.

R. S. RAIT.

INDEX

Act for the further Security of the Protestant Succession, 370 Act of Precedence, 404, 406 Act of Security (1704), 372-3 Act of Settlement (1701), 7, 225 _note_, 321-2 Act of Union (1707), 373, 392 Addison, 388-9; cited, 335 _note_ Adolphus John, Prince, 108-9 Alexander VII, Pope, 162 Amalia, Landgravine of Hesse-Cassel, 97 Amalia, Raugravine (niece of Sophia), 102, 371 Amalia von Solms, Princess of Orange, 43, 56, 82 Anna Eleonora, Duchess of Brunswick-Lüneburg, 115 Anna Maria, Duchess of Savoy, 225 _and note_, 301, 321 Anne, Queen (wife of James I), 13 Anne, Queen of England, suggested marriage of, with George Lewis, 189; Bill of Rights (1689) as affecting, 217; birth of her son the Duke of Gloucester, 219; political intrigue (1700), 312; attitude towards Sophia and relations with her, 363, 366 _and notes_—9, 386-7, 390-1, 394, 396, 403, 404 _note_ 173, 408, 410; attitude towards Hanoverian Succession, 366, 368-9, 391, 396, 409, 412-13; towards her half-brother James, 369, 372, 392-3, 408; proposed visit of Sophia to England opposed by, 370, 386; death of her husband, 395; ministerial crisis (1710), 396-8; relations with Augustus II, King of Poland, 404 _note_ 173; illness (1713), 414, 415; speech at opening of Parliament (Feb. 1714), 416-17; attack of erysipelas (Mar. 1714), 437 _note_; letter to Sophia (Apr. 1714), 421-2; attitude towards affair of delayed Parliamentary writ for Electoral Prince, 419, 426; letters to Hanover on the subject, 428-31; dismisses Oxford, 437; last illness, 437; appoints Shrewsbury Lord Treasurer, 438; death, 436, 438; political incapacity, 368-9, 387; Toryism, 368; otherwise mentioned, 8, 293 _note_, 305, 307-8, 344, 347, 365, 389 _note_ Anne of Gonzaga (Princess Palatine), marriage and career of, 66-8; schemes of, 126, 129, 166, 175, 176 Antony Ulric, Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, ambition and career of, 146-7; conversion to Roman Catholicism, 176; marriage scheme for his son, 185; romance by, regarding Sophia Dorothea, 192 _and note_, 239 _and note_, 283 _note_; opposition regarding Hanoverian Electorate, 235-8; _Mesopotamian Shepherdess_ by, 333 _note_; mentioned, 201, 203 Arcy, Marquis de, 193 Arundel, Lord, 71 _note_ Assing, Rosemunde von, 343 _note_ Attainder and Abjuration Acts (1702), 364-5 Augustus, Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, 145 Augustus II, King of Poland, 404 _and note_ 173 Augustus the Strong. _See_ Frederick Augustus, Elector of Saxony Augustus Frederick, Prince of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, 185, 189 Austria, Bavarian treaty with (1628), 48 Aveiro, Duke of, 106

Bahr, von, 282 Balati, Abbé, 164 _note_, 194 Bannier, Colonel, 278 Barclay, Robert, 122 Bard. _See_ Bellmont Bayle, 300 Behmen, Jacob, 343 Bellmont (Bellamont), Lady (Francesca Bard), 103, 375 _note_ Benedicta Henrietta (niece of Sophia), 69, 128, 166, 167 Berkeley, Earl of, 440 Berner, E., cited, 188 _note_ Bernhard of Weimar, Duke, 50, 60, 71 Bernstorff, Baron Andreas Gottlieb von, relations of, with de Robethon, 378; accompanies George Lewis to England, 442; estimate of, 376-7; otherwise mentioned, 185, 276, 351-2, 411 Berwick, Duke of, 321, 400, 409, 413; communication from, to Prince James quoted, 420 Bill of Rights (1689), 5, 7, 216-20 Blanche, Electress Palatine, 17 Blanche, Queen, 128 Bohemia: Frederick V elected king of, 31; deposed, 36-7 Heirship to, question as to, 21 _and note_ 8, 29-31 Böhme, Jacob, 34 _note_ Bolingbroke, —, attitude of, towards Bothmer, 405 _and note_ 175; policy of, 410; rivalry with Oxford, 418, 428, 434; misses his opportunity, 437-8; cited, 442; otherwise mentioned, 408, 413, 415, 416, 422, 426, 429 Boncour, de, 214 Borkowski cited, 313 _note_ Bossuet, 348 Bothmer, Hans Caspar von, Hanoverian envoy extraordinary in London, 399, 400-2; mission to England on Sophia’s death, 433-4;

## activities on Queen Anne’s death, 439 _and note_;

estimate of, 378-9; otherwise mentioned, 313, 351, 362 _note_, 397, 404, 412, 419, 427, 438 Boufleurs, Marshal, 228 Bouillon, Duke of, 67 Boyer, 429 Brandenburg: Hanover, alliance with, 235-6, 289 Prussian kingdom, absorption into, 289 Brauns, Baron, 381 Brinon, Mme. de, 175, 177 _note_, 336; efforts of, to convert Sophia to Roman Catholicism, 348-9 Brisson, Mme. de, 135 Bromley, Secretary, 415 Brunswick, origin of Duchy of, 144 Buckingham, Duke of (1629), 46 Buckingham, — (1705), 387 Bülow, Minister von, 276 Bunbury, Selina, cited, 12 _note_ Burnet, Bishop of Salisbury, action of, on Bill of Rights, 218; Sophia’s correspondence with, 342; her estimate of book by, 334; cited, 214-15, 323-4, 386-7; quoted, 312 Bussche, Frau von dem. _See_ Weyhe, Mme. von Bussche, Major-General von dem, 248

Calixtus (theologian), 153 Camerarius, Ludwig, 45, 94 Carleton, Sir D. (Viscount Dorchester), 44 Carlisle, Earl of, 369 Caroline Matilda (daughter of George III), 280 _note_ 112 Caroline of Ansbach. _See_ Wilhelmina Caroline Carray (? Carr), Lady, 86 Cartignano, Count of, 15-16 Catharine d’Orléans, 129 Celle, Duchess of. _See_ Eleonora Celle, Duke of. _See_ George William Chapman, Rev. Alexander, 25 _note_ Charbonnier, 328 Charles, Duke of Lorraine, 195 Charles, Elector Palatine (nephew of Sophia), 8, 99, 101 _and note_, 230 Charles, Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, 214 Charles I, King of England, foreign policy of, 46-7; internal policy, 372 _note_; acknowledges Charles Lewis as Elector Palatine, 59; efforts for Palatine House, 71 _note_; execution of, 83 Charles II, King of England, rumour of projected marriage of, with Sophía, 82-5; relations with Sophía at the Hague, 84-5; with his aunt Elizabeth, 137-8 _and note_ 59; with Sophia during his reign, 209; death of, 210; otherwise mentioned, 8, 11, 114, 137 _note_ 59, 167, 183 _note_ Charles II, King of Spain, 178, 317 Charles III, King of Spain, 400 Charles VI, Emperor, 348 Charles X Gustavus, King of Sweden, 108 Charles Emmanuel, Duke of Savoy, 15 Charles Lewis, Elector Palatine (brother of Sophia), birth of, 26; Sophia’s relations with, 57; visit to England (1635), 59; armed attempt on the Palatinate, 59-60; imprisoned by Richelieu, 60; renews attempt for the Palatinate, 60-1; suggestion of assuming British Crown, 61-2 _notes_; residence in England, 62; relations with his brother Philip, 80; position under Peace of Westphalia, 83; efforts for his subjects, 88-9 _and note_; relations with his mother, 93-4, 138, 140-1; quarrel with Rupert, 94-6 _and note_; marriage (1650), 97; domestic difficulties, 96-102; relations with Ferdinand III, 107; Sophia’s wedding (1658), 114; marriage of his daughter (1671), 89, 175; death of, 8, 196; characteristics of, 56-9; love of his country, learning and liberal-mindedness of, 90-2; cited, 333; otherwise mentioned, 52 _note_, 68, 122, 133, 137 _note_ 59, 138, 163 Charles Lewis, Raugrave (nephew of Sophia), 249 Charles Maurice (nephew of Sophia), 102 Charles Philip, Prince (son of Sophia), 171, 202, 222, 224, 228 Charlotte Elizabeth, Electress Palatine (sister-in-law of Sophia), conjugal difficulties and troubles of, 96-102, 116; characteristics of, 98, 104; attitude towards Sophia, 108 Charlotte Felicitas, Duchess of Modena (grandniece of Sophia), 167 Charlotte Sophia, Princess of Courland, 103 _and note_ Chéruel, M., cited, 67 Chevreau, Urban, 176 _and note_; cited, 336 Christian, Count of Anhalt, 19, 29-30 Christian, Duke of Brunswick, 42 _and note_ 22 Christian, Prince (son of Sophia), birth of, 171; at French Court (1687-9), 206; attitude towards George Lewis’ accession, 288; death of, 202-3, 339 _note_ 139 Christian of Halberstadt, 45-7, 145 Christian IV, King of Denmark, 47 Christian V, King of Denmark, 234, 236 Christian Lewis, Duke of Brunswick-Lüneburg, 150-1, 162, 170 Christina, Queen of Sweden, 50 _note_, 59, 73, 77 _note_, 162, 335 Clarendon, Earl of (Lord Cornbury), 434 _and note_, 440 Clarendon, Lord Chancellor, 104; quoted, 65 Clement XI, Pope, 322-3, 363, 388 _note_ Clifford, H., cited, 41 _note_ Cocceius, Prof. Johannes, 118 Collins, Anthony, 342 Colt, Lady, Sophia’s correspondence with, 221 _note_ 92, 428 _note_ Colt, Sir William Dutton, 221 _and notes_, 222; despatches of, cited, 257 Combe Abbey, 12 _and note_–14 Conway, Lord, 44 Conway, Sir Edward, 35-6 Cowper, Lord, 423 Craggs, Secretary, 439 Craven, Earl of, armed attack by, on the Palatinate, 59; imprisonment and ransom, 60, 63; devotion to Elizabeth of Bohemia, 77-8, 137; correspondence with Sophia, 211; mission to Hanover after passing of Bill of Rights, 219; otherwise mentioned, 77 _note_ 39, 81 _note_, 86, 117 _note_, 140, 365 Cresset, James, envoy at Lüneburg Courts, 222-3; marriage of, 222 _note_; cited, 274, 280 _note_ 113, 286, 288 _note_; otherwise mentioned, 319, 367, 370-1, 375

Danckelmann, Eberhard von, 203, 296-7 Dartmouth, Lord, 212 Dawes, Archbishop, 415 Degenfeld, Louisa von, 58, 98-102 Della Rota, 45 Denmark: Danish War (1625-6), 47 Jealousy of, towards Sweden, 45 Lauenburg Succession question, 224-5, 237, 271 Descartes, correspondence of, with Elizabeth (sister of Sophia), 72-3 _and note_, 83-4; death of, 105 Devonshire, Duke of, 404 Digby, John, 14, 41 Doebner, Dr. R., cited, 183 Dohna, Achatius von, 31 Dohna, Alexander von, 313 _note_ Doncaster, Lord (Earl of Carlisle), 44 Donne, 44 Dormer, Jane, 41 _note_ Dorothea, Electress of Brandenburg, 151 Dorset, Earl of, 439-40 Dover, Lord, cited, 188 _note_ Dudley (son of Prince Rupert), 103 Dutton, Sir W. D., cited, 253-4

Edward (brother of Sophia), conversion of, to Roman Catholicism, 9, 67; at Heidelberg, 69 _note_, 105; career of, 66-9 _and note_; Charles Lewis’ allowance to, 94; relations with Louisa Hollandina, 126-7; Elizabeth’s bequest to, 141 _note_ 63 Eleonora d’Olbreuze (Mme. de Harburg, Countess of Wilhelmsburg), Duchess of Celle, connexion of, with George William, Duke of Celle, 168-71, 180-1, 184-6, 193; styled Mme. de Harburg, 170; jealousy against, 182 _note_ 76; created Countess of Wilhelmsburg, 184; honoured by Empress Eleonora, 185; marriage with Duke of Celle, 186; subsequent honours, 187; attitude towards her daughter, 240, 282; Sophia’s attitude towards, 168, 170, 187, 192, 240, 310, 337; urges William III to decided course anent Hanoverian Succession, 308-9; relations with Sophia on the subject, 310; death of, 282; otherwise mentioned, 221, 288, 377 Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia (mother of Sophia): Career, chronological sequence of: Childhood at Combe Abbey, 12; Roman Catholic plot regarding, 13; youth, 22; marriage, 12, 14, 23; life at Heidelberg, 24-9; birth of two sons and eldest daughter, 26; attitude towards Bohemian Kingship question, 32-3; at Prague, 34-7; birth of third son, Rupert, 35; flight from Prague, 37; in Silesia, 37; in Brandenburg, 38-9; birth of fifth child, Maurice, 39; at Berlin, 39; at Wolfenbüttel, 40; in the Netherlands, 40; exile of, 2, 5, 6, 44; loss of infant son Lewis (1624), 53; of eldest son (1629), 25, 53; of infant daughter Charlotte (1630), 53; attitude towards Swedish Royal Family, 50 _note_; towards Charles I of England (1644), 62 _note_ 30; on departure of Louisa Hollandina (1658), 126-7; visit to England (1661), 137-9; death, 140, 142 Characteristics of: Beauty, 43 Frivolity, 57 High spirit, 43 Self-consciousness, 29 Soldier-sympathy, power of attracting, 43 Vigour of mind and body, 52 Children, her own, attitude towards, 34, 54, 65 _note_ 33, 68 _note_, 78, 80-1; their attitude towards her, 56-7, 141 _note_; attitude towards children in general, 136 Debts of, 29, 56, 76, 93-4, 138 Family of, fate of, 8-9 Letters of, quoted, 50 _note_, 52 _note_ Portrait of, in C.C.C., Cambs., 25 _note_ Pursuits and interests of, 24, 25, 33, 52, 54, 57 Titles of: Queen of Bohemia, 52 _and note_; Queen of Hearts, 41 _note_; the King’s only sister, 52 _note_ Will of, 131, 141 _note_ 63 otherwise mentioned, 75, 86, 336 _note_ Elizabeth, Princess (sister of Sophia), birth of, 26; childhood, 34, 39; career, 9, 70-1; relations with her mother, 57, 80-1; affected by King Charles’ execution, 83; visits to Heidelberg, 92, 105; with Electress Charlotte, 116-17; at Cassel, 117; Abbess of Herford, 118-25; death of, 125, 196; inscription on tomb of, 125 _note_; characteristics of, 70-3; match-making propensities of, 70, 103; mentioned, 141 _note_ 63 Elizabeth Charlotte (aunt of Sophia), 39 Elizabeth Charlotte, Duchess of Orleans (niece of Sophia), birth of, 99; with her aunt (1656-63), 99, 172; nature of upbringing of, 244; visit to her grandmother, 136, 157; trip to Holland with her aunt, 157; recalled to Heidelberg (1663), 173-4; conversion of, to Roman Catholicism, 8, 68, 89, 174-7; marriage, 89, 174-7; subsequent career of, 178-9; on Maximilian William, 204 _note_ 88; on Ernest Augustus, 205, 206 _note_; good offices for Christian and Ernest Augustus, 205-6; attitude towards Sophia Dorothea, 248, 249; Königsmarck affair, 279; on George Augustus’ succession prospects, 206 _and note_, 441 _note_ 192; characteristics of, 59; lifelong attitude towards Sophia, 151 _note_, 173, 377; Stewart sympathies of, 393; cited, 33, 108, 132-5, 159 _note_, 333, 393; quoted, 151 _note_, 176, 332 _note_ 134, 336; Sophia’s correspondence with, 10, 414; nature and value of her own correspondence, 179-80; correspondence cited and quoted, 177, 188 _note_, 191, 192, 234, 244 _note_; otherwise mentioned, 135, 213, 240 _note_, 243, 283, 337, 339-40, 380 Elizabeth Louisa, Countess Palatine, Abbess of Herford, 117 Ernest Augustus, Duke of Brunswick-Lüneburg (husband of Sophia): Career, chronological sequence of: First visit to Heidelberg, 107; early acquaintance with Sophia, 107; second visit to Heidelberg, 110; George William’s arrangement in favour of, 112-13, 154-5, 181; marriage with Sophia, 114; intimacy with George William, 156; jealousy of him, 157-8; Bishop of Osnabrück, 158-9; assists the United Provinces, 167; operations against Sweden, 168; conjugal infidelities of, 190-1 _and note_; victory at Conz, 183; attitude towards Sophia Dorothea, 247, 253-4; at the defence of Frankfort (1689), 228; proposal of, regarding conversion to Church of Rome, 232, 348; Swedish treaty (1691), 263; attainment of Electorate (1692), 222-3, 228-34; investiture, 234-5; last journey to Italy (1684), 247-8; attitude towards the British Revolution, 212, 215; adherence to Grand Alliance (1692), 267; ill-health (1694), 245-6;

## action in Königsmarck affair, 274-5;

Lauenburg claims (1694), 237; last illness, 224, 286-7; death, 212-13, 224, 238, 276, 287, 296 Dynastic policy of, 184, 193-4 Energy of, 163 Extravagance of, 198, 330 Estimate of, 156 Political attitude towards his wife, 241, 340 mentioned, 266 Ernest Augustus, Prince (son of Sophia), birth of, 171, 205; devotion to his eldest brother, 205, 271; at French Court (1687-9), 206; remains in Hanover (1714), 441; succeeds to Bishopric of Osnabrück, 441 _and note_ 193; death of, 207; estimate of, 206 Ernest Lewis, Landgrave of Hesse-Darmstadt, 240 _note_ Estrées, Angélique d’, 128 Eugene, Prince, 425 Evelyn quoted, 56; cited, 261 _note_

Falaiseau, 351 Feder cited, 114 Ferdinand, Archduke of Styria, 30-31 Ferdinand II, Emperor, 107 _note_, 161 Ferdinand III, Emperor, 60, 107 Ferdinand IV, King of the Romans, 107-8 Ferrar, Nicolas, 24 Fischer, Prof. Kuno, cited, 331; quoted, 340 Foley, Paul, 218 Fraiser, Sir Peter, 380 France: Grand Alliance against. _See_ Grand Alliance Hanoverian Succession recognised by, 405, 408 Huguenot persecutions in, 177 _note_ Palatinate’s troubles from (Orleans War), 90, 178

## Partition Treaty (First) with England (1698), 307

## Partition Treaty (Second) with England, 310, 317-18

Peace with, proposal of (1711), 400-1, 403, 407; accomplished, 409 Savoy’s adhesion to (1696), 302 Frederick, Landgrave of Hesse-Darmstadt, 154 Frederick, Prince of Wales (great-grandson of Sophia), 359-60 Frederick III, Elector of Brandenburg. _See_ Frederick I, King of Prussia Frederick I, Elector Palatine, 181 _note_ Frederick II, Elector Palatine, 16 _note_, 21 _note_ 9 Frederick III, Elector Palatine, 16 _note_, 18, 40 Frederick IV, Elector Palatine, 17, 19 Frederick V, Elector Palatine and King of Bohemia (father of Sophia), visit of, to England (1612), 21 _and note_ 8, 22; marriage, 12; difficulties as to court precedence, 27-8; approves league with Savoy, 26; elected King of Bohemia, 31; deposed, 36-7; under ban of the Empire, 38, 41; secret visit to Palatinate (1627), 48; meets Gustavus Adolphus (1632), 49; death of, 50; characteristics of, 20, 37; devotion to his wife, 52-3; estimate of, by Wotton, 27 Frederick I, King of Prussia (Frederick III, Elector of Brandenburg), marriage of, to Sophia Charlotte, 203, 207, 292; succeeds his father as Elector, 294; concerts measures against Louis XIV, 227; efforts regarding Hanoverian Electorate, 234-5, 238; leagues of alliance with Ernest Augustus, 235-6; at Cleves (1696), 303; intrigue with Countess von Wartenberg, 299, 357; coronation (1701), 289, 300; relations with George Lewis, 358 _note_; otherwise mentioned, 302, 330 _note_ 133, 341, 343 Frederick the Great, King of Prussia, 258 Frederick Augustus (Augustus the Strong), Elector of Saxony, King of Poland, 237, 261, 272, 278, 289 Frederick Augustus, Prince (son of Sophia), birth of, 157; jealousy of his elder brother, 201; death of, 202, 221-2, 224, 228; estimate of, 171, 172 Frederick Henry, Prince (brother of Sophia), birth of, 26; marriages projected for, 45, 46; death of, 25, 26, 53 Frederick Henry, Prince of Orange, 21 _note_ 8, 40, 43, 55 Frederick Ulric, Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, 145 Frederick William (the Great), Elector of Brandenburg, sentiments of, towards Sophia’s sister Elizabeth, 71, 72, 117; efforts regarding _Wildfangsstreit_, 89 _note_; marriage with Dowager Duchess Dorothea, 151; attitude towards Hanoverian Court, 203; favours William of Orange, 214; on creation of ninth Electorate, 229-30; opposes Duke John Frederick, 163 Frederick William I, King of Prussia (grandson of Sophia), birth of, 294; childhood, 299; William III’s attitude towards (1700), 312-14, 317; education, 313 _note_; marriage with granddaughter of Sophia, 249, 284, 346 _note_ 145; relations with George Lewis, 435 Fuchs, Paul von, 199, 227; cited, 338

Gabor, Bethlen, 47 Gargan (secretary to Sophia) cited, 310 Garnett, Dr. Richard, cited, 251 _note_ Gaultier, Abbé, cited, 415, 426 Geerds, Dr. Robert, cited, 259 _note_ Gentz, 353 George I, King of England. _See_ George Lewis George II, King of England. _See_ George Augustus George III, King of England, correspondence with Copenhagen destroyed by order of, 280 _note_ 112; letters of Sophia destroyed by order of, 393; kindliness of, to Stewart family, 394 _note_ George IV, King of England, 394 _note_ George, Duke of Lüneburg, 148 George, Prince of Denmark, 189, 318, 337; death of, 395 George Augustus, King George II of England (grandson of Sophia), birth of, 195, 247; his father’s attitude towards, 284, 441; at Göhrde, 307; Queen Anne’s opposition to his visiting England, 370; marriage of, 359; relations with his wife, 288, 359; receives the Garter, 388, 404 _note_ 172; created Duke of Cambridge, 388; precedence for, 404; suggestion of sending, over to England (1713), 418, 419, 422-3; delay in transmission of Parliamentary writ for, 423-7; Queen Anne’s letter to, 429, 431; rumoured suggestion of passing over, in the English Succession, 206 _and note_, 441 _note_ 192; characteristics of, 362; attitude towards his mother, 284 _and note_; domestic language of, as British sovereign, 55; otherwise mentioned, 280, 299, 312 George Frederick of Waldeck, 163 George Lewis, King George I of England (son of Sophia): Career, chronological sequence of: Birth, 157; victory at Conz (1675), 183; visit to England (1680-1), 189, 210; proposed match with Sophia Dorothea, 190 _note_ 79, 191-4; the marriage, 194-5, 231, 239-41; military exploits, 195; at the defence of Frankfort, 228; estrangement from his wife, 246, 249, 252-4; campaigning against Turks, 248; recreating at Florence and Naples, 248; infidelity to his wife, 250; relations with Melusina von der Schulenburg (Duchess of Kendal), 251 _and note_; the Königsmarck affair, 282-4; divorce, 276; succeeds his father as Elector, 289; repulses Antony Ulric’s attack on Hanover, 238; meets William III at Göhrde (1698), 307; receives the Garter, 325; strong position of (1705), 376; relations with Frederick I of Prussia, 358 _note_; expresses his views on residence in England, 391; commands army of the Lower Rhine (1707), 395; envoy of, admitted to Electoral College (1708), 238, 395; on dismissal of Sunderland, 396-7; refuses to oust Marlborough in supreme command, 398-9; against proposed peace with France, 401, 403, 407; instructions to von Schütz the younger, 413; reply to Queen Anne’s letter (May, 1714), 422-3, 427; affair of the delayed writ, 426-7; death of his mother, 433-4; has fresh instrument of Regency prepared, 435; in friendly relations with German princes, 435; accession of, as King George I of England, 439; proclamation as king, 10; leaves Hanover, 440; sails for England, 442; coronation, 443; death, 206-7 Characteristics of: Courage and military capacity, 242 Cynicism, 283 _note_ Firmness and impassivity, 355, 443 Loyalty, 242 Reserve, 171, 242 Self-restraint, 443 Sincerity, 242, 444 Stolidity, 195, 242 Court of, as Elector, tone of, 339 _note_ 138 Domestic language of, as British sovereign, 55 Herrenhausen gardens arranged to suit taste of, 328 Relations with: Anne, Queen, 368, 369 Ernest Augustus (his youngest brother), 205, 271 Marlborough, Duke of, 375-6, 384, 398 Sophia (his mother), 171, 244 _and note_, 288, 340, 355 Sophia Charlotte (his sister), 297 Succession question, attitude towards, 309, 319, 323; (1705), 379-80; (1713-14), 412-13, 418-19, 423 otherwise mentioned, 110, 194 _note_, 352, 366 _note_ 157, 389 _note_, 393, 402, 441 _note_ 192 George William, Duke of Brunswick-Lüneburg (later of Celle), visit of, to Heidelberg (1656), 109-10; suitor for Sophia, 110; breaks off his engagement, 111; renunciation in favour of his younger brother, 112-13, 154-5, 181, 231; his brother’s jealousy, 157-8; difficulties made by John Frederick as to succession, 162-3; assists the United Provinces, 167; operations against Sweden, 168; connexion with Eleonora d’Olbreuze, 168-71, 180-1, 185-6; marriage with her, 186; court of, 182 _note_ 75; favours William of Orange, 214; the Königsmarck affair, 275-6, 280 _and note_ 113, 281; conference with William III at Göhrde, 307; meeting with William III at the Loo (1700), 311, 312; later interview with him (1701), 362; death of, 376; estimate of, 151-3; otherwise mentioned, 150, 201, 303, 305, 309, 319, 366 _note_ 157 George William, Elector of Brandenburg, 38, 71 Giusti, Tommaso, 329 Gloucester, Duke of (son of Princess Anne), birth of, 219; delicacy of, 308-9; death of, 311 Godolphin, Earl of, 217, 369, 382, 399, 402 Goedeke, 439-40 Göhrde, the, 307 _and note_ Gondomar, Count, 24 Gourville, de, 166, 182, 292; cited, 337, 345 Grana, Dossa, 329 Grand Alliance: Conclusion of, 228 Hanoverian adhesion to, 222, 267 Savoy’s adhesion to (1695), 302; abandonment of (1696), 225, 302 Saxony’s adhesion to, solicited, 221 _and note_ 93 Green, Mrs. Everett, work of, cited, 257, 265 _note_ Grote, Count Otto von, 233-6 Grote, Baron Thomas von, mission of, to London (1712), 405-6, 408; death of, 411; cited, 335; mentioned, 352 Guelfs, German branch of, 143-5; Leibniz’ History of, 243, 354 Gustavus (brother of Sophia), 53-4 Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden, landing of, in Pomerania, 11, 49; death of, 50; mentioned, 45, 148 Gustavus II Adolphus, King of Sweden, 15 Gwynne, Sir Roland, 384, 390

Halberstadt, 42 _and note_ 21 Halifax, Lord (Charles Montagu), 388 and note–9, 391, 404 _note_ 172 Hamilton, Duke of, 84 Hammerstein, George Christopher von, 110, 115 Handel, 412 _note_ Hanmer, Sir Thomas, 386 Hanover, House of: Alliance of, with Brandenburg and Saxony, 232-3 Electorate conferred on, 222-3, 228, 234; investiture, 234-5; introduction of envoy to Electoral College, 236-9, 395 Rise of, 7, 10 Strong position of (1705), 376 Succession of, to British Crown: Significance of, to Britons, 3-4 Settlement of. _See_ Act of Settlement Hanover, Leine Palace at, 247 _note_, 281 Harburg, Mme. de. _See_ Eleonora, Duchess of Celle Harcourt, Lord, 423-5 Harding, Rev. Dick, 77 Hardwicke, Lord, 315 Harington, Lord and Lady, 12-13, 22, 24 Harley, Robert. _See_ Oxford Harley, Thomas, missions of, to Hanover, 404, 407, 410, 421-2, 426, 427 Harling, Frau von, 173, 280, 291, 299 Harrington, James, 81 _note_ Hartlip, S., quoted, 117 _note_ Haversham, Lord, 383 Hedwig, Princess of Denmark, 107 _note_ Hedwig Sophia, Landgravine of Hesse-Cassel, 72, 117 Hedwig Sophia, Landgravine of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, 103 Hedwig Sophia, Princess, 301 Heidelberg Castle, 17-18 Heidelberg Catechism, 25 Heidelberg University, 18 Heiland, Hiskias Eleazar, 101 Helmont, Francis Mercurius von, 332 _and note_ 134 Henrietta, Duchess of Orleans (daughter of Charles I), 8, 175, 225 Henrietta Maria, Princess (sister of Sophia), characteristics and career of, 74-5; marriage of, 52 _note_, 106; death of, 9, 116 Henrietta Maria, Queen, 81, 130 Henry, Count of Nassau. _See_ Frederick Henry, Prince of Orange Henry, Duke of Bouillon, 20 Henry, Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, 145 Henry, Prince (son of Charles I), 7-8 Henry, Prince of Wales (son of James I), 7, 22 Henry of Dannenberg, 181 _note_ Henry the Lion, 143 Henry Casimir of Nassau-Dietz, 189 Henry Frederick, Prince (brother of Sophia), 26 Henry Julius, Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, 145 Herbert, Colonel, quoted, 218 Herbert of Cherbury, Lord, 44 Hereford, Lord, 395 Herford, 118-19 Herrenhausen, 327-9 Hervey, Lord, cited, 284 _note_ Hoffmann, memoranda of, cited, 424-5 Holstenius, 153-4 Hompesch, General, 304 Hoorn, Anna Maria van, 122 Howard, Mrs. Charles, 395 Howe, Brigadier-General Emmanuel Scroope, 141 _note_ 63, 392 _and note_ 168 Hughes, Margaret, 103, 392 _note_ 168 Hutton, Dr., 397

Ibberville, despatches of, cited, 416 _note_ Ilten, Jobst von, 234, 237, 279, 313 Innocent X, Pope, 154 Innocent XI, Pope, 198 _note_ Innocent XII, Pope, 234, 322

Jambonneau, M. de, 69 _note_ James I, King of England (grandfather of Sophia), European ambitions of, 14-16; family pride of, 26-7; attitude towards Bohemian Kingship question, 32, 36; negotiations with Mansfeld and Halberstadt, 45-6; otherwise mentioned, 13, 39, 41 James II, King of England (cousin of Sophia), accession of, 210; relations with Sophia, 210-11, 317; abdication of, 5; hopes of regaining his kingdom, 303; refuses aid towards securing Polish throne, 303 _note_; Pope Clement XI’s letter to, 323; death of, 363; otherwise mentioned, 8, 139, 394 _note_ James, Prince of Wales (son of James II), birth of, 211; calumnious doubts regarding, 211-12; recognised by Louis XIV as king, 363; Anne’s attitude towards, 369, 372, 392-3, 408; letter to Pope Clement XI on coming of age, 388 _note_; expedition to Scotland, 394; rumours as to succession of, 402; Berwick’s communication to (1712), 409; Hanoverian protest against residence of, in Lorraine, 413, 422; scheme for bringing over to England and Anglicanism (1713-14), 413, 415-16; Berwick’s communication to (1714), quoted, 420; proclamation against (July, 1714), 436; otherwise mentioned, 8, 306, 315-16, 381, 400, 413 James, B. B., cited, 121 _note_ Jeffreys, Lord, 365 John Casimir, Administrator, 19 John Frederick, Duke of Brunswick-Lüneburg, disposition of his father regarding, 150; conversion of, to Roman Catholicism (1651), 153-4; quarrel regarding Succession, 112, 162-3; French sympathies and tastes of, 111, 165, 287; Herrenhausen Palace begun by (1665), 327; Leibniz engaged by, as librarian, 164-5, 197, 233, 354; Electorate desired by, 165, 229; career of, at Hanover, 164-5, 197; marriage of, 166; death of, 165, 180, 193; estimate of, 112, 167 John George IV, Elector of Saxony, 237, 358 John Sobiesky, King of Poland, 303 _note_ Joseph I, Emperor (King of the Romans), 198 _note_, 231, 400

Kendal, Duchess of (Melusina der Schulenburg), 246 _note_, 251-2, 442 Keppel (Earl of Albemarle), 302, 304 Kielmannsegg, Baron von, 250-1 Kielmannsegg, Baroness von, 330 _note_ 133, 440, 442 Killigrew, Tom, 76 _and note_ King, Major-General (Lord Eythin), 60 Klopp, cited, 417 _note_ Knesebeck, Eleonora von dem, 237, 239 _note_, 264, 272, 273, 277, 284 Köcher, Prof. Adolf, cited, 240 _note_, 259 _note_ Königsmarck, Count von, 259 _note_ Königsmarck, Aurora von, 237, 255-6, 261-2, 278 Königsmarck, Count Charles John von, 260-1 Königsmarck, Count Philip Christopher von, 254-81, App. B Kreyenberg, von, 399, 411, 426, 438 Kufstein, Count, 63

La Manoelinière, Susan de, 191 _note_ Labadie and Labadists, 119-21, 343 _note_ Lassaye, Marquis de, 248-9 Lauderdale, Duke of, 84 Lauenburg Duchy claim, 225, 232, 237, 271 L’Hermitage, 411 Leibniz, position of, as librarian at Hanover, 164-5, 197, 233, 354; expresses views on Electoral position, 229; varied activities at Hanover, 354; President of the Berlin Society of Sciences (1700), 298; _Théodicée_ (1710), 290, 354-5; political influence on the decline, 352, 397; epigram on Queen Anne, 411; Abbess Elizabeth’s correspondence with, 124; Sophia’s friendship with, 9, 288, 327, 331, 350, 351, 354-6; her correspondence with him cited, 204, 215, 216, 311, 344, 347, 381, 419, 424, 427, 432; Sophia Charlotte the pupil of, 207; her friendship with, 290, 297-8 _and note_, 356; Caroline of Ansbach’s friendship with, 356, 358; views and activities on the English Succession question, 305, 308, 309, 311, 319-20, 323, 350-2, 374-5, 384, 412; philosophy of, 334; estimate of, 353; cited, 102, 114, 274, 389; quoted, 341, 343, 344, 345-6; otherwise mentioned, 153, 195, 212, 223, 227, 279, 300, 343 _note_, 364, 392, 396, 398, 402, 407, 431 Leopold, Emperor, 184, 211, 222, 233 L’Epinay, Colonel de, 78-80 Lewenhaupt, Count Axel, 261 Lewenhaupt, Countess, 255 Lewis Philip (son of Louisa Juliana), 39 Lexington, Lord, 224-5 Limbach, President von, 233, 238-9 Lippe-Bückeburg, Countess Johanna von der, 430 _and note:_ 186, 432 Lodensteyners, 118 Longueville, Mme. de, cited, 79 Lösenius, 29 Loretto, 161 Louis II, Elector Palatine, 17 Louis XIV, King of France, courtesy of, towards Sophia, 178, 291-2; Orleans War, 227; attitude towards suggested re-marriage of William III, 301; offers James II aid towards securing Polish throne, 303 _note_; Peace of Ryswyk and relations with William III, 306; First Partition Treaty (1698), 307; attitude towards Act of Settlement, 321; recognises James Prince of Wales as King, 363; lukewarm in his support, 416; secret offers of assistance to Queen Anne, 435; otherwise mentioned, 129, 165, 182, 188 _note_, 278 Louis Philip (uncle of Sophia), regent of Palatinate, 50 Louisa, Raugravine (niece of Sophia), Sophia’s correspondence with, cited, 286, 305, 317, 367; companionship with Sophia, 430; position of, at Hanover, 102 Louisa Charlotte, Duchess of Courland (cousin of Sophia), 38 Louisa Dorothea, Electoral Princess of Brandenburg (granddaughter of Sophia), 302, 304 Louisa Henrietta, Electress, 72, 105 Louisa Hollandina, characteristics and career of, 73-4, 81; Montrose’s project of marriage with, 84; conversion of, to Roman Catholicism (1658), 9, 66, 68, 126-7; in France, 127, 129-31; Abbess of Maubuisson, 131-5; death of, 135; mentioned, 125 Louisa Juliana, Electress (grandmother of Sophia), retirement of, from Heidelberg, 28; on Bohemian Kingship question, 32; Frederick’s children entrusted to, 34, 39; religious fervour of, 19-20; death of, 61; otherwise mentioned, 20 _note_, 49 Lowther, Sir John, 218 Lucia, Countess of Bedford, 12 _note_ Lüneburg, House of, 148 (_see also names of Dukes of Brunswick-Lüneburg_) Luttrell cited, 325

Macaulay cited, 217 _note_ Maccioni, Valerio, Bishop of Morocco, 164 _and note_ Macclesfield, Earl of (1701), 324 _and note_ Macpherson cited, 411 _note_ Maintenon, Mme. de, 179, 337 Malebranche, 124 Mansfeld, 41-2, 45-7 Maria Anne (niece of Sophia), 128 Maria Eleonora, Queen-Dowager of Sweden, 50 _note_ Maria Eleonora (wife of Regent Louis Philip), 50 Maria-Elizabeth, Duchess of Holstein-Gottorp, 359 Maria Elizabeth, Princess, of Hohenzollern-Hechingen, 126-7 Marie of Gonzaga, Queen of Poland, 68 Marlborough, Duke of, in favour with Queen Anne, 369, 382; relations with Elector George Lewis, 375-6, 384, 398; visits to Hanover (1704 and 1705), 375, 384; on the Gwynne letter, 390-1; overthrow of, 397-9; copies of Anne’s letters sent from Hanover to, 430 _and note_ 185; double dealing of, 435; otherwise mentioned, 283, 425, 437 Mary of Orange, Queen of England, marriage of, 209; attitude towards her father, 213; relations with Sophia, 213, 222, 224; Bill of Rights as affecting, 217; death of, 224, 301; otherwise mentioned, 8, 81, 82, 84, 214 Mary Beatrice, Queen (wife of James II), 213 Matilda (wife of Henry the Lion), 143 Matthias, Emperor, 30 Maubuisson, Abbey of, 127-9 Maurice, Landgrave of Hesse, 19, 20, 97 Maurice, Prince (brother of Sophia), birth of, 39; in the British Civil War, 61, 63-4; death of, 9; characteristics of, 65-6 Maurice, Raugrave, 330 _note_ 132 Maurice of Orange (Nassau), Stadholder, 28, 32, 40, 43, 53, 56 Mauro, Abbate Hortensio, 164 _note_, 198 Maximilian, Duke of Bavaria, 30, 32, 36, 41, 45 Maximilian Emmanuel, Elector of Bavaria, 300 Maximilian William, Prince (son of Sophia), birth of, 171; early piety of, 204 _note_ 87; protest and revolt against principle of primogeniture, 202-3, 252-3; arrest of, 203; release and subsequent career, 204; conversion of, to Roman Catholicism, 204; attitude towards George Lewis’ accession, 288-9; estimate of, 204; otherwise mentioned, 267, 332 _note_ 134, 340, 341 Mazarin, Cardinal, 67 Melville, Lewis, cited, 246 _note_ Metternich, von, 234 Meysenbug, Clara Elizabeth von. _See_ Platen, Baroness von Meysenbug, Marie von. _See_ Weyhe Meysenbug family, 190 _note_ 80 Mohun, Lord, 324 Molanus, Abbot Gerhard Wolter, career and estimate of, 346 _and note_ 146; quoted, 334-5; mentioned, 343 _note_, 356 Moltke, von (Master of the Hunt at Hanover), 203-4, 252 Molyneux cited, 430 Montrose, Marquess of, 84 More, Dr. Henry, 117 _note_ Morton, Albertus, 29

Naturalisation Act (1705), 385-6, 388, 390 Netherlands, United Provinces of the: Bishop of Münster’s attack on (1655-6), 167 Brunswick-Lüneburg, treaty with, 223 Elizabeth of Bohemia’s exile in, 2, 5, 6, 40, 44 English Succession, agreement as to, 388, 438 French invasion of (1672), 183 Nicholas, Secretary, 109 Nördlingen, battle of, 51, 59 Nottingham, Earl of, 423

Olbreuze, Mlle. d’. _See_ Eleonora, Duchess of Celle Orleans, Duchess of. _See_ Elizabeth Charlotte Orleans, Duke of (brother of Louis XIV), 175, 177 Orleans, Duke of (son of Elizabeth Charlotte), 177-8 Orleans War (1688-90), 90, 178, 227 Ormonde, 383, 401, 403, 420 Osnabrück, _See_ of: English rumour as to, 348 _note_ Ernest Augustus (husband of Sophia), Bishop of, 157-8 Ernest Augustus (son of Sophia), Bishop of, 441 _and note_ 193 Lüneburg right regarding, 149, 192-3 Secular principality, proposed conversion into, 184 Otto the Child, 144 Oxford, Earl of (Robert Harley), attitude of, towards Bothmer, 405; pronouncement of, against Hanoverian Succession, 415; double-dealing of, 417; rivalry with Bolingbroke, 418, 428, 434; professes devotion to House of Hanover, 421, 429; vacillation of, 436; dismissed from office, 437; policy of, 401-2; estimate of, 396-7, 409; otherwise mentioned, 370, 382, 406, 408, 413 Oxsordre, Mme. d’, 126

Paczkowski, Dr., 259 _note_ Palatinate: Condition of (1627-32), 48-9; (1633-4), 50-1; (1635-44), 51, 60; (1650), 88-9; (1674-80), 89-90 Orleans War (1688-90), 90, 178, 227 _Wildfangsstreit_, 89 _note_ Palatine House, history of, and position in seventeenth century, 16 and note-17 Palmblad, Professor, 265 _note_ Penn, William, 122; quoted, 123-4 Pepys quoted, 139 Peter the Great, Tsar, 191, 335 Peterborough, Earl of, 391 Philip, King of Spain (grandson of Louis XIV), 318, 363 Philip, Prince (brother of Sophia), career of, 80; quarrel with de l’Epinay, 79; death of, 9; mentioned, 68 Platen, Count Ernest Augustus von, jealous of Colt, 221; Hanoverian plenipotentiary at Augsburg, 231; cited, 313; otherwise mentioned, 248, 352, 367 Platen, Countess von (Clara Elizabeth von Meysenbug), mistress of Elector Ernest Augustus, 190-1, 246; opera-house built for, 199 _note_; Königsmarck affair, 268-70, 272, 278, 280-1; otherwise mentioned, 246 _note_, 248, 250, 262 Platen, Sophia Charlotte von. _See_ Kielmannsegg Pless, Frau von, 28-9, 54 Podewils, Marshal von, 271 Poley, Edmund, 375 _note_ Polwarth, Lord, 426 _and note_ Portland, Earl of, 304, 365 _and note_

Quakers, 122 _and note_ Quarles, Francis, 24 Queensberry, Duke of, 373 Quirini zu Lynar, Count Rochus, 328, 329 _note_ 131

Rait, R. S., on religious condition of Scotland, App. C Rammingen, Pawel von, 94 Rantzau, Count Christopher von, 153 Ranuccio II, Duke of Parma, 112 Regency Act (1706), 387-8; Oxford’s proposed revision of, 417 Rheenen property, 56 _and note_, 96 _and note_ Richelieu, Cardinal, 60 Rivers, Earl, 397-8, 402-3 Robethon, Jean de, 351-2, 398, 406, 442; estimate of, 377-8; cited, 418, 426-7 Rochester, Earl of, 382 _and note_, 386 Roe, Sir Thomas, 60; services of, to Queen of Bohemia, 44; cited, 42, 62 Roxburghe, Earl of, 373 Rudolf Augustus, Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, 146 Rudolfine, Mme., 147 Rupert, Prince (brother of the Electress), birth of, 35; visit to England (1635), 59, 62; captured at Vlotho, 60, 63; in the British Civil War, 61, 63-4; buccaneering exploits, 65; quarrel with Charles Lewis, 94-6 _and note_; visits to Heidelberg, 99-100, 104-5; connexion with Francesca Bard, 103, 375 _note_; position in England, 139-40; death of, 9, 140; characteristics of, 64 Rupert III, Elector Palatine, 16 Rupert ‘England’ (son of Elector Palatine Louis II), 17 Ruperta (niece of Sophia), 103, 141 _note_ 62, 392 _note_ 168 Rusdorf, 45, 48

Saint-Simon cited, 134 Salomon, Dr., cited, 387 _note_, 405 _note_ 175, 410 _note_, 411 _note_, 416 _note_, 417 _note_, 419 _note_ Sandys, Dr., 325 Sartorio, 327 Saxony, compact of, with Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, 237 Say and Sele, Lord, 324 Schism Act, 436 Schlitz-Görz, Baron von, 442 Schönberg (Schombergh), Hans Meinhard von, 28 Schulenburg, General von der, 415, 419 Schulenburg, Melusina von der. _See_ Kendal, Duchess of Schurmann, Anna Maria von, 120 Schütz, Baron von (son of Celle Chancellor), Hanoverian resident in London, 319, 352, 366; correspondence with Sophia, 183 _note_; quoted, 293 _note_, 347; cited, 319 _note_, 339 _note_ 125, 383, 385 _note_; death of, 399 Schütz, Baron George William Helwig Sinold von (grandson of Celle Chancellor), 412, 423-6 Schütz, Baron Lewis Justus von, distinguished services of, to Duke of Celle, 183, 185-6; estimate of, 185, 376-7 Scotland: Act of Security (1704), 372-3 Act of Union (1707), 373, 392 Anti-English feeling in, as affecting Hanoverian Succession question, 372-3, App. C Assistance from, to the Palatinate, 50, 51 _note_ Scultetus, Abraham, 24-5, 35 Selz, Baron von, 137 _note_ 59 Seymour, Edward, 364 Shrewsbury, —, 438 Sichel cited, 437 _note_ Siegen, Ludwig von, 64 _note_ Sigismund, Prince of Transylvania, 75 Sintzendorf, Countess von, 240 _note_ Smith, L. Pearsall, cited, 36 _note_ Solms. _See_ Amalia von Solms Somers, 402 Somerset, Duke of, 424 Sophia, Electress of Hanover (earlier Duchess of Brunswick-Lüneburg): Appearance of, 75-6 Career, chronological sequence of: Birth, 11, 52, 53; childhood at Leyden, 54-5; at the Hague, 55, 56, 69-70, 73; upbringing and education, 25, 224, 331; services to her eldest sister, 73; rumour of projected marriage with Prince Charles of England, 82-5; starts for Heidelberg, 86; life with her brother Charles Lewis, 87, 96-8, 103-7; attitude towards him, 57; matrimonial prospects, 106-12; attack of small-pox, 106; accepts Duke Ernest Augustus of Brunswick-Lüneburg, 112; marriage, 114; companionship of ‘Liselotte,’ 99, 172-3; at Hanover, 156; difficulties with George William, 157; visit to her mother at the Hague (1659), 136, 157; birth of George Lewis, 157; of Frederick Augustus, 157; last meeting with her mother (1661), 137; visit to Italy (1664), 161; John Frederick’s _coup_, 162-3; friendly relations with Roman Catholic dignitaries, 164 _note_; at Osnabrück and Iburg, 158-9, 167-8; affair of Mlle. Eleonora d’Olbreuze, 168-70; Celle Succession question, 180, 185-7; infidelities of her husband, 190-1 _and note_; visit to Herford, 121; interest in British affairs, 209; visit to Maubuisson (1679), 135, 178; visit to her niece Elizabeth Charlotte, 178; attitude towards proposed match between George Lewis and Sophia Dorothea, 190 _note_ 79, 191-2; towards Countess of Wilhelmsburg (Eleonora d’Olbreuze), 192-4; visit to French Court with her daughter (1679), 207, 291-2; visit to Queen of Denmark (1680), 150; last visit to Herford, 124; death of her eldest sister and of her eldest brother (1680), 196; life at Hanover, 197-200; marriage of her eldest son (1682), 194-5, 240; marriage of her daughter (1684), 207-8; on William III’s accession, 215-16;

## activity regarding the English Succession question (1689), 216,

218; Bill of Rights (1689), 216, 218-20; death of her son Charles Philip, 202; investiture of her husband with Electorate (1692), 235; Königsmarck affair, 245, 253, 268, 269, 278, 280 _and note_ 2, 285; visit to Wiesbaden (1694), 224; visit to the Loo (1696), 301, 303; illness and death of her husband, 286-8; accession of George Lewis, 289; attitude towards Sophia Dorothea at Ahlden, 277, 284-5; attitude towards the English Succession question (1698), 309-11, 314-17, 319-20, 323; relations with Duchess of Celle on the subject, 310; alleged ‘Jacobite letter,’ 315-16; visit to Aix-la-Chapelle (1700), 300; conference with William III at the Loo (1700), 300, 312; meeting with William III at the Hague, 317; Act of Settlement (1701), 321-2; receives copy of Act of Settlement, 324-6; relations with Queen Anne at latter’s accession, 366 _and note_ 2-9, 371; proposed visit to England opposed by Queen Anne, 370; continued activities regarding the Succession question (1703), 374; death of her son Christian (1703), 202-3, 339 _note_ 139; Scottish Act of Security (1703-4), 372-3; death of her daughter (1705), 356-8; Tory attempt to bring her to England, 380, 382-3, 386-7; naturalisation as English subject, 385 _and note_; embassy of Lord Halifax with Naturalisation and Regency Acts (1706), 388-91; Act of Union (1707), 373-4; ministerial crisis in England (1710), 396, 398; attitude towards the Succession question (1711), 402; visit of Thomas Harley (1712), 404, 407; severe illness (Nov. 1713), 414; Anne’s letter to (Apr. 1714), 421-2; instructions to von Schütz regarding Parliamentary writ for Electoral Prince, 423-7; reply to Anne’s letter, 422-3, 427; Anne’s letter on the writ affair, 428-31; death, 428, 430-2; obsequies, 433 Characteristics of: Alertness of mind, 96, 341 Artistic capacity, 329-30 Coarseness, 58 Critical insight and true vision, 56, 333 Curiosity, intellectual, 331 Cynicism, 161, 336 Dignity, 2 Discretion and prudence, 2, 104 Enthusiasm, dislike of, 342 _Finesse_, intellectual, 211 Frankness and straightforwardness, 211, 245, 336 Freedom of spirit, 4 Geniality and affability, 270, 338 High spirit, 106 Hospitality, 338 Humour, sense of, 5, 58, 74, 290, 335, 338, 413 Kindliness of heart, 58 Maternal affection, 171-2, 201 Open-mindedness, 338 Reasonableness, 341 Religious feeling, 339 _note_ 139, 345; opinions, 343-8, 350; attitude towards Church of Rome, 348-9 Self-control, 4, 58 Sincerity, 2, 157, 245 Tact, 157, 338 Vivacity, 5, 74, 75 Walking, fondness for, 328-9, 360 Wit, 335-6 Coffin of, inscription on, 1 Correspondence of: Cited, 167, 257, 372 _note_ Estimate of, 336 Quoted, 207, 321 _note_ Correspondence of, with: Balati, Abbé, cited, 194 Bothmer, von, cited, 362 _note_ Brinon, Mme. de, quoted, 350 Burnet cited, 323-4, 342, 386 Canterbury, Archbishop of, cited, 386 Charles Lewis cited, 20 _note_ Colt, Lady, 221 _note_ 2, 428 _note_ Court of St. Germains, destruction of, 393 Craven, Earl of, 211 Elizabeth Charlotte, Duchess of Orleans, 10, 179-80, 414; cited, 303 _note_ George William, 186 James II, 211 Leibniz cited, 204, 215, 216, 311, 344, 347, 381, 419, 424, 427, 432 Louisa, Raugravine, cited, 305, 317 Maccioni, 164 _note_ Portland, Earl of, quoted, 365 _note_ Schütz, von (the elder), 183 _note_; quoted, 293 _note_, 374; cited, 319 _note_, 339 _note_ 139, 383, 385 _note_ Schütz, von (the younger), 423-4 _and note_, 425 Sophia Charlotte, destruction of, 357 Strafford cited, 410 William III cited, 220 Estimate of, by Sir W. D. Colt, 253 Health of, 360 Income for, proposal as to, 362, 366, 368, 413, 422 Literary tastes of, 332-5 _Memoirs_ of: Circumstances of compilation of, 196 Cited, 5, 53, 73, 74, 82, 87, 113, 169, 187 Political influence of, 241, 340-1 Relations with: Anne, Queen, 363, 366 _and note_–9, 371, 386–7, 390-1, 394, 396, 403, 404 _note_ 2, 410 Caroline of Ansbach, 348, 359, 377 Charles II, 209 Charles Lewis, 57 Eleonora of Celle, 168, 170, 187, 192, 240, 310, 337 Elizabeth of Bohemia (her mother), 56-7, 136, 141 _note_ Ernest Augustus (her husband), 241, 340 George Lewis, 244 _and note_, 288, 340, 355 James II, 210-13, 216 Leibniz, 9, 288, 327, 331, 350, 351, 354-6 Marlborough, 375, 384 Mary of Orange, 213, 222, 224 Nephews and nieces, 87, 102, 249, 339 Sophia Charlotte, 171, 207, 230, 290, 294, 356-7 Sophia Dorothea, 195, 240, 243, 248, 268, 284-5 von Bernstorff, 377 William of Orange, 210, 215-16, 219-22 Succession question, attitude towards, 216, 218, 309-11, 314-17, 319-20, 323, 374, 402, 418-19; views regarding right of succession, 389 Tories, attitude towards, and relations with, 383, 387 _and note_, 399, 403, 418 Whigs, attitude towards, and relations with, 380-1, 387 _and note_, 395, 399, 403, 418 otherwise mentioned, 25, 72, 176, 177, 226 Sophia, Princess (daughter of James I), 11-12 Sophia of Nassau-Dietz cited, 42 Sophia Amalia, Queen of Denmark, 149-50 Sophia Charlotte, Electress of Brandenburg, later Queen of Prussia (daughter of Sophia), birth of, 171; childhood, 207; education, 291; visit to French Court (1679), 207, 291-2; marriage (1684), 38, 203, 207-8, 293; sympathy with Maximilian, 289; birth of eldest son, 294; life and interests at Berlin and Brandenburg, 294-5; at Lützenburg, 295-6; family troubles, 298-9; consulted by Sophia Dorothea (1692), 269; visit to the Loo (1696), 301, 303; visit to Aix-la-Chapelle, Brussels, and Holland (1700), 300; conference at the Loo, 300, 312; meeting with William III at the Hague, 317; death of, 356-8; characteristics of, 171, 290-1, 295; indifference to politics, 230, 293-4; religious views, 346; her support of Leibniz, 355; relations with her mother, 171, 207, 230, 290, 294, 356-7; otherwise mentioned, 213, 313 _note_, 371 _note_ Sophia Dorothea, Electoral Princess, later Duchess of Ahlden (daughter-in-law of Sophia), birth of, 171; upbringing, 243-4; wealth, 181; suggested naturalisation in France, 182 _and note_ 2; question of legitimation and marriage, 185; suitors, 189; proposed match with George Lewis, 190 _note_ 1, 191-4; the marriage, 194-5, 231, 239-41; estrangement from her husband, 246, 249, 252-4; Court life, 247; in Rome, 248; alleged intrigue with de Lassaye, 248-9; relations with Königsmarck, 254-9, 262-78, App. B; repairs to her parents at Brockhausen, 273; at Ahlden, 275-6; divorce, 276; von Bernstorff’s attitude in the affair, 377; subsequent life, 281-2; death, 283-4; estimate of, 240; romance by Antony Ulric regarding, 192 _and note_, 239 _and note_, 283; mentioned, 7 Sophia Dorothea, Queen of Prussia (granddaughter of Sophia), birth of, 195, 249; marriage, 195, 249, 284; marriage-treaty, 346 _note_ 2; attitude towards her mother, 280, 284; at Göhrde, 307 Southwell, 304 Spain: Charles I’s peace with (1630), 48 James I’s negotiations with, 46 Succession question, 310, 318 Spanheim, Ezechiel, 333; cited, 20 _note_, 190 _note_ 1 Spinola, 36 Spinoza, 176 _note_ 1 Spittler cited, 113 _note_; quoted, 331 Stamford, Lord, 366 _note_ 2 Steffani, Agostino, 198 _and note_ Steinghens, 415 Stepney, George, 225, 319-20, 371; cited, 304; his letter to Sophia (1700), 314-15 Stewart, House of: Depression of, 6 Hanoverian sympathy with, 210-13, 216, 393-4 _and note_ Strafford, Earl of, 349, 403, 410, 414, 419, 422, 438 Sturmer, H. H., cited, 169 _note_ Suireau, Marie (Mère des Anges), 129 Sunderland, Earl of, 396-7, 402 Sutton, Anne, 28 Sweden: Danish jealousy of, 45 Ernest Augustus’ operations against (1666), 168 Imperial war against (1675), 184

Tallard, Count, 307 Taranto, Princess of, 97, 168 Tavernier, 199 Thynne, Thomas, murder of, 260-1 Tilly, 47 Toland, Sophia Charlotte’s attitude towards, 295; visit to Hanover (1701), 324; Sophia’s attitude towards, 342, 367-8, 380-1; her repartee to, 336; cited, 325, 329, 339 _note_ 1, 348 _note_, 362 Torcy, de, 405, 415, 420 Treaties: Austro-Bavarian (1628), 48 Brandenburg and Hanover, between, 235-6, 289 Britain and France, between. _See subheading_ Partition Treaty Britain and Netherlands, between (1654), 93 Britain and Netherlands, between, as to Hanoverian Succession, 388, 438 Brunswick-Lüneburg and Britain, between, 223 Brunswick-Lüneburg and Netherlands, between (1692), 223 Brunswick-Lüneburg and Sweden, between (1691), 263 Electoral compact (1692), 233 Grand Alliance. _See that title_ Nürnberg settlement, 93, 95, 96

## Partition Treaty between England and France—First (1698), 307;

Second, 310, 317-18 Prague, Peace of (1634), 51, 145, 148 Ryswyk, Peace of (1697), 306 Utrecht, Peace of (1713), 407-8, 412 Westphalia, Peace of (1648), 45, 83, 97, 146, 149, 192, 229 Trumbull, Sir William, 304 Tunbridge, Lord, 324 Turenne, Marshal, 67, 80, 183 Tweeddale, Marquis of, 373 Tyndall, Humphrey, Dean of Ely, 21 _note_ 1

Vane, Sir Harry, 61 Velasco, Don Alonso de, 21 Vere, Sir Horace, 41 Victor Amadeus II, Duke of Savoy, 225, 301-2, 321 _and note_ Villiers, Lady Mary, 46

Wallenstein, 47 Waller, Sir William, 104 Walpole, Horace, cited, 260, 280-1 Walpole, Sir Robert, 281 Ward, Nathaniel, 63 Wartenberg, Cardinal Francis William von, 158 Wartenberg, Countess von, 299-300, 357 Wartenberg, Kolbe von, 299 Weber, O., cited, 405 _note_ 1 Weston, Sir Richard, 35-6 Weyhe, General von, 246 Weyhe, Mme. von (Marie von Meysenbug, Frau von dem Bussche), 242, 246 _and note:f103#_, 248 Wharton, Lord, 385 Wilhelmina (great-granddaughter of Sophia), 298-9 Wilhelmina Caroline of Ansbach, Queen (wife of George II), childhood of, 358; marriage, 359; influence with her husband, 288; birth of eldest son, 359; relations with Sophia, 348, 359, 377; otherwise mentioned, 280-1, 355, 395, 429, 431, 441 Wilhelmsburg, Countess of. _See_ Eleonora Wilkins, W. H., cited, 246 _note_, 257, 258 _note_, 265 _note_, 280 _note_ 112 William II, Prince of Orange, 57 William III, Prince of Orange (King William III of England), marriage of, 209; visit to Hanover (1680), 209-10; on James II’s accession, 210; relations with Sophia, 210, 213, 215-16, 219-22; expedition to England, 212, 214-15; Bill of Rights (1689) as affecting, 217; correspondence with Sophia on Bill of Rights, 219-20; appealed to regarding Lauenburg claims, 237-8; Succession policy, 225-6; attitude towards the Savoy Succession, 225, 301; death of his wife, 224, 301; suggestions as to re-marriage, 301-4, 312; the Assassination Plot (1696), 302; ill-health, 303, 311; visit to Cleves, 304 _and note_; attitude towards admission of Elector of Hanover to Electoral College, 305; secret negotiation with France, 306; First Partition Treaty with France (1698), 307; conference at Göhrde with George William of Celle (1698), 307; interview with Duchess of Celle regarding English Succession question, 308-9; relations with Sophia on the question, 309-10, 314, 317; attitude towards Electoral Prince of Brandenburg (1700), 312-14, 317; at the Hague with the two Electresses, 317; relations with his Parliament, 310; meeting with Duke George William and Prince George Augustus at the Loo (1701), 362; death of, 365; title of, to British Crown, 8; otherwise mentioned, 102, 110, 153, 163, 189, 190 _note_ 1, 193, 300, 344, 369, 378, 385 _note_ William V, Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, 97 Wimbledon, Lord, 47 Winchelsea, Lord, 337, 367 Withypol (Wittepole), Lady, 86 Wladislaw IV, King of Poland, 70-1 _and note_ Woods, Mrs., cited, 262 _note_ Worthington, Dr., 117 _note_ Wotton, Sir Henry, visit of, to Heidelberg Court, 26-8 _and note_; mission to Vienna, 35-6; devotion to Queen of Bohemia, 43-4; cited, 52 _note_; mentioned, 15, 161

THE END

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Transcriber’s Note

Appendix B contains a series of letters in French. The editor comments (p. #447): “The spelling of the words in the Letters, the way in which those words are run into one another...have ... been left as they stand in the transcript.” With that approach, with three exceptions (obvious transpositions of letters), no corrections have been made.

Likewise, there are frequent quotations from contemporary sources, and any deviations from our standard spellings are left untouched, but noted here: mesages (44.23), l’esperane 495.6, contrar (552.8).

At 10.11, there is an error. the Electress Sophia died in 1714 not 1712, two months before Britain’s Queen Anne died and Sophia’s son George became George I of England.

In the Index, references to a note on a given page, may include the original note number (e.g., ‘323 _note_ 1’) should there be more than one. In those cases the original number is changed to the resequenced number.

The Index entry on p. 101 for Charles (Elector Palatine does not exist. . Errors deemed most likely to be the printer’s have been corrected, and are noted here. The references are to the page and line in the original. or, if in a note, to the page, note and line within the note.

2.26 of militant Protestan[t]ism Inserted.

71.15 the hand of [his/her] elder sister Replaced.

140.15 the Round Tow[n/er] at Windsor Castle Replaced.

188.4 in her _[ç/c]i-devant_ lover Replaced.

319.19 at the Court of St. James.[’] Removed,

371.159.2 May 27th, 1[9/7]02 Replaced.

401.18 no warrant for either as[s]umption; Inserted.

460.10 je soufri[ar/ra]ÿ pour vous Transposed.

461.16 des remaide indi[ng/gn]e d’un honest homme Transposed.

466.15 comme je pouraÿ postai[ts/st]re recevoir Transposed.

503.30 for its sake[.] Added,

522.6 obedient servant’ser[vant].[1] Removed, spurious.

540.1.1 in the immediate vi[nc/cin]ity Replaced.

563.14 40[1/4] _note_ Replaced.