Part i

., p. 256. Le Francais Lalande, in the 'Connaiss. des Tems pour l'An.' VIII., p. 383. Arago, in the 'Annuaire', 1842, p. 425.

"They are parts of our starry stratum," says he, with his usual graceful animation of style, "that have experienced great devastation from time." If we picture to ourselves the telescopic stars lying behind one another as a starry canopy spread over the vault of heaven, these starless regions in Scorpio and Serpentarius may, I think, be regarded as tubes through which we may look into the remotest depths of space. Other stars may certainly lie in those parts where the strata forming the canopy are interrupted, but these are unattainable by our instruments. The aspect of fiery meteors had led the ancients likewise to the idea of clefts or openings ('chasmata') in the vault of heaven. These openings were, however, only regarded as transient, while the reason of their being luminous and fiery, instead of obscure, was supposed to be owing to the p 153 translucent illuminated ether which lay beyond them.*

[footnote] *Aristot., 'Meteor.', ii.,, 5, 1. Seneca, 'Natur. Quaest.', i., 14, 2. "Coelum discessisse," in Cic., 'de Divin.', i., 43.

Derham, and even Huygens, did not appear disinclined to explain in a similar manner the mild radiance of the nebulae.*

[footnote] *Arago, in the 'Annuaire', 1842, p. 429.

When we compare the stars of the first magnitude, which, on an average, are certainly the nearest to us, with the non-nebulous telescopic stars, and further, when we compare the nebulous stars with unresolvable nebulae, for instance, with the nebula in Andromeda, or even with the so-called planetary nebulous vapor, a fact is made manifest to us by the consideration of the varying distances and the boundlessness of space, which shows the world of phenomena, and that which constitutes its causal reality, to be dependent upon the 'propagation of light'. The velocity of this propagation is according to Struve's most recent investigations, 166,072 geographical miles in a second, consequently almost a million of times greater than the velocity of sound. According to the measurements of Maclear, Bessel, and Struve, of the parallaxes and distances of three fixed stars of very unequal magnitudes ('a' Centauri, 16 Cygni, and 'a' Lyrae), a ray of light requires respectively 3, 9 1/4, and 12 years to reach us from these three bodies. In the short but memorable period between 1572 and 1604, from the time of Cornelius Gemma and Tycho Brahe to that of Kepler, three new stars suddenly appeared in Cassiopeia and Cygnus, and in the foot of Serpentarius. A similar phenomenon exhibited itself at intervals in 1670, in the constellation Vulpis. In recent times, even since 1837, Sir John Herschel has observed, at the Cape of Good Hope, the brilliant star [Greek symbol] in Argo increase in splendor from the second to the first magnitude.*

[footnote] *In December, 1837, Sir John Herschel saw the star [Greek symbol] Argo, which till that time appeared as of the second magnitude, and liable to no change, rapidly increase till it became of the first magnitude. In January, 1838, the intensity of its light was equal to that of 'a' Centauri. According to our latest information, Maclear in March, 1843, found it as bright as Canopus; and even 'a' Crucis looked faint by [Greek symbol] Argo.

These events in the universe belong, however, with reference to their historical reality, to other periods of time than those in which the phenomena of light are first revealed to the inhabitants of the Earth: they reach us like the voices of the past. It has been truly said, that with our large and powerful telescopic instruments we penetrate alike through the boundaries of time and space: we measure the former through the latter, for in the course of an p 154 hour a ray of light traverses over a space of 592 millions of miles. While according to the theogony of Hesiod, the dimensions of the universe were supposed to be expressed by the time occupied by bodies in falling to the ground ("the brazen anvil was not more than nine days and nine nights in falling from heaven to earth"), the elder Herschel was of opinion* that light required almost two millions of years to pass to the Earth from the remotest luminous vapor reached by his forty-foot reflector.

[footnote] *"Hence it follows that the rays of light of the remotest nebulae must have been almost two millions of years on their way, and that consequently, so many years ago, this object must already have had an existence in the sidereal heaven, in order to send out those rays by which we now perceive it." William Herschel, in the 'Phil. Trans.' for 1802, p. 498. John Herschel, 'Astron.', 590. Arago, in the 'Annuaire', 1842, p. 334, 359, and 382-385.

Much, therefore, has vanished long before it is rendered visible to us -- much that we see was once differently arranged from what it now appears. The aspect of the starry heavens presents us with the spectacle of that which is only apparently simultaneous, and however much we may endeavor, by the aid of optical instruments, to bring the mildly-radiant vapor of nebulous masses or the faintly-glimmering starry clusters nearer, and diminish the thousands of years interposed between us and them, that serve as a criterion of their distance, it still remains more than probable, from the knowledge we possess of the velocity of the transmission of luminous rays, that the light of remote heavenly bodies presents us with the most ancient perceptible evidence of the existence of matter. It is thus that the reflective mind of man is led from simple premises to rise to those exalted heights of nature, where in the light-illumined realms of space, "myriads of worlds are bursting into life like the grass of the night."*

[fotnote] *From my brother's beautiful sonnet "Freiheit und Gesetz." (Wilhelm von Humboldt, 'Gesammelte Werke', bd. iv., s. 358, No. 25.)

From the regions of celestial forms, the domain of Uranus, we will now descend to the more contracted sphere of terrestrial forces -- to the interior of the Earth itself. A mysterious chain links together both classes of phenomena. According to the ancient signification of the Titanic myth,* the powers of organic life, that is to say, the great order of nature, depend upon the combined action of heaven and earth.

[footnote] *Otfried Muller, 'Prolegomena', s. 373.

If we suppose that the Earth, like all the other planets, primordially belonged, according to its origin, to the central body, the Sun, and to the solar atmosphere that has been separated into nebulous p 155 rings, the same connection with this continguous Sun, as well as with all the remote suns that shine in the firmament, is still revealed through the phenomena of light and radiating heat. The difference in the degree of these actions must not lead the physicist, in his delineation of nature, to forget the connection and the common empire of similar forces in the universe. A small fraction of telluric heat is derived from the regions of universal space in which our planetary system is moving, whose temperature (which according to Fourier, is almost equal to our mean icy polar heat) is the result of the combined radiation of all the stars. The causes that more powerfully excite the light of the Sun in the atmosphere and in the upper strata of our air, that give rise to heat-engendering electric and magnetic currents, and awaken and genially vivify the vital spark in organic structures on the earth's surface, must be reserved for the subject of our future consideration.

As we purpose for the present to confine ourselves exclusively within the telluric sphere of nature, it will be expedient to cast a preliminary glance over the relations in space of solids and fluids, the form of the Earth, its mean density, and the partial distribution of this density in the interior of our planet, its temperature and its electro-magnetic tension. From the consideration of these relations in space, and of the forces inherent in matter, we shall pass to the reaction of the interior on the exterior of our globe; and to the special consideration of a universally distributed natural power -- subterranean heat; to the phenomena of earthquakes, exhibited in unequally expanded circles of commotion, which are not referable to the

## action of dynamic laws alone; to the springing forth of hot wells; and,

lastly, to the more powerful actions of volcanic processes. The crust of the Earth, which may scarcely have been perceptibly elevated by the sudden and repeated, or almost uninterrupted shocks by which it has been moved from below, undergoes, nevertheless, great changes in the course of centuries in the relations of the elevation of solid portions, when compared with the surface of the liquid parts, and even in the form of the bottom of the sea. In this manner simultaneous temporary or permanent fissures are opened, by which the interior of the Earth is brought in contact with the external atmosphere. Molten masses, rising from an unknown depth, flow in narrow streams along the declivity of mountains, rushing impetuously onward, or moving slowly and gently, until the fiery source is quenched in the midst of exhalations, and the lava becomes incrusted, as it were, by p 156 the solidification of its outer surface. New masses of rocks are thus formed before our eyes, while the older ones are in their turn converted into other forms by the greater or lesser agency of Platonic forces. Even where no disruption takes place the crystalline moleculres are displaced, combining to form bodies of denser texture. The water presents structures of a totally different nature, as, for instance, concretions of animal and vegetable remains, of earthy, calcareous, or aluminous precipitates, agglomerations of finely-pulverized mineral bodies, covered with layers of the silicious shields of infusoria, and with transported soils containing the bones of fossil animal forms of a more ancient world. The study of the strata which are so differently formed and arranged before our eyes, and of all that has been so variously dislocated, conforted, and upheaved, by mutual compression and volcanic force, leads the reflective observer, by simple analogies, to draw a comparison between the present and an age that has long passed. It is by a combination of actual phenomena, by an ideal enlargement of relations in space, and of the amount of active forces, that we are able to advance into the long sought and indefinitely anticipated domain of geognosy, which has only within the last half century been based on the solid foundation of scientific deduction.

It has been acutely remarked, "that notwithstanding our continual employment of large telescopes, we are less acquainted with the exterior than with the interior of other planets, excepting, perhaps, our own satellite." They have been weighed, and their volume measured; and their mass and density are becoming known with constantly-increasing exactness; thanks to the progress made in astronomical observation and calculation. Their physical character is, however, hidden in obscurity, for it is only in our own globe that we can be brought in immediate contact with all the elements of organic and inorganic creation. The diversity of the most heterogenous substances, their admixtures and metamorphoses, and the ever-changing play of the forces called into action, afford to the human mind both nourishment and enjoyment, and open an immeasurable field of observation, from which the intellectual

## activity of man derives a great portion of its grandeur and power. The

world of perceptive phenomena is reflected in the depths of the ideal world, and the richness of nature and the mass of all that admits of classification gradually become the objects of inductive reasoning.

I would here allude to the advantage, of which I have already p 157 spoken, possessed by that portion of physical science whose origin is familiar to us, and is connected with our earthly existence. The physical description of celestial bodies from the remotely-glimmering nebulae with their suns, to the central body of our own system, is limited, as we have seen, to general conceptions of the volume and quantity of matter. No manifestation of vital activity is there presented to our senses. It is only from analogies, frequently from purely ideal combinations, that we hazard conjectures on the specific elements of matter, or on their various modifications in the different planetary bodies. But the physical knowledge of the heterogeneous nature of matter, its chemical differences, the regular forms in which its molecules combine together, whether in crystals or granules; its relations to the deflected or decomposed waves of light by which it is penetrated; to radiating, transmitted, or polarized heat; and to the brilliant or invisible, but not, on that account, less active phenomena of electro-magnetism -- all this inexhaustible treasure, by which the enjoyment of the contemplation of nature is so much heightened, is dependent on the surface of the planet which we inhabit, and more on its solid than on its liquid parts. I have already remarked how greatly the study of natural objects and forces, and the infinite diversity of the sources they open for our consideration, strengthen the mental activity, and call into action every manifestation of intellectual progress. These relations require, however, as little comment as that concatenation of causes by which

## particular nations are permitted to enjoy a superiority over others in the

exercise of a material power derived from their command of a portion of these elementary forces of nature.

If, on the one hand, it were necessary to indicate the difference existing between the nature of our knowledge of the Earth and of that of the celestial regions and their contents, I am no less desirous, on the other hand, to draw attention to the limited boundaries of that portion of spacefrom which we derive all our knowledge of the heterogeneous character of matter. This has been somewhat inappropriately termed the Earth's crust; it includes the strata most contiguous to the upper surface of our planet, and which have been laid open before us by deep fissure-like valleys, or by the labors of man, in the bores and shafts formed by miners. These labors* do not extend beyond a vertical depth of somewhat more than 2000 feet (about one third of a geographical mile) below the p 159 level of the sea, and consequently only about 1/9800th of the Earth's radius.

[footnote] *In speaking of the greatest depths within the Earth reached by human labor, we must recollect that there is a difference between the 'absolute depth' (that is to say, the depth below the Earth's surface at that point) and the 'relative depth' (or that beneath the level of the sea). The greatest relative depth that man has hitherto reached is probably the bore at the new salt-works at Minden, in Prussia: in June, 1814, it was exactly 1993 feet, the absolute depth being 2231 feet. The temperature of the water at the bottom was 98 degrees F., which assuming the mean temperature of the air at 49.3 degrees gives an augmentation of temperature of 1 degree for every 54 feet. The absolute depth of the Artesian well of Grenelle, near Paris, is only 1795 feet. According to the account of the missionary Imbert, the fire-springs, "Ho-tsing." of the Chinese, which are sunk to obtain [carbureted] hydrogen gas for salt-boiling, far exceed our Artesian springs in depth. In the Chinese province of Szu-tschuan these fire-springs are very commonly of the depth of more than 2000 feet; indeed, at Tseu-lieu-tsing (the place of continual flow) there is a Ho-tsing which, in the year 1812, was found to be 3197 feet deep. (Humboldt, 'Asie Centrale', t. ii., p. 521 and 525. 'Annales de l'Association de la Propagation de la Foi', 1829, No. 16, p. 369.)

[footnote continues] The relative depth reached at Mount Massi, in Tuscany, south of Volterra, amounts, according to Matteuci, to only 1253 feet. The boring at the new salt-works near Minden is probably of about the same relative depth as the coal-mine at Apendale, near Newcastle-under-Lyme, in Staffordshire, where men work 725 yards below the surface of the earth. (Thomas Smith, 'Miner's Guide', 1836, p. 160.) Unfortunately, I do not know the exact height of its mouth above the level of the sea. The relative depth of the Monk-wearmouth mine, near Newcastle, is only 1496 feet. (Phillips, in the 'Philos. Mag.', vol. v., 1834, p. 446.) That of the Liege coal-mine, 'l'Esperance' at Seraing, is, according to M. Gernaert, Ingenieur des Mines, 1223 feet in depth. The works of greatest absolute depth that have ever been formed are for the most part situated in such elevated plains or valleys that they either do not descend so low as the level of the sea, or at most reach very little below it. Thus the Eselchacht, at Kuttenberg, in Bohemia, a mine which can not now be worked, had the enormous absolute depth of 3778 feet. (Fr. A. Schmidt, 'Berggestze der oter Mon.', abth. i., bd. i., s. xxxii.) Also, at St. Daniel and at Geish, on the Rorerbubel, in the 'Landgericht' (or provincial district) of Kitzbuhl, there were, in the sixteenth century, excavations of 3107 feet. The plans of the works of the Rorerbubel are still preserved. (See Joseph von Sperges, 'Tyroler Bergwerksgeschichte', s. 121. Compare, also, Humboldt, 'Gutachten uber √∫erantreibung des Meissner Stollens in die Freiberger Erzrevier', printed in Herder, 'uber Herantreibung des Meissner Stollens in die Freiberger Erzrevier', printed in Herder, 'uber den jetz begonnenen Erbstollen', 1838, s. cxxiv.) We may presume that the knowledge of the extraordinary depth of the Rorerbuhel reached England at an early period, for I find it remarked in Gilbert, 'de Magnete', that men have penetrated 2400 or even 3000 feet into the crust of the Earth. ("Exigua videtur terrae portio, quae unquam hominibus spectanda emerget aut eruitur; cum profundinus in ejus viscera, ultra efflorescentis extremitatis corruptelam, aut propter aquas in magnis fodin, tanquam per venas scaturientesaut propter seris salubrioris ad vitam operariorum sustinendam necessarii defectum, aut propter ingentex sumptus ad tantos labores exantlandos, multasque difficultates, ad profundiores terrz' partes penetrre non possumus; adeo ut quadrigentas aut [quod rarissime] quingentas orgyas in quibusdam metallis descendisse, stupendus omnibus videatur connatus." -- Guilielmi Gilberti, Colcestrensis, 'de Magnete Physiologia nova'. Lond., 1600, p. 40.)

[footnote continues] The absolute depth of the mines in the Saxon Erzgebirge, near Freiburg, are: in the Thurmhofer mines, 1944 feet; in the Honenbirker mines, 1827 feet; the relative depths are only 677 and 277 feet, if, in order to calculate the elevation of the mine's mouth above the level of the sea, we regard the elevation of Freiburg as determined by Reich's recent observations to be 1269 feet. The absolute depth of the celebrated mine of Joachimsthal, in Bohemia (Verkreuzung des Jung Hauer Zechen-und Andreasganges), is full 2120 feet; so that, as Von Dechen's measurements show that its surface is about 2388 feet above the level of the sea, it follows that the excavations have not as yet reached that point. In the Harz, the Samson mine at Andreasberg has an absolute depth of 2197 feet. In what was formerly Spanish America, I know of no mine deeper than the Valenciana, near Guanaxuato (Mexico), where I found the absolute depth of the Planes de San Bernardo to be 1686 feet; but these planes are 5960 feet above the level of the sea. If we compare the depth of the old Kuttenberger mine (a depth greater than the height of our Brocken, and only 200 feet less than that of Vesuvius) with the loftiest structures that the hands of man have erected (with the Pyramid of Cheops and with the Cathedral of Strasburg), we find that they stand in the ratio of eight to one. In this note I have collected all the certain information I could find regarding the greatest absolute and relative depths of mines and borings. In descending eastward from Jerusalem toward the Dead Sea, a view presents itself to the eye, which, according to our present hypsometrical knowledge of the surface of our planet, is unrivaled in any country; as we approach the open ravine through which the Jordan takes its course, we tread, with the open sky above us, on rocks which, according to the barometric measurements of Berton and Russegger are 1385 feet below the level of the Mediterranean. (Humboldt, 'Asie Centrale', th. ii., p. 323.)

The crystalline masses that have been erupted from active volcanoes, and are generally similar to the rocks on the upper surface, have come from depths which, although not accurately determined, must certainly be sixty times greater than those to which human labor has been enabled to penetrate. We are able to give in numbers the depth of the shaft where the strata of coal, after penetrating a certain way, rise again at a distance that admits of being accurately defined by measurements. These dips show that the carboniferous strata, together with the fossil organic remains which they contain, must lie, as, for instance, in Belgium, more than five or six thousand feet* below the present level p 160 of the sea, and that the calcareous and the curved strata of the Devonian basin penetrate twice that depth.

[footnote] *Basin-shaped curved strata, which dip and reappear at measureable distances, although their deepest portions are beyond the reach of the miner, afford sensible evidence of the nature of the earth's crust at great depths below its surface. Testimony of this kind possesses, consequently, a great geognostic interest. I am indebted to that excellent geognosist, Von Dechen, for the following observations. "The depth of the coal basin of Liege, at Mont St. Gilles, which I, in conjunction with our friend Von Oeynhausen, have ascertained to be 3890 feet below the surface, extends 3464 feet below the surface of the sea, for the absolute height of Mont St. Gilles certainly does not much exceed 400 feet; the coal basin of Mons is fully 1865 feet deeper. But all these depths are trifling compared with those which are presented by the coal strata of Saar-Revier (Saarbrucken). I have found after repeated examinations, that the lowest coal stratum which is known in the neighborhood of Duttweiler, near Bettingen, northeast of Saarlouis, must descend to depths of 20,682 and 22,015 feet (or 3.6 geographical miles) below the level of the sea." This result exceeds, by more than 8000 feet, the assumption made in the text regarding the basin of the Devonian strata. This coal-field is therefore sunk as far below the surface of the sea as Chimborazo is elevated above it -- at a depth at which the Earth's temperature must be as high as 435ºdegrees F. Hence, from the highest pinnacles of the Himalaya to the lowest basins containing the vegetation of an earlier world, there is a vertical distance of about 48,000 feet, or of the 435th part of the Earth's radius.

If we compare these subterranean basins with the summits of montains that have hitherto been considered as the most elevated portions of the raised crust of the Earth, we obtain a distance of 37,000 feet (about seven miles), that is, about the 1/524th of the Earth's radius. These, therefore, would be the limits of vertical depth and of the superposition of mineral strata to which geognostical inquiry could penetrate, even if the general elevation of the upper surface of the earth were equal to the height of the Dhawalagigi in the Himalaya, or of the Sorata in Bolivia. All that lies at a greater depth below the level of the sea than the shafts or the basins of which I have spoken, the limits to which man's labors have penetrated, or than the depths to which the sea has in some few instances been sounded (Sir James Ross was unable to find bottom with 27,600 feet of line), is as much unknown to us as the interior of the other planets of our solar system. We only know the mass of the whole Earth and its mean density by comparing it with the open strata, which alone are accessible to us. In the interior of the Earth, where all knowledge of its chemical and mineralogical character fails, we are again limited to as pure conjecture, as in the remotest bodies that revolve round the Sun. We can determine nothing with certainty regarding the depth at which the geological strata must be supposed to be in state of softening or of liquid fusion, of the cavities occupied by elastic vapor, of the condition of fluids when heated under an enormous pressure, or of the law of the increase p 161 of density from the upper surface to the center of the Earth.

The consideration of the increase of heat with the increase of depth toward the interior of our planet, and of the reaction of the interior on the external crust, leads us to the long series of volcanic phenomena. These elastic forces are manifested in earthquakes, eruptions of gas, hot wells, mud volcanoes and lava currents from craters of eruption and even in producing alterations in the level of the sea.*

[footnote] * [See Daubeney 'On Volcanoes', 2d edit., 3848, p. 539, etc., on the so called 'mud volcanoes', and the reasons advanced in favor of adopting the term "salses" to designate these phenomena.] -- Tr.

Large plains and variously indented continents are raised or sunk, lands are separated from seas, and the ocean itself, which is permeated by hot and cold currents, coagulates at both poles, converting water into dense masses of rock, which are either stratified and fixed, or broken up into floating banks. The boundaries of sea and land, of fluids and solids, are thus variously and frequently changed. Plains have undergone oscillatory movements, being alternately elevated and depressed. After the elevation of continents, mountain chains were raised upon long fissures, mostly parallel, and in that case, probably cotemporaneous; and salt lakes and inland seas, long inhabited by the same creatures, were forcibly separated, the fossil remains of shells and zoophytes still giving evidence of their original connection. Thus, in following phenomena in their mutual dependence, we are led from the consideration of the forces acting in the interior of the Earth to those which cause eruptions on its surface, and by the pressure of elastic vapors give rise to burning streams of lava that flow from open fissures.

The same powers that raised the chains of the Andes and the Hiimalaya to the regions of perpetual snow, have occasioned new compositions and new textures in the rocky masses, and have altered the strata which had been previously deposited from fluids impregnated with organic substances. We here trace the series of formations, divided and superposed according to their age, and depending upon the changes of configuration of the surface, the dynamic relations of upheaving forces, and the chemical action of vapors issuing from the fissures.

The form and distribution of continents, that is to say, of that solid portion of the Earth's surface which is suited to the luxurious development of vegetable life, are associated by intimate connection and reciprocal

## action with the encircling

p 162 sea in which organic life is almost entirely limited to the animal world. The liquid element is again covered by the atmosphere, an aërial ocean in which the mountain chains and high plains of the dry land rise like shoals, occasioning a variety of currents and changes of temperature, collecting vapor from the region of clouds, and distributing life and motion by the

## action of the streams of water which flow from their declivities.

While the geography of plants and animals depends on these intricate relations of the distribution of sea and land, the configuration of the surface, and the direction of isothermal lines (or zones of equal mean annual heat), we find that the case is totally different when we consider the human race -- the last and noblest subject in a physical description of the globe. The characteristic differences in races, and their relative numerical distribution over the Earth's surface, are conditions affected not by natural relations alone, but at the same time and specially, by the progress of civilization, and by moral and intellectual cultivation on which depends the political superiority that distinguishes national progress. Some few races, clinging, as it were, to the soil, are supplanted and ruined by the dangerous vicinity of others more civilized than themselves, until scarce a trace of their existence remains. Other races, again, not the strongest in numbers, traverse the liquid element, and thus become the first to acquire, although late, a geographical knowledge of at least the maritime lands of the whole surface of our globe, from pole to pole.

I have thus, before we enter on the individual characters of that portion of the delineation of nature which includes the sphere of telluric phenomena, shown generally in what manner the consideration of the form of the Earth and the incessant action of electro-magnetism and subterranean heat may enable us to embrace in one view the relations of horizontal expansion and elevation on the Earth's surface, the geognostic type of formations, the domain of the ocean (of the liquid portions of the Earth), the atmosphere with its meteorological processes, the geographical distribution of plants and animals, and, finally, the physical gradations of the human race, which is, exclusively and every where, susceptible of intellectual culture. This unity of contemplation presupposes a connection of phenomena according to their internal combination. A mere tabular arrangement of these facts would not fulfill the object I have proposed to myself, and would not satisfy that requirement for cosmical presentation awakened in me by the p 163 aspect of nature in my journeyings by sea and land, by the careful study of forms and forces, and by a vivid impression of the unity of nature in the midst of the most varied portions of the Earth. In the rapid advance of all branches of physical science, much that is deficient in this attempt will, perhaps, at no remote period, be corrected and rendered more perfect, for it belongs to the history of the development of knowledge that portions which have long stood isolated become gradually connected, and subject to higher laws. I only indicate the empirical path in which I and many others of similar pursuits with myself are advancing, full of expectation that, as Plato tells us Socrates once desired, "Nature may be interpreted by reason alone."*

[footnote] *Plato, 'Phaedo', p. 97. (Arist., 'Metaph.', p. 985.) compare Hegel, 'Philosophie der Geschichte', 1840, s. 16.

The delineation of the principal characteristics of telluric phenomena must begin with the form of our planet and its relations in space. Here too, we may say that it is not only the mineralogical character of rocks, whether they are crystalline, granular, or densely fossiliferous, but the geometrical form of the Earth itself, which indicates the mode of its origin, and is, in fact, its history. An elliptical spheroid of revolution gives evidence of having once been a soft or fluid mass. Thus the Earth's compression constitutes one of the most ancient geognostic events, as every attentive reader of the book of nature can easily discern; and an analogous fact is presented in the case of the Moon, the perpetual direction of whose axes toward the Earth, that is to say, the increased accumulation of matter on that half of the Moon which is turned toward us, determines the relations of the periods of rotation and revolution, and is probably contemporaneous with the earliest epoch in the formative history of this satellite. The mathematical figure of the Earth is that which it would have were its surface covered entirely by water in a state of rest; and it is this assumed form to which all geodesical measurements of degrees refer. This mathematical surface is different from that true physical surface which is affected by all the accidents and inequalities of the solid parts.*

[footnote] *Bessel, 'Allgemeine Betrachtungen uber Gradmessungen nach astronomisch-geodätischen Arbeiten', at the conclusion of Bessel and Baeyer, 'Gradmessung in Ostpreussen', s. 427. Regarding the accumulation of matter on the side of the Moon turned toward us (a subject noticed in an earlier part of the text), see Laplace, 'Expos. du Syst. du Monde', p. 308.

The whole figure of the Earth is determined when we know the amount of the p 164 compression at the poles and the equatorial diameter; in order, however, to obtain a perfect representation of its form it is necessary to have measurements in two directions, perpendicular to one another.

Eleven measurements of degrees (or determinations of the curvature of the Earth's surface in different parts), of which nine only belong to the present century, have made us acquainted with the size of our globe, which Pliny names "a point in the immeasurable universe."*

[footnote] *Plin., ii., 68. Seneca, 'Nat. Quaest., Praef., c. ii. "El mundo espoco" (the Earth is small and narrow), writes Columbus from Jamaica to Queen Isabella on the 7th of July, 1503: not because he entertained the philosophic views of the aforesaid Romans, but because it appeared advantageous to him to maintain that the journey from Spain was not long, if, as he observes, "we seek the east from the west." Compare my 'Examen Crit. de l'Hist. de la Geogr. du 15 me Siecle', t.i., p. 83, and t. ii., p. 327, where I have shown that the opinion maintained by Delisle, Freret, and Gosselin, that the excessive differences in the statements regarding the Earth's circumference, found in the writings of the Greeks, are only apparent, and dependent on different values being attached to the stadia, was put forward as early as 1495 by Jaime Ferrer, in a proposition regarding the determination of the line of demarkation of the papal dominions.

If these measurements do not always accord in the curvatures of different meridians under the same degree of latitude, this very circumstance speaks in favor of the exactness of the instruments and the methods employed, and of the accuracy and the fidelity to nature of these partial results. The conclusion to be drawn from the increase of forces of attraction (in the direction from the equator to the poles) with respect to the figure of a planet is dependent on the distribution of density in its interior. Newton, from theoretical principles, and perhaps likewise prompted by Cassini's discovery, previously to 1666, of the compression of Jupiter,* determined, in his immortal work, 'Philosophiae Naturalis Principia', that the compression of the Earth, as a homogeneous mass, was 1/230th.

[footnote] *Brewster, 'Life of Sir Isaac Newton', 1831, p. 162. "The discovery of the spheroidal form of Jupiter by Cassini had probably directed the attention of Newton to the determination of its cause, and consequently, to the investigation of the true figure of the Earth." Although Cassini did not announce the amount of the compression of Jupiter (1/15th) till 1691 ('Anciens Memoires de l'Acad. des Sciences', t. ii., p. 108), yet we know from Lalande ('Astron.', 3me ed., t. iii., p. 335) that Moraldi possessed some printed sheets of a Latin work, "On the Spots of the Planets," commenced by Cassini, from which it was obvious that he was aware of the compression of Jupiter before the year 1666, and therefore at least twenty-one years before the publication of Newton's 'Principia'.

Actual mesurements, p 165 made by the aid of new and more perfect analysis, have, however, shown that the compression of the poles of the terrestrial spheroid, when the density of the strata is regarded as increasing toward the center, is very nearly 1/300th.

Three methods have been employed to investigate the curvature of the Earth's surface, viz., measurements of degrees, oscillations of the pendulum, and observations of the inequalities in the Moon's orbit. The first is a direct geometrical and astronomical method, while in the other two we determine from accurately observed movements the amount of the forces which occasion those movements, and from these forces we arrive at the cause from whence they have originated, viz., the compression of our terrestrial spheroid. In this part of my delineation of nature, contrary to my usual practice, I have instanced methods because their accuracy affords a striking illustration of the intimate connection existing among the forms and forces of natural phenomena, and also because their application has given occasion to improvements in the exactness of instruments (as those employed in the measurements of space) in optical and chronological observations; to greater perfection in the fundamental branches of astronomy and mechanics in respect to lunar motion and to the resistance experienced by the oscillations of the pendulum; and to the discovery of new and hitherto untrodden paths of analysis. With the exception of the investigations of the parallax of stars, which led to the discovery of aberration and nutation, the history of science presents no problem in which the object attained -- the knowledge of the compression and of the irregular form of our planet -- is so far exceeded in importance by the incidental gain which has accrued, through a long and weary course of investigation, in the general furtherance and improvement of the mathematical and astronomical sciences. The comparison of eleven measurements of degrees (in which are included three extra-European, namely, the old Peruvian and two East Indian) gives, according to the most strictly theoretical requirements allowed for by Bessel,* a compression p 166 of 1/299th.

[footnote] *According to Bessel's examination of ten measurements of degrees, in which the error discovered by Poissant in the calculation of the French measurements is taken into consideration (Schumacher, 'Astron. Nachr.', 1841, No. 438, s. 116), the semi-axis major of the elliptical spheroid of revolution to which the irregular figure of the Earth most closely approximates is 3,272,077.14 toises, or 20,924,774 feet; the semi-axis minor, 3,261,159,83 toises, or 20,854,821 feet; and the amount of compression or eccentricity 1/299.152d; the length of a mean degree of the meridian, 57,013.109 toises, or 364,596 feet, with an error of + 2.8403 toises, or 18.16 feet, whence the length of a geographical mile is 3807.23 toises, or 6086.7 feet. Previous combinations of measurements of degrees varied between 1/302d and 1/297th; thus Walbeck ('De Forma of Magnitudine telluris in demensis arcubus Meridiani definiendis', 1819) gives 1/30278th: Ed. Schmidt ('Lehrbuch der Mathem. und Phys. Geographie', 1829, s. 5) gives 1/20742d, as the mean of seven measures. Respecting the influence of great differences of longitude on the polar compression, see 'Bibliotheque Universelle', t. xxxiii., p. 181, and t. xxxv., p. 50: likewise 'Connaissance des Tems', 1829, p. 290. From the lunar inequalities alone, Laplace ('Exposition du Syst. du Monde', p. 229) found it, by the older tables of Burg, to be 1/3245th; and subsequently, from the lunar observations of Burckhardt and Bouvard, he fixed it at 1/299.1th ('Mecanique Celeste', t. v., p. 13 and 43).

In accordance with this, the polar radius is 10,938 toises (69,944 feet), or about 11 1/2 miles, shorter than the equatorial radius of our terrestrial spheroid. The excess at the equator in consequence of the curvature of the upper surface of the globe amounts, consequently, in the direction of gravitation, to somewhat more than 4 3/7th times the height of Mont Blanc, or only 2 1/2 times the probable height of the summit of the Chawalagiri, in the Himalaya chain. The lunar inequalities (perturbation in the moon's latitude and longitude) give according to the last investigations of Laplace, almost the same result for the ellipticity as the measurements of degrees, viz., 1/299th. The results yielded by the oscillation of the pendulum give, on the whole, a much greater amount of compression, viz., 1/288th.*

[footnote] *The oscillations of the pendulum give 1/288.7th as the general result of Sabine's great expedition (1822 and 1823, from the equator to 80 degrees north latitude); according to Freycinet, 1/286.2d, exclusive of the experiments instituted at the Isle of France, Guam, and Mowi (Mawi); according to Forster, 1/289.5th; according to Duperrey, 1/266.4th; and according to Lutke ('Partie Nautique', 1836, p. 232), 1/270th, calculated from eleven stations. On the other hand, Mathieu ('Connais. des Temps', 1816, p. 330) fixed the amount at 1/298.2d, from observations made between Formentera and Dunkirk; and Biot, at 1/304th, from observations between Formentera and the island of Ust. Compare Baily, 'Report on Pendulum Experiments', in the 'Memoirs of the Royal Astronomical Society', vol. vii., p. 96; also Borenius, in the 'Bulletin de l'Acad. de St. Petersbourg', 1843, t. i., p. 25. The first proposal to apply the length of the pendulum as a standard of measure, and to establish the third part of the seconds pendulum (then supposed to be every where of equal length) as a 'pes horarius', or general measure, that might be recovered at any age and by all nations, is to be found in Huygens's 'Horologium Oscillatorium', 1673, Prop. 25. A similar wish was afterward publicly expressed, in 1742, on a monument erected at the equator by Bouguer, La Condamine, and Godin. On the beautiful marble tablet which exists, as yet uninjured, in the old Jesuits' College at Quito, I have myself read the inscription, 'Penduli simplicis aequinoctialis unius minuti secundi archetypus, mensurae naturalis exemplar, utinam universalis!' From an observation made by La Condamine, in his 'Journal du Voyage a l'Equateur', 1751, p. 163, regarding parts of the inscription that were not filled up, and a slight difference between Bonguer and himself respecting the numbers, I was led to expect that I should find considerable discrepancies between the marble tablet and the inscription as it had been described in Paris; but, after a careful comparison, I merely found two "ex arca graduum plusquam trium," and the date of 1745 instead of 1742. The latter circumstance is singular, because La Condamine returned to Europe in November, 1744, Bouguer in June of the same year, and Godin had left South America in July, 1744. The most necessary and useful amendment to the numbers on this inscription would have been the astronomical longitude of Quito. (Humboldt, 'Recueil d'Observ. Astron.', t. ii., p. 319-354.) Nouet's latitudes, engraved on Egyptian monuments, offer a more recent example of the danger presented by the grave perpetuation of false or careless results.

Galileo, who first observed when a boy (having, probably, suffered his thoughts to wander from the service) that the height of the vaulted roof of a church might be measured by the time of the vibration of the chandeliers suspended at different altitudes, could hardly have anticipated that the pendulum would one day be carried from pole to pole, in order to determine the form of the Earth, or, rather, that the unequal density of the strata of the Earth affects the length of the seconds pendulum by means of intricate forces of local attraction, which are, however, almost regular in large tracts of land. These geognostic relations of an instrument intended for the measurement of time -- this property of the pendulum, by which, like a sounding line, it searches unknown depths, and reveals in volcanic islands,* or in the declivity of elevated continental mountain chains,** dense masses of basalt and melaphyre instead of cavities, render it difficult, notwithstanding the admirable simplicity of the method, to arrive at any great result regarding the figure of the Earth from observation of the oscillations of the pendulum.

[footnote] *Respecting the augmented intensity of the attraction of gravitation in volcanic islands (St. Helena, Ualan, Fernando de Noronha, Isle of France, Guam, Mowe, and Galapagos), Rawak (Lutke, p. 240) being an exception, probably in consequence of its proximity to the highland of New Guinea, see Mathieu, in Delambre, 'Hist. de l'Astronomie, au 18me Siecle', p. 701.

[footnote] **Numerous observations also show great irregularities in the length of the pendulum in the midst of continents, and which are ascribed to local attractions. (Delambre, 'Mesure de la Meridienne', t. iii., p. 548; Biot, in the 'Mem. de l'Academie des Sciences', t. viii., 1829, p. 18 and 23.) In passing over the South of France and Lombardy from west to east, we find the minimum intensity of gravitation at Bordeaux; from thence it increases rapidly as we advance eastward, through Figeac, Clermont-Ferrand, Milan, and Padua; and in the last town we find that the intensity has attained its maximum. The influence of the southern declivities of the Alps is not merely t on the general size of their mass, but (much more), in the opinion of Elie de Beaumont ('Rech. sur les Revol. de la Surface du Globe', 1830, p. 729), on the rocks of melaphyre and serpentine, which have elevated the chain. On the declivity of Ararat, which with Caucasus may be said to lie in the center of gravity of the old continent formed by Europe, Asia, and Africa, the very exact pendulum experiments of Fedorow give indications, not of subterranean cavities, but of dense volcanic masses. (Parrot, 'Reise zum Ararat', bd. ii., s. 143.) In the geodesic operations of Carlini and Plana, in Lombardy, differences ranging from 20" to 47".8 have been found between direct observations of latitude and the results of these operations. (See the instances of Andrate and Mondovi, and those of Milan and Padua, in the 'Operations Geodes. et Astron. pour la Mesure d'un Arc du Parallele Moyen', t. ii., p. 347; 'Effemeridi Astron. di Milano', 1842, p. 57.) The latitude of Milan, deduced from that of Berne, according to the , is 45ºdegrees 27' 52", while, according to direct astronomical observations, it is 45 degrees 27' 35". As the perturbations extend in the plain of Lombardy to Parma, which is far south of the Po (Plana, 'Operat. Geod.', t. ii., p. 847), it is probable that there are deflecting causes 'concealed beneath the soil of the plain itself'. Struve has made similar experiments [with corresponding results] in the most level parts of eastern Europe. (Schumacher, 'Astron. Nachrichten', 1830, No. 164, s. 399.) Regarding the influence of dense masses supposed to lie at a small depth, equal to the mean height of the Alps, see the analytical expressions given by Hossard and Rozet, in the 'Comptes Rendus', t. xviii., 1844, p. 292, and compare them with Poisson, 'Traite de Mecanique' (2me ed., t. i., p. 482. The earliest observations on the influence which different kinds of rocks exercise on the vibration of the pendulum are those of Thomas Young, in the 'Philos. Transactions' for 1819, p. 70-96. In drawing conclusions regarding the Earth's curvature from the length of the pendulum, we ought not to overlook the possibility that its crust may have undergone a process of hardening previously to metallic and dense basaltic masses having penetrated from great depths, through open clefts, and approached near the surface.

In the astronomical part of the determination of degrees of latitude, mountain chains, or the denser strata of the Earth, likewise exercise, although in a less degree, an unfavorable influence on the measurement.

As the form of the Earth exerts a powerful influence on the motions of other cosmical bodies, and especially on that of its own neighboring satellite, a more perfect knowledge of the motion of the latter will enable us reciprocally to draw an inference regarding the figure of the Earth. Thus, as Laplace ably remarks,* "An astronomer, without leaving his observatory, may, by a comparison of lunar theory with true observations, not only be enabled to determine the form and size of the Earth, but also its distance from the Sun and Moon -- results that otherwise could only be arrived at by long and arduous expeditions to the most remote parts of both hemispheres."

[footnote] *Laplace, 'Expos. du Syst. du Monde', p. 231.

p 169 The compression which may be inferred from lunar inequalities affords an advantage not yielded by individual measurements of degrees or experiments with the pendulum, since it gives a mean amount which is referable to the whole planet. The comparison of the Earth's compression with the velocity of rotation shows, further, the increase of density from the strata from the surface toward the center -- an increase which a comparison of the ratios of the axes of Jupiter and Saturn with their times of rotation likewise shows to exist in these two large planets. Thus the knowledge of the external form of planetary bodies leads us to draw conclusions regarding their internal character.

The northern and southern hemispheres appear to present nearly the same curvature under equal degrees of latitude, but, as has already been observed, pendulum experiments and measurements of degrees yield such different results for individual portions of the Earth's surface that no regular figure can be given which would reconcile all the results hitherto obtained by this method. the true figure of the Earth is to a regular figure as the uneven surfaces of water in motion are on the even surface of water at rest.

When the Earth had been measured, it still had to be weighed. The oscillations of the pendulum* and the plummet have here likewise served to determine the mean density of the Earth, either in connection with astronomical and geodetic operations, with the view of finding the deflection of the plummet from a vertical line in the vicinity of a mountain, or by a comparison of the length of the pendulum in a plain and on the summit of an elevation, or, finally, by the employment of a torsion balance, which may be considered as a horizontally vibrating pendulum for the measurement of the relative density of neighbouring strata.

[footnote] *La Caille's pendulum measurements at the Cape of Good Hope, which have been calculated with much care by Mathieu (Delambre, 'Hist. de l'Astron. au 18me Siecle', p. 479), give a compression of 1/284.4th; but, from several comparisons of observations made in equal latitudes in the two hemispheres (New Holland and the Malouines (Falkland Islands), compared with Barcelona, New York, and Dunkirk), there is as yet no reason for supposing that the mean compression of the southern hemisphere is greater than that of the northern. (Biot, in the 'Mem. de l'Acad. des Sciences', t. viii., 1829, p. 39-41.)

Of these three methods* the p 170 last is the most certain, since it is independent of the difficult determination of the density of the mineral masses of which the spherical segment of the mountain consists near which the observations are made.

[footnote] *The three methods of observation give the following results: (1.) by the deflection of the plumb-line in the proximity of the Shehallien Mountain (Gaelic, Thichallin) in Perthshire, r.713, as determined by Maskelyne, Hutton, and Playfair (1774-1776 and 1810), according to a method that had been proposed by Newton; (2.) by pendulum vibrations on mountains, 4.837 (Carlini's observations on Mount Cenis compared with Biot's observations at Bordeaux, 'Effemer. Astron. di Milano', 1824, p. 184); (3.) by the torsion balance used by Cavendish, with an apparatus originally devised by Mitchell, 5.48 (according to Hutton's revision of the calculation, 5.32, and according to that of Eduard Schmidt, 5.52; 'Lehrbuch der Math. Geographie', bd. i., s. 487); by the torsion balance, according to Reich, 5.44. In the calculation of these experiments of Professor Reich, which have been made with masterly accuracy, the original mean result was 5.43 (with a probable error of only 0.0233), a result which, being increased by the quantity by which the Earth's centrifugal force diminishes the force of gravity for the latitude of Freiberg (50 degrees 55'), becomes changed to 5.44. The employment of cast iron instead of lead has not presented any sensible difference, or none exceeding the limits of errors of observation, hence disclosing no traces of magnetic influences. (Reich, 'Vrsuche uber die mittlere Dichtigheit der Erde', 1838, s. 60, 62, and 66.) By the assumption of too slight a degree of ellipticity of the Earth, and by the uncertainty of the estimations regarding the density of rocks on its surface, the mean density of the Earth, as deduced from experiments on and near mountains, was found about one sixth smaller than it really is, namely, 4.761 (Laplace, 'Mecan. Celeste', t. v., p. 46), or 4.785. (Eduard Schmidt, 'Lehrb. der Math. Geogr.', bd. i., 387 und 418.) On Halley's hypothesis of the Earth being a hollow sphere (noticed in page 171), which was the germ of Franklin's ideas concerning earthquakes, see 'Philos. Trans.' for the year 1693, vol. xvii., p. 563 ('On the Structure of the Internal Parts of the Earth, and the concave habited 'Arch of the Shell'). Halley regarded it as more worthy of the Creator "that the Earth, like a house of several stories, should be inhabited both without and within. For light in the hollow sphere (p. 576) provision might in some manner be contrived."

According to the most recent experiments of Reich, the result obtained is 5.44; that is to say, the mean density of the whole Earth is 5.44 times greater than tht of pure water. As according to the nature of the mineralogical strata constituting the dry continental part of the Earth's surface, the mean density of this portion scarcely amounts to 2.7, and the density of the dry and liquid surface conjointly to scarcely 1.6, it follows that the elliptical unequally compressed layers of the interior must greatly increase in density toward the center, either through pressure or owing to the heterogeneous nature of the substances. Here again we see that the vertical, as well as the horizontally vibrating pendulum, may justly be termed a geognostical instrument.

The results obtained by the employment of an instrument of this kind have led celebrated physicists, according to the difference of the hypothesis from which they started, to adopt p 171 entirely opposite views regarding the nature of the interior of the globe. It has been computed at what depths liquid or even gaseous substances would, from the pressure of their own superimposed strata, attain a density exceeding that of platinum or even iridium; and in order that the compression which has been detrmined within such narrow limits might be brought into harmony with the assumption of simple and infinitely compressible matter, Leslie has ingeniously conceived the nucleus of the world to be a hollow sphere, filled with an assumed "imponderable matter, having an enormous force of expansion." These venturesome and arbitrary conjectures have given rise, in wholly unscientific circles, to still more fantastic notions. The hollow sphere has by degrees been peopled with plants and animals, and two small subterranean revolving planets -- Pluto and Proserpine -- were imaginatively supposed to shed over it their mild light; as, however, it was further imagined that an ever-uniform temperature reigned in these internal regions, the air, which was made self-luminous by compression, might well render the planets of this lower world unnecessary. Near the north pole, at 80 degrees latitude, whence the polar light emanates, was an enormous opening, through which a descent might be made into the hollow sphere, and Sir Humphrey Davy and myself were even publicly and frequently invited by Captain Symmes to enter upon this subterranean expedition: so powerful is the morbid inclination of men to fill unknown spaces with shapes of wonder, totally unmindful of the counter evidence furnished by well-attested facts and universally acknowledged natural laws. Even the celebrated Halley, at the end of the seventeenth century, hollowed out the Earth in his magnetic speculations. Men were invited to believe that a subterranean freely-rotating nucleus occasions by its position the diurnal and annual changes of magnetic declination. It has thus been attempted in our own day, with tedious solemnity, to clothe in a scientific garb the quaintly-devised fiction of the humorous Holbert.*

[footnote] *[The work referred to, one of the wittiest productions of the learned Norwegian satirist and dramatist Holberg, was written in Latin, and first appeared under the following title: 'Nicolai Klimii iter subterraneum novam telluris theoriam ac historiam quintae monarchi Nicolai Klimii iter subterraneum novam telluris theoriam ac historiam quintae monarchi ad huc nobis incognitae exhibens e bibliotheca b. Abelini. Hafniae et Lipsiae sunt. Jac. Preuss', 1741. An admirable Danish translation of this learned but severe satire on the institutions, morals, and manners of the inhabitants of the upper Earth, appeared at Copenhagen in 1789, and was entitled 'Niels Klim's underjordiske reise ocd Ludwig Holberg, oversal after den Latinske original of Jens Baggesen'. Holberg, who studied for a time at Oxford, was born at Bergen in 1685, and died in 1754 as Rector of the University of Copenhagen.] -- Tr.

p 172 The figure of the Earth and the amount of solidification (density) which it has acquired are intimately connected with the forces by which it is animated, in so far, at least, as they have been excited or awakened from without, through its planetry position with reference to a luminous central body. Compression, when considered as a consequence of centrifugal force

## acting on a rotating mass, explains the earlier condition of fluidity of our

planet. During the solidification of this fluid, which is commonly conjectured to have been gaseous and primordially heated to a very high temperature, an enormous quantity of latent heat must have been liberated. If the process of solidification began as Fourier conjectures, by radiation from the cooling surface exposed to the atmosphere, the particles near the center would have continued fluid and hot. As, after long emanation of heat from the center toward the exterior, a stable condition of the temperature of the Earth would at length be established, it has been assumed that with increasing depth the subterranean heat likewise uninterruptedly increases. The heat of the water which flows from deep borings (Artesian wells), direct experiments regarding the temperature of rocks in mines, but, above all, the volcanic activity of the Earth, shown by the flow of molten masses from open fissures, afford unquestionable evidence of this increase for very considerable depths from the upper strata. According to conclusions based certainly upon mere analogies, this increase is probably much greater toward the center.

That which has been learned by an ingenious analytic calculation, expressly perfected for this class of investigations,* p 173 regarding the motion of heat in homogeneous metallic spheroids, must be applied with much caution to the actual character of our planet, considering our present imperfect knowledge of the substances of which the Earth is composed, the difference in the capacity of heat and in the conducting power of different superimposed masses, and the chemical changes experienced by solid and liquid masses from any enormous compression.

[footnote] *Here we must notice the admirable analytical labors of Fourier, Biot, Laplace, Poisson, Duhamel, and Lame. In his 'Theorie Mathematique de la Chaleur', 1835, p. 3, 428-430, 436, and 521-524 (see, also, De la Rive's abstract in the 'Bibliotheque Universelle de Geneve', Poisson has developed an hypothesis totally different from Fourier's view ('Theorie Analytique de la Chaleur'.) He denies the present fluid state of the Earth's center; he believes that "in cooling by radiation to the medium surrounding the Earth, the parts which were first solidified sunk, and that by a double descending and ascending current, the great inequality was lessened which would have taken place in a solid body cooling from the surface." It seems more probable to this great geometer that the solidification began in the parts lying nearest to the center: "the phenomenon of the increase of heat with the depth does not extend to the whole mass of the Earth, and is merely a consequence of the motion of our planetary system in space, of which some parts are of a very different temperature from others, in consequence of stellar heat (chaleur stellaire)." Thus, according to Poisson, the warmth of the water of our Artesian wells is merely that which has penetrated into the Earth from without; and the Earth itself "might be regarded as in the same circumstances as a mass of rock conveyed from the equator to the pole in so short a time as not to have entirely cooled. The increase of temperature in such a block would not extend to the central strata." The physical doubts which have reasonably been entertained against this extraordinary cosmical view (which attributes to the regions of space that which probably is more dependent on the first transition of matter condensing from the gaseo-fluid into the solid state) will be found collected in Poggendorf's 'Annalen', bd. xxxix., s 93-100.

It is with the greatest difficulty that our powers of comprehension can conceive the boundary line which divides the fluid mass of the interior from the hardened mineral masses of the external surface, or the gradual increase of the solid strata, and the condition of semi-fluidity of the earthy substances, these being conditions to which known laws of hydraulics can only apply under considerable modifications. The Sun and Moon, which cause the sea to ebb and flow, most probably also affect these subterranean depths. We may suppose that the periodic elevations and depressions of the molten mass under the already solidified strata must have caused inequalities in the vaulted surface from the force of pressure. The amount and action of such oscillations must, however, be small; and if the relative position of the attracting cosmical bodies may here also excite "spring tides," it is certainly not to these, but to more powerful internal forces, that we must ascribe the movements that shake the Earth's surface. There are groups of phenomena to whose existence it is necessary to draw attention, in order to indicate the universality of the influence of the attraction of the Sun and Moon on the external and internal conditions of the Earth, however little we may be able to determine the quantity of this influence.

According to tolerably accordant experiments in Artesian wells, it has been shown that the heat increases on an average about 1 degree for every 54.5 feet. If this increase can be reduced p 174 to arithmetical relations, it will follow, as I have already observed,* that a stratum of granite would be in a state of fusion at a depth of nearly twenty-one geographical miles, or between four and five times the elevation of the highest summit of the Hinalaya.

[footnote] *See the Introduction. This increase of temperature has been found in the Puits de Grenelle, at Paris, at 58.3 feet; in the boring at the new salt-works at Minden, almost 53.6; at Pregny, near Geneva, according to Auguste de la Rive and Marcet, notwithstanding that the mouth of the boring is 1609 feet above the level of the sea, it is also 53.6 feet. This coincidence between the results of a method first proposed by Arago in the year 1821 ('Annuaire du Bureau des Longitudes', 1835, p. 234), for three different mines, of the absolute depths of 1794, 2231, and 725 feet respectively, is remarkable. The two points on the Earth, lying at a small vertical distance from each other, whose annual mean temperatures are most accurately known, are probably at the spot on which the Paris Observatory stands, and the Caves de l'Observatoire beneath it; the mean temperature of the former is 51.5ºdegrees, and of the latter 53.3ºdegrees, the difference being 1.8ºdegrees for 92 feet, or 1 degree for 51.77 feet. (Poisson, 'Theorie Math. de la Chaleur', p. 415 and 462.) In the course of the last seventeen years, from causes not yet perfectly understood, but probably not connected with the actual temperature of the caves, the thermometer standing there has risen very nearly 0.4 degrees. Although in Artesian wells there are sometimes slight errors from the lateral permeation of water, these errors are less injurious to the accuracy of conclusions than those resulting from currents of cold air, which are almost always present in mines. The general result of Reich's great work on the temperature of the mines in the Saxony mining districts gives a somewhat slower increase of the terrestrial heat, or 1 degree to 76.3 feet. (Reich, 'Beob. uber die Temperatur des Gesteins in verschielen en Tiefen', 1834, s. 134.) Phillips, however, found (Pogg., 'Annalen', bd. xxxiv., s. 191), in a shaft of the coal-mine of Monk-wearmouth, near Newcastle, in which, as I have already remarked, excavations are going on at a depth of about 1500 feet below the level of the sea, an increase of 1 degree to 59.06 feet, a result almost identical with that found by Arago in the Puits de Grenell.

We must distinguish in our globe three different modes for the transmission of heat. The first is periodic, and affects the temperature of the terrestrial strata according as the heat penetrates from above downward or from below upward, being influenced by the different positions of the Sun and the seasons of the year. The second is likewise an effect of the Sun, although extremely slow: a portion of the heat that has penetrated into the equatorial regions moves in the interior of the globe toward the poles, where it escapes into the atmosphere and the remoter regions of space. The third mode of transmission is the slowest of all, and is derived from the secular cooling of the globe, and from the small portion of the primitive heat which is still being disengaged from the surface. p 175 This loss experienced by the central heat must have been very considerable in the earliest epochs of the Earth's revolutions, but within historical periods it has hardly been appreciable by our instruments. The surface of the Earth is therefore situated between the glowing heat of the inferior strata and the universal regions of space, whose temperature is probably below the freezing-point of mercury.

The periodic changes of temperature which have been occasioned on the Earth's surface by the Sun's position and by meteorological processes, are continued in its interior, although to a very inconsiderable depth. The slow conducting power of the ground diminishes this loss of heat in the winter, and is very favorable to deep-rooted trees. Points that lie at very different depths on the same vertical line attain the maximum and minimum of the imparted temperature at very different periods of time. The further they are removed from the surface, the smaller is this difference between the extremes. In the latitudes of our temperate zone (between 48 degrees and 52 degrees), the stratum of invariable temperature is at a depth of from 59 to 64 feet, and at half that depth the oscillations of the thermometer, from the influence of the seasons, scarcely amount to half a degree. In tropical climates this invariable stratum is only one foot below the surface, and this fact has been ingeniously made use of by Boussingault to obtain a convenient, and as he believes, certain determination of the mean temperature of the air of different places.*

[footnote] *Boussingault, 'Sur la Profondeus a laquelle se trouve la Couche de Temperature invariable, entre les Tropiques', in the 'Annales de Chimie et de Physique', t. liii., 1833, p. 225-247.

This mean temperature of the air at a fixed point, or at a group of contiguous points on the surface, is to a certain degree the fundamental element of the climate and agricultural relations of a district; but the mean temperature of the whole surface is very different from that of the globe itself. The questions so often agitated, whether the mean temperature has experienced any considerable differences in the course of centuries, whether the climate of a country has deteriorated, and whether the winters have not become milder and the summers cooler, can only be answered by means of the thermometer; this instrument has, however, scarcely been invented more than two centuries and a half, and its scientific application hardly dates back 120 years. The nature and novelty of the means interpose, therefore, very narrow limits to our investigation regarding the temperature p 176 of the air. It is quite otherwise, however, with the solution of the great problem of the internal heat of the whole Earth. As we may judge of uniformity of temperature from the unaltered time of vibration of a pendulum, so we may also learn, from the unaltered rotatory velocity of the Earth, the amount of stability in the mean temperature of our globe. This insight into the relations between the 'length of the day' and the 'heat of the Earth' is the result of one of the most brilliant applications of the knowledge we had long possessed of the planet. The rotatory velocity of the Earth depends on its volume; and since, by the gradual cooling of the mass by radiation, the axis of rotation would become shorter, the rotatory velocity would necessarily increase, and the length of the day diminish, with a decrease of the temperature. From the comparison of the secular inequalities in the motions of the Moon with the eclipses observed in ancient times, it follows that, since the time of Hipparchus, that is, for full 2000 years, the length of the day has certainly not diminished by the hundredth part of a second. The decrease of the mean heat of the globe during a period of 2000 years has not, therefore, taking the extremest limits, diminished as much as 1/306th of a degree of Fahrenheit.*

[footnote] *Laplace, 'Exp. du Syst. du Monde', p. 229 and 263; 'Mecanique Celeste', t. v., p. 18 and 72. It should be remarked that the fraction 1/306th of a degree of Fahrenheit of the mercurial thermometer, given in the text as the limit of the stability of the Earth's temperature since the days of Hipparchus, rests on the assumption that the dilation of the substances of which the Earth is composed is equal to that of glass, that is to say, 1/18,000th for 1 degree. Regarding this hypothesis, see Arago in the 'Annuaire' for 1834, p. 177-190.

This invariability of form presupposes also a great invariability in the distribution of relations of density in the interior of the globe. The translatory movements, which occasion the eruptions of our present volcanoes and of ferruginous lava, and the filling up of previously empty fissures and cavities with dense masses of stone, are consequently only to be regarded as slight superficial phenomena affecting merely one portion of the Earth's crust, which, from their smallness when compared to the Earth's radius, become wholly insignificant.

I have described the internal heat of our planet, both with reference to its cause and distribution, almost solely from the results of Fourier's admirable investigations. Poisson doubts the fact of the uninterrupted increase of the Earth's heat p 177 from the surface to the center, and is of opinion that all heat has penetrated from without inward, and that the temperature of the globe depends upon the very high or very low temperature of the regions of space through which the solar temperature of the regions of space, through which the solar system has moved. This hypothesis, imagined by one of the most acute mathematicians of our time, has not satisfied physicists or geologists, or scarcely indeed any one besides its author. But, whatever may be the cause of the internal heat of our planet, and of its limited or unlimited increase in deep strata, it leads us, in this general sketch of nature, through the intimate connection of all primitive phenomena of matter, and through the common bond by which molecular forces are united, into the mysterious domain of magnetism. Changes of temperature call forth magnetic and electric currents. Terrestrial magnetism, whose main character, expressed in the three-fold manifestation of its forces, is incessant periodic variability, is ascribed either to the heated mass of the Earth itself,* or to those galvanic currents which we consider as electricity in motion, that is, electricity moving in a closed circuit.**

[footnote] *William Gilbert, of Colchester, whom Galileo pronounced "great to a degree that might be envied," said "magnus magnes ipse est globus terrestris." He ridicules the magnetic mountains of Frascatori, the great contemporary of Columbus, as being magnetic poles: "rejicienda est vulgaris opinio de montibus magneticis, aut rupe aliqua magnetica, aut polo phantastico a polo mundi distante." He assumes the declination of the magnetic needle at any give point on the surface of the Earth to be invariable (variatio uniuscujusque loci constans est), and refers the curvatures of the isogonic lines to the configuration of continents and the relative positions of sea basins, which possess a weaker magnetic force than the solid masses rising above the ocean. (Gilbert, 'de Magnete', ed. 1633, p. 42, 98, 152 and 155.)

[footnote] ** Gauss, 'Allgemcine Theorie des Erdmagnetismus', in the 'Resultate aux den Beob. des Magnet. Vereins', 1838, s. 41, p. 56.

The mysterious course of the magnetic needle is equally affected by time and space, by the sun's course, and by changes of place on the Earth's surface. Between the tropics, the hour of the day may be known by the direction of the needle as well as by the oscillations of the barometer. It is affected instantly, but only transiently, by the distant northern light as it shoots from the pole, flashing in beams of colored light across the heavens. When the uniform horary motion of the needle is disturbed by a magnetic storm, the perturbation manifests itself 'simultaneously', in the strictest sense of the word, over hundreds and thousands of miles of sea and land, or propagates itself by degrees, in short intervals of time, in p 178 every direction over the Earth's surface.*

[footnote] *There are also perturbations which are of a local character, and do not extend themselves far, and are probably less deep-seated. Some years ago I described a rare instance of this kind, in which an extraordinary disturbance was felt in the mines at Freiberg, but was not perceptible at Berlin. ('Lettre de M. de Humboldt a Son Altesse Royale le Duc de Sussex sur les moyens propres a perfectionner la Connaissance du Magnetisme Terrestre', in Becquerel's 'Traite Experimental de l'Electricite' t. vii., p. 442.) Magnetic storms which were simultaneously felt from Sicily to Upsala, did not extend from Upsala to Alten. (Gauss and Weber, 'Resultate des Magnet. Vereins', 1839, 128; Lloyd, in the 'Comptes Rendus de l'Acad. des Sciences', t. xii., 1843, Sem. ii., p. 725 and 827.) Among the numerous examples that have been recently observed, of perturbations occurring simultaneously and extending over wide portions of the Earth's surface, and which are collected in Sabine's important work ('Observ. on Days of unusual Magnetic Disturbance', 1843), one of the most remarkable is that of the 25th of September, 1841, which was observed at Toronto in Canada, at the Cape of Good Hope, at Prague, and partially in Van Diemen's Land. The English Sunday, on which it is deemed sinful, after midnight on Saturday, to register an observation, and to follow out the great phenomena of creation in their perfect development, interrupted the observations in Van Diemen's Land, where in consequence of the difference of the longitude, the magnetic storm fell on the Sunday. ('Observ.', p. xiv., 78, 85, and 87.)

In the former case, the simultaneous manifestation of the storm may serve, within certain limitations, like Jupiter's satellites, fire-signals, and well-observed falls of shooting stars, for the geographical determination of degrees of longitude. We here recognize with astonishment that the perturbations of two small magnetic needles, even if suspended at great depths below the surface, can measure the distances apart at which they are placed, teaching us, for instance, how far Kasan is situated east of Gottingen or of the banks of the Seine. There are also districts in the earth where the mariner, who has been enveloped for many days in mist, without seeing either the sun or stars, and deprived of all means of determining the time, may know with certainty, from the variations in the inclination of the magnetic needle, whether he is at the north or the south of the port he is desirous of entering.*

[footnote] *I have described, in Lametherie's 'Journal de Physique', 1804, t. lix., p. 449, the application (alluded to in the text) of the magnetic inclination to the determination of latitude along a coast running north and south, and which, like that of Chili and Peru, is for a part of the year enveloped in mist ('garua'). In the locality I have just mentioned, this application is of the greater importance, because, in consequence of the strong current running northward as far as to Cape Parena, navigators incur a great loss of time if they approach the coast to the north of the haven they are seeking. In the South Sea, from Callao de Lima harbor to Truxillo, which differ from each other in latitude by 3 degrees 57' I have observed a variation of the magnetic inclination amounting to 9 degrees (centesimal division); and from Callao to Guayaquil, which differ in latitude by 9 degrees 50', a variation of 23.5 degrees. (See my 'Relat. Hist.', t. iii., p. 622.) At Guarmey (10 degrees 4' south lat.), Huaura (11 degrees 3' south lat.), and Chancay (11 degrees 4' south lat.), Huaura (11 degrees 3' south lat.), and Chancay (11 degrees 32' south lat.), the inclinations are 6.80 degrees, 9 degrees, and 10.35 degrees of the centesimal division. The determination of position by means of the magnetic inclination has this remarkable feature connected with it, that where the ship's course cuts the isoclinalline almost perpendicularly, it is the only one that is independent of all determination of time, and consequently, of observations of the sun or stars. It is only lately that I discovered, for the first time, that as early as at the close of the sixteenth century, and consequently hardly twenty years after Robert Norman had invented the inclinatorium, William Gilbert, in his great work, 'De Magnete', proposed to determine the latitude by the inclination of the magnetic needle. Gilbert ('Physiologia Nova de Magnete', lib. v., cap. 8, p. 200) commends the method as applicable "aëre caliginoso." Edward Wright, in the introduction which he added to his master's great work, describes this proposal as "worth much gold." As he fell into the same error with Gilbert, of presuming that the isoclinal lines coincided with the geographical parallel circles, and that the magnetic and geographical equators were identical, he did not perceive that the proposed method had only a local and very limited application.

p 179 When the needle, by its sudden disturbance in its horary course, indicates the presence of a magnetic storm, we are still unfortunately ignorant whether the seat of the disturbing cause is to be sought in the Earth itself or in the upper regions of the atmosphere. If we regard the Earth as a true magnet, we are obliged, according to the views entertained by Friedrich Gauss (the acute propounder of a generaltheory of terrestrial magnetism), to ascribe to every portion of the globe measuring one eighth of a cubic meter (or 3 7/10ths of a French cubic foot) in volume, an average amount of magnetism equal to that contained in a magnetic rod of 1 lb. weight.*

[footnote[ *Gauss and Weber, 'Resultate des Magnet. Vereins', 1838, 31, s. 146.

If iron and nickel, and probably, also, cobalt (but not chrome, as has long been believed),* are the only substances which become permanently magnetic, and retain polarity from a certain coerceive force, the phenomena of Arago's magnetism of rotation and of Faraday's induced currents show, on the other hand, that all telluric substances may possibly be made transitorily magnetic.

According to Faraday ('London and Edinburgh Philosophical Magazine', 1836, vol. viii., p. 178), pure cobalt is totally devoid of magnetic power. I know, however, that other celebrated chemists (Heinrich Rose and Wohler) do not admit this as absolutely certain. If out of two carefully-purified masses of cobalt totally free from nickel, one appears altogether non-magnetic (in a state of equilibrium), I think it probable that the other owes its magnetic property to a want of purity; and this opinion coincides with Faraday's view.

According to the experiments of the p 180 first-mentioned of these great physicists, water, ice, glass, and carbon affect the vibrations of the needle entirely in the same manner as mercury in the rotation experiments.*

[footnote] *Arago, in the 'Annales de Chimie', t. xxxii., p. 214; Brewster, 'Treaties on Magnetism', 1837, p. 111; Baumgartner, in the 'Zeitschrift fur Phys. und Mathem.', bd. ii., s. 419.

Almost all substances show themselves to be, in a certain degree, magnetic when they are conductors, that is to say, when a current of electricity is passing through them.

Although the knowledge of the attracting power of native iron magnets or loadstones appears to be of very ancient date among the nations of the West, there is strong historical evidence in proof of the striking fact that the knowledge of the directive power of a magnetic needle and of its relation to terrestrial magnetism was peculiar to the Chinese, a people living in the extremest eastern portions of Asia. More than a thousand years before our era, in the obscure age of Codrus, and about the time of the return of the Heraclidae to the Peloponnesus, the Chinese had already magnetic carriages, on which the movable arm of the figure of a man continually pointed to the south, as a guide by which to find the way across the boundless grass plains of Tartary; nay, even in the third century of our era, therefore at least 700 years before the use of the mariner's compass in European seas, Chinese vessels navigated the Indian Ocean* under the direction of magnetic needles pointing to the south.

[footnote] *Humboldt, 'Examen Critique de l'Hist. de la Geographie', t. iii., p. 36.

I have shown, in another work, what advantages this means of topographical direction, and the early knowledge and application of the magnetic needle gave the Chinese geographers over the Greeks and Romans, to whom, for instance, even the true direction of the Apennines and Pyrenees always remained unknown.*

[footnote] *'Asie Centrale', t. i., Introduction, p. xxxviii-xlii. The Western nations, the Greeks and the Romans, knew that magnetism could be communicated to iron, 'and that that metal would retain it for a length of time'. ("Sola haec materia ferri vires, a maguete lapide accipit, 'retinetque longo tempore." Plin., xxxiv., 14.) The great discovery of the terrestrial directive force depended, therefore, alone on this, that no one in the West had happened to observe an elongated fragment of magnetic iron stone, or a magnetic iron rod, floating, by the aid of a piece of wood, in water, or suspended in the air by a thread, in such a position as to admit of free motion.

The magnetic power of our globe is manifested on the terrestrial surface in three classes of phenomena, one of which exhibits itself in the varying intensity of the force, and the two others in the varying direction of the inclination, and in p 181 the horizontal deviation from the terrestrial meridian of the spot. Their combined action may therefore be graphically represented by three systems of lines, the 'isodynamic, isoclinic', and 'isogonic' (or those of equal force, equal inclination, and equal declination). The distances apart, and the relative positions of these moving, oscillating, and advancing curves, do not always remain the same. The total deviation (variation or declination of the magnetic needle) has not at all changed, or, at any rate, not in any appreciable degree, during a whole century, at any particular point on the Earth's surface,* as, for instance, the western part of the Antilles, or Spitzbergen.

[footnote] *A very slow secular progression, or a local invariability of the magnetic declination, prevents the confusion which might arise from terrestrial influences in the boundaries of land, when, with an utter disregard for the correction of declination, estates are, after long intervals, measured by the mere application of the compass. "The whole mass of the bottomless pit of endless litigation by the invariability of the magnetic declination in Jamica and the surrounding Archipelago during the whole of the last century, all surveys of property there having been conducted solely by the compass." See Robertson in the 'Philosophical Transactions' for 1806,