CHAPTER XCVII

.

In which the Author putteth a final conclusion to his work.

Every work to be perfect requireth to be placed in the ternary number, that is to say, it must have a beginning, a middle, and an end; and for the more perfect understanding of this, it is well we should know that there are three ternaries in the General Universal of the world, and the first of these we call "super-excellent," and we can find no certain name to signify its perfection to us, for it is unknown of sensuality, and common natures cannot understand it; but an obedient faith, with great humility, rendered more lively by the grace of God, placeth in it a steadfast strength. And therefore that philosopher and theologian, Albert the Great,[N223] in the 1st chapter of the _Celestial Hierarchy_, giveth three degrees of understanding by which God may be known.

And the first he compareth to the birds that fly by night, such as bats, owls, and other such, whose sight can in no way endure the sun's brightness; which also the prince of philosophers affirmeth in his _Metaphysics_, saying that our understanding is such (compared to the things that in their essence, as far as Nature runneth, are manifest) as the eye of the owl or bat in comparison with the brightness of the Sun. For such a vision have those who involve themselves in the desires of the earth, placing all their affection in what they receive from the images that are felt, and by this obstruct their understanding, so that it knoweth nothing of the Divine Being. And in the second he maketh comparison of the other birds that have a stronger sense and endure the heat of the Sun, but when they regard its splendour their eyes do constantly tremble; and in this manner do some act, who, withdrawing themselves far from external objects follow after Speculation by Understanding, and removing their minds far from Materiality see the Deity from afar with trembling; but as they desire to understand with human reason, it faileth them frequently and they fall into error, even as fell a part of the great philosophers who were not illumined by the light of Faith. The third vision is possessed by the beauteous eagles, which can gaze with the organ of vision upon the resplendent orb of this Planet, and by these we may principally understand those that read in the book of life and know all things as far as their understanding extendeth without other investigation. And so the men, who in the knowledge of God wish to obtain entire strength, subdue themselves to the Holy Gospel, and taking solace from what they understand, adore with humble and great reverence that which by subtlety they cannot embrace, and faithfully confess with the Doctor Saint Thomas in the ninth article of the 10th question of the book called _De Potentia Dei_, that in God there is one real circle wholly enclosed in a perfect ternary, because He comprehendeth Himself and speaketh and begetteth an Eternal Word in which He vieweth Himself and all things. And from the Father and Son there is breathed forth a tender issue by which the Divine essence is beloved and all that proceedeth from it. And so where was the Commencement of Understanding, there the Loving Will maketh its End. And we have an example of this in ourselves; for, if we consider what we understand, a certain knowledge is generated in the soul, and then the understanding offereth to the will that it may freely take what pleaseth it most; and it, receptive of the tender object, inclineth by affection to that by which the understanding was first moved.

In this manner is finished the circle which is super-spiritual and infinite in height, and in itself cannot proceed beyond the ternary in which it endeth. The second circular ternary is that of nature which includeth in it all the creatures, and it may be imagined in this wise: let us take some fountain that never faileth, from which a certain river taketh its birth, and following its course according to the vigour that it received in the commencement, it returneth to that fount at last from which it originally proceeded. And so all things have their commencement in the Lord God, the general cause and continuing in the Life they receive from Him, they have their last end in that from which they had their first beginning.

And by this ternary (which is in them of beginning, middle, and final end), saith the Philosopher, in the book that he made in which he discoursed of the Heaven and the World, that the ternary is the number in everything, and that it encloseth in itself the like perfection and middle and certain end, and that from it no creature is exempt. And on this account it was anciently established that God should be praised as a ternary.

The third ternary circle we call Moral, and it belongeth to the works that are done by us, the which commence in the credit that the Lord God willeth to give them, for He doeth them chiefly, and we are instruments set in the midst, which He useth at His pleasure, working His will and accomplishing them as He pleaseth; and for the confirming of this it is written in the Gospel of St. Luke that if we do all that is commanded of us, we may know that we are unprofitable servants, for we only perform that to which we are constrained. And of a certainty all that we can do is vanity, since it can be accomplished without us, and we deserve nothing in it except as far as it pleaseth the Creator to grant us of His mercy, by doing us the excellent favour of making use of us in His

## actions, and willing that we be instruments in some of the things that

He doeth. And this pleaseth His goodness, because He findeth in us some work of His by which we may earn a good reward. And therefore wise men perceiving this infinite mercy, that maketh them to be what they are, and understanding that all good works proceed from Him by His imperial pleasure, confess that they deserve nothing for what they may do; and they labour to fulfil this circle, so that their every act may terminate in that beginning where it commenced.

* * * * *

And because you, most high and excellent Prince, among mortals, and according to my thinking, most virtuous lord, chiefly for the sake of thanksgiving didst order me, Gomez Eannes de Azurara, your servant and creature, and through your munificence, Knight and Commander in the Order of Christ, to compose this book, with good reason it seemeth fit that in thanksgiving I should make an end of it. And since the Apostle Saint Paul teacheth us in all things to give thanks to God, as is contained in the Epistle which he sent to the men of Thessalonica; so, making the circle of my work, I put the final term in that Helper who was invoked by my will in the commencement; and I offer to the Infinite Personal Ternary whatsoever thanks I can, for I have not the power to give as many as I owe: firstly, to the Father super-essential, from whom universally proceed all things, to Him I give thanks for the talent he gave me to commence this work; and then to the Son super-spiritual, who had no commencement of being, to Him I give thanks for the help He bestowed on me to continue what I had commenced; and then to the Holy Spirit super-natural, from whom we have all good things by His benevolence, to Him I give thanks for the inspiration by which He moved your Highness to lay this command upon me and not on any other of your countrymen and subjects, of whom you could have had many. And jointly to all the Three Persons who compose the Ineffable Trinity and Super-essential Unity, our one only true Lord God, I offer thanks for the ending, because all things have concluded better than I thought before.

* * * * *

And this work was finished in the Library that this King Don Affonso made in Lisbon, on the 18th day of February, being written in this first volume by John Gonçalvez, Esquire and Scrivener of the books of the said Lord King. And to this lord may the most infinite, benign, and merciful God ever grant increase of good works and virtues better and better all the days and years of his life, and give him the fruit of His blessing that he may ever render Him thanks and praise, because He is his Maker and Creator. In the year of Jesus Christ 1453.

DEO GRACIAS.

NOTES.

[_N.B.--The page references are to the Hakluyt Society's translation_].

[Endnote 1: (p. 2). _St. Thomas, who was the most clear teacher among the Doctors of Theology_, i.e., St. Thomas Aquinas, greatest of the Schoolmen ("Doctor Angelicus"); born at Rocca Secca, near Aquino, 1225 (according to some 1227); Professor of Theology at Cologne 1248, at Paris 1253 and 1269, at Rome 1261, etc., at Naples 1272 (Doctor of Theology, 1257). Died at Fossa Nuova, in the diocese of Terracino, 1274; canonised 1323; declared a Doctor of the Church, 1567; author, among many other writings, of the _Summa Theologiae_, the greatest monument of Roman divinity. Aquinas completed the fusion of the re-discovered Aristotelian philosophy with church doctrine, which in the earlier Middle Ages had been hampered by the imperfect knowledge of Aristotelian texts in the Latin world, but which had for some time been preparing, _e.g._, in the work of Peter Lombard (d. 1164), and even earlier. Aquinas also marks the temporary intellectual victory of the Church, in the thirteenth century, over the free-thinking and disruptive tendencies which had shown themselves so threatening in the twelfth. See K. Werner, _Thomas von Aquino_, Regensburg, 1858-59; Feugueray, _Essai sur les doctrines politiques de St. T. d'A._, Paris, 1857; De Liechty, _Albert le grand et St. T. d'A._, Paris, 1880. Encken, _Die Philosophie des T. von A._, Halle, 1886.]

[Endnote 2: (p. 3). _When the King John ... went to take Ceuta_, viz., in 1415, in company with his sons, Edward (Duarte), Pedro, and Henry, and a force of 50,000 soldiers. See especially Oliveira Martins, _Os Filhos de D. João I_ (1891), ch. ii; Azurara's _Chronica de Ceuta_; Mat. Pisano, _De bello Septensi_; Major's _Henry Navigator_, 1868 ed., pp. 26-43; "Life" of the same, in _Heroes of the Nations Series_, ch. viii.]

[Endnote 3: (p. 4). _Duke John, Lord of Lançam._--On this Santarem has the following: [The Duke of whom our author speaks was probably John of Lançon, one of the Paladins of Charles the Great, concerning whose deeds there exists a MS. poem of the thirteenth century in the Collection of MSS. in the Royal Library of Paris (No. 8; 203). This reference cannot be to John I, Duke of Alençon, seeing that it does not appear that any history of his deeds was ever written].--S.]

[Endnote 4: (p. 4). _Deeds of the Cid Ruy Diaz._--[Here our author probably refers to the poem of the Cid, copies of which were spread through Spain from the twelfth century (see the _Coleccion de Poesias castellanas anteriores al siglo_ XV, Madrid, 1779-90). In the time of Azurara there was no _one_ chronicle of the Cid's deeds; see Herder, _Der Cid nach Spanischen Romanzen besungen_ 1857(-59), who translates eighty romances published on this subject; Southey's _Chronicle of the Cid_, London, 1808].--S. See also _The Cid_ (H. B. Clarke) in _Heroes of the Nations Series_; R. P. A. Dozy, _Hist. Pol-Litt. d'Espagne, Moyen-âge_, i, 320-706; _Le Cid ... Nouveaux Documents_, 1860; J. Cornu, _Etudes_, 1881 (_Romania_, x, 75-99); Canton Zalazar, _Los restos del Cid_, 1883.]

[Endnote 5: (p. 4). _The Count Nunalvarez Pereira._--The "Holy Constable," one of the Portuguese leaders in the Nationalist rising of 1383-5, which set the House of Aviz on the Portuguese throne. Azurara is credited with the (doubtful) authorship of a work on the miracles of the Holy Constable. See the Introduction to vol. i of this Edition, pp. liii-liv, and Oliveira Martins' _Vida de Nun'Alvares_, Lisbon 1893; also the latter's _Os Filhos de D. João I_, chs. i, ii; Major's _Henry Navigator_, pp. 11, 13, 14, 16, 17, 21, 78.]

[Endnote 6: (p. 5). _Pillars of Hercules_, or Straits of Gibraltar; called by some Arabic geographers (_e.g._, Mas'udi) the Strait of the Idols of Copper. The conquest of Ceuta in 1415 gave Portugal a great hold over this "narrow passage," and in 1418 Prince Henry aspired to seize Gibraltar, which would have made his country complete master of the same, but his project was discountenanced by his father's government. We may refer to Galvano's story of a Portuguese ship starting from here, shortly after 1447 (?), being driven out to certain islands in the Atlantic; to the Infant's settlement at Sagres being in tolerable proximity; and to Azurara's (and others') reckoning of distances along new-discovered coasts from the same. See Azurara, _Guinea_, ch. v.]

[Endnote 7: (p. 5). _The Church of Santiago_, i.e., St. James of Compostella, in Galicia.--[In this passage our author refers to the celebrated diploma of King D. Ramiro about the battle of Clavijo, though he does not cite that document, and also to the _Chronicle of Sampiro_. On these two documents the reader can consult Masdeu, _Historia Critica de España_, tom. xii, p. 214, etc.; tom. xiii, 390; and tom. xvi--Voto de S. Thiago Suppl. 1.].--S.]

[Endnote 8: (p. 7). _Sentences of St. Thomas and St. Gregory_, i.e., of St. Thomas Aquinas and Pope (St.) Gregory the Great (A.D. 590-604).]

[Endnote 9: (p. 7). _Garamantes_, _etc._--Properly the inhabitants of Fezzan--"Garama," or "Phazania" in classical language. Γαράμαντεσ ... ἔθνοσ μέγα ἰσχυρῶσ [Garamantes ... ethnos mega ischyrôs] says Herodotus (iv, 183). Yet like the Nasamones and other nations of this part, they are apparently conceived of by H. as a people confined to a single oasis of the desert. The Garamantes' land, H. adds, is thirty days' journey from the Lotos Eaters on the North coast of Africa, which is about the true distance from Mourzuk, in Fezzan, to Tripoli (see the journeys of Captain Lyon in 1820, and of Colonel Monteil in 1892). The oasis, ten days' journey beyond the Garamantes, inhabited by the Atarantes or Atlantes, may be the Herodotean conception of Tibesti.

Compare the story, in Herodotus, ii, 32, 33, of five Nasamonians, from the shore of the Great Syrtes, crossing the deserts to the south of Libya to an inhabited region, far west of their home, with fruit trees, extensive marshes, a city inhabited by Black People of small stature, a river flowing from west to east containing crocodiles: probably either the modern Bornu or one of the Negro states on the Middle Niger.

Pliny (_Hist Nat._, v, 5, §36) records the conquest of the Garamantes by Cornelius Balbus in B.C. 20, when the Romans captured Cydamus (Ghadames in south-west Tripoli) and Garama ("clarissimum oppidum," the Germa of the present day, whence the name "Garamantes").

In the time of Vespasian the more direct route from Œa or Tripoli to Phazania was discovered (Pliny, _l. c._). In the reign of Tiberius, during the revolt of Tacfarinas in Numidia, the Garamantes supported the rebel, and after his defeat sent to Rome to sue for pardon, an unusual embassy, as Tacitus remarks ("Garamantum legati, raro in urbe visi"). From Fezzan, in later days (about time of Trajan?) started the remarkable expeditions of Septimius Flaccus and Julius Maternus to the "Ethiopian land" (Sudan) and Agisymba (Region of Lake Chad?) in the south, which reached inhabited country after a march of three and four months respectively across the desert (see Ptolemy, i, 8, §5, from Marinus of Tyre, now lost except in Pt.'s citations). The original conquest by Balbus is probably referred to in Virgil's _Æneid VI_, 795, in the prophecy of Augustus' triumphs:--

"Super et Garamantes et Indos Proferet imperium."

_The Ethiopians ... under the Shadow of Mount Caucasus_ is an extreme instance of the mediæval geography met with so frequently in Azurara, as no African "Mt. Caucasus" has ever been identified, even as a barbarous misnomer for one of the African ranges; while Ethiopia, however confused the reference, always starts from the ancient knowledge of the Sudan, and especially the Eastern or Egyptian Sudan (see below).

The Caucasus, here used, perhaps, like "Taurus," or "Alps," in the general sense of "lofty mountains," was a great centre of mediæval myth. Here was situated, according to most authorities, the wall of Alexander, when with an iron rampart he shut up Gog and Magog, and "twenty-two nations of evil men" from invading the fertile countries of the south (see _Koran_, chs. xv, xviii; the Arabic record of "Sallam the interpreter," sent to the Caucasus about 840 by the Caliph Wathek-Billah; Ibn Khordadbeh, c. 880; St. Jerome _On Genesis_, x, 2, and _On Ezekiel_, xxxviii-ix; St. Augustine, _De Civitate Dei_, xx, 11; St. Ambrose, _De Fide ad Gratianum_, ii, 4; St. Isidore, _Origines_, ix, 2; xiv, 3; and the _Commentaries_ of Andrew and Aretes of Caesarea _On the Apocalypse_ of A.D. _c._ 400 and _c._ 540; _Dawn of Modern Geography_, pp. 335-8, 425-434).]

[Endnote 10: (p. 7). _Indians of Greater and Lesser India_ is a regular mediæval term for the inhabitants of India proper and of south-western Asia, sometimes including Abyssinia. Another frequent division was threefold: India Prima, Secunda, Tertia, or Greater, Lesser, and Middle, as in Marco Polo, Bk. III, chs. i, xxxviii-xxxix. Most commonly, Greater India means India west of Ganges; Lesser India corresponds to the classical _India extra Gangem_, or Assam, Burma, Siam, etc.; and Middle India stands for Abyssinia, and perhaps for some parts of the Arabian coast, as far as the Persian Gulf. On this passage we must also notice the following MS. notes:--

[α. _Garamantes, Ethiopians and Indians._--It must be understood that these are three peoples, as saith Isidore in his sixth book [_i.e._, _of the Etymologies_ or _Origins of St. Isidore of Seville_, _written c. A.D. 600_], to wit, the Asperi, Garamantes and Indians. The Asperi are in the west, the Garamantes in the middle, the Indians in the east. He reckoned with the Garamantes, the Tregodites [_Troglodytes or Trogodites_] because they are their neighbours. Alfargano [_Mohammed Alfergani, or of Ferghanah on the Upper Oxus, a great Mohammedan geographer of the ninth century, author of a "Book of Celestial Movements" translated into Hebrew and from Hebrew into Latin, which also described the chief towns and countries of the world_] placed Meroe, which is Queen of the Nations, between the Nubians and the Indians. The Garamantes are so called from Garama, which is the capital of their Kingdom, and the castle of which standeth between Inenense and Ethiopia, where is a fountain which cooleth with the heat of the day, and groweth hot with the cold of the night. Ethiopia is over against Egypt and Africa, on the southern part thereof; from the east it stretcheth over against the west even to the Ethiopian Sea. And because much of the people of these three nations are Christians, and because they desired to see the world, they came to these parts of Spain, where they received great gifts from the Infant, on account of which the author hath given this description in his chapter thereupon.

β. _Caucasus._--This mount is so called from Candor, the which stretcheth from India to Taurus, in its length, through various peoples and tongues, and therefore is variously named. Some say that Mt. Caucasus and Mt. Taurus are all one, but Orosius reproveth this opinion.] On the fountain of Garama, cf. Solinus, xxx, i.]

[Endnote 11: (p. 7). _To visit the Apostle_, viz., St. James of Compostella, patron saint of Spain, and traditionally the "Apostle" of that country. Santiago de Compostella was once the capital of Galicia; it lies 55 kilometres south of Coruña, on the north bank, and near the source, of the River Sar, which flows into the Ulla. The town is built round the Cathedral, which claims to possess the body of St. James. A star was said to have originally shown the place of this relic, hence "Compostella" (Campus stellae). The body of the great church was commenced in 1082 and completed in 1128; the cloisters were finished in 1533. An earlier church of the later ninth century had been destroyed in 997 by the Arabs under the famous "hagib" Almanzor, who also restored Barcelona to the Western Caliphate, and nearly crushed all the Christian kingdoms of Spain. For centuries Compostella was the most famous and fashionable place of pilgrimage, next to Rome, in Europe. It is referred to in Chaucer, Prologue to _Canterbury Tales_, l. 466, in the description of the "Wife of Bath:"

"At Rome she haddé been, and at Boloyne In Galice at Saint Jame, and at Coloyne."]

[Endnote 12: (p. 8). _Ancient and venerable city of Thebes._--Here we have again a MS. note.

[We must understand that there are two cities of Thebes--the one in Egypt and the other in Greece. That in Greece was the selfsame which in the time of Pharaoh Nicrao (_Necho_, _see Herodotus, ii_, _158-9: Josephus Antiq. Jud._) was called Jersem, as saith Marco Polo, whence came the Kings of Thebes who reigned in Egypt C I R (_190_) years. And this was one of the places which were given to Jacob, by the countenance of his son Joseph, when by the needs of hunger he went with his eleven sons to Egypt, as it is writ in Genesis. And Saint Isidore saith in his xvth book (_of Origins_) that Cadmus built Thebes in Egypt, and that he, passing into Greece, founded the other and Grecian Thebes, in the province of Acaya (_Achaia_), the which is now called the land of the Prince of the Amoreans.]

It is not necessary to dwell on the additional confusion furnished by this "explanation"--Thebes given to the Israelites (as part of Goshen?), Cadmus building the Egyptian Thebes, Achaia for Bœotia, and so forth; but the point really noticeable is that in Azurara's text the "dwellers on the Nile who possess Thebes" came in here as "wearing the Prince's livery:" _i.e._, the negroes of the Senegal are supposed to live on the western branch of the Nile, which mediæval conceptions obstinately brought from Egypt or Nubia to the Atlantic, and which Prince Henry's seamen thought they had discovered when they reached the Senegal; just as later in the Gambia, the Niger, and the Congo, other equivalents were imagined for the Negro Nile of Edrisi, and the West African river-courses of Pliny and Ptolemy. Cf. chs. xxx, xxxi, lx-lxii, of this Chronicle.]

[Endnote 13: (p. 8). _Wisdom of the Italians ... labyrinth._--Here we have another original MS. note. [Labyrinth is so much as to say anything into which a man having entered cannot go out again (_so Prince Henry, in Azurara, vol. i, p. 8 (ch. ii), has "entered a labyrinth of Glory"_). And therefore, saith Ovid, in his _Metamorphoses_, that Pasiphaë, wife of Minos, king of Crete, conceived the Minotaur, who was half man and half bull. The which was imprisoned by Daedalus in the Labyrinth into which whatsoever entered knew not how to come out, and whosoever was without knew not how to enter. And of this Labyrinth speaketh Seneca in the _Tragedy_, where he treated of the matter of Hippolytus and Phedra].

Azurara's reference to the distinctive virtues of the four great peoples here noticed is interesting, especially from the fact that Prince Henry's mother was an Englishwoman; that the Emperor (now a purely German sovereign, though still in name "holy and Roman"), invited him to enter his service (see ch. vi); that the Pope (like Henry VI (?) King of England) made him similar offers; that his scientific and practical connections with Italy were very important; and that his sister Isabel was married to the Duke of Burgundy. "The wisdom of the Italians" was nowhere more conspicuous at that time than in geography. Italians initiated the great mediæval and renaissance movement of discovery both by land and sea (cf. John de Plano Carpini, Marco, Nicolo, and Matteo Polo, Malocello, Tedisio Dorio, the Vivaldi, the Genoese captains and pilots of 1341, precursors of Varthema, the Cabots, Verrazano, and Columbus). Italians also constructed the first scientific maps or Portolani (existing specimens from 1300 show out of 498 examples 413 of Italian origin, including all the more famous and perfect). Lastly, Italians probably brought the use of the magnet to higher efficiency; though they did not "invent" the same, it is likely that they were the first to fit the magnet into a box and connect it with a compass-card. "Prima dedit nautis _usum_ magnetis Amalphis."

Also, we may recall that the Infant Don Pedro, Henry's brother, brought home from Venice in 1428 a map illustrating a copy of Marco Polo (see p. liv of the Introduction to this volume), and that the most important map-draughtsmen of the Prince's lifetime were Andrea Bianco, Fra Mauro, and Gratiosus Benincasa. From 1317, when King Diniz appointed the Genoese Emmanuele Pesagno Admiral of Portugal, and contracted for a regular supply of Genoese pilots and captains, down to the Infant's earlier years, when the Genoese tried to secure a "lease" of Sagres promontory as a naval station, and even to the time when the Venetian Cadamosto sailed in his service (1455-6), and Antoniotto Uso di Mare and Antonio de Noli were to be found in the same employment, the connection between Portuguese and Italian seamanship was very close--a relationship almost of daughter and mother.]

[Endnote 14: (p. 9). _From the islands thou didst people in the Ocean_, etc. ... _wood from those parts._

Here Azurara gives some references to the products raised in the newly-colonised groups of "African Islands"--corn, honey, wax, and especially wood, on which Santarem remarks:--

[This interesting detail shows that the wood (Madeira) transported to Portugal from the islands newly discovered by the Infant D. Henrique, chiefly from the isle of Madeira, was in such quantity as to cause a change in the system of construction of houses in towns, by increasing the number of storeys, and raising the height of the houses, thus bringing in a new style of building instead of the Roman and Arabic systems then probably followed. This probability acquires more weight in view of the system of lighting at Lisbon ordered by King Ferdinand, as appears from a document in the Archives of the Municipality of Lisbon. So this detail related by Azurara is a very curious one for the history of our architecture.]--S.]

[Endnote 15: (p. 9). _Dwellers in the Algarve_ (_Alfagher_), i.e., the extreme southern portion of Portugal, including Cape St. Vincent, the cities of Lagos, Faro and Tavira, and Sagres (off C. St. V.), the special residence of the Prince himself. Later, the plural title "Algarves" was applied to this Province, in conjunction with the possessions of Portugal on the North African coast immediately fronting the Spanish peninsula, viz., Ceuta, "Alcacer Seguer," Anafe, Tangier, Arzila, etc.]

[Endnote 16: (p. 10). _Moors ... on this side the Straits and also beyond._--Moors who on "this side the Straits" had "died" from Prince Henry's lance might be difficult to find; but of "those beyond" the reference is more particularly to the conquest of Ceuta, 1415; the relief of the same, 1418; the abortive attempt on Tangier, 1437; and the raids upon the Azanegue Moors between Cape Bojador and the Senegal, _c._ 1441-1450. The African campaign of 1458, which resulted in the capture of Alcacer the Little, cannot, of course, be included here.]

[Endnote 17: (p. 10). _That false schismatic Mohammed._--In the ordinary style of mediæval reference, as followed by Father Maracci and the older European school of Arabic learning. The progress of the Moslem faith in North Africa was rapid in the Mediterranean coast zone, but comparatively slow in the Sahara and Sudan. See Introduction to vol. ii, pp. xliii-lix, and W. T. Arnold, _Missions of Islam_.]

[Endnote 18: (p. 11). _Duchess of Burgundy._--The Infanta Isabel, Prince Henry's sister, was niece of a King of England, viz., as Santarem says, of Henry IV, son of John, Duke of Lancaster. [By this connection our Infant was a great-grandson of Edward III, and at the same time a descendant of the last kings of the Capetian house, and likewise allied to the family of Valois. The Infanta Donna Philippa was married to the Duke of Burgundy, Philip the Good, on January 10th, 1429. She was not only endowed with very eminent qualities, but was also of rare beauty. She had great influence on public affairs. The Duke, her husband, instituted the celebrated order of the Golden Fleece to celebrate this marriage. This princess died at Dijon, December 17th, 1472. From this alliance came many descendants. She was equally beloved by her brothers, and especially by King D. Edward (Duarte), who, in his _Leal Conselheiro_ (ch. xliv, "Da Amizade"), speaks of the great affection and regret which he felt for her. The festivities which took place at Bruges on her arrival were among the most sumptuous of the Middle Ages].--S.]

[Endnote 19: (p. 12). _The Philosopher_, i.e., Aristotle, in Azurara's day regarded among Christians as the "master of them that knew." The transformation of Aristotle into a storehouse of Christian theology was a long process, which was perhaps most completely successful in the hands of Thomas Aquinas.]

[Endnote 20: (p. 14). _As in his Chronicle_, i.e., _The Chronicle of the Reign of Affonso V, the African_, attributed by Barros and Goes to Azurara himself, and perhaps embodied (partially) in Ruy de Pina's existing chronicle of the monarch. (See Azurara, Hakluyt Soc. ed., vol. i, Introduction, pp. lxi-lxiii.) We must notice that a little earlier (p. 13, top of our version), on Azurara's reference to Prince Henry as an "uncrowned prince" (cf. Azurara, vol. ii, Introduction, p. xix). Santarem remarks:

[This detail, recorded by Azurara, a contemporary writer, shows the error into which Fr. Luiz de Souza fell in his _Historia de S. Domingos_, liv. vi, fol. 331, by saying that the Infant was elected King of Cyprus: an error which José Soares da Silva repeated in his _Memorias d'El Rei D. João I_; whereas if the words of Azurara were not sufficient to demonstrate the contrary, the dates and facts of history would prove the errors of those authors. As a matter of fact, the kingdom of Cyprus, which Richard, King of England, took from the Greeks in 1191, was immediately ceded by that Prince to Guy of Lusignan, whose posterity reigned in that kingdom till 1487; and as our Infant was born in 1394 and died in 1460, it was not possible for him to be elected sovereign of a kingdom ruled by a legitimate line of monarchs. Besides this, in the list of the Latin or Frank Kings of Cyprus, the name of D. Henry is not found. It is to be presumed that Fr. Luiz de Souza confounded Henry, Prince of Galilee, son of James I, King of Cyprus, with our Infant D. Henry.]--S.

Also, on the words _Atlas the Giant_ (middle of p. 13 in our version), there is another original MS. note:

[Atlas was king of the land in the west of Europe and of that in the west of Africa, brother of Prometheus, that great wise man and philosopher descended from Japhet, the giant. And this Atlas was considered the greatest astrologer living in the world at his time. And his knowledge of the stars made him give such true forecasts of matters which were fated to happen, that men said in his time that he sustained the heaven upon his shoulders. And as Lucas saith, he was the first who invented the art of painting in the city of Corinth, which is in Greece.]

On this Santarem remarks:--

[Here our author mixes up all the historical and mythological traditions from Greek and Latin authors relative to Atlas. Diodorus Siculus and Plato are not cited by Azurara, who, however, relates that Atlas was king of the West of Europe and of the West of Africa; but he forgets to say that he reigned over the Atlantes, as Herodotus says, and confounds Prometheus with "Japhet," whose son he was, viz., according to Apollodorus, Diodorus Siculus, and all the ancient writers. Diodorus says in effect that Atlas had taught astronomy to Hercules, but our author confounds the three princes of this name, and made a mistake in citing Lucas de Tuy (continuer of the _Chronicle_ of Isidore of Seville) as saying that Atlas was the first who invented the art of painting in the city of Corinth. The origin of this art was unknown to the ancients. It is true that Sicyon and Corinth disputed the glory of the discovery, but the discoverer according to most of the ancient authors was Cleanthes of Corinth and not Atlas, as Azurara says. According to others, the discovery was due to Philocles the Egyptian.]--S.

The Atlas chain of N. Africa has been the subject of persistent exaggeration. The Greek pillar of heaven (derived from Carthaginian? seamen) probably referred to Teneriffe. No summit in the Atlas range answers to the legend. Though Miltsin rises to 11,400 feet, neither this nor any other peak can be supposed to represent the idea of towering height embodied in the story. We may notice the enormous over-proportion of the Atlas in some of the most important maps which Prince Henry and his seamen had to consult (_e.g._, Dulcert of 1339, the Catalan of 1375). See Introduction, vol. ii, pp. cxxiii-iv, cxxvi.]

[Endnote 21: (p. 14). _Tangier ... the most perilous affair in which he ever stood before or after_, viz., in 1437. The conquest of Ceuta (aided perhaps by the earlier discoveries of Prince Henry's seamen) had made some in Portugal eager for more African conquests, and in 1433 King Duarte (Edward) on his accession was induced by his brothers Henry and Ferdinand, against the opinion of his next brother Pedro, to take up the project of an attack on Tangier. The Papal Court gave only a very doubtful approval to the war, but on August 22, 1437, an expedition sailed for Ceuta. Tetuan was captured, and on September 23 Prince Henry began the siege of Tangier, but his attacks on the town were repulsed; the Portuguese were surrounded by overwhelming forces which had come down from Marocco, Fez, and Tafilet for the relief of the city; and on October 25 the assailants surrendered with the honours of war, on condition that Ceuta should be given up with all the Moorish prisoners then in Portuguese hands, and that the Portuguese should abstain for 100 years from any further attack upon the Moors of this part of Barbary. Prince Ferdinand was left with twelve nobles as hostages for the performance of the treaty. The convention was repudiated in Portugal, and Ferdinand, the "constant Prince," died in his captivity June 3, 1443. Like Regulus in Roman tradition, he advised his countrymen against the enemy's terms of ransom,

"Lest bought with price of Ceita's potent town To public welfare be preferred his own."

Camöens: _Lusiads_, iv, 52 (Burton).]

[Endnote 22: (p. 14). _Because Tully commandeth._--It is characteristic of Azurara's school and time that he should declare his preference for truthful writing because a great classic recommended the same.]

[Endnote 23: (p. 15). _College of Celestial virtues._--Contrasted with the previous reference, this gives a good idea of Azurara's mental outlook--on one side towards Greek and Latin antiquity, on another to the Catholic theology. The Christian side of the Mediæval Renaissance had not, in Portugal, been overpowered by the Pagan. We may remember, as to the context here, that on the capture of Ceuta the chief mosque was at once turned into the Cathedral.]

[Endnote 24: (p. 16). _Districts of the Beira ... and Entre Douro e Minho._ The three northern provinces of Portugal:--The Beira, comprising most of the land between the Tagus and the Douro (except the S.W. portion); the Tral (or Traz) os Montes, the N.E. extremity; and the Entre Douro e Minho, the N.W. extremity of the Kingdom. Here was the cradle of the state--for the principality granted in 1095 by Alfonso VI of Leon to the free-lance, Henry of Burgundy, was entirely within the limits of these provinces, and was at first almost entirely confined to lands North of the Mondego, being composed of the counties of Coimbra and Oporto.]

[Endnote 25: (p. 16). _The two cities_, viz., The citadel and the lower town of Ceuta, which together covered the neck of a long peninsula running out some three miles eastward from the African mainland, and broadening again beyond the eastern wall of Ceuta into a hilly square of country. The citadel covered the isthmus which joined the peninsula to the mainland. East of the citadel was Almina, containing "the outer and larger division of the city, as well as the seven hills from which Ceuta derived its name," the highest of which was in the middle of the peninsula, and was called El Acho, from the fortress on its summit. "On the north side of the peninsula, from the citadel to the foot of this last-mentioned hill, the city was protected by another lofty wall." According to some, the old name of _Septa_ was derived from the town's seven hills; it was ancient, being repaired, enlarged and re-fortified by Justinian in the course of his restoration of the Roman Empire in the Western Mediterranean.]

[Endnote 26: (p. 17). _A duke ... in the Algarve_, viz., Duke of Viseu and Lord of Covilham. His investiture took place at Tavira in the Algarve, immediately on the return of the Ceuta expedition. Together with his elder brother Pedro, whom King John at the same time made Duke of Coimbra, Henry was the first of Portuguese dukes. This title was introduced into England as early as 1337, and the Infant's mother was the daughter of one of the first English dukes, "old John of Gaunt, time-honoured Lancaster."]

[Endnote 27: (p. 17). _The people of Fez ... of Bugya._--This Moslem league of 1418 against Portuguese Ceuta comprised nearly all the neighbouring Islamic states (1) Fez--the centre of Moslem culture in Western "Barbary," a very troublesome state, politically, to the great ruling dynasties in N.W. Africa--contained two towns at this time, called respectively the town of the Andalusi, or Spaniards--from the European (Moslem) emigrants who lived there--and the town of the Kairwani, from Kairwan ("Cairoan"), the holy city of Tunis. The founder of the greatness of Fez was Idris, whose dynasty reigned there A.D. 788-985. It was captured by Abd-el-Mumen ben Ali, the Almohade, in 1145. It was also besieged in 960, 979, 1045, 1048, 1069, 1248, 1250. See Leo Africanus (Hakluyt Soc. ed.), pp. 143-5, 393, 416-486, 589-606. (2) _Granada_ was still a Moslem Kingdom, as it remained till its capture by Ferdinand and Isabella in 1492. It was now (1418) ruled by the successors of Mohammed-al-Hamar, who in 1236 gathered the relics of the western Caliphate into the Kingdom of Granada. In 1340 the Granadine attempt, in alliance with Berber help from Africa, to recover southern Spain for Islam, had been defeated in the great battle of the Tarifa, or Salado (one of the first engagements where cannon were used); but Granada still (in the fifteenth century) retained considerable strength. (3) _Tunis._--Leo Africanus mentions its capture by Okba (Akbah) in the seventh century A.D., by the Almoravides in the eleventh century, and by Abd-el Mumen ben Ali, the Almohade, in the twelfth century. It was unsuccessfully attacked at times by those states whose trade with it was most important, _e.g._, by Louis IX of France in his crusade of 1270; by the Genoese, 1388-90; by the Kings of Sicily, 1289-1335; and by other foreign states; but remained for the most part independent, from the breakup of the Almohade empire till its capture by Barbarossa for the Ottomans in 1531. See Leo Africanus, pp. 699, 716, 753. (4) _Marocco._--The city of Marocco was founded, A.D. 1070-2 according to some, 1062-3 according to others (A.H. 454), by Yusuf Ibn Tashfin, the Almoravide. Under both Almoravides and Almohades its greatness steadily increased. Abd-el-Mumen ben Ali took it for the latter, and under his grandson, Yakub Almansor, it became the Almohade capital (A.D. 1189-90). The Beni-Merini succeeding to power in these parts in the thirteenth century, removed the seat of government to Fez (1269-1470). See Leo Africanus, pp. 262-272, 351-359. Early in the sixteenth century the Portuguese, under Nuno Fernandez d'Ataide, Governor of Safi, attacked Marocco without success. A district called Marocco was much older than the city. "Marakiyah," in Masudi (iii, p. 241, Meynard and Courteille), is used of a district to which the Berbers emigrated. (5) _Bugia_, _Bougie_, anciently also _Bujaïa_ and _Bejaïa_, a very ancient city. Carthage had a settlement here; Augustus established a Roman colony with the title of Colonia Julia Augusta Saldantum ("Saldaa"). It fell into the power of the Vandals in the fifth, of the Arabs in the sixth, century; and during the earlier Caliphate it carried on a considerable trade, especially with the Christian states of the Western Mediterranean. This trade continued to flourish during the later Middle Ages; and we may instance, not only the favourable descriptions of Edrisi (_c._ 1154) and of Leo Africanus (1494-1552), but also the Pisan commerce (of about 1250-64) both in merchandise and in learning, with this city, as well as the Aragonese treaties of 1309 and 1314, and the Pisan embassy of 1378, as a few examples out of many. In 1068, En-Naser having restored and embellished the town, made it his capital, re-naming it En-Naseria; Abd-el-Mumen ben Ali subjected it to the Almohade empire in 1152; in 1509 Count Peter of Navarre seized it, and the Spaniards held it till 1555. From 1833 it has been a French possession. See Edrisi (Jaubert), vol. i, pp. 202, 236-8, 241, 245-6, 258, 269; Leo Africanus, Hakluyt Soc. edn. pp. 126, 143-4, 699, 700, 745, 932.]

[Endnote 28: (p. 17). _Chance of taking Gibraltar ... did not offer itself to him._--This project is especially notable in the light of later history, as of the years 1704, 1729, 1779-82, and of earlier times, _e.g._, 710. Prince Henry seems to have been one of the few men who valued aright (before quite modern times) the position from which the Arabs advanced to the Conquest of Spain, and from which the English obtained so great a hold over the Mediterranean. It was only in the later sixteenth century that one can discover anything like a widespread perception of Gibraltar's importance.]

[Endnote 29: (p. 18). _Canary Islands._--Here Azurara probably refers to the projects of 1424-5, though his words may apply to Henry's efforts in 1418, or in 1445-6, to acquire the Canaries for Portugal (see Introduction to vol. ii, p. xcvi-xcviii).

The "great Armada ... to shew the natives the way of the holy faith" is very characteristic of Azurara.]

[Endnote 30: (p. 18). _Governed Ceuta ... left the government to King Affonso at the beginning of his reign._--On this, Santarem has the following note:--

[The 35 years during which the Infant governed Ceuta must be understood in the sense that during the reigns of his father and brother and nephew (till Affonso V reached his majority) he directed the affairs of Ceuta, but not that he governed that place by residing there. The dates and facts recorded show that we must understand what is here said in this sense, seeing that the Infant, after the capture of that city (Ceuta) in August 1415, returned to the Kingdom (of Portugal); and there was left as Governor of Ceuta D. Pedro de Menezes, who held this command for twenty-two years (_D. N. do Leão_, cap. 97). The Infant returned to Africa in 1437 for the unfortunate campaign of Tangier. After this expedition he fell ill in Ceuta and stayed there only five months, and thence again returned to Portugal, and spent the greater part of his time in the Algarve, occupied with his maritime expeditions. He went back for the third time to Africa with King D. Affonso V for the campaign of Alcacer in 1456, returning immediately afterwards to Sagres.

Beyond this, it should be noticed that the sons of King D. John I had charge of the presidency and direction of various branches of State administration. D. Duarte (Edward) was, in the life of the King his father, entrusted with the presidency of the Supreme Court of Judicature and with the duty of despatching business in Council, as is recorded by him in detail in ch. xxx of the _Leal Conselheiro_. The Infant D. Henry had charge of all African business, and so by implication of everything relating to Ceuta.

Finally, the sublime words of King D. Duarte to D. Duarte de Menezes, when he said, "If I am not deceived in you, not even to give it to a son of mine will I deprive you of the captaincy of Ceuta" (Azurara, _Chronica de D. Duarte_, ch. xliii), show that the Infant D. Henry was not then properly Governor of Ceuta; although he was formally appointed to that post on July 5th, 1450, he never actually occupied it (see Souza, prov. of Bk. v, No. 51).]--S.]

[Endnote 31: (p. 18). _The fear of his vessels kept in security ... the merchants who traded between East and West._--This important detail has not been noticed sufficiently in lives of D. Henry. If Azurara really means that the Infant's fleet preserved the coasts of Spain from all fear of the piracy which then, as later, endangered the commerce of the Western Mediterranean, we can only regret that no further details have come down to us about this point. For such a task the Prince must have maintained a pretty large navy: though it is noticeable that piracy seems to have been worse on the so-called Christian side in the mediæval period; and not till after the fifteenth century, and the establishment of Turkish suzerainty, was it as bad on the Moslem side (see Mas Latrie, _Relations de l'Afrique Septentrionale avec les Chrétiens au Moyen Age_, passim, and especially pp. 4, 5, 61-2, 117, 128-30, 161-208, 340-5, 453, 469, 534). The forbearance of the Barbary States with Christian freebooting from the eleventh century to the sixteenth, their tolerance of Christian colonies in their midst, and the special favours constantly shown to individual Christians, would surprise those who think only of Algerine, Tunisian, or Maroccan piracy and "Salee rovers." Roger II of Sicily is a striking exception to this disgraceful rule. In the earlier Middle Ages, some of the Christian Republics of Italy even joined Moslems in slave-raiding upon other Christians (see _Dawn of Modern Geography_, pp. 203-4).]

[Endnote 32: (p. 18). _Peopled five Islands ... especially Madeira_ (see Introduction to vol. ii, pp. xcviii-cii).]

[Endnote 33: (p. 19). _Alfarrobeira, where ... Don Pedro was ... defeated._--D. Pedro, the eldest of the uncrowned sons of King John I, was famous for his journeys in Europe, ending in 1428, when he returned from Venice with many treasures, among others a MS. copy of Marco Polo, and a map of the traveller's route (see Introduction to vol. ii, p. liv). He was still more famous for his wise government of Portugal as Regent for his young nephew, Affonso V, 1439-47. He took part in the campaign of Ceuta, 1415; advised vainly against the Tangier campaign of 1437; married his daughter Isabel to the King in 1447 (May); was worried into a semblance of rebellion, 1448-9, and was killed in a battle at the rivulet of Alfarrobeira, between Aljubarrota and Lisbon, in May 1449.

On his companion, the Count of Avranches ("Dabranxes" in Azurara), Santarem has a note remarking that he, D. Alvaro Vaz d'Almada, was [made a Count (of Avranches) in Normandy, by gift of the King of England (Henry V), after the battle of Azincourt, when he was also created a knight of the Order of the Garter.]

He was sometimes called, in the affected Renaissance fashion of the time, the "Spanish Hercules;" but he also had fallen into disfavour with Affonso V. He escaped from imprisonment at Cintra, joined D. Pedro in Coimbra (the latter's dukedom), and marched with him to his death (see Introduction to vol. ii, pp. xvi-xviii).]

[Endnote 34: (p. 19). _Order of Christ ... Mother-convent ... Sacred uses._--Prince Henry was Grand Master of the Order of Christ, founded by King Diniz in 1319, in place of the Templars, whose property in great measure it inherited (see Introduction to vol. ii, p. xviii-xix).

The mother-convent of the Order of Christ was at Thomar, in the (Portuguese) province of Estremadura, 45 kilometres N.N.E. of Santarem, or a little N.W. of Abrantes, and is noticeable for its sumptuous architecture. It was founded originally as a house of the Templars by Donna Theresa, mother of Affonso Henriques, first King of Portugal; it was enlarged and rebuilt in 1180 and 1320. At the latter date it passed, with the reconstitution of Diniz, from the Templars to the Order of Christ.]

[Endnote 35: (p. 19). _St. Mary of Belem ... Pombal ... Soure ... Chair of Theology ... St. Mary of Victory ... yearly revenue_ (and see next sentence of text).--This is the _locus classicus_ on the benefactions of the Prince (see Introduction to vol. ii, pp. cvi-cix).

St. Mary of Belem, "near the sea at Restello," a chapel where the Infant's mariners could pay their devotions the last thing before putting out to sea from Lisbon, or return thanks after a voyage, was superseded by the more sumptuous edifice of Kings Emanuel and John III, known as the Jeronymos, and named "the Lusiads in stone," which, with the exception of Batalha, is the noblest of Portuguese buildings. Da Gama, however, when starting for and returning from India, had only Prince Henry's little chapel available.

Pombal, in Estremadura, and Soure, in Beira, are both a little S.W. of Coimbra: Pombal being further in the direction of Leiria.]

[Endnote 36: (p. 20). _Ready to go to Ceuta ... desisted._--This abortive African expedition belongs to the reign of Affonso V, and apparently to the years immediately subsequent to the Tangier disaster of 1437 (see Introduction to vol. ii. pp. xvi-xvii).]

[Endnote 37: (p. 21). _The Infant's town ... So named ... by writing._--The settlement at Sagres. On this Santarem has the following notes:--

[α. We see by our author's account what was the state in 1453 of the town of which the Infant had laid the foundations in 1416, and to which at first was given the name of "Tercena Naval" (Naval Arsenal), from the Venetian word "Darcena," an arsenal for the construction and docking of galleys; it afterwards received the name of Villa do Infante (the Infant's town), and later on that of Sagres--derived from Sagro, Sacrum, the famous Promontorium Sacrum of the ancients, according to D. Francisco Manoel, _Epanaphoras_, p. 310. It should be noted that the celebrated Cadamosto, who had speech with the Infant in 1455, at Cape St. Vincent, does not give the name of the town, though he speaks of the interview which he had with him (Henry) at Rapozeira].

[β. In writing "Callez" for "Cadiz" in this paragraph, our author follows the corrupt nomenclature of the authors and MSS. of the Middle Ages, which altered the name of that city from the Gades of Pliny (v, 19), Macrobius, Silius Italicus (xvi, 468), Columella (viii, ch. xvi), a form more like the primitive Gadir (a hedge) in the Phœnician or Punic language. The corrupt terms Calles, Callis, etc., are, however, met with even in documents of the sixteenth century. See the letters of Vespucci in the edition of Gruninger (1509)].

[γ. As to this reference to the Genoese (desiring to buy Sagres from Portugal), the meaning must be that they offered great sums of money for the concession of a place in the new town for the establishment there of a factory, and perhaps of a colony, similar to those they possessed in the Black Sea, as especially Caffa (now Theodosia, in the Crimea), or Smyrna in the Archipelago. It is, however, improbable that they proposed to the Infant the cession of a town of which he did not hold the sovereignty. The Republic of Genoa had preserved very close relations with Portugal from the commencement of the monarchy, and could not be ignorant that even the Sovereigns of the country were not able to alienate any portion of the land without the consent of the Cortes (on this subject see Part III of our _Memorias sobre as Cortes_). Howsoever the case may have been, the detail referred to by our author illustrates the prudence of the Portuguese Government of that time in having resisted such a proposal, in view of the fact that the Republic of Genoa had by its immense naval power obtained from the Moorish and African princes the concession of various important points in Asia and Africa; and had also procured from the Greek Emperors the cession of the suburbs of Pera and Galata in Constantinople, and the isles of Scios, Mitylene (Lesbos), and Tenedos in the Archipelago. The reader will find it worth his attention that Portugal refused to accede to a similar offer when the Emperors of the East and of Germany, the Kings of Sicily, Castile, Aragon, and the Sultans of Egypt constantly sought the alliance of that Republic and the protection of its powerful marine. True it is that the power of Genoa had already then begun to decline and to become enfeebled, but none the less important are the details given by Azurara and the observations which we have offered for the consideration of the reader].

As to the connections of Genoa with Spain, we may add the following:--

Genoese relations with Barcelona became active in the twelfth century. In 1127 the Republic concluded a commercial treaty with Count Raymond Berenger III, and formed an offensive and defensive alliance with the same Prince in 1147. As a result, the allies took Almeria and Tortosa. In this conquest two-thirds went to the Count, one-third to the Genoese. In 1153 they sold their new possessions to Count Raymond for money and trading rights; but in 1149 they concluded a treaty of peace and commerce with the Moorish King of Valencia, and in 1181 a similar treaty with the King of Majorca. As early as 1315 the Genoese had begun a direct trade by sea with the Low Countries, passing round the Spanish coast. After the conquest of Seville by Ferdinand III they also obtained important trade privileges in that city, especially those enjoyed by a grant of May 22nd, 1251. By this time they had ousted all their Italian rivals in the trade of the Western Mediterranean, and there held a position analogous almost to that of Venice under the Latin empire of Constantinople. In 1267 all the Genoese consuls in Spain were put under a Consul-General at Ceuta. In 1278 Genoa concluded a treaty of peace and commerce with Granada. In 1317 the Genoese, Emmanuel Pessanha (Pezagno), became Lord High Admiral of Portugal: Genoese captains and pilots were employed in the Spanish exploring voyage to the Canaries in 1341; and a regular contingent of Genoese pilots and captains was maintained in the Spanish service. See Introduction to vol. ii, p. lxxx.]

[Endnote 38: (p. 22). _Jerome ... Sallust ... so high a charge._--Here again is the truly characteristic mingling of sacred and profane learning, both almost equally authoritative to his mind, in Azurara. Cf. Sallust, _Catiline_, chs. ii, viii, li; especially viii.]

[Endnote 39: (p. 22). _Phidias ("Fadyas") ... the philosopher ... chapter on wisdom._--Here Santarem has the following notes:--

[α. The "height" of which Azurara speaks is the Parthenon, or Temple of Minerva, in Athens. The famous statue of that goddess, in gold and ivory, was made by that famous sculptor (Phidias), and placed by the Athenians in that magnificent temple]. Cf. Pliny, _Nat. Hist._, Bk. xxxiv, ch. xix.

[β. The philosopher is Aristotle. It is not unworthy of note that our author cites Aristotle in this place, and prefers his authority to that of Pausanias. This preference, which may also be frequently observed in the _Leal Conselheiro_ of King D. Duarte, proves the great esteem in which the works of the Stagyrite philosopher were held among our ancestors (as well as in other nations) during the Middle Ages. Our learned men followed him in preference to Pausanias, even when treating of the antiquities of Greece].]

[Endnote 40: (p. 23). _Great Valerius._--Here again Santarem:--[This author, cited by Azurara, is Valerius Maximus, a writer of the time of Tiberius, who wrote _De dictis factisque memorabilibus_ in nine books. He was a native of Rome, and therefore Azurara says, "of thy city."] Azurara is not mistaken, as Santarem suggests, in assuming that the Roman author did not only deal with the deeds of his compatriots but also described those of foreigners. Of the main divisions of V.'s work, the first book is devoted chiefly to religious and ritual matters, the second to various civil institutions, the third and three following books to social virtues; the seventh book treats of many different subjects. This treatise was very popular in the Middle Ages, and several abridgments were made, one by Julius Paris.]

[Endnote 41: (p. 24). _What Romulus ... Manlius Torquatus ... Cocles ("Colles") ... diminishing of his praise._--On this Santarem remarks: [T. Manlius Torquatus, the dictator, is here seemingly referred to; on whom see _Livy_, vii, 4, and _Plutarch_, i].

The contrast of Cæsar's gaiety with the strictness of Henry's life refers us to ch. iv (beginning), pp. 12, 13, of this version. Azurara had but a very inadequate conception (supplement from Cadamosto, Pacheco Pereira, and Barros) of the real scope of Henry's life-work, and his remarks sometimes sink into mere flattery; but the comparisons he makes here are not misjudged. The Infant was really one of the men who, like Cæsar, Alexander, Peter I of Russia, or Mohammed, force us to think how different the history of the world would have been without them.]

[Endnote 42: (p. 24). _Captain of their Armies._--Here Santarem:--[This detail is so interesting for the history of that epoch, that we judge it opportune to indicate here, for the illustration of our text, the names of these sovereigns. The invitation given by the Pope (as recorded here) to the Infant could only have taken place after the taking of Ceuta, a campaign in which the Prince acquired immortal glory, having commanded the squadron and been first of the princes to enter the fortress. In view of this, it appears to us that only after 1415 could this proposal have been made by the Pontiff; and also it seems as if the offer must have been made to him before the unfortunate campaign of Tangier in 1437, during the time in which the Infant was exclusively occupied with the business of the Kingdom and of Africa, and with his expeditions and discoveries. From this it appears likely that the Pope who invited him to become general of his armies was Martin V, and the year of the invitation 1420 or 1421, after the embassy which, the Greek Emperor, Manuel Palaeologus, sent to the Pontiff to beg for aid against the Turks. The Emperor of Germany of whom Azurara speaks was Sigismund (Siegmund), who, by reason of his close relations with the Court of Lisbon, and with the ambassadors of Portugal at the Council of Constance, could appreciate the eminent qualities of the Infant, and form the high opinion of him which he deserved. Lastly, the Kings of Castile and England of whom Azurara speaks must be D. John II, and Henry V.]--S. Santarem is probably wrong here. "Henry VI" should be read for "Henry V;" see Introduction to vol. ii, p. xv.]

[Endnote 43: (p. 25). _Discipline ... clemency._--Azurara here imitates somewhat the formal disputations of Seneca and Cicero. We may especially compare Seneca's _De Ira_, _De Providentia_, and _De Clementia ad Neronem Caesarem libri duo_; also, but with rather less close a parallelism, the same writer's _De Animi tranquillitate_, _De Constantia Sapientis_. The Elder Seneca's rhetorical exercises, _Controversiarum libri X_, and _Suasoriarum Liber_, were also, as far as the form goes, models for such discussions as are here conducted. Azurara's point, of course, is that, of the two extremes, Prince Henry leaned rather to "clemency" than to "discipline;" and though he by no means neglected the latter, he was content rather to err in generosity than in severity. Precisely the opposite is the view of some modern students: _e.g._, Oliveira Martins, _Os Filhos de D. João I_, especially pp. 59-63, 210-1, 267-270, 311-346.]

[Endnote 44: (p. 26). _St. Chrysostom ... something to asperse._--As to the Prince's critics, though in a slightly different sense, cp. what Azurara says in ch. xviii (beginning). The modern criticisms of the Infant's conduct may be read in O. Martins (_Os Filhos_, as cited in last note). According to this view, the Infant's genius was pitiless: he cared little or nothing for the captivity and torture of D. Fernando the Constant, who died in his Moorish prison after the disaster of Tangier; for the broken heart and premature end of D. Edward; or for the fate of D. Pedro. As little did he care for the misery of the Africans killed or enslaved by his captains, or for the unhappy life of Queen Leonor, mother of Affonso V. Not only was he indifferent to these sufferings, but indirectly or directly he was the efficient cause of the same. This extreme view, as regards the slave-raiding, is much weakened by Cadamosto's testimony, and Azurara's own admission in ch. xcvi (end) of this Chronicle (see Introduction to vol. ii, p. xxv). The truth seems to lie between Azurara and Martins: between the conceptions of Henry as a St. Louis and as a Bismarck.]

[Endnote 45: (p. 26). _Seneca ... first tragedy._--This is the _Hercules Furens_ of the great--or younger--Seneca, the philosopher.]

[Endnote 46: (p. 27). _St. Brandan ... returned._--On this Santarem writes:--

[The voyage of St. Brandan, to which Azurara refers, is reputed fabulous, like the island of the same name. According to this tradition, it was said that St. Brandan arrived in the year 565 at an island near the Equinoctial(?). This legend was preserved among the inhabitants of Madeira and of Gomera, who believed that they were able to see Brandan's isle towards the west at a certain time of the year. This appearance was, however, the result of certain meteorological circumstances. Azurara became acquainted with this tradition of the Middle Ages from some copy of the MS. of the thirteenth century, entitled _Imago Mundi de dispositione Orbis_, of Honorius of Autun; and this circumstance is so much the more curious as Azurara could not have been acquainted with the famous Mappemonde of Fra Mauro, which was only executed between the years 1457-9; and still less with the Planisphere of Martin of Bohemia (Behaim), which is preserved at Nuremburg, on which appears depicted at the Equinoctial a great island, with the following legend: _In the year 565 St. Brandan came with his ship to this island._ The famous Jesuit, Henschenius, who composed a critical examination of the life of St. Brandan, says of it:--"Cujus historia, ut fabulis referta, omittitur."] The Bollandists speak with equal distrust of the Brandan story.

To this we may add:--It is possible Azurara may have read the original _Navigatio Sti. Brendani_. The legendary voyage of Brandan is usually dated in 565, but this is probably a mere figure of speech. He was supposed to have sailed west from Ireland (his home was at Clonfert on the Middle Shannon) in search of Paradise, and to have made discoveries of various islands in the Ocean, all associated with fantastic incidents: as the Isle of St. Patrick and St. Ailbhé, inhabited by Irish Cœnobites; the isle of the Hermit Paul, at or near which Brandan met with Judas Iscariot floating on an iceberg; the Isle of the Whale's Back, and the Paradise of Birds; to say nothing of the Isle of the Cyclops, the Mouth of Hell, and the Land of the Saints--the last encircled in a zone of mist and darkness which veiled it from profane search. It is more than probable that the Brandan tradition, as we have it, is mainly compiled from the highly-coloured narratives of some Arab voyagers, such as Sinbad the Sailor in the Indian Ocean, and the Wanderers (Maghrurins) of Lisbon in the Atlantic (as recorded in _Edrisi_, Jaubert, ii, 26-29), with some help from classical travel-myth; that it is only in very small part referable to any historical fact; that this fact is to be found in the contemporary voyages of Irish hermits to the Hebrides, Orkneys, Shetlands, Faroes, and Iceland; that a certain special appropriateness may be found in the far western Scottish island of St. Kildas (Holy Culdees) or the islet of Rockall; and that some of the matter in the Brandan story is derived from the travels of early Christian pilgrims to Palestine, _e.g._, Bernard the Wise, _c._ 867. It is important to remember that the tradition, though professing to record facts of the sixth century, is not traceable in any MS. record before the eleventh century; but, like so many other matters of mediæval tradition, its popularity was just in inverse proportion to its certainty, and "St. Brandan's isle" was a deeply-rooted prejudice of the twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth, and even fifteenth centuries. Down to the middle of the sixteenth century it usually found a place on maps of the Western Ocean, usually due west of Ireland (see _Dawn of Modern Geography_, pp. 230-240, and references in same to other works, p. 239, _n._ 2, especially to De Goeje's _La légende de Saint Brandan_, 1890; Avezac's _Iles fantastique de l'Océan Occidental_, 1845; Schirmer, _Zur Brendanus Legende_, 1888; and the study of _Schröder_, 1871). We may note that Azurara is (for his time) somewhat exceptional in his hesitating reference to the Brandan story; but of course his object led him, however unconsciously, to minimise foreign claims of precedence against the Portuguese on the Western Ocean. As far as Brandan goes, no one would now contradict the Prince's apologist; but more formidable rivals to a literal acceptance of the absolute Portuguese priority along the north-west coasts of Africa are to be found in Italian, French, and Catalan voyagers of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, one of which is perhaps alluded to here by Azurara. For "the two galleys which rounded the Cape (Bojador) but never returned" were probably the ships of Tedisio Doria and the Vivaldi, who in 1291 (_aliter_ 1281) left Genoa "to go by sea to the ports of India to trade there," reached Cape Nun, and, according to a later story, "sailed the sea of Ghinoia to a city of Ethiopia." In 1312, we are told, enquiry had failed to learn anything more of them (see Introduction to vol. ii, pp. lxi-lxiii).]

[Endnote 47: (p. 28). _Power of ... Moors in ... Africa ... greater than was commonly supposed_ (see Introduction to vol. ii, pp. xlv-lix).]

[Endnote 48: (p. 30). _King and Lord._--With this astrological explanation compare what Azurara says about the death of Gonçalo de Sintra, ch. xxviii, p. 92.]

[Endnote 49: (p. 31). _A fathom deep ... ever be able to return ..._ (see Introduction to vol. ii, pp. v, viii-x, lxiv, lxx).

Here Santarem has the following notes:--

[α. This passage shows that the Portuguese mariners already, before the expedition of Gil Eannes, knew that beyond Cape Bojador the great desert of the Sahara was to be met with, and that the land was not less sandy than that of "Libya." This last term of Plinian geography, and the circumstances which the author relates in this chapter, show that before these expeditions our seamen had collected all the notices upon that part of the African continent found in the ancient geographers, and in the accounts of the Moors of the caravans which traversed the great desert. This is confirmed by what Azurara says in ch. lxxvii, as we shall see in due course].

[β. The reader will observe from this passage that in spite of the hydrographical knowledge which our mariners had already obtained of those coasts, from their imperfect understanding of what are called the Pelagic currents, those sailors of the fifteenth century still feared the great perils which the passage of that Cape offered to their imagination. Azurara makes clear to us here how powerful, even at this epoch, was the influence of the traditions of the Arabic geographers about the Sea of Darkness, which according to them existed beyond the isles of Kalidad (the Canaries), situated at the extremity of the Mogreb of Africa. See Edrisi, Backoui, and Ibn-al-Wardi. Lastly, on the superstitious and other fears of mediæval navigators, the reader can consult the _Itinera Mundi_ of Abraham Peritsol, translated from Hebrew into Latin by Hyde]. Cf. Introduction to vol. ii, p. x. Cape Bojador, in N. lat. 26° 6' 57", W. long. (Paris) 16° 48' 30", is thus described by the most recent French surveys: "Viewed from the north there is nothing remarkable, but from the west there appears a cliff of about 20 metres in height. A little bay opens on the south of the Cape."]

[Endnote 50: (p. 32). _Virgin Themis ... returned to the Kingdom very honourably._

On the first words there is this original MS. note:--[It is to be understood that near to Mount Parnassus, which is in the midst between east and west, are two hill tops, which contend with the snows. And in one of these was a cave, in which in the time of the Heathen, Apollo gave responses to certain priestly virgins who served in a temple which was there dedicated to the said Apollo. And those virgins dwelt by the fountains of the Castalian mount. And among these virgins was that virgin Themis, whom some held to be one of the Sibyls. And it is said that those virgins were so fearful of entering into that cave, that, save on great constraint they dared not do so--according as Lucan relateth in his fifth book and sixth chapter, where he speaketh of the response which the Consul Appius received, on the end of the war between Cæsar and Pompey.]

On this Santarem remarks:--

[Both in this note and in those on pp. 10, 11, 12, and 21 ( = pp. 7-8, 13, of this version), which are met with in our MS., and are in the same script, there prevails such a confusion of thought that we hesitate in supposing them to have been written by Azurara. These notes, so far from illustrating the text, themselves call for elucidation. Here the writer follows the opinion of the ancients as to the position of Parnassus, viz., that it was situated in the middle of the world, though, according to Strabo, it was placed between Phocis and Locris. As to its "contending with the snows," the writer of this note, who quotes Lucan, seems to have taken this passage from Ovid rather than from the _Pharsalia_. See Ovid, _Metamorphoses_, I, v, 316-7; Lucan, _Pharsalia_, V, v, 72-3. The cave is the Antrum Corysium of the Poets. See the _Journey to Greece_ of the famous archæologist Spon. The passages referred to as from Bk. V of the Pharsalia are those beginning with the lines--_Hisperio tantum_ ... and v, 114, _Nec voce negata_ ... together with line 120, _Sic tempore longo_, and the following lines.]

On the "honourable return" of these caravels, with "booty of the Infidels," from the Levant Seas, we may compare the text on p. 18, and note (31) to the same. Here Santarem remarks:--

[The attempts made by the Portuguese seamen to pass the Cape began before the fifteenth century. Already, in the time of King Affonso IV, the Portuguese passed beyond Cape Non, _i.e._, before 1336 (?). The documents published by Professor Ciampi in 1827, and discovered by him in the _MSS. of Boccaccio_ in the Bibliotheca Magliabechiana in Florence, as well as the letter of King Affonso IV to Pope Clement VI attest that fact. See the _Memoir_ of Sr. J. J. da Costa de Macedo, in vol. vi. of the Memoirs of the Royal Academy of Sciences of Lisbon, and the additions published in 1835. As for the attempts made in the Prince's time by ships that he sent into those latitudes to pass beyond Cape Bojador, if we admit the number of twelve years which Azurara indicates, and if this is taken together with the date 1433, which he fixes for the passage effected by Gil Eannes(?), the result is that these attempts began only in 1421; and so Azurara did not admit that the expedition of 1418 (or of 1419), which went out under J. G. Zarco, had for its chief object the passage of the Cape at all. But from Barros it is seen that Zarco and Vaz went out with the object of doubling the Cape, but that a storm carried them to the island they discovered, and named Porto Santo (_Decades I_, ch. 2, and D. Franc. Manoel, _Epanaphoras_, p. 313]. The statements of part of this note are loosely worded. See Introduction to vol. ii, on the voyage of 1341, on the earlier claims of Affonso IV, and on the rounding of Bojador.]

Also, on Azurara's use of _Graada_ for _Granada_, Santarem remarks: [On the origin and etymology of this word, see Cortes y Lopez, art. _Ebura quae Cerialis. Dic. Geograf. Hist. de la Esp. Ant._, II., 420, etc.].

And on the "Granada" and "Levant" expeditions, the same editor remarks: [The details of these expeditions prove the activity of our marine at the beginning of the fifteenth century, and its system of training, which enabled it to cope better with the perils of Ocean voyages, and in naval combats with Arabs and Moors to protect the commerce of the Christian nations in the Mediterranean]. Cf. note 31 to p. 18 of this version.]

[Endnote 51: (p. 33). _Gil Eannes ... touched by the self-same terror._--As to Gil Eannes, Santarem remarks:--[Barros also says he was a native of Lagos, and was the man who so named "Bojador" from the way it jutted or bulged out (_Decades I_, 6)]; This last statement is quite untrue; [cf. an Atlas of which Morelli and Zurla treat in their _Dei Viaggi et delle Scoperte Africane da Ca-da-Mosto_, p. 37, on which is the inscription "_Jachobus de Giraldis de Venetiis me fecit anno Dmi_ MCCCCXVI;" as well as another atlas of the fourteenth century, on which two the Cape appears as (1) _Cabo de Buider_, and (2) _Cavo de Imbugder_; cf. Zurla's _Dissertazione_, p. 37.]. Also, see Introduction to vol. ii, pp. x, lxiv, lxviii-lxx.]

[Endnote 52: (p. 33). _Needle or sailing chart._--See Introductory § on History of Maps and Nautical Intruments in Europe up to the time of Prince Henry, vol. ii, pp. cxvii-cl, and especially pp. cxlvii-cl.]

[Endnote 53: (p. 34). _Barinel ... Barcha ... anything worth recording._--[A Varinel or Barinel was an oared vessel then in use, whose name survives in the modern Varina; so Francisco Manoel, Epanaphoras, p. 317, etc.].--S. See Introduction to vol. ii, pp. cxii-cxiii.

On the _Footmarks of men and camels_ Santarem remarks.--[To this place our sailors gave the name of Mullet Bay (Angra dos Ruivos), from the great quantity of these fish that they found there. The bay appears with this name in the Map of Africa in the splendid Portuguese Atlas (unpublished), dating from the middle of the sixteenth century, in the Royal (National) Library at Paris (R. B. No. 1, 764)].--S. See Introduction to vol. ii, p. x. Ruivos is variously rendered "Mullet," "Gurnet," "Roach." The original meaning is simply "red[fish]."]

[Endnote 54: (p. 35). _Went up country 8 leagues, etc. ... anchorages._--[Our men named this place Angra dos Cavallos (cf. Barros _Decades I_, i, 5; Martines de la Puente, _Compendio de las Historias de las Indias_, ii, 1). This place-name is marked in nearly all the sixteenth and seventeenth century maps of Africa].--S.]

[Endnote 55: (p. 36). _Two things I consider ... saith he who wrote this history._--Though these phrases, "our author," "he who wrote this history," are certainly applied by Azurara to himself in some instances, there is also sometimes a suggestion of the previous writer on the Portuguese _Discovery and Conquest of Guinea_, viz., Affonso Cerveira, a seaman in Prince Henry's service (see Introduction to vol. ii, p. cx). Here, we fancy, a passage of Cerveira's work is referred to. The loss of the latter is deplorable. It evidently contained all the facts and documents given by Azurara, and some omitted by him (see ch. lxxxiv of this Chronicle, end). Azurara added the reflections and the rhetoric, but followed Cerveira's order of narrative closely (see especially ch. lxvi).]

[Endnote 56: (pp. 37-8). _Sea-wolves ... Port of the Galley ... nets ... with all other cordage._--[These _Sea-wolves_ are the _Phocæ Vitulinæ_ of Linnæus. Cf. the _Roteiro_ of Vasco da Gama's First Voyage, under December 27th, 1497, p. 3 of Port. text "Achamos muitas baleas, e humas que se chamam _quoquas_ e Lobos marinhos."]--S.

[The _Port of the Galley_ is so named in the Portuguese Atlas above referred to (Paris: _Bibl. Nat._, i, 764, of the sixteenth century), and in the Venetian maps of Gastaldi (1564); cf. Barros, _Decades I_, v, 11, who says, "Ponto a que ora chamâo a pedra da Galé"].--S.

On the "nets ... with all other cordage," cf. Barros, _Decades I_, ch. v, fol. 11: "No qual logar achou humas redes de pescar, que parecia ser feito o fiado dellas, do entrecasco d'algum pao, como ora vemos o fiado da palma que se faz em Guiné."]

[Endnote 57: (pp. 38, 39). _Rio d'Ouro ... discords in the Kingdom._--[On old unpublished Portuguese maps we find marked between Cape Bojador and the Angra dos Ruivos, the following points: _Penha Grande_, _Terra Alta_, and _Sete-Montes_, besides the _Angra dos Ruivos_, being all of them probably points where the Portuguese had landed].--S. See Introduction to vol. ii, pp. x-xiii, lxi-lxxi.

[The events which interrupted the Infant's expeditions and discoveries from 1437 to 1440 may be briefly indicated. The Infant returned to the Algarve after the expedition to Tangier (1437), and was there in September of the following year, when King Edward fell ill at Thomar. On the King's death, the Prince was at once summoned by the Queen, and charged by her to concert with the Infant D. Pedro, and with the grandees of the realm, some means of grappling with the difficulties of the Kingdom. The Infant convoked these persons, who decided that the Cortes ought to be assembled to pass the resolutions they judged expedient.

The Prince thought that D. Pedro ought to sign the summonses; but as he refused to do this, they were all signed by the Queen, with the proviso that such signature should hold good only till the Assembly of the Estates should settle the question.

At the same time the Infant, on account of his accustomed prudence, was chosen mediator between the Queen and D. Pedro. At his proposal, discussed in various conferences, the Queen was charged with the education of her children and the administration of their property; while to the Infant D. Pedro was given the administration and government of the Kingdom, with the title of Defender of the Kingdom for the King (_Ruy de Pina_, ch. xv).

But, as a large party did not agree to this, and so public disorder increased, Henry sought to conciliate the different parties by getting their consent to an Accord, published November 9th, 1438, providing:--

1. That the education of the King while a minor, and of his brothers, and the power of nominating to Court Offices, should rest with the Queen; and that a sum should be paid her sufficient to defray the expenses of the Royal Household.

2. The Royal Council was to consist of six members, who should be charged in turn and at definite periods with such business of state as was within their power to decide, conformably to the regulations of the Cortes.

3. Besides this Council there was to be elected a permanent deputation of the Estates, to reside at the Court, composed of one prelate, one fidalgo, and one burgess or citizen, to be elected, each by his respective estate, for a year.

4. All the business of the Royal Council was to be conducted by the six councillors and the deputation of the Three Estates under the presidency of the Queen, with the approval and consent of the Infant D. Pedro.

If the votes were equal, the business in question was to be submitted to the Infants, the Counts, and the Archbishop, and to be decided by the majority.

If the Queen agreed with the Infant D. Pedro, their vote was to be decisive, even though the whole Council should be against them.

5. All the business of the Treasury, except what belonged to the Cortes, was to be conducted by the Queen and the Infant: decrees and orders on the subject were to be signed by both, and the Controllers of the Treasury were to be charged with their execution.

6. It was settled that the Cortes should be summoned every year to settle any doubts which the Council could not decide for themselves, such as "the [condemnation to] death of great personages, the deprivation of state servants from great offices, the [confiscation or] loss of lands, the amendment of old or the making of new laws and ordinances; and it was also agreed that future Cortes should be able to correct or amend any defect or error in past sessions" (_Ruy de Pina_, ch. xv). The Queen, however, being induced by a violent party to resist, refused to agree to these resolutions, in spite of the vigorous efforts of D. Henry. This produced great excitement, and in the Cortes it was proposed to confer the sole regency on D. Pedro. It should be noted that Prince Henry expressed his disapproval of all the resolutions of the municipality of Lisbon and other assemblies, declaring that they illegally tried to rob the Cortes of its powers. Equally plain was his indignation when he learned that the Queen had fortified herself in Alemquer, and had invoked the aid of the Infants of Aragon.

He did not hesitate to go to Alemquer in person, and induce the Queen to return to Lisbon, in order to present the young King to the Cortes (1439); and such was the respect felt for him (Henry) that the Queen, who had resisted all other persuasions, yielded to the Infant's.

In the following year the divisions of the Kingdom compelled the Infant to occupy himself with public business, the conciliation of parties, and the prevention of a civil war.]--S.]

[Endnote 58: (p. 39). _Chronicle of D. Affonso_.--This chronicle, according to Barros and Goës, was written by Azurara himself as far as the year 1449, and continued by Ruy de Pina. It is cited by Barbosa Machado. See Introduction to the first volume of this translation, pp. lxi-ii.]

[Endnote [N58A: (p. 43). _Those on the hill._--This hill is also marked in the unpublished Portuguese maps in the National Library at Paris, and is situated to the south of the Rio do Ouro.]--S.]

[Endnote 59: (p. 44). _The philosopher saith, that the beginning is two parts of the whole matter._--Here, and in the two following notes, it is very difficult to suggest any classical reference which corresponds closely enough with Azurara's language; but cf., in this place, Aristotle, _Ethics_, Bk. I, ch. vii, p. 1098b7; _Topics_, Bk. IX, ch. xxxiv, p. 183b22 (Berlin edn.).]

[Endnote 60: (p. 44). _Roman History_.--Cf. Valerius Maximus, Bk. II, cc. 3, 7; St. Augustine, _De Civitate Dei_, Bk. II, cc. 18, 21; Bk. V, c. 12.]

[Endnote 61: (p. 45). _That emulation which Socrates praised in gallant youths_.--Cf. Xenophon, _Memorabilia_, Bk. I, c. 7; Bk. III, cc. 1, 3, 5, 6, and especially 7; also Plato, _Laches_, 190-9; _Protagoras_, 349-350, 359. On the history that follows, cf. D. Pacheco Pereira, _Esmeraldo_, cc. 20-33. Pereira must have had a copy of this Chronicle before him, for in places he transcribes _verbatim_; see _Esmeraldo_, c. 22.]

[Endnote 62: (p. 47). _"Portugal" and "Santiago."_--The latter war-cry is of course derived from St. James of Compostella, which being in Gallicia was not properly a Portuguese shrine at all. All Spanish crusaders, however, from each of the five Kingdoms, made use of this famous sanctuary. See note 11, p. 7 of this version.]

[Endnote 63: (p. 48). _Port of the Cavalier._--[This is marked in two Portuguese maps of Africa in Paris, both of the sixteenth century, as on this side of Cape Branco, which is in 20° 46' 55" N. lat.]--S.]

[Endnote 64: (p. 49). _Azanegues of Sahara ... Moorish tongue._--[Cf. Ritter, _Géographie Comparée_, III, p. 366, art. _Azenagha_. Ritter says they speak Berber. On this language see the curious article, _Berber_, by M. d'Avezac, in his _Encylopédie des gens du Monde_. On the Azanegues, Barros says (_Decade I_, Bk. I, ch. ii): "The countries which the Azanegues inhabit border on the negroes of Jaloff, where begins the region of Guinea." _Sahará_ signifies desert. Geographers spell Zahará, Zaara, Ssahhará, Sarra, and Sahar. The inhabitants are called Saharacin--Saracens--"sons of the desert" (cf. Ritter, _Géographie Comparée_, III, p. 360), a term immensely extended by mediæval writers--thus Plano Carpini expects to find "black Saracens" in India. On the etymology, cf. Renaud's _Invasions des Sarrasins en France_, Pt. IV, pp. 227-242, etc. He confirms Azurara's statement that the Sahara language differed from the Mooris--_i.e._, it was Berber, not Arabic--and he refers us to the Arab author Ibn-Alkûtya, in evidence of this.]--S.

The "Other lands where he learned the Moorish tongue" were probably Marocco, or one of the other Barbary States along the Mediterranean littoral, where Arabic was in regular use. This language stopped, for the most part, at the Sahara Desert. Santarem's derivation of the word "Saracen" is much disputed.]

[Endnote 65: (p. 50). _Lisbon Harbour_ ...--Here, perhaps, Azurara refers to the broad expanse of the Tagus, opposite the present Custom House and Marine Arsenal of Lisbon. "The broad estuary of the Tagus gives Lisbon an extensive and safe harbour." From the suburb of Belem up to the western end of Lisbon, the Tagus is little more than a mile in width, but opposite the central quays of the city the river widens considerably, the left, or southern, bank turning suddenly to the south near the town of Almada, and forming a wide bay, reach, or road about 5½ miles in breadth, and extending far to the north-east. "In this deep lake-like expansion all the fleets of Europe might be anchored."]

[Endnote 66: (p. 50). _Cabo Branco._--[In lat. N. 20° 46' 55", according to Admiral Roussin's observations.]--S. According to the most recent French surveys, it is thus described:--"Il forme, au S., sur l'Atlantique, l'extrémité d'une presqu'île aride et sablonneuse de 40 kil. de longeur environ, large de 4 à 5 kil., qui couvre a l'O. la baie Lévrier, partie la plus enfoncée au N. de la baie d'Arguin. Cette presqu'île se termine par un plateau dont le cap forme l'escarpement; le sommet surplomb la mer de 25 m. environ. Des éboulements de sable, que le soleil colore d'une nuance éblouissante, lui ont valu son nom. 'Le Cap Blanc est d'une access facile. Il est entouré de bons mouillages qui, au point de vue maritime, rendent cette position préférable à celle d'Arguin' (Fulcrand)."]

[Endnote 67: (p. 53). _Eugenius the Bishop._--[Barros adds certain reasons for this request; he says, "the Infant, whose intent in discovering these lands was chiefly to draw the barbarous nations under the yoke of Christ, and for his own glory and the praise of these Kingdoms, with increase of the royal patrimony, having ascertained the state of those people and their countries from the captives whom Antam Gonçalvez and Nuno Tristam had brought home--willed to send this news to Martin V (?), asking him, in return for the many years' labour and the great expense he and his countrymen had bestowed on this discovery, to grant in perpetuity to the Crown of these Kingdoms all the land that should be discovered over this our Ocean Sea from C. Bojador to the Indies" (Barros, _Decade I_, i, 7).]--S. Barros here apparently confuses Martin V with Eugenius IV.

[Besides this bull, Pope Nicholas V granted another, dated January 8th, 1450, conceding to King D. Affonso V all the territories which Henry had discovered (Archives of Torre do Tombo, _Maç. 32 de bullas_ No. 1). On January 8th, 1454, the same Pope ratified and conceded by another bull to Affonso V, Henry, and all the Kings of Portugal their successors, all their conquests in Africa, with the islands adjacent, from Cape Bojador, and from Cape Non as far as all Guinea, with the whole of the south coast of the same. Cf. Archivo R. _Maç. 7 de bull_. No. 29, and _Maç. 33_, No. 14; and Dumont, _Corp. Diplomat. Univ._, III, p. 1,200. On March 13th, 1455, Calixtus III determined by another bull that the discovery of the lands of W. Africa, so acquired by Portugal, as well as what should be acquired in future, could only be made by the Kings of Portugal; and he confirmed the bulls of Martin V and Nicholas V: cf. another bull of Sixtus IV, June 21st, 1481, and see Barros, _Decade I_, i, 7; _Arch. R. Liv. dos Mestrados_, fols. 159 and 165; _Arch. R. Maç. 6 de bull._, No. 7, and _Maç. 12_, No. 23.]--S.]

[Endnote 68: (p. 54). _Without his license and especial mandate._--See Introduction to vol. ii, p. xiv.]

[Endnote 69: (p. 54). _Curse ... of Cain._--For "Curse of Ham." Cf. Genesis ix, 25. "Cursed be Canaan: a servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren." For this mediæval theory, used sometimes in justification of an African slave-trade, we may compare the language of Barros, quoted in note 81.]

[Endnote 70: (p. 54). _Going out of the Ark._--The writings of Abp. Roderic of Toledo, and of the other authors here referred to, are apparently regarded by Azurara as explanatory of the record in Genesis, ix and x. Abp. Roderic Ximenes de Rada (fl. 1212) wrote _De Rebus Hispanicis_ in nine books; also an _Historia Saracenica_, and other works. Walter is doubtful. He may be Walter of Burley, the Aristotelian of the thirteenth-fourteenth century, who wrote a _Libellus de vita et moribus philosophorum_. Excluding this "Walter," our best choice perhaps lies between "Gualterus Tarvannensis" of the twelfth century; Walter of Châtillon, otherwise called Walter of Lille, author of an Alexandreis of the thirteenth century; or the chronicler Walter of Hemingburgh, or Hemingford, who is probably of the fourteenth century.]

[Endnote 71: (p. 55). _Better to bring to ... salvation._--Cf. the Christian hopes of the pagan Tartars in the thirteenth century.]

[Endnote 72: (p. 55). _Land of Prester John if he could._--See Introduction to vol. ii, p. liv. As to "Balthasar" [Barros says "he was of the Household of the Emperor Frederic III," who had married the Infanta Donna Leonor of Portugal (_Decade I_, ch. vii).]--S.]

[Endnote 73: (p. 57). _Infant's Alfaqueque ... managing business between parties...._--The _Alfaqueque_, or _Ransomer of Captives_, must have been an interpreter as well. Later, we find "Moors" and negroes employed for this purpose.]

[Endnote 74: (p. 57). _Who traded in that gold._--[Azurara seems ignorant that the gold was brought from the interior by caravans, which from ancient times had carried on this trade across the great desert, especially since the Arab invasion. Under the Khalifs, this Sahara commerce extended itself to the western extremity of the continent, and even to Spain. The caravans crossed the valleys and plains of Suz, Darah and Tafilet to the south of Morocco. Cf. the _Geographia Nubiensis_ of Edrisi (1619 ed.), pp. 7, 11, 12, 14; Hartmann's _Edrisi_, pp. 26, 49, 133-4. This gold came from the negro-land called Wangara, as Edrisi and Ibn-al-Wardi tell us. See _Notices et extraits des MSS. de la Bibliothèque du Roi_, fo. 11, pp. 33 and 37: so Leo Africanus and Marmol y Carvajal speak of the gold of Tiber, brought from Wangara. "Tiber" is from the Arab word Thibr = gold (cf. Walckenaer, _Recherches géographiques_, p. 14). So Cadamosto, speaking of the commerce of Arguim, says, ch. x, that men brought there "gold of Tiber;" and Barros, _Decade I_, ch. vii, in describing the Rio d' Ouro, refers to the same thing:--"A quantity of gold-dust, the first obtained in these parts, whence the place was called the Rio d' Ouro, though it is only an inlet of salt water running up into the country about six leagues."]--S.]

[Endnote 75: (p. 58). _Gete_ (or Arguim).--[Barros, _Decade I_, 7, says: "Nuno Tristam on this voyage went on as far as an island which the people of the country called Adeget, and which we now call Arguim." The Arab name was "Ghir," which Azurara turns into "Gete," Barros into "Arget." The discovery and possession of this point was of great importance for the Portuguese. It helped them to obtain news of the interior, and to establish relations with the negro states on the Senegal and Gambia. The Infant began to build a fort on Arguim in 1448. Cadamosto gives a long account of the state of commercial relations which the Portuguese had established there with the dwellers in the upland; and the Portuguese pilot, author of the _Navigation to the Isle of St. Thomas_ (1558), published by Ramusio, says of Arguim: "Here there is a great port and a castle of the King our Lord with a garrison and a factor. Arguim is inhabited by black-a-moors, and this is the point which divides Barbary from Negroland." Cf. Bordone's _Isolario_ (1528) on the Portuguese trade with the interior. In 1638 this factory and fortress were taken by the Dutch.]--S.

The subsequent changes of this position may be briefly noticed. After passing, in 1665, from the Dutch to the English and afterwards back again, in 1678 from the Dutch to the French, in 1685 from the French to the Dutch, in 1721 once more falling into French hands, only to be recovered shortly afterwards by the Netherlanders, it became definitely and finally a French possession in 1724, and at present forms part of the great North-West African empire of the Third Republic. At the northern extremity of the Bight of Arguim, or a little beyond, near Cape Blanco, is the present boundary between the French and Spanish spheres of influence in this part of the world.

The native boats, worked by "bodies in the canoes and legs in the water," must be, Santarem remarks, what the Portuguese call "jangadas."]

[Endnote 75A: (p. 59). _An infinity of Royal Herons._--[The Isle of Herons is one of the Arguim islands; cf. Barros, _Decade I_, ch. vii; it is marked under this name (_Ilha_, or _Banco, das Garças_) in early maps, as in Gastaldi's Venetian chart of 1564, which is founded on ancient Portuguese maps.]--S.]

[Endnote 76: (p. 61). _Lagos ... Moorish captives._--On the importance of Lagos in the new Portuguese maritime movement, see Introduction to vol. ii, pp. xi-xii; and note the reasons given by Azurara in ch. xviii for the change of feeling among Portuguese traders and others towards the Infant's plans.]

[Endnote 77: (p. 63). _Lançarote ... Gil Eannes ... Stevam Affonso ... etc., ... expedition._--This list of names includes several of the Infant's most capable and famous captains. On Lançarote see this Chronicle, chs. xviii-xxiv, xxvi, xlix, liii-v, lviii, lix; on Affonso, chs. li, lx; on John Diaz, ch. lviii; on John Bernaldez, ch. xxi; and on Gil Eannes, chs. ix, xx, xxii, li, lv, lviii; also pp. x-xiii of Introduction to vol. ii, and the notices by Ferdinand Denis and others in the _Nouvelle Biographie Générale_. On the "Isle of Naar," mentioned a little later on p. 63, Santarem has the following note:--[This island is marked near to the coast of Arguim on the map of Africa in the Portuguese Atlas (noticed before) at the Bibliothèque Royale (Nationale) de Paris.]]

[Endnote 78: (p. 68). [In Bordone's _Isolario_ (1533) all three of the islands noticed by Azurara (Naar, Garças and Tider), are indicated with the title of Isles of Herons [Ilhas das Garças]. The same is to be found in the Venetian map of Gastaldi, and in others. In the Portuguese Atlas just cited, and in another Portuguese chart made in Lisbon by Domingos Sanchez in 1618, these islands are depicted as close to the coast of Arguim, but without any name.] As to Cabo Branco [This name was, apparently, given it by Nuno Tristam.]--S. See ch. xiii (end) of this Chronicle.]

[Endnote 79: (p. 78). _In the end._--It is evident, from Azurara's language, that the Azanegues made a better stand in this fight at Cape Branco, and came nearer to defeating the Portuguese than on any previous occasion. It was a sign of what was to follow, for the native resistance now began to show itself, and the very next European slave-raiders (Gonçallo de Sintra and his men) were roughly handled, and most of them killed (see ch. xxvii. of this Chronicle).]

[Endnote 80: (p. 80). _Friar ... St. Vincent de Cabo._--This "firstfruit of the Saharan peoples, offered to the religious life," was appropriately sent to a monastery close to the "Infant's Town" at Sagres, and adjoining the promontory whereabouts centred the new European movement of African exploration.]

[Endnote 81: (p. 81). _Sons of Adam._--Azurara's position here is, of course, just that of the scholastics: As men, these slaves were to be pitied and well treated, nay, should be at once made free; as heathen, they were enslaveable; and being, as Barros says, outside the law of Christ Jesus, and absolutely lost as regards the more important part of their nature, the soul, were abandoned to the discretion of any Christian people who might conquer them, as far as their lower parts, or bodies, were concerned.]

[Endnote 82: (p. 84). _As saith the text._--Cf. Virgil, _Æneid_, i, 630 (Dido to Æneas), _Haud ignara mali miseris succurrere disco_. There is no text in the Jewish or Christian Scriptures which can be said to answer properly to Azurara's reference in this place. We may, however, cf. Judges xi, 38; Revelation i, 9.]

[Endnote 83: (p. 87). _Tully saith._--Cf. Cicero, _De Nat. Deorum_, i, 20, 55; _De Or._, iii, 57, 215, 48, 159.]

[Endnote 84: (p. 87). _Ancient sages ... others._--Cf. Livy, v, 51, 46, 6. On the disaster of Gonçalo de Sintra, Santarem remarks:--[This event happened in 1445. The place where De Sintra perished is fourteen leagues S. of the Rio do Ouro, and in maps, both manuscript and engraved, from the close of the fifteenth century, it took the name _Golfo de Gonçallo de Cintra_]. The reference in the concluding words of this chapter, _as had been commanded, etc._, is to the passage on p. 87 of this version, towards the foot: "That he should go straight to Guinea, and for nothing whatever should fail of this:" an order which De Sintra treated with entire contempt.]

[Endnote 85: (p. 92). _First purpose_, viz., to write the chronicle of the "Guinea Voyages," not to discuss philosophic problems. The reference here to the "wheels [or circles] of heaven or destiny" recalls the astrological passages on pp. 29, 30, 80, etc. Azurara's reference to Job is to ch. xiv, verse 5.]

[Endnote 86: (p. 93). _Julius Cæsar ... Vegetius ... St. Augustine_ ...--Azurara here, of course, indulges in some exaggeration. Cæsar's breach with the Senate did not take place because of his "overpassing the space of five years" allowed him at first (B.C. 59) for his command in Gaul. In B.C. 56 the Lex Trebonia formally gave him a second allowance, of five years more; and he was not required to disband his army and return from his province till B.C. 49, when the Civil War broke out. By "Bretanha," or "Brittany," Azurara indicates the Duchy of Bretagne, which retained a semi-independence till 1532, when it was absolutely united with the crown of France. Cæsar's campaigns against "England" are, of course, those of B.C. 55 and 54, against Germany of 55 and 53, against Spanish insurgents of 61; but he could not by any stretch be said to have made England or Germany "subject" to the Roman power in the same sense as Gaul or Spain. Had his life been prolonged twenty years, he would probably have achieved both these unfinished conquests, as well as that of Parthia.]

[Endnote 87: (p. 93). _The enemy ... to them._--Azurara's reference here is to Livy, Bk. XXII, cc. 42-3.]

[Endnote 88: (pp. 93-94). _Holy Spirit ... ever be watched._--The references in this paragraph are to Proverbs xi, 14; xxiv, 6; Tobit iv, 18; Ecclesiasticus vi, 18, 23, 32-3; xxv, 5.]

[Endnote 89: (p. 94). _Hannibal ... for the moment._--Cf. Livy, _3rd Decade_, Bk. XXII, cc. 4-5, 42-6. The reading of the Paris MS. (_sajaria_) is rejected, plausibly enough, by Santarem for _sagaçaria_.]

[Endnote 90: (p. 94). _Ships of the Armada._--I.e., the Royal Navy of Portugal; the "very great actions on the coast of Granada and Ceuta" must refer to events of 1415, 1418, and 1437. (See Introduction to vol. ii, p. viii, x.) Especially does this expression recall the naval war of 1418, when the King of Granada sent a fleet of seventy-four ships, under his nephew, Muley Said, to aid the African Moslems in recovering Ceuta from the Portuguese. Prince Henry proceeded in person to the relief of the city, and the Granada fleet, we are told, fled at the approach of the European squadron, without venturing a battle. It is possible, however, though unrecorded, that the Infant was subsequently able to engage and destroy part of the Granadine squadron. Gonçalo de Sintra, from Azurara's words, may have been with D. Henry on this occasion.

On the reference to John Fernandez staying among the Azanegues "only to see the country and bring the news of it to the Infant" (close of ch. xxix, p. 95), Santarem refers to Barros' words: "Para particularmente ver as cousas daquelle sertão que habitão os Azenegues, e dellas dar razão ao Infante, _confiado na lingua delles que sabia_" (like Martin Fernandez, p. 57, c. xvi).]

[Endnote 91: (p. 96). _The Plains thereof._--[Comparing the account in the text with the unpublished maps already referred to, it appears that Nuno Tristam, after revisiting the isles of Arguim, followed the coast to the south, passing the following places: Ilha Branca, R. de S. João, G. de Santa Anna, Moutas, Praias, Furna, C. d'Arca, Resgate, and Palmar; the last being the point Azurara mentions as "studded with many palm trees."]--S.]

[Endnote 92: (p. 98). _When King Affonso caused this history to be written._--On this Santarem remarks: [This is important as showing that Azurara did not only consult written documents, but personally interviewed the discoverers, seeing that he confesses his inability to give details of this occurrence because Nuno Tristam was already dead, "When Affonso," etc. Cf. _Barros_, I, iii, 17]. Cf. Pina's "Chronicle of Affonso V," in vol. i of the _Collection of Unpublished Portuguese Historians_.]

[Endnote 93: (pp. 98, 99). _Dinis Diaz ... convenient place._--["Dinis Diaz" is called by Barros, and all other historians and geographers following his authority, "Dinis Fernandez."]--S.

On Azurara's statement that "the Infant provided a caravel for Dinis Diaz," Santarem adds: [Barros does not agree with Azurara in this, but says on the contrary, "que elle [Diaz] armara hum navio," etc]. The "other land to which the first (explorers) went" is apparently the Sahara coast, from Cape Bojador to the Senegal, which Azurara here admits to be quite a different country from "Guinea" proper (the land of the Blacks). This last, after the discoveries of 1445, the Portuguese recognised as beginning only with the cultivated or watered land to the south of the Sahara. The name, a very early one, whose subtle changes of meaning are very perplexing, like the "Burgundy" of the Middle Ages, was probably derived originally from the city of Jenné, in the Upper Niger Valley (see Introduction to vol. ii, pp. xlv-xlix). [Here Azurara shows that he is already beginning to recognise the geographical error of those who gave an undue extension to the term "Guinea."]--S.

On the reading at the close of this paragraph "concerning this doubt," Santarem remarks: [So it stands in the MS., as verified; but it seems to us that there must be some omission of the copyist, and we propose to restore the text thus: "Filharom quatro daquelles _que tiveram_ o atrevimento," etc.].]

[Endnote 94: (p. 100). _Aught to the contrary._--On this passage, cf. Santarem's _Memoir on the Priority of the Portuguese Discoveries_, § III, p. 20, etc. Paris, 1840. [_Memoria sobre a prioridade dos descobrimentos dos Portuguezes_].]

[Endnote 95: (p. 100). _Egypt ... Cape Verde._--[This proves that our navigators were the first who gave the Cape this name. See the _Memoria sobre a prioridade_].--S. On Azurara's idea that the Senegal was near Egypt, cf. Introduction to vol. ii, pp. xii, xxx, xlii, lviii, cxxii. This notion is, of course, bound up with the theory of the Western or Negro Nile, branching off from the Nile of Egypt. No mediæval geographers, and scarcely any ancient, except Ptolemy, realised the size of Africa at all adequately.

On the "rewards" given by the Infant to Diaz, Santarem well remarks: [From this and other passages it is clear that the Infant's principal object was discovery, and not the slave-raids on the inhabitants of Africa in which his navigators so often indulged]. See Introduction to vol. ii, pp. v, xxiii-vi.

_Cape Verde._--The turning-point of the great north-west projection of Africa, now in French possession. It is so called, according to the general view, from the rich green appearance of the headland--"la vegetation (as the most recent French surveys describe it) qui le couvre durant l'hivernage, et que dominent deux mornes arrondis, nommés, par les marins français, Les Deux Mamelles." The peninsula of Cape Verde is one of the most remarkable projections of the African coast. Generally it has the form of a triangle, "terminé par une sorte d'éperon dirigé vers le S.E., et mesure depuis le cap terminal on point des Almadies jusqu' à Rufisque une longueur de 34 kilom. avec une largeur de 14 kilom., sous le méridien de Rufisque, pris comme base du triangle. Sa côte septentrionale, formant une ligne presque droite du N.N.E. au S.S.O. est creusée, près de l'extremité, de deux petites baies, dont la première (en venant de l'E.), la baie d'Yof, est la plus considérable; puis au delà de la pointe des Almadies, qui est le Cap Vert proprement dit, la côte court au S.E. jusqu' au Cap Manuel, roche basaltique haute de 40m., puis remonte aussitôt au N. pour, par une très légère courbe,

## partir droit a l'E., dessinant ainsi un éperon bien accusé qui

envelloppe le Golfe de Gorée. Le corps principal de la presqu' île est bas, sablonneux et parsemé de lagunes qui s'égrènent en chapelets le long de la côte N.; la petite péninsule terminale est au contraire rocheuse, accidentée et semble un ilot marin attaché à la côte par les laisses de mer. Ses hautes falaises, d'une couleur sombre et rougeâtre, forment une muraille à pic contre laquelle la mer vient se briser, écumante." See Duarte Pacheco Pereira's _Esmeraldo_, pp. 46-49, ed. of 1892. As to the island on which Dinis Diaz and his men landed near the Cape, this may have been either (1) Goree, two kilometres from the mainland, and fronting Dakar on the S.E. of the peninsula; (2) The Madeleine islands, at the opening of a small inlet to the N.W. of Cape Manuel; (3) The Almadia islands ("Almadies"), "îlette, qui, située en avant du cap terminal, est la vrai terre la plus occidentale d'Afrique, les archipels de l'Atlantique non compris;" or (4) The isle of Yof, in the bay of Yof, on the north side of the peninsula. The Madeleine islands were once covered with vegetation, though now desert. Here the French naturalist Adanson made his famous observations on the Baobab trees, in the eighteenth century. These trees, though they have disappeared on the islands, are still numerous on the mainland near the Cape. Azurara has a good deal more to say about these islets and their baobabs in chs. lxiii, lxxii, lxxv, pp. 193, 218, 226, etc., of this version. The rounding of C. Verde opened a fresh chapter in the Portuguese circumnavigation of Africa--to S.E. and E.; see Introduction to vol. ii, pp. xii, xxx.]

[Endnote 96: (pp. 101-2). _John Fernandez ... such a request._--On this passage, and especially on Azurara's statement (middle of p. 101) that Fernandez "had already been a captive among the other Moors and in this part of the Mediterranean Sea, where he acquired a knowledge of their language," Santarem remarks: [This detail gives us another proof that Prince Henry's explorations were made systematically, and according to plans carefully worked out. In his previous captivity in Marocco, Fernandez had learnt Arabic, and probably Berber as well; he must also have gained some information about the interior of Africa. To gain more detailed knowledge, and so be able to inform the Infant better, he had now undertaken his residence among the Azanegues of the Rio do Ouro.]

See Introduction to vol. ii, pp. viii, x, xvi, on the dual nature of Henry's African schemes, land conquest and exploration going along with the maritime ventures. This was, of course, partly due to an inadequate conception of the size of the continent, which rendered even the conquest of Marocco of little use towards the circumnavigation of Africa.

"How bitter ... to hear such a request" is, of course, one of Azurara's rare touches of irony.]

[Endnote 97: (p. 103). _Affonso Cerveira._--[The author of the earlier account of the Portuguese conquest of Guinea, _Historia da Conquista dos Portuguezes pela costa d'Africa_, on which Azurara's present Chronicle is based. Cf. Barbosa, _Bibliotheca Lusitana_.]--S. See Introduction to vol. ii, p. cx, and note 202A.

_Ergim_, in ch. xxxiii, pp. 104, etc., and elsewhere, is, of course, Arguim. Santarem here refers to Barros' description in _Decade I_, i, 10. "Porque naquelle tempo para fazer algum proveito todos os hião demandar (os ilheos d'Arguim); e tinha por certo que avião elles de ir dar com elle, por ser aquella costa e os ilheos a mais povoada parte de quantas té então tinhão descoberto. E a causa de ser mais povoada, era por razão da pescaria de que aquella misera gente de Mouros Azenegues se mantinha, porque em toda aquella costa não avia lugar mais abrigado do impeto dos grandes mares que quebrão nas suas praias senão na paragem daquellas ilhas d'Arguim: onde o pescado tinha alguma acolheita, e lambujem da povoação dos Mouros, posto que as ilhas em si não são mais que huns ilheos escaldados dos ventos e rocio da agua das ondas do mar. Os quaes ilheos seis ou sete que elles são, quada hum per si tinha o nome proprio per que nesta scriptura os nomeamos, posto que ao presente todos se chamão per nome commum _os ilheos d'Arguim_; por causa de huma fortaleza que el Rei D. Affonso mandou fundar em hum delles chamado Arguim." Cf. Duarte Pacheco Pereira's _Esmeraldo_, chs. xxv-vi, pp. 43-4. _Arguim_ is defined in the most recent surveys of its present French possessors as "Golfe, île, et banc de sable ... l'île est par 20° 27' N. lat., 18° 57' à 60 kilom. vers le S.E. du Cap Blanc ... Ses dimensions sont de 7 kilom. sur 4. Elle est basse, inculte, et parsemée de dunes."]

[Endnote 98: (p. 107). _John Fernandez ... in that country._--Santarem draws attention to Azurara's statement that the explorer, Fernandez, was personally known to him. Cf. ch. lxxvii of this Chronicle; also chs. xxix and xxxii. "That country" is of course the Azanegue or Sahara land, near the Rio do Ouro.

_Setuval_ (p. 106) is in Estremadura (of Portugal), twenty miles south-east of Lisbon.]

[Endnote 99: (p. 110). _Fear to prolong my story ... though all would be profitable._--The fondness of Azurara for these scholastic discussions and useless displays of learning is one of his worst failings; and a good deal of Cerveira's matter of fact has apparently been sacrificed to this weakness of his redactor.]

[Endnote 100: (p. 110). _Nine negroes and a little gold-dust._--This was the first instalment of the precious metal brought home to Portugal from the Negro-land of Guinea. The same Antam Gonçalvez had already, in 1441, brought the first gold dust from the Sahara, or Azanegue coast (see ch. xvi of this Chronicle, p. 57). As to the importance of these gold-samples in promoting the European exploring movement, see Introduction to vol. ii, pp. x-xi.]

[Endnote 101: (p. 111). _Cape of the Ransom._--[This name is marked upon the manuscript maps already referred to. On one great Portuguese chart of this class, on parchment, in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, the reading is not Cape, but _Port_ of the Ransom. The Portuguese nomenclature for the West African coast, as we see in this instance, was for a long time accepted by all the nations of Europe.]--S.

We may notice the allusion in this paragraph to the Portuguese colonisation of Madeira, in the story of Fernam Taavares (see Introduction to vol. ii, pp. xcviii-cii).]

[Endnote 102: (p. 112). _Isle of Tider_ (see note 78 to p. 68).--[Tider, marked "Tiber" in the map of West Africa before referred to. We do not meet this name in any of the many earlier charts that we have examined].--S.]

[Endnote 103: (p. 115). _Officers who collected royal dues._--The custom-house officers of Lisbon. We may compare with Azurara's graphic account of the return of Antam Gonçalvez in 1445, the very similar details of a much greater reception in the same port: that of Columbus on March 14th, 1493, on his home-coming from his first voyage (see the postscript of Columbus' Letter to Luis de Santangel, Chancellor of the Exchequer of Aragon, respecting the Islands found in the Indies).]

[Endnote 104: (p. 115). _A palace of the Infant, a good way distant from the Ribeira._--Azurara's only reference, in this Chronicle, to the Lisbon residence of the Infant Henry. This passage implies that Prince Henry was often to be found there, and must be taken with others in modification of extreme statements about his "shutting himself up at Sagres," etc. Again, at the end of this chapter we are expressly told that he was now in his dukedom of Viseu, in the province of Beira, some 50 kilometres N.E. of Coimbra, 220 kilometres N.N.E. of Lisbon.]

[Endnote 105: (p. 115). _Profits._--Azurara's remarks here about the change of feeling as to the Infant's plans are similar to passages in ch. xiv, p. 51, ch. xviii, pp. 60-61.]

[Endnote 106: (p. 116). _Lisbon ... profit._--The city of Lisbon, whose name was traditionally and absurdly derived from Ulysses--"Ulyssipo," "Olisipo," and his foundation of the original settlement in the course of his voyages, was perhaps a greater city under the Moors, eighth-twelfth century, than at any time before the reign of Emmanuel the Fortunate. It was a Roman colony, but its prosperity greatly increased under the Arab rule from A.D. 714; from this port sailed Edrisi's Maghrarins, or Wanderers, on their voyage of discovery in the Western Ocean, probably in the earliest eleventh century. It was three times recovered and lost by the Christians: in 792(-812) by Alfonso the Chaste of Castille; in 851 by Ordonho I of Leon, who held it only a few months; and in 1093(-1094) by Alfonso VI of Leon, soon after his great defeat by the Almoravides at Zalacca (1086); but on each occasion it was quickly retaken--in 1094 by Seyr, General of Yusuf ibn Tashfin, the Almorvaide. In alarm at the Moslem revival, Alfonso founded the county of Portugal in 1095, giving it in charge of Count Henry of Burgundy and his natural daughter Theresa, to hold as a "march" against the Moors. In 1147 Lisbon was finally recaptured by Affonso Henriques, the first King of Portugal, in alliance with a fleet (164 ships) of English, Flemish, German and French Crusaders on their way to the Holy Land (Second Crusade). At this time it was said, perhaps with exaggeration, to contain 400,000 inhabitants; its present number is only about 240,000 (see _Cruce-signati Anglici Epistola de Expugnatione Olisiponis_, in _Portugalliæ Monumenta Historica_, vol. i, p. 392, etc). Before 1147 Guimaraens had been the capital of Portugal; and even down to the time of John I, Henry's father, Lisbon was not formally the seat of government, this being more often fixed at Coimbra. In the same reign, Lisbon also, as a commercial port, easily distanced all rivals within the kingdom, especially Oporto; and King John's erection of palaces in the city, and his successful application to the Pope for the creation of an Archiepiscopal See (thus rivalling Braga), further contributed to give point to Azurara's words in this paragraph about "the most noble town in Portugal." On the share of the commercial classes of Lisbon, Lagos, etc., in Henry's schemes, see Introduction to vol. ii, pp. x, xii.

_Paulo Vergeryo_ is Pietro Paulo Vergerio, born at Capo d'Istria, July 23, 1370, died at Buda, 1444 (1428 according to others). He enjoyed a considerable reputation as a scholar at Padua in 1393, etc., and migrated to Hungary in 1419. See Bayle, _Dict. Crit._ IV, 430 (1741); P. Louisy, in _Nouvelle Biographie Générale_, art. (Vergerio); J. Bernardi, in _Riv. Univers._ (Florence, 1875) xxii, 405-430, in _Arch. Stor. Ital._ (1876) C., xxiii, 176-180; Brunet, _Manuel V_, 1132-3; Muratori, _Rer. Ital. Scr._ (edition of Vergerio's works) XVI, pp. 111-187, 189-215, 215-242; _Fabricius_, ed. Mansi, VI, p. 289. He has left various _Orations and Letters_; especially an _Epistola de morte Francisci Zabarekae_, and a _Historia seu Vitae Carariensium Principum ab eorum origine usque ad Jacobini mortem_ (1355). See also Joachim Vadianus, _Biographia P. P. Vergerii, sen._; and C. A. Combi, _Di Pierpaolo V. ... seniore ... memoria_, Venice, 1880.]

[Endnote 107: (p. 116). _Gonçalo Pacheco ... Kingdom._--Barros copies this sentence, with some omissions. The allusion to the _High Treasurer of Ceuta_ (_Thesoureiro Mor das cousas de Cepta_), and his _Noble lineage, goodness, and valour_, is interesting in its proof of the detailed attention given to the new conquest, and to African affairs generally, by the Portuguese government at this time.]

[Endnote 108: (p. 117). _Cape Branco._--On the _personnel_ of this expedition we have accounts elsewhere; for Dinis Eannes de Graã and the rest, see chs. xxxvii-xlviii, and especially pp. 121, 122, 126, 130, 131, 138; for Mafaldo, especially p. 119 ("a man well acquainted with this business ... had been many times in the Moorish traffic"); also pp. 120-121, etc. Cape Branco, since its discovery by Nuno Tristam, had become the favourite rendezvous of the Portuguese expeditions on this coast. See ch. lii, p. 153 (made agreement to await one another _as usual at Cape Branco_).

On the _banners of the Order of Christ_, see Introduction to vol. ii, pp. xviii-xix; and in this Chronicle, pp. 62 (ch. xviii), 53 (ch. xv), 117 (ch. xxxvii), etc.

[Cf. a parchment atlas (unpublished), executed in Messina as late as 1567 by João Martinez, in which two Portuguese ships are painted in various points of the Eastern Ocean _with the Cross of the Order of Christ on their sails_, apparently to indicate the Portuguese dominion in those waters. This atlas passed into the Library of Heber, and afterwards into that of M. Ternaux.]--S.]

[Endnote 109: (p. 120). _The patience with which men bear the troubles of their fellows_ is another piece of irony, similar to that on p. 102; see note 96.]

[Endnote 110: (p. 122). _Fifty-three Moorish prisoners._--In this, as in subsequent actions, Mafaldo, rather than Gonçalo Pacheco, showed himself to be the leader of the expedition.]

[Endnote 111: (p. 123). _Cunning ... but small in this part of the world._--The fair inference is that, on this occasion, Mafaldo, from his previous experience, correctly estimated the danger (or absence of danger), and knew when to trust the natives. Similar trustfulness was not always equally successful, sometimes from absence of that past experience possessed by Mafaldo. See chs. xxvii, pp. 90, 91; xlviii, pp. 144-5; lxxxvi, pp. 252, etc.; xxxv, pp. 112-3. The Azanegue Moors of the Sahara on the whole showed less ability to defend themselves than the Negroes of the Sudan coast; cf. chs. xlv, pp. 137-8; lx, pp. 179-182; lxxxvi, pp. 252-6; xli, p. 130; xxxi, p. 99; contrast with pp. 126, 122, 114, 105-6, 78, 73, 36.]

[Endnote 112: (p. 126) ... _true effects._--Azurara certainly does not commit the error of "those historians who avoid prolixity by summarizing things that would be greatest if related in their true effects," _i. e._, in detail. This central portion of his narrative (chs. xxxvi-lix, lxviii-lxxiv) is especially tedious, and we cannot too much regret the comparative sacrifice of the scientific interest to the anecdotal, biographical, or slave-raiding details, with which he fills so much of this Chronicle. Cf. the slender and imperfect narratives of the really important voyages of Dinis Diaz (ch. xxxi), Alvaro Fernandez (ch. lxxv), and Nuno Tristam (chs. xxx, lxxxvi), with the lengthy descriptions of the expeditions personally conducted by Gonçalo de Sintra, Gonçalo Pacheco, Lançarote, Mafaldo, and other men whose voyages resulted in scarcely any advance of exploration. In all this Azurara's narrative contrasts unfortunately with Cadamosto's, which is not only a record of exploration, but of acute original observation, a quality by no means so noticeable in the _Chronicle of Guinea_, except at rare intervals. Cf., however, chs. xxv, lxxvi-lxxvii, lxxix-lxxxiii, and see Introduction to vol. ii, pp. xxiv-xxvi, etc.]

[Endnote 113: (p. 132). _Cape of St. Anne._--[This passage shows the date when the name of Cape (or rather "Gulf") of St. Anne was given to that point by Alvaro Vasquez, who was on this expedition. This name was employed, like the others which we have already indicated, in the nomenclature of the hydro-geographical charts of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Barros, in his corresponding chapter, not only omits this detail, but further reduces the material of chs. xxxvii, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, xli, xlii, to a few lines.]--S.]

[Endnote 114: (p. 133). _And the Moors, like,_ etc.--[From Cape Branco to the Senegal, the part of the coast of which the author treats is inhabited by various tribes composed of Moors of mixed race, who speak Arabic, are Mohammedans, and are known by the names of Trazas or Terarzah, Brakanas and others. They are in their nature very ferocious, and are the terror of the traveller. The most cruel of all are those who inhabit and extend as far as Cape Branco, called Ladessebas; and these, according to some authors, are of pure Arab race.]--S. See Introduction to vol. ii, pp. xlii-lix. Mungo Park gives a similar character of the "Moors" north of Senegal. _Travels_, chs. iii-xii.]

[Endnote 115: (p. 136). _Came near to the coast of Guinea._--[According to the text it appears that Alvaro Vasquez, after quitting the place to which he had given the name of Cape of St. Anne, followed his course 80 leagues towards the south, running along the coast in this direction until he arrived at the Guinea coast--that is, a little beyond Cape Verde--but Barros, who omits some of the details of this voyage, says: ... "Forão-se pela costa adiante obra de oitenta legoas, e na ida, e vinda té tornar a ilha das Garças fazer carnagem," etc.]--S.]

[Endnote 116: (p. 136). _Where they had captured the seven Moors_ [viz., at Tider; see note 78.]--S.

The reference on p. 139 to the Portuguese ships "in the Strait of Ceuta (Gibraltar) and through all the Levant Sea," may be compared with Introduction, p. viii, and notes 28, 31, etc.]

[Endnote 117: (p. 142). _Cape Tira._--[In the old maps we meet with no _cape_ of this name, but combining this passage with what our author says in ch. xxx (How Nuno Tristam went to Tira), and with the distance of 80 leagues which they navigated after leaving the Isle of Herons, or of Arguim, it appears that the cape to which Azurara gives this name, or to which our first navigators gave the name of Tira, was a point, or "tira," of land at the embouchure of the Senegal, at a place marked in the old maps a little beyond Palma Seca, an inscription which is to be read on many (of the ancient charts), and especially on that of João Freire of 1546, and on that of Vaz Dourado of 1571. Although on this last there appears marked a point in close proximity with the name of Tarem, which is not met with in the preceding (maps). Be this as it may, by the distances of latitude between Arguim and that point at the mouth of the Senegal, it appears that the _Cape of Tira_ of which our author speaks, is the place which we indicate. Notwithstanding the unfortunate laconism of Azurara about a fact so interesting for the history of geography, we nevertheless see clearly by this passage that the exploration of the bays, inlets, and points of that part of the coast of Africa was steadily pressed on; that all these points were successively examined by our sailors; and that to these same men are due the names which served for the hydro-geographical nomenclature (of W. Africa) adopted by all nations from the end of the fifteenth century to nearly the end of the seventeenth (see as to this our _Memoria sobre a prioridade dos descobrimentos Portuguezes na costa d'Africa occidental_, § ix).]--S.]

[Endnote 118: (p. 143). _Turtles._--[This passage shows that these mariners were navigating among the great banks and shoals of sand which exist between the isles of Arguim and the mouth of the Senegal. "And they saw an island, which is further out than all the others, but small and very sandy." Combining this account with the map which we meet in vol. i of the work of the Abbé Demanet (_Nouvelle Histoire de l'Afrique_) we perceive two islands clearly marked to the west of the last (sand-) bank, and in front of the places which, on the ancient Portuguese charts are indicated as Tarem, Palmar, and Palma Seca (as in the maps of Freire, 1546, of the Royal Library, and of Vaz Dourado).

Also in the following chapter our author says "They afterwards saw another island which was separated by an arm of the sea that ran between the two--to wit, that in which they were, and the other they had in sight."]--S.

The lake, or fiord, of Obidos, between Atouguya and Pederneira (p. 143) is in the Estremadura province of Portugal, an inlet on the coast, 47 miles N.N.W. of Lisbon.]

[Endnote 119: (p. 146). _Arguim._--See notes 75 and 97, pp. 58 and 103.]

[Endnote 120: (p. 146). _Marco Polo._--[Azurara, writing this chronicle before 1453, availed himself of a manuscript of the travels of Marco Polo, perhaps the same as the copy which the Infant Don Pedro brought from Venice. The oldest printed edition is of 1484. This book, which exercised great influence on discovery, was not only read in the beginning of the fifteenth century by our learned men, but we may notice that one of the most ancient translations which exists of the same is in Portuguese, published by Valentim Fernandez, with the journey of Nicholas the Venetian, etc., dedicated to the King Don Manuel, Lisbon, 1502, one volume, in folio gothic, a copy of which exists in the public library of Lisbon.]--S. Azurara's reference here is to Marco Polo, ch. lvii (Bk. I); ch. lxxiii (Bk. II). On Valentim Fernandez and the bibliography of the Machin story, see Introduction to vol. ii, p. lxxxiv-v. On the editions of Marco Polo, see Yule's edition, Introduction; Pauthier, _Le Livre de M. P._]

[Endnote 121: (p. 147). _Lançarote ... collector of royal taxes_ ( = Almoxarife, p. 62) _in Lagos ... judges ... alcayde ... officials of the corporation._--Another of Azurara's references to "local," "home," or "municipal" affairs in Portugal, at this time. Cf. p. 62 of this Chronicle.]

[Endnote 122: (p. 151). _Knight Don Pedro ... Sueiro da Costa ... Monvedro._--On the general history alluded to by Azurara in the first paragraph of ch. li, see _Cronica de D. Alvaro de Luna_, ed. Milan, 1546, Madrid, 1784; _Histoire secrète de Connetable De Lune_, Paris, 1720; Marina, _Ensaio historico-critico_; Cardonne, _Histoire de l'Afrique et de l'Espagne..._; Hallam, _Middle Ages_, ii, 16-17. It may be summarised as follows: The reign of John II of Castille, after his majority, was constantly disturbed by conspiracies and civil wars, headed by his cousins John and Henry, the Infants of Aragon, who possessed large properties in Castille, bequeathed them by their father Ferdinand. They were also assisted often by their brother the King of Aragon. The nominal object of attack was Alvaro de Luna, favourite minister of John II during thirty-five years, a man probably unscrupulous and somewhat rapacious, but of great ability and energy. At last John gave way, withdrew his favour, and the minister was tried and beheaded, meeting his fate "with the intrepidity of Strafford," to whom some have compared him.

_Sueiro da Costa, Alcaide of Lagos._--Cf. notes 77, 121, etc.

_The King D. Edward_ (Duarte) is, of course, Henry's eldest brother, King of Portugal 1433-1438 (see Introduction to vol. ii, pp. x-xi, and notes 30, 57; and pp. 3, 11, 18, 28, 39, of the text of this version; also Pina's Chronica (D. Duarte), vol. i of the _Ineditos Hist. Port._) The allusions to Portuguese, Castilian, and Aragonese history are so intertwined in these paragraphs that some caution is necessary.

_Monvedro._--Here there is a manuscript note, of later date, however, than the Chronicle itself [_Esta batalha se llama del endolar_].]

[Endnote 123: (p. 152). _Vallaguer ... Arras._--[The siege of Balaguer was undertaken in 1413, and in this the King, Don Fernando of Aragon, made prisoner the Count of Urgel.]--S.

_Ibid., Ladislaus._--[The king of whom the author speaks here under the name of Lançaraao, is Ladislaus, King of Naples, who in the year 1404 entered Rome with his army in order to put down the rebellion of the people against the new Pope, Innocent VII. Hence our author's allusion: "When he assailed the city of Rome."]--S.

_Louis of Provence._--[This was Louis II, Count of Provence. The campaign which Sueiro da Costa made with Louis appears to be that which began in 1409, which the aforesaid Prince carried on in Italy, in common with the allies commanded by Malatesta and by the famous Balthazar Cossa, legate of Bologna. This war lasted till 1411].--S.

_The battle of Agincourt_ (the _Ajancurt_ of Azurara's text) was not between the _Kings_ of France and England in the strictly literal sense. The French, on October 25th, 1415, were commanded by the Dauphin, the Constable of France, and the Duke of Orleans.

_Vallamont_ [is Valmont, 5 leagues north-west of Yvetot].--S. Really 22 kilometres.... It is on the Valmont River (Seine Inférieure), and possesses an ancient chateau, with buildings of date varying from the twelfth to the fifteenth century.

_Constable of France._--[This Admiral of France, with whom served Sueiro da Costa, appears to be the Count of Foix (Foes in the text of Azurara).]

_The Count of Armagnac_ (p. 152) [was probably Bernard VII, who, in the Civil Wars of the time of Charles VI, was at the head of the party of the House of Orleans, which fought various combats, especially in the years 1410-11.]--S.

_Arras_ (p. 152).--[The siege of this place began in Sept. 1414.]--S.]

[Endnote 124: (p. 152). _Lançarote ... Stevam Affonso._--See Introduction to vol. ii, p. xii, and note 77; pp. 60-80, 83, 86 of this version.]

[Endnote 125: (p. 152). _In that year_ [viz. 1447].--S. The place is of course Lagos.]

[Endnote 126: (p. 153). _Dinis Diaz_ [see ch. xxxi].--S. See pp. 98-100 of this Chronicle. Also Introduction to vol. ii, p. xii, and notes 93, 94, 95, etc.]

[Endnote 127: (p. 153). _Tristam ... Zarco ... Lagos._--See Introduction to vol. ii, pp. ix, xii, xcix-cii, notes 76, 80, and pp. 192, 213, 225-9, 244-8, 60-2, 79, 83, etc., of this Chronicle.

One of Zarco's caravels was under the command of Alvaro Fernandez, the only captain on this expedition who accomplished much (see ch. lxxxvii, and Introduction to vol. ii, p. xii).]

[Endnote 128: (p. 156). [This bird is the _Buceros nasutus_ of Linnæus, the same that the French call _Calao-Tock_. Notwithstanding some exaggeration which may be noted in the description of Azurara, it is beyond doubt that the bird of which he treats here is that which the Negroes of the Senegal call _Tock_, and which the Portuguese named _Cróes_. Latham calls it _Buceros Africanus_.

Brisson made two species, Linnæus and Latham two varieties; but Buffon considered them as individuals of the same species, a fact which is otherwise witnessed to by Sonini. Buffon says that the beak, considered apart from the body, is a foot in length and of enormous size (see _Buffon_, Plate 933). The "work" of which Azurara speaks is not due only to the pores of the beak, but chiefly to a series of cuts or incisions, in the form of half-moons, which this bird has upon its beak. It was the famous naturalist Aldrovandi who first gave a picture of the enormous beak of this bird; but the oldest description of it is certainly that given by Azurara. It was not, therefore, Père Labat who first among travellers saw and carefully observed this notable bird, but Lourenço Diaz and the other Portuguese, his companions in 1447: that is, at a date almost three hundred years before Labat. On this bird the reader may also consult the Memoir of Geoffroi de Villeneuve (_Actes de la Société d'histoire naturelle de Paris_).]--S.]

[Endnote 129: (p. 158). _Isle of Herons._--[Since it was to these islands on the coast of Africa, that, in the first epoch of our discoveries, expeditions (by preference) usually directed their course, in conformity with the instructions of the Infant, for the reasons which (in part) Barros gives us (note 97, p. 104, note 79, p. 78 of this version). We have already indicated their position to the reader, conformably to the ancient charts, but we have nevertheless thought well, for the better illustration of the matter, to point out here their true position. In some maps, and among others on that of the famous Livio Sanuto, on the first sheet of his _Africa_, these islands are placed thus:--The Isle of Herons in the most northerly part of all the group, Tider in the most southerly of all, and the Isle of Nar (Naar) between the two.]--S.]

[Endnote 130: (p. 159). _What we have been ordered._--[By these expressions it is evident that the views and plans of the illustrious Infant were not concerned with making captives or slaves, or with expeditions against the natives, but only with the prosecution of the discoveries. The passage which occurs in the next chapter, as to the "great joy" of the crews, and especially of the "lower class" at meeting with the other caravels at the Isle of Herons, "in order to put in hand the matter," _i.e._, a new incursion against the Moors, shows us the spirit which] animated those sailors: which spirit, perhaps, some of the captains were not able at times to hold in check and moderate.]--S.]

[Endnote 131: (p. 164). _The Banner of the Crusade ... Gil Eannes._--[Barros omits these details, which are so interesting for the history of those expeditions. This Gil Eannes was the same who had first passed beyond Cape Bojador. (See ch. ix of this Chronicle.)]--S. On the _Banner of the Crusade_, see Introduction to vol. ii, pp. xviii-xix.]

[Endnote 132: (p. 165). _Alvaro de Freitas._--[Barros says that Alvaro de Freitas was Commander of Algezur. (_Decade I_, Bk. I, ch. ii.)]--S. Cf. in this Chronicle, pp. 152, 157-8, 161, 165-6, 174, 194-5, 197.]

[Endnote 133: (p. 167). _Fra Gil de Roma_ [lived in the time of Philippe le Bel, King of France. The treatise _De Regimine Principum_, which he wrote in 1285 for the education of that Prince, was a book of the highest reputation (in its time), especially at the close of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. By the notice which is given us in the _Chronicle of the Count D. Pedro_, and by the quotation of Azurara, we perceive the estimation in which this book was held amongst us at the beginning of the latter century (the fifteenth).]--S. In fact, King John I (of Portugal), in his discourse at Ceuta in 1415, recalled to his fidalgos and knights the maxims and precepts which they had read in the same book, _De Regimine Principum_, and which he always kept in his own room. And if we are to believe Barbosa (_Bibliotheca Lusitana_), the Infant D. Pedro had made a Portuguese translation of the same treatise; but this learned bibliographer calls Fr. _Gil de Roma_, Fr. _Gil Correa_. This note is not a fitting place to show whether the name of _Correa_, which Barbosa gives to that author, is or is not exact. We must confine ourselves here to saying that King D. Edward (Duarte), quoting this book several times in chs. xxxi, xxxii, xxxvi, lii, lvi of his _Leal Conselheiro_, calls the author, like Azurara, Fr. _Gil de Roma_. In the library at Cambrai there exists a manuscript, No. 856, of the _De Regimine Principum_, which was finished in 1424, and consequently at an epoch subsequent to the one of which King John I made use. This is probably one of those used by King Edward and by Azurara. The first printed edition was published in 1473 (see _Dictionnaire bibliographique, La Serna Santander, etc._) If, as we have just said, the manuscript used by King John I, by King Edward, and by Azurara, is one of the most ancient of which any notice survives, the Portuguese translation of the book of Fr. Gil de Roma by the Infant Don Pedro is also one of the most ancient versions--if we except the French translation attributed to Henry of Ghent. (On this consult the Abbé Lebœuf, _Dissertation sur l'histoire ecclésiastique et civile de Paris_, II, p. 41.) We think it well to give the reader this notice, in view of the importance of Azurara's citation in this place, which shows us the state of learning and literary culture among our people at the beginning of the fifteenth century, and at the same time the literary relations which existed between Portugal, France, and other countries at the end of the Middle Ages.]--S. See Martins, _Os Filhos de D. João I_, chs. i, iv, v, vi.]

[Endnote 134: (p. 169). _Pero Allemain, etc._--See p. 55 of this Chronicle, on Balthasar, an undoubted German of the "household of the Emperor."]

[Endnote 135: (p. 173). _Directions from the Lord Infant._--These seem to have been rather vague for purposes of exploration, and are differently given by _Gomez Pirez_ (p. 173). See text of this version pp. 95, 173, etc., and next note.]

[Endnote 136: (p. 174). _River of Nile._--[Compare this passage with our remarks in the notes to chs. liii, xxxii, xv, and xiii, about the true plans of the illustrious Infant, author of these discoveries. These passages reveal to us, in spite of the brevity of the Chronicler, the intention and the system of the Prince in relation to these expeditions. It is clear that he desired not only to discover those countries, but above all to obtain information from the natives themselves of the interior of Africa, in order to compare it with the scientific, historical, and geographical ideas of antiquity and of the Middle Ages, with a view of prosecuting his discoveries till the East was reached. Thus, Garcia de Resende says, with good reason (_Chronicle of the King D. John II_, ch. cliv), when treating of the discovery of the Congo, made twenty-five years after the death of the Infant:--"In the year 1485, the King desiring the discovery of India and Guinea, which the Infant D. Henry, his uncle, first among all the Princes of Christendom, commenced,..."]--S. What Gomez Pirez says here implicitly contradicts Lançarote's statement, p. 172; see note 135.]

[Endnote 137: (p. 174). _The terrestrial Paradise._--[We call the attention of the reader to this passage, in itself very interesting, especially because the words of Alvaro de Freitas indicate beyond doubt a certain geographical idea as to the situation of the terrestrial Paradise agreeing with the cosmographical knowledge of the Middle Ages, and as to the distance at which they found themselves from those delicious parts of the world.

The sailors whom the Infant employed in these navigations and discoveries were well instructed in nautical science. They set out from Portugal furnished with "naval charts" in which the cosmographers of that time had designed not merely the hydrographical configuration of the coasts of the various countries then known, but also which is more curious, the interior of the Continents, in which they represented, by a multitude of figures, the various sovereigns, animals, birds, woodland, and other details, both real, fantastic, and hypothetical: as the curious reader may see in the Planisphere of Andrea Bianco of 1436, published in the work of Formaleone, entitled _Saggio sulla nautica antica de Veneziani_, and in the other planisphere of the famous Fra Mauro, published by Cardinal Zurla in his work, _Sulle antiche Mappe lavorate in Venezia_ (1818).

The idea, then, which Alvaro de Freitas had of his distance from the terrestrial Paradise, according to his own words, shows that he considered it to be at the extremity of the earth: that idea, we repeat, proves the influence which the geography of the Middle Ages exercised upon our sailors. As a matter of fact, that idea of the position of the terrestrial Paradise dates from the time of the _Topographia Christiana_ of Cosmas Indicopleustes (see Montfaucon, _Nova Collectio Patrum_, vol. ii), an idea which the journeys accomplished by land during the Middle Ages fortified and reduced to a systematic opinion. On the map of Andrea Bianco, the terrestrial Paradise is to be found marked in the most easterly part of Asia.

Alvaro de Freitas in these words of his, alluded either to the locality in which Paradise was to be found on the ancient charts--and this, we think, is the more probable supposition--or he referred to the _Cosmology_ of Dante, according to which Paradise was situate in the middle of the seas of the southern hemisphere (Dante, _Purgatorio_, cant. xxvi, ll. 100, 127.)]--S.

Santarem's commentary here needs a word of supplement, which we take from the _Dawn of Modern Geography_, pp. 332-3.

"The position of the Garden of Eden, the habitat of the people of Gog Magog and other monstrous races, and the existence of a literal centre for the earth-circle, were problems which exercised the patristic mind only less than the great controversy upon the 'Spherical,' 'Tabernacular,' or other shape of the world itself.

"As to the earthly Paradise, the plain word of Scripture [Genesis, ii, 8; iii, 24] compelled most Theologians to place it in the Furthest East, though a minority inclined to give a symbolic meaning to the crucial words, 'The Lord God planted a garden _eastward_ in Eden ... and placed Cherubim at the East of the Garden, to keep the way of the Tree of Life.' Augustine, here as elsewhere, shows himself inclined to compromise, as well became one who attempted such a task as the re-statement of the whole Catholic Faith. His knowledge was too many-sided, and his intelligence too keen, for him not to perceive the importance of a certain liberality of temper in a creed which aspired to conquer the world, and his treatment of the question of the terrestrial Paradise is a good example of his method. For himself, he holds fast to the real existence of Eden, and the literal sense of Scripture on its position, but he allows any one who will to give the texts at issue a symbolical meaning (_De Civ. Dei_, XIII, ch. xxi; see also Eucherius, Comm. on Genesis in the _Max. Bibl. Vet. Pat._ vi, 874, and A. Graf's interesting essay on the _Legends of the terrestrial Paradise_, Turin, 1878). To the same effect, though more doubtfully, speaks St. Isidore of Seville, who in so many ways reproduces at the end of the sixth century the spirit and method of the Bishop of Hippo in the fifth. In one place the Spanish Doctor repeats the traditional language about Eden, placed in the East, blessed with perpetual summer, but shut off from the approach of man by the fiery wall which reached almost to the Heaven: yet elsewhere he seems to countenance a purely figurative sense. His scepticism is expressed in the _De Differentiis_, i, 10; his traditionalism in the _Etymologies_ or _Origins_, XIV, 3 (De Asia).

"The ordinary conclusion of the more philosophic school of Churchmen is perhaps expressed by Moses Bar-Cepha, 'Bishop of Bethraman and Guardian of sacred things in Mozal' [_i.e._, Mosul? or Nineveh], near Bagdad, about A.D. 900 [Migne's editor of Moses, in _Pat. Græc._, cxi, pp. 482-608 (1863), places him later, about A.D. 950; but Marinelli, Erdkunde, 20-1, dates him about A.D. 700, doubtless with the assent of S. Günther and L. Neumann, who are responsible for the enlarged German edition of Marinelli's admirable essay. The most interesting passages of Moses' geography are in Pt. I, chs. i, ii, vii-ix, xi-xiv]. In his _Commentary on Paradise_, the ingenious prelate solves past difficulties in the spirit of Hegel himself. The terrestrial Eden had one existence under two conditions, visible and invisible, corporeal and incorporeal, sensual and intellectual. As pertaining to this world, it existed, he considers, in a land which was on, but not of, the earth that we inhabit; for it lay on higher ground, it breathed a purer air, and, though many of the saints had fixed it in the East, it was really beyond our ken.

"From Augustine onwards, through the writings of Eucherius of Lyons [_Commentary on Genesis_], of St. Basil the Great, and many others, something of this tendency to compromise between the literal meaning of Scripture and the tacit opposition of geography, may be traced in this attempt to give reality to the earthly Paradise; and the same comes out in the conjecture of Severian of Gabala, adopted by Cosmas and by many of the traditionalists, that the rivers of Eden dived under the earth for a long space before reappearing in our world as Nile, Euphrates, Tigris and Pison (Severian of Gabala, v, 6; according to S., this subterranean course was to prevent men from tracking their way up to Paradise; cf. _Philostorgius_, III, 7-12.)

"Homeric and other pre-Christian fancies led many in the early Christian period still to look for Paradise in the north, among the Upper Boreans, in the south among the blameless Ethiopians, or in the west in the Isles of the Blessed, of the Hesperides, or of Fortune. Thus Capella, who was probably a pagan survival at the beginning of the most brilliant age of patristic literature, naturally enough looks for his Elysium 'where the axis of the world is ever turning' at the northern pole [_Capella_, vi, 664]; but when we find Archbishop Basil of Novgorod speculating about a Paradise in the White Sea [see Karamsin's _Russian History_, as cited by Marinelli, _Erdkunde_, p. 22, note 84; and by Cardinal Zurla, _Vantaggi derivati alla Geografia_, etc., p. 44] we have a better illustration of the undying vigour of the oldest and most poetic of physical myths, under almost any changes of politics and religion."]

[Endnote 138: (p. 176). _Or else upon their feathers for the rest of the time ... other fish._--[This bird is the _Phœnicopterus_.]--S.

_Ibid_: _Other birds_, etc.--[See note 128 to p. 156, on the _Buceros Africanus_.]--S.

_Ibid_: _Other fish._--[This is the _Pristis_.]--S.]

[Endnote 139: (p. 176). _Quite alive._--[This fish appears to be the _Remora_.]--S.]

[Endnote 140: (p. 176). _The two palm trees, etc._--[These palm trees exist on some old MS. maps. We may compare this passage with what the author says in ch. xxxi, and with the notes on pp. 96, 177; also Introduction, p. iv. Barros (_Decade I_, ch. xiii) says "Lancerote reached the two palm trees which Dinis Fernandez, when he went there, marked out as a feature worthy of notice ... where the natives of the land say the Azanegue Moors are divided from the idolatrous Negroes." And, in fact, the course of this stream forms a remarkable boundary between the Moors, or Berbers, who inhabit the northern bank, and the Negro Jaloffs who dwell on the southern bank (see _Durand_, vol. ii, p. 60, and _Rennell_, Appendix, p. 80).]--S.]

[Endnote 141: (p. 177). _This green land._--[On the manuscript map of João Freire of 1546, appears marked at the entrance of the river Senegal, the "arvoredo" of which Azurara speaks.]--S.]

[Endnote 142: (p. 177). _Azanegue prisoners._--[Compare this important passage with what Azurara says in other places, pp. 41, 45-6, 48-9, 55; and Introduction to vol. ii, pp. iv, xxvi, lviii, lix, about the Infant and the information which he collected from the natives, and which he compared with the geographical charts he was constantly studying.]--S.]

[Endnote 143: (p. 178). _Entereth into it so._--[This same confusion which the Portuguese mariners made between the Senegal and the Nile is one more proof of the influence which the geographical system of the ancients exercised over them. According to Pliny, the Niger was an arm of the Nile. The river Senegal traverses in its course nearly 350 leagues from its source in the country of Fouta (Jallon) to the Atlantic (see Durand, _Voyage au Sénégal_, p. 343, and Demanet, _Nouvelle histoire d'Afrique_, vol. i, p. 62, iv, xii, xxii-xxv, xxxiii, xlii-xliii, xlvii-xlix, lviii.)]--S. Also see Introduction to vol. ii, p. lviii, etc.]

[Endnote 144: (p. 180). _Mediterranean Sea, etc._--[This passage shows that Azurara only had notice at that time of the ivory commerce which was carried on through the ports of the Levant situated on the Mediterranean, and that he had no knowledge that a like commerce was carried on through the ports of the empire of Marocco, situated on the west coast of Africa. "I learnt," says he, "that in the eastern part of the Mediterranean Sea," etc. ... and these words of his are important, as showing that a man, otherwise well informed in matters of commerce and navigation, was not aware that the ivory trade was carried on by the western coast; which gives us one more proof of the priority of the Portuguese in the discovery of Guinea. Our author, then, knew the truth: for until that epoch the trade in ivory was carried on by the Arabs by way of Egypt, the Arabs going to the coast of Zanzibar to seek for the same, since there the better quality was to be found (see Masudi, _Notices et Extraits des MSS. de la Bibliothèque du Roi_, i, p. 15; _Ibn-al-Wardi, ibid_, ii, p. 40; _El Bakoui, ibid_, pp. 394, 401). The Arab caravans also brought ivory from places in the neighbourhood of the Niger. These caravans followed the routes of the ancient Itineraries (see _Ibn-al-Wardi, Notices et Extraits des MSS._, ii, pp. 35-7, and Edrisi (Jaubert), vol. i, pp. 10-26, 105-120, 197-293). But the principal centre of this commerce with the interior of Africa was in the northern part, then already known under the name of Barbary, and in the countries which form to-day the kingdoms of Fez and Marocco. The expressions of Azurara about the size of the elephant are evidently exaggerated, because the species indigenous to Africa is only the second in size in the (animal) family of the Proboscidians, or "trunked" Pachyderms. The African elephant is smaller than the Asiatic elephant, although the tusks of the latter are smaller than those of the former. The details given in this part of our Chronicle are, in our opinion, so important for the information they give about the state of knowledge among our first discoverers, the influences of ancient tradition, and the mediæval spirit which dominated them, that it seems opportune to indicate here to the reader what we consider most worthy of study and of reflection, in order that we may be able to estimate the state of instruction in Portugal relative to those matters in the beginning of the fifteenth century, seeing that up to now no (writing) work has yet appeared upon the subject from any one of our nation. Among other passages of this Chronicle we noted, on p. 156, note 128, the extraordinary exaggeration with which our seamen described the beak of the _Buceros Africanus_, of which they said "the mouth and maw of these birds is so great that the leg of a man, however large it were, could go into it as far as the knee." We have also seen another marvellous description of the beak of the _Phœnicopterus_, and finally the one which was inspired by the account given them of the elephant by the Negroes--an exaggeration which reminds one of the description given by a Byzantine writer of the eleventh century, Michael Attaliotes, when he saw an elephant for the first time in Constantinople (see the extract from the Greek MSS. of the Royal Library at Paris [Bibliothèque Nationale], on p. 499 of the work of M. Berger de Xivrey: _Recits de l'antiquité sur quelques points de la fable, du merveilleux et de l'histoire naturelle_). In these exaggerated and marvellous accounts, therefore, of birds and animals which were unknown as late as then, we find a proof of the influence of the teratological traditions of antiquity and of the Middle Ages, in consequence of the studies which men had previously made of the figures they saw depicted in the planispheres and Mappemondes of their time; and also we may see in this a result of the reading of Pliny, and above all of the _Treatise on Marvels_, attributed to Aristotle, "the philosopher," as Azurara calls him (see p. 12, note 19), whose authority was so great among the Portuguese of the fifteenth century that even the "Proctors of the People" (in the _Cortes_ of 1481), quoted his work on "Politics" (see our _Memoir on the Cortes_, ii, p. 186). We see, then, that our seamen of that period were impregnated with these traditions, and were diligent readers of works which during the Middle Ages were given the title of _Mirabilia_, the reading of which enchanted (in that age) not only men of education, but even students, and often the people, to whom ecclesiastics read in public those marvellous relations, as we see, among other examples from the case of Giraldus Cambrensis, who thrice read to the people in Oxford his description of Ireland; and still more in the celebrated statutes made in 1380 by Bishop Wykeham for the college which he founded in the same city, in which he determined that the chronicles of various realms should be read to the students and the marvels of the world (_Mirabilia Mundi_); see _Sprengel_, p. 221, and Wharton, _History of English Poetry_, i, p. 92. In the period at which the statutes we mention were given to (New) College in Oxford, the relations between Portugal and England were knit more closely than in preceding centuries. The Court of the King, D. John I, adopted most of the English usages, and the literary communication between the two peoples was more extensive than in earlier time. The citation of the romances of chivalry made by the King to his knights, the adoption of the French language (which was then that of the Court of England), the devices and mottoes of which the Infants made use, prove the existence of that influence. Besides this, divers passages of King D. Duarte's _Leal Conselheiro_ show that the Infants of the House of Aviz (often) discussed various literary matters with the King, their father, and other literary persons, and that they even debated about the rules and regulations for properly translating classical works. We have also noticed that King D. John I, in the discourse which he made to the fidalgos who remained at Ceuta in 1415, cited the _De Regimine Principum_ of Fr. Gil de Roma, bidding them recall to memory how they had often read the same in his Privy Chamber. So then, at that epoch of discoveries, in which the greatest enthusiasm prevailed for the prosecution of enterprises of such moment, the reading of the _Marvels of the World_, and of the _Travels of Marco Polo_, which the Infant D. Pedro brought from Venice, formed beyond doubt the delight of all those famous men, courtiers of the Infant D. Henry, of his illustrious father, and of his brothers--courtiers, moreover, who received their education in the royal or princely palaces. The passages, then, which we read in this Chronicle, and which we indicate to the reader, in spite of their brevity, and of the defects which the critical study of our own time enables us to note--these passages, we say, are of the highest importance when they are studied in harmony with other contemporary documents. The great men of the fifteenth century, formed in the school of the Infant Don Henry, were unquestionably possessed of great erudition for those times--an erudition and knowledge which at first eludes observation, through being muffled up in the rudeness of a language without polish, and which was more energetic in action than explicit and agreeable in writing, but it is nevertheless clear that they knew all that was known in their age.

It was this notable school, therefore, which prepared the great body of geographical learning which we note appearing in the famous congress of Portuguese and Spanish geographers at Badajoz in 1524 and 1525: at which, in the discussion which took place on the demarcation of the Moluccas and on the size of the world, Aristotle was quoted along with Strabo, Eratosthenes, Macrobius, St. Ambrose, Pliny, Theodosius, Marinus of Tyre, Alfergani, and Pierre d'Ailly, etc.]--S.

Long as this note is, a word must be added to it:--

Santarem here covers a large part of the field of mediæval geography, but his treatment in this place is hardly so clear or exhaustive as one might expect from the author of the _Essai sur Cosmographie_, or the compiler of the leading _Atlas_ of mediæval maps. As to the immediate subject, the phrase _Mediterranean_ [_Sea_] was first used in the sense of a proper name by St. Isidore of Seville, _c._ A.D. 600 (_Origins_ or _Etymologies_, Book xiii); though its adjectival use, like the parallel expressions "Our [sea]," "the Roman [sea]," "the Inner [sea]," was of course much earlier. As late as Solinus (_c._ A.D. 230) this last is clearly the only shade of meaning. As to the commerce of North Africa, we must refer to the Introduction to vol. ii, pp. xxii-xxvi, xlv-lvi, lxiv. As to the mediæval _Mirabilia_, it is strange that Santarem gives no adequate reference to the great sources of these collections: Pliny's _Natural History_, and above all Solinus' _Collectanea_, principally compiled from Pliny, Mela, and Varro, and itself reproduced (wholly or

## partially) in well-nigh every mediæval work of similar character,

translated into the pictorial language of Mappemonde, such as that of _Hereford_, of _Ebstorp_, or of the _Psalter_ (Brit. Mus. _Add. MSS._ 28,681). On these, see _Dawn of Modern Geography_, pp. 243-273, 327-391. Santarem's remarks hardly give a sufficient idea of the systematic domination exercised over much of mediæval thought, not only in geography, natural history and ethnology, but in other departments also by the pseudo-science represented in these _Mirabilia_.]

[Endnote 145: (p. 183). _Paulus Orosius._--[Here we must note the omission of the name of Diodorus Siculus among the authors cited by Azurara, especially as he is, among all the ancient historians, the one who has left us the most important and circumstantial account of the Nile. The first Latin version of Diodorus by Poggio only appeared in 1472, nineteen years after Azurara had finished this chronicle. The works of Orosius were held in high estimation among the learned of the Middle Ages. This writer was born at Braga in Lusitania, agreeably to the opinion of some authors. (See _Fr. Leam de St. Thomas, bened. lusit. I_, ii, p. 308; and Baronius, an. 414.) His work, _Historiarum adversus Paganos_, which begins with the creation of the world and comes down to the year 316 of Jesus Christ, was printed for the first time in 1471, that is, eighteen years after Azurara had finished his Chronicle, but during the Middle Ages copies of this work were so multiplied that even in England the book was to be found in the hands of the Anglo-Saxon people (see Wright, _Essay on the State of Literature and Learning under the Anglo-Saxons_, p. 39), a detail which affords one proof the more of the literary relations between the Spanish peninsula, and the peoples and nations of the North in the first centuries of the Middle Ages.]--S. See _Dawn of Modern Geography_, pp. 353-5.]

[Endnote 146: (p. 184). _Mossylon Emporion_ (_Mossille Nemporyo_).--[Azurara alters the name. The passage to which the Chronicler refers is the following:--_Et Ægyptum superiorem fluviumque Nilum, qui de litore incipientis maris Rubri videtur emergere in loco qui dicitur Musilon Emporium_, not _Mossile Nemporyo_. (_Orosius_, Bk. I, vi.)]--S. On this _Emporion_, see Bunbury's _Ancient Geography_, vol ii, pp. 692; _Solinus_, ch. lvi.]

[Endnote 147: (p. 184). _Josepho Rabano._--[This is the celebrated author of the history of the Jews, Flavius Josephus, whose work was first composed in Syriac and afterwards in Greek. It was so much esteemed by the Emperor Titus that he ordered it to be put into the public library. The first Latin translation which was printed, according to some bibliographers, was in 1470, seventeen years after this Chronicle was finished.]--S.]

[Endnote 148: (p. 184). _Meroë._--[On this African island the reader can consult _Ptolemy_, iv, 8; _Herodotus_, ii, 29; _Strabo_, Bks. XVII-XVIII; and, above all, _Diodorus Siculus_, i, 23, etc. The Master Peter quoted by Azurara is the famous Petrus Aliacus, or de Aliaco (d'Ailly), in his book _Imago Mundi_, finished in 1410: a book which had a great vogue in the fifteenth and even in the sixteenth century.]--S. Cf. also Pliny, _H. N._, ii, 73; v, 9; Cailliaud, _L'isle de Meroe_.]

[Endnote 149: (p. 184). _Gondojre._--[According to our belief the reading should be Gondolfo. This writer had travelled in Palestine, and his life is (to be found) written in _Anglia Sacra_, tom. ii].--S. The Master Peter mentioned just before is rather a doubtful case. He is possibly the writer of the eleventh-century treatise "Contra Simoniam," etc., or the "Magister Scholarum" of the thirteenth, usually called the "Master of Stommeln."]

[Endnote 150: (p. 185). _Crocodiles._--Here we have an original MS. note.--[This is an animal, as Pliny relateth, which breedeth in the Nile, and whose custom and nature is to live by day on land and by night in the water; in the water to feed on the fish upon which it liveth and maintaineth itself, and on the land to sleep and refresh itself. But when it cometh out in the morning to the bank, if it findeth a boy or a man it quickly killeth him, and it is said that it swalloweth them whole. And it is a very evil and very dangerous beast.]

Compare other original notes of MS. written in the same character on pp. 7, 8, 13, etc. On the Nile and its crocodiles and other wonders, as conceived by mediæval writers, we may also compare _Solinus_, ch. xxxii.

On Azurara's reference to _Cæsarea_ (Cherchel) immediately preceding, Santarem remarks as follows:--[This is Julia Cæsarea, now Cherchel, as is proved by various Roman inscriptions discovered there lately, and communicated to the Institute of France (Royal Academy of Inscriptions) by M. Hase. This city was one of the busiest of the ancient Regency of Argel.]]

[Endnote 151: (p. 188). _Dog Star_ (_Canicolla_).--Here we have an original MS. note.--[This star, as saith the interpreter of Ovid, giveth its name to the Dog Days, which are those days which begin on July 5th and finish on September 5th. And this name came from a bitch which guarded the body of Icarus, when he was slain by the reapers, as Master John of England relateth. And he relateth that because that bitch guarded faithfully the body of its lord, it was numbered among the signs; and because it was a little bitch, the Dog Days took this name of theirs in this form, "Canicullus" for "Cam," or "Canicolla" for "Cadella." And because that bitch of Icarus was poisoned with the stench of its master, who lay dead and already stank, therefore did that star become also a poisonous one; and therefore does the sun still poison when it passeth through that sign, and so do the rays of the sun then poison the meats on earth. Wherefore those thirty-two days which the sun taketh in passing through that sign, are held by physicians to be days hurtful to the health of the body.] [_John of England is John Duns Scotus, Franciscan friar, called Doctor Subtilis, one of the chief philosophers of the Middle Ages, and Professor in Oxford_ (_see Wadding, Vita J. Duns Scoti, doctoris subtilis, published in 1644_).]--S.]

[Endnote 152: (p. 188). _Ellice and Cenosura._--Here we have another manuscript note.--[These are the two poles, to wit, Arctic and Antarctic. And the interpreter of Ovid saith that each one of these two signs are called _Arcom_, and that _Arcom_ is a Greek word, and signifieth what in Latin is meant by _Ursi_, and in the Portuguese language by _Ursas_; and that, besides, by each of these signs we call the North.]]

[Endnote 153: (p. 189). _So directly passeth the sun, etc._--[See Strabo, Bk. XVII, who refers to the wells without shade during the summer solstice.]--S.]

[Endnote 153a: (pp. 188-9). _Bishop Achoreus._--[Azurara refers here to Achoreus, the Egyptian high priest of whom Lucan speaks in the _Pharsalia_, Canto x. The passage to which Azurara refers begins with the following verse:--Vana fides veterum, Nilo, quod crescat in arva. Comparing this chapter of Azurara with the episode of Canto x of the _Pharsalia_, we see clearly that it was from Lucan he derived the whole of his description of the Nile.]--S.]

[Endnote 154: (p. 191). _The marvels of the Nile._--[So great was the influence of the systematic geography of the ancients upon the imagination of the Portuguese of the fifteenth century, that, on arriving at the Senegal, and seeing that the water was sweet very near to the mouth, and very clear, in the same manner as the Nile (_Nulli fluminum dulcior gustus est_, said Seneca), and observing the same phenomena, they did not doubt for a moment that they had discovered the Nile of the Negroes. In these two chapters we see something of the vast erudition of Azurara, and at the same time something of the historical and cosmographical knowledge of our first discoverers. Moreover, we must call the attention of the reader to a very important detail, namely, that while Azurara shows himself imbued with the reading of the ancient authors on these matters, in the same way as our mariners, the latter, if we study the spirit of their words, show that they had some knowledge of the system of the Arab geographers in this respect. These latter applied the same terms (as our first Portuguese explorers) to the two rivers, distinguishing the Nile of Egypt and the Nile of the Negroes. This opinion of the Niger being an arm of the Nile was even maintained in our own day by Jackson, in his work entitled, _An Account of the Empire of Marocco and the District of Suze_. In vol. xiv of the _Annales des Voyages_, by Malte-Brun, 1811, and in vol. xvii of the same work, p. 350, we meet with a curious analysis of this work of Jackson's on the identity of the two rivers.]--S.

What Azurara says here about the Nile, etc., is largely borrowed from Solinus, _Collectanea_, xxxii; Pliny, _Natural History_, v, 51-59; viii, 89-97; _Pomponius Mela_, iii, viii, 9. We may also (for mediæval ideas on the Nile, etc.) cf. Dicuil, _De Mensura Orbis Terrae_, vi, 4, 7, etc.; ix, 6 (on Mount Atlas); St. Basil, _Hexaemeron_, iii, 6; Vibius Sequester; Procopius, _De Bell. Goth._, ii, 14, 15; iv, 29; St. Isidore, _Origins_, xiv, 5; Ven. Bede, _De Natur. Rer._; and above all, Edrisi (Jaubert), i, 11-13, 17-19, 27-33, 35, 37, 297, 301-5, 312, 315, 320-325, ii, 137; Masudi, _Meadows of Gold_, ch. xiv (see Introduction to vol. ii, pp. xliv-l, and _Dawn of Modern Geography_, pp. 267-8, 323-6, 367, 462-3, 348, 363, 365.)]

[Endnote 155: (p. 191). _Fish or some other natural product of the sea._--[This important passage is one proof the more of the priority of our discoveries on the west coast of Africa.]--S. Not, of course, an absolute proof, though it strengthens the plausibility of the Portuguese claim.]

[Endnote 156: (p. 193). _Arms of the Infant._--[This island, as well as the other of which mention is made above, where these sailors encountered the Arms of the Infant carved upon the trees, are very clearly marked, as between Cape Verde and the Cape of Masts, on a curious map of Africa in the unpublished _Atlas_ of Vaz Dourado, executed in 1571 (see _Mémoire sur la navigation aux côtes occidentales d'Afrique_, by Admiral Roussin, p. 61--_Des iles de la Madeleine_).]--S.]

[Endnote 157: (p. 193). _This tree_, etc.--[This is the baobab, a tree noted for its enormous size, and which is to be met with on the Senegal, on the Gambia, and even on the Congo, at which point Captain Tucklay (Tuckey) mentions it among the trees to be found on the banks of the Zaire. This tree had been described by Adanson (_Histoire Naturelle du Sénégal_, Paris, 1757, pp. 54 and 104), and from this circumstance Bernardo Jussieu gave it the name of Adansonia. Its trunk is sometimes more than 90 ft. in circumference (see the work cited above). Our mariners, and Azurara himself, however, described it 310 years before the French naturalist who gave it the botanical name by which it is now known.]--S.]

[Endnote 158: (p. 194). _Rio d'Ouro._--[Some French writers, who have lately treated of the famous Catalan Atlas in the Royal Library of Paris, to which they assign the date of 1375, assert that the Catalans reached the Rio d'Ouro before the Portuguese, because on this map is marked a galliot, with a legend referring to Jayme Ferrer, who sailed to a river of that name (in 1346).

Without discussing this point here, let us say, nevertheless, that as to this voyage of the Catalans, whose arrival at the said river is not attested by any document, the reader should consult the map of M. Walckenaer, published in the scientific journal, _Annales des Voyages_, tom. 7, p. 246 (A.D. 1809), in which that learned geographer says, with good reason, that the said legend and project of Jayme Ferrer's voyage (as stated) does not at all prove that geographical knowledge in 1346 extended beyond Cape Bojador, or even beyond Cape Non (see also our _Memoir on the priority of our discoveries_, and the _Atlas_ which accompanies the said memoir).]--S. Cf. Introduction to vol. ii, pp. lxiii-lxiv.]

[Endnote 159: (p. 194). _To the Kingdom._--[By this passage, and similar ones in chs. x, xi, and xvi, it is proved that the commercial relations of the Portuguese with the west coast of Africa beyond Bojador were established before the middle of the fifteenth century. The imports then consisted of gold-dust, slaves, and skins of sea-calves.]--S. Cf. Introduction to vol. ii, pp. x-xiii, lxi-lxxi.]

[Endnote 160: (p. 198). _Tider._--[An island hard by Arguim (or forming one of the Arguim group). We must now add to what we said before, that this island, as well as those of the Herons (Ilha das Garças), and of Naar, is very clearly marked on the unpublished map of Vaz Dourado, but without the names given in this Chronicle. That cosmographer (Dourado) included them all under the denomination of _Isles of Herons_.]--S.]

[Endnote 161: (p. 199). _Isle of Cerina._--[Comparing our text with the excellent map of Vaz Dourado, we find on the latter this island marked as nearest to the continent, and also nearest to the mouth of the St. John River. Dourado marks Arguim to the north, and to the south of _P. dos Reys_ marks four islands, which are those of Herons, of Naar, of Tider, and this one of which Azurara speaks. On the map of D'Anville, which is to be found in the work of P. Labat, _Nouvelle relation de l'Afrique_, tom. I, a map which includes the part of the coast from Cape Branco to the River of St. John, we read over an island very near Tider the word "Grine," which appears to be the Cerina of Azurara.]--S.]

[Endnote 162: (p. 204). _Arrived at the end_, etc.--[On the position of this stream, see the map of d'Anville, published in the work of P. Labat, _Nouvelle relation de l'Afrique_, tom. I; and the _Mémoire sur la navigation aux côtes occidentales d'Afrique_, by Admiral Roussin, at p. 44, where he speaks of the _Baie du Lévrier_, which is 8 leagues in extent from N. to S., and 6 leagues across. This bay, in which our sailors entered, is to the north of the Cape of St. Anne.]--S.]

[Endnote 163: (p. 212). _This Prince._--[Compare this passage with what we said in note 92, ch. xxx, as to the authority of this chronicle.]--S.]

[Endnote 164: (p. 214). _Point of Santa Anna._--[It is situate to the south of the Rio de S. João, on the chart of João Freire of 1546.]--S.]

[Endnote 165: (p. 218). _Islands._--[We think that these islands are the ones marked on certain charts, principally French, with the name of "Ilhas da Madalena."]--S].

[Endnote 166: (p. 220). _Buffaloes._--[It was, in fact, the African buffalo that our seamen saw there.]--S.]

[Endnote 167: (p. 224). _Hermes._--[(Ἔρμας). Azurara refers here to the book of this author entitled _The Shepherd_, composed in the pontificate of St. Clement sometime before the persecution of Domitian which began in the year 95. Origen, Eusebius, St. Jerome, St. Clement of Alexandria, and Tertullian mentioned this work. By this passage we see that Azurara, in citing it, did not admit the view of Gelasius, who classed it among the apocryphal books.]--S.]

[Endnote 168: (p. 225). _As he could._--[Compare this passage with what we have said in previous notes about the Infant's plans.]--S.]

[Endnote 169: (p. 225). _Nile._--[The Senegal, or Nile of the Negroes.]--S.]

[Endnote 170: (p. 226). _An island._--[It must be the Island of Gorea (Goree), situate in 14° 39' 55" N. lat. On this island see Demanet, _Nouvelle histoire de l'Afrique_, tom. 1, pp. 87-97, passim. _Notices statistiques sur les colonies françaises_ (troisième partie, pp. 187-189), a work published by the Ministry of Marine in 1839.]--S.]

[Endnote 171: (p. 228). _Cape of the Masts._--[This cape appears marked with this name in nearly all the ancient MS. maps of the sixteenth century. It is clear then that the name of this cape was first given to that point by Alvaro Fernandez. Barros (_Decade I_, liv. 1, fol. 26, ed. 1628) says of this voyage: "He passed to the place they now call the Cabo dos Mastos: a name he then gave it on account of some bare palm trees that at first sight looked like masts set up."]--S.]

[Endnote 172: (p. 229). _A hind._--[This description leaves not the smallest doubt that the animal which our seamen saw there, and of which the author treats, is the antelope, and probably "the other beasts" were herds of the same kind. On the history of the antelopes the reader should consult Buffon and Cuvier.]--S.]

[Endnote 173: (p. 230). _Dwellings_ (_Essacanas_).--[This word is not to be found either in the _Elucidario_ or in Portuguese dictionaries; it is met with, however, in the heptaglot of Castell, and in Golius, but there the meaning of this Arabic word is given as being "a place where a person dwells." Even if this be admitted for the explanation of the text, the latter still remains obscure; however, it seems to us that the author meant to say, that all those observations were made in the "(Essacanas) dwellings ... that exist on certain sandbanks, according," etc. The mariners drew their charts, and marked the coasts, banks, etc., on the very spots themselves.]--S.]

[Endnote 174: (p. 230). _Charts._--[This passage shows in the clearest manner that the first hydrographical maps of the west coast of Africa, beyond Bojador, were made by the Portuguese under the orders of the Infant D. Henrique, and that these maps were adopted and copied by the cosmographers of the whole of Europe (see _Memoria sobre a prioridade dos descobrimentos dos Portuguezes_, etc., §§ ix, x, and xi).]--S.]

[Endnote 175: (p. 230). _Oadem._--[We judge this to be the place called by Cadamosto Hoden (Guaden), and of which he says: "On the right of Cape Branco inland there is an inhabited place named Hoden, which is distant from the coast a matter of six days' journey by camel;" but he says the contrary of what we read in the text, for he adds: "The which is not a place of dwelling, but the Arabs foregather there, and it serves as a calling-place for the caravans that come from Timbuctoo and other Negro parts to this our Barbary from here." This spot, with the very name given by Cadamosto, is marked agreeably to this account on the chart of the Itineraries of the caravans which M. Walckenaer added to his work, _Recherches géographiques sur l'intérieur de l'Afrique_.]--S.]

[Endnote 176: (p. 231). _Carts._--[_Alquitões_, an Arabic term not met with either in our dictionaries or in the _Elucidario_, but found in the heptaglot dictionary of Castell, in the word "Alquidene," "waggons for the transport of women and men," and in Golius. We do not find this word in the war regulations of the Kings D. John I and D. Affonso V (Souza, _Prov. da hist. gen._, iii). Azurara thus employed in this place an Arabic term which had fallen out of use in Portuguese in the fifteenth century.]--S.]

[Endnote 177: (p. 231). _Few._--[See the description in the travels of Clapperton.]--S.]

[Endnote 178: (p. 231). _Confetti._--[See the _Itinèraire de Tripoli de Barbarie à la ville de Tomboctu_, by the Cheyk Hagg-Kassem, published by M. Walckenaer in his _Recherches sur l'intérieur de l'Afrique_, p. 425; the account agrees with that in the text.]--S.]

[Endnote 179: (p. 231). _Bestiality._--[This same description and expression is to be found in _Leo Africanus_.]--S. The last may be read in the Hakluyt Soc. ed., vol. i, pp. 130-3, 153-4, 158-161, 218.]

[Endnote 180: (p. 232). _Fernandez._--[As to João Fernandez, see ch. xxix, and the note on the stay of this traveller at the Rio do Ouro in 1445, and also ch. xxxii.]--S.]

[Endnote 181: (p. 232). _Went with them._--[Though this account of João Fernandez is very important, because anterior by almost a century to the description of the well-known Leo Africanus, yet the most important part of it is wanting: namely, the route he followed, and the places he visited during the seven months he spent with the caravans. Despite the omission of these details, however, his description which this chapter contains, and its exactness, is confirmed by the later writings of Leo Africanus, Marmol, and other travellers, to whom we refer the reader.]--S.]]

[Endnote 182: (p. 232). _All of sand._--Here is another note of the original MS.: [Of this land speaketh Moses in the 15th chapter of Exodus, and Josephus and Master Pero (_Peter_), who commented on it, where they write of the troubles of the people of Israel for want of water, and of how they found a well of pure water; where he relateth how Moses, by God's command, threw in the piece of wood and made it sweet. And this took place before they arrived at the place where God sent them the manna.] See note 148 (to p. 183).]

[Endnote 183: (p. 232). _Tagazza_ (_Tagaoz_).--[This land is the Tagaza of Cadamosto (ch. xii, p. 21), and Tagazza of Jackson, on the way from Akka to Timbuctoo.]--S. See Leo Africanus, Hakluyt Soc. ed., 117, 798, 800, 816, 829; Pacheco Pereira, _Esmeraldo_, 43; Dr. Barth, _Reise_, iv, 616.]

[Endnote 184: (p. 233). _Palms._--[See Denham and Clapperton.]--S.]

[Endnote 185: (p. 233). _Water._--[See the Itineraries already cited and published in M. Walckenaer's _Recherches_, etc., and also the _Description of Africa_, by Leo Africanus.]--S.]

[Endnote 186: (p. 233). _Write._--[This detail is very curious, because it indicates that in the fifteenth century, when João Fernandez journeyed with the caravans, some of those tribes which we suppose to be Berbers had not yet adopted the Arabic characters. It is to be deplored that Azurara is not more explicit in this place, seeing that Arabic authors mention books written in this language. Oudney tells of various inscriptions, written in unknown characters, which he saw in the country of the Touariks. Very few of this tribe speak Arabic, which he was surprised at, because of the frequent communication between them and nations that only speak that tongue.--_Vide_ Clapperton's Travels, and Leo Africanus in Ramusio, etc.]--S. See the Hakluyt Soc. Leo Africanus, pp. 133, 165-7.]

[Endnote 187: (p. 233). _Berbers._--[According to Burckhardt, _Trav._, pp. 64 and 207, these are the Berbers. Our author includes here the Lybians. Compare with Leo Africanus in Ramusio.]--S. See the Hakluyt Soc. Leo Africanus, pp. 129, 133, 199, 202-5, 218.]

[Endnote 188: (p. 233). _These last._--[It appears from this passage that the Touariks are treated of, and their conflicts with the Negro Fullahs, or of the Foullan.]--S. On the Tuâreg, see Leo (Hakluyt Soc. ed.), pp. 127, 151, 198, 216, 798-9, 815-6; also Dubois, _Tombouctou la mystérieuse_, and Hourst, _Sur le Niger_.]

[Endnote 189: (p. 233). _To sell._--[It was this trade in Negro slaves which the Christian merchants carried on with North Africa that led to the singular claim of Zuniga and other Spanish writers, that the Castilians--and in particular the Andalusians--trafficked in the Negroes of Guinea before the Portuguese; and by a confusion, either ignorant or intended, they tried to dispute with us the priority of our discovery of Guinea, and our exclusive commerce with this part of Africa which we were the first to find. See our _Memoria_, already cited, § xvii.]--S.]

[Endnote 190: (p. 234). _Not certain._--[This passage shows that Azurara did not believe in the existence of the great empire of Melli very rich in gold mines, though in the preceding century it had been visited by the celebrated Arab traveller Ibn-Batuta.]--S. On Melli, cf. Leo Africanus (Hakluyt Soc. ed.), pp. 125, 128, 133-4, 201, 823, 841.]

[Endnote 191: (p. 234). _On the heavens._--[Leo Africanus says that amongst the Arabs and other African peoples many persons are to be met with who, without ever having opened a single book, discourse fairly well on astrology.]--S. See Leo Africanus, (Hakluyt Soc. ed.), pp. 177, 460, 600.]

[Endnote 192: (p. 234). _Hussos francos._--Meaning unknown. The word is not found in Portuguese dictionaries.]

[Endnote 193: (p. 235). _Fifty leagues._--[This figure does not seem to be exaggerated. _Vide_ Rennell's "Memoir on the rate of travelling as performed by camels," in the _Philosophical Transactions_, vol. lxxxi, p. 144. The author refers to certain camels of the desert and the country of the Touariks (Tuâreg), which by their extreme speed travel in one day a distance that takes an ordinary camel ten. But these do not journey with the ordinary caravans, but are used only for warlike enterprises.]--S.]

[Endnote 194: (p. 236). _Resin_ [_Anime_].--See Garcia de Orta's _Simples e Drogas_, ed. Conde de Ficalho, vol. ii, pp. 43, 44.]

[Endnote 195: (p. 236). _Six hundred leagues._--[We think this should read 200 and not 600 as in the text, which seems to be a mistake, because the known portion of the west coast of Africa to Cape Bojador has not an extension agreeing with the numeral letters in the text.]--S.]

[Endnote 196: (p. 237). _Already heard._--[On this important passage, see our _Memoria sobre a prioridade_, etc., §§ ix, x, xviii.]--S.]

[Endnote 197: (p. 238). _Maciot._--[Compare this with what is said in the book: _Histoire de la première descouverte et conqueste des Canaries faite dès l'an 1402 par messire Jean de Bethencourt, ensuite du temps même par F. Pierre Bontier, et Jean Le Verrier, prestre domestique dudit Sieur de Bethencourt_, etc., published in Paris in 1630. It is clear that Azurara had collected information of this expedition of Bethencourt from ancient accounts. This chronicle was finished in the library of King Affonso V in 1453, and Cadamosto sailed in the service of Portugal two years later (1455), so that his account of the Canaries is posterior to that of Azurara.]--S.]

[Endnote 198: (p. 242). _Bad man._--Another MS. note. ["Marco Polo saith that in the realm of Grand Tartary there are other like men, who when they receive their guests, thinking to give them pleasure, let them have their women, in the belief that as they do this for them in this world, so the gods will do likewise for themselves in the other. And this they hold because they are idolaters and have no law, but live only in those first idolatries."]]

[Endnote 199: (p. 245). _Discover._--[This passage shows that the Infant had in view the discovery of Guinea from the commencement of the expeditions he fitted out. In this, Azurara differs somewhat from Cadamosto's account.]--S.]

[Endnote 200: (p. 246). _Machico._--[Compare with Barros, _Decade I_, i, ff. 6, 7 and 8, ed. Lisbon, 1628. The silence preserved by Azurara about Robert Machim and Anne d'Arfet seems to show that this romance had not been invented in his day.]--S.]

[Endnote 201: (p. 247). 1445 ... _Gonçalo Velho._--[In the unpublished chart of Gabriel de Valsequa, made in Majorca in 1439, the following note is written in the middle of the Azores islands: "The which islands were found by Diego de Sevill, pilot of the King of Portugal, in the year 1432" (according to the better reading). We transcribe this note because of the date and the name of the discoverer, seeing that the date agrees with what Padre Freire says in his _Life of Prince Henry_ (pp. 319, 320), _i.e._, that it was in 1432 that the island of Santa Maria (Azores) was discovered by Gonçalo Velho, and not by Diego de Senill, as Valsequa says. De Murr, in his dissertation on the globe of Martin de Behaim, also declares that the Azores were found in 1432. Nevertheless, a great confusion as to the true date of the discovery of the Azores exists among the authorities; and if maps anterior to 1432 are compared with what Padre Freire says (p. 323) as to the discovery of the Island of St. Michael, that the existence of this island "accorded (as the Infant said) with his ancient maps," the discovery of the Azores would appear to have been effected before 1432. In fact, in the Parma map of the fourteenth century, these islands are marked; while the Catalan Map of the Paris National Library shows the following islands in the archipelago of the Azores named in Italian:--Insula de Corvi marini (Island of Corvo); Le Conigi; San Zorzo (St. Jorge); Li Colombi; Insula de Brasil; Insule de Sante (Maria?).

In the unpublished map of the Pinelli Library, the date of which has been fixed as between 1380 and 1400, the said islands are marked with the following names:--Caprana; I. de Brasil; Li Colombi; I. de la Ventura; Sã Zorzi; Li Combi; I. di Corvi marini.

In the Valsequa Chart of 1439 these islands indicated by the cosmographer are marked to the number of eight, three being small ones. The names are:--Ilha de Sperta; Guatrilla; Ylla de l'Inferno; Ylla de Frydols; Ylla de Osels (Uccello); Ylla de ...; Ylla de Corp-Marinos; Conigi.

It is noteworthy that the names of these islands, in the map of the Majorcan cosmographer, which is the most modern, are all altered, while in the Catalan map made by his compatriots, sixty-four years earlier, the following names given by the Portuguese discoverers are found: Ilha de Corvo, de S. Jorge, and de Santa Maria, just as in the Italian maps of the fourteenth century.]--S. The seven islands mentioned rather confusedly by Azurara at end of ch. lxxxiii (p. 248, top) are the Azores.]

[Endnote 201A: (p. 248). _Reasonings._--Azurara here omits a document of extreme interest, which was given in full by Affonso Cerveira--another instance of the superiority of our unhappily-lost original to the court historian's copy.]

[Endnote 202: (p. 252). _Algarve._--[The Kings of Castille complained of these invasions, and there were many disputes between Portugal and Castille as to the lordship of these islands. Las Casas, in his _Historia de India_, an unpublished MS., treats at length of this subject, especially in ch. viii. Compare with what Azurara says in this chapter, Barros, _Decade I_, i, cap. 12, fol. 23, ed. 1628.]--S.]

[Endnote 202A: (p. 252). _Enregistered._--Viz., by Affonso Cerveira, in the original chronicle.]

[Endnote 203: (p. 254). _Tristam._--[This river kept the name of Rio de Nuno, or Rio de Nuno Tristão, as appears from nearly all the old maps, in memory of this catastrophe.]--S.]

[Endnote 203A: (p. 255). _Twenty-one._--Again not counting Nuno Tristam himself.]

[Endnote 204: (p. 257.). _Sines._--Sines, on the extreme S.W. coast of the Estremadura province of Portugal, was the birthplace of Vasco da Gama, discoverer of the sea-route to India, and one of the world's great navigators. It lies 147 miles S.S.E. of Setubal.]

[Endnote 205: (p. 258). _Cape of Masts._--[_Vide_ note to p. 227 of this version.]]

[Endnote 206: (p. 260). A _river._--[This river is marked in the map of Juan de La Cosa (1500) with the name of Rio de Lagos, in that of João Freire (1546) and in others with that of Rio do Lago; and though Dourado marks a river to the south of the Cabo dos Matos, he gives it no name.]--S.]

[Endnote 207: (p. 261). _Beyond C. Verde._--[The great inlet which they had reached, and which is situate 110 leagues south of Cape Verde, is beyond Sierra Leone, and is marked in the maps of Juan de la Cosa (1500), Freire (1546), and Vaz Dourado, with the cape of Santa Anna to the south.

On this voyage, then, counting from the Rio de Lagos, our mariners passed the following spots marked on the above-mentioned ancient maps:--R. Gambia; R. de Santa Clara; R. das Ostras; R. de S. Pedro; Casamansa; Cabo Roxo; R. de S. Domingos; R. Grande; Biguba; Besegi; Amallo; R. de Nuno; Palmar; Cabo da Verga.

We have also R. de Pichel (maps of La Cosa and Dourado; R. da Praia in Freire); R. de Marvam (in Freire [1546]; Rio do Ouro in Dourado); R. do Hospital (in La Cosa [1500]; R. das Soffras in Freire [1546], and called by Dourado R. dos Pes [1571]); R. da Tamara (La Cosa); R. da Maia (Freire), and de Tornala in Dourado; R. de Caza (de Case in La Cosa and Freire); Serra Leoa (Sierra Leone).]--S.

[Endnote 208: (p. 264). _River ... caravels._--[Undoubtedly the Rio Grande. Cf. Walckenaer, _Histoire générale des Voyages_, vol. i, p. 79, note: where he corrects the mistake of Clarke in his _Progress of Maritime Discovery_ (1803), p. 221.]--S.]

[Endnote 209: (p. 265). _Cape of ... Ransom._--[On old maps this cape is marked to the south of Arguim, and it appears under the same name in that of Juan de La Cosa, while in João Freire it is called _Porto do Resgate_.]--S.]

[Endnote 210: (p. 267). _Expenses with ... Moors._--[This passage shows that trading relations with Africa were already beginning to assume a more regular character.]--S.]

[Endnote 211: (p. 268). _Porto da Caldeira._--[A name not met with in the oldest maps (_e.g._, Benincasa of 1467), which is one of those most nearly contemporaneous with our discoveries, and contains many names given by our explorers; the same remark applies to those of La Cosa (1500) and Freire (1546), etc. It seems, then, that our seamen gave this name to a port within the _Rio do Ouro_, as the text would indicate. The caravel of Gomez Pirez reaching the mouth of this river, cast anchor; afterwards the captain decided to go to the end of the river, that is, six leagues up; and arriving there he entered a port on which our men had previously bestowed the name of _Porto da Caldeira_.]--S.]

[Endnote 212: (p. 268). _Well content._--[To our mind this important passage shows that before the discovery of the Rio do Ouro by the Portuguese, Europeans did not trade there. The very declaration of the Arabs seems to us to contradict the opinion held by some that the Catalans knew this river in 1346, and that Jacques Ferrer made his way to this point (see p. 194, note 158, and note 74). In fact, it is clear that the Arabs of that part were well aware that to get caravans to that place meant a journey of many days across the desert, and also that, even were this journey undertaken, they would perhaps find a difficulty in persuading others to change the roads used from remote antiquity, and come and traffic at a point of which they know little, and give it a preference to the recognised _entrepôts_ of ancient caravan commerce.]--S.]

[Endnote 213: (p. 274). _Land ... level._--[The low land marked on ancient maps to the north of the Rio do Ouro.]--S.]

[Endnote 214: (p. 275). _Rocks._--[We saw before how Gomez Pires, on reaching the Rio do Ouro, cast anchor at the mouth of the river, and afterwards made his way up the stream to a port at its furthest part, which our mariners had named the Porto da Caldeira, where he stayed twenty-one days in order to establish commercial relations with the Arabs of the African hinterland. But, as these negociations came to nothing, he set sail and moved four leagues from there towards the other bank of the river, and came upon an island in the river (the "ilot de roches très élevé" of the maps of Admiral Roussin); and after they had made eleven leagues in all, they met with the Arabs, who took refuge in "some very big rocks that were there." These rocks are the seven mountains marked in maps by our mariners of that time, and they are depicted in the Mappemonde of Fra Mauro (1460), and copied from these very Portuguese nautical charts--the "lofty mountains" of the globe of Martin de Behaim, of Nuremburg.]--S.]

[Endnote 215: (p. 277). _Meça._--[A city in the province of Sus and empire of Marocco. _Leo Africanus_, Book II, says it was built by the ancient Africans.]--S.]

[Endnote 216: (p. 278). _Guineas._--[This passage shows that even then traffic in the Guinea negroes was carried on through the ports on this side of Cape Não. The Infant then knew, before he undertook the business, that this was one of the commercial _entrepôts_ between Marocco and the Negro States, just as is since 1810 the small kingdom (founded by Hescham) of the independent Moors to the south of Marocco, of the commerce between Marocco and Timbuctoo.]--S.]

[Endnote 217: (p. 278). _Eighteen Moors._--[This detail shows the great influence possessed by João Fernandez over the Moors, doubtless owing to his speaking Arabic and having travelled with them. M. Eyriès, in the biographical article he wrote on this intrepid traveller (_Biographie universelle_) says, with justice, that he was the first European to penetrate into the interior of Africa, and that the details of his story present a great analogy with those of the account given by Mungo Park.]--S.]

[Endnote 218: (p. 280). _Denmark, Sweden and Norway._--[King Christopher then reigned in these three Kingdoms. He was grandson of the Emperor Robert, and nephew of Eric XII, who had abdicated in 1441. He died on January 6th, 1448, and the three crowns were separated.]--S. They were united in 1397 by the Union of Calmar.]

[Endnote 219: (p. 286). _Lost men ... Returned to the Kingdom._--[This detail, which is not to be found in ch. xv of the _First Decade_ of Barros, where he treats of this expedition, is of the greatest importance, because it explains the event related in the letter of Antoniotto Usus di Mare, _i.e._, Antonio da Nole, dated December 12th, 1455, and found in the archives of Genoa in 1802 by Gräberg (_Annali di geografia e di statistica_, vol. ii, p. 285), in which that traveller tells how he met in those parts with a man of his own country, whom he took to be a member of the expedition of Vivaldi, which had set out one hundred and seventy years before, and of which nothing had been heard since its departure, according to Italian writers. Now it cannot be admitted that a descendant of the Genoese expeditioners of Thedisio Doria and Vivaldi would have kept his white colour if his ancestor had remained among the negroes, nor could he know the language. Therefore, Antoniotto can have seen no other white man in those parts except one of the mariners of the Portuguese caravel of Affonso and Vallarte of which Azurara treats in the text: especially as neither the different Portuguese captains, nor Cadamosto, found in any part of the African coast beyond Bojador a single vestige or tradition of other Europeans having gone there before their discovery by the Portuguese. Of the expedition of Vivaldi no news arrived after its departure in the thirteenth century. In the time of Antoniotto there remained a tradition only that it had set out intending to pass through the Straits of Gibraltar and make an unaccustomed voyage to the West. Antoniotto was a man of good education, and we see that he knew the authors who treated of this event; but having imbibed these traditions, and knowing of the existence of a Christian who had remained in these parts, he came to the conclusion--of course in ignorance of the fact mentioned by Azurara--that this man might be a descendant of the members of Vivaldi's expedition, "ex illis galeis credo Vivaldœ qui se amiserit sunt anni 170." If this important passage of Azurara's chronicle be confronted with the letter of Antoniotto, and both with the account of Cadamosto's second voyage, there remains not the least doubt that the man mentioned by Antoniotto was one of the three belonging to the caravel of Fernando Affonso and Vallarte, who had remained there in 1447, that is, eight years before Antoniotto visited the same parts, and that he was not a descendant of the men of Vivaldi's caravel, whose destiny had then for nearly two centuries been unknown. The passage also seems to refute the conjecture of the publisher of the said letter, and the induction of Baldelli in his _Millone_, vol. i, p. 153, etc., about the Medicean Portulano and the two maps of Africa therein, which we have analysed in our "Memoir on the priority of the Portuguese in the Discovery of the West Coast of Africa beyond Cape Bojador," where we show that these maps, far from disproving our priority, rather confirm it.]--S.]

[Endnote 220: (p. 286). _The Cabo dos Ruyvos._--[Otherwise the _Angra dos Ruivos_ of ancient maps (see note 53). On the great abundance of fish in these parts, see the curious and erudite work of M. Berthelot (_De la péche sur la côte occidentale d'Afrique._ Paris, 1840).]--S.]

[Endnote 221: (p. 288). _Path of Salvation._--[Some modern writers, founding themselves on the accounts of Cadamosto, have tried to make out that the Portuguese were the first among modern nations to introduce the slave trade from the beginning of their discoveries on the coast of Africa. It does not fall within the limits of this note to show how erroneous such assertions are; but we will nevertheless say that the celebrated Las Casas, in his _Historia de las Indias_, MSS., ch. xix, says that Jean de Bethencourt brought many captives from the Canaries whom he sold in Spain, Portugal, and France.]--S.]

[Endnote 222: (p. 289). _Toil in arms._--[Barros could not supply the want of a continuation of the text of Azurara (_Dec. I_, Bk. I, cap. i, fol. 32). This great historian confesses that everything he relates of the prosecution of these discoveries is taken from some memoranda he found in the Torre and in Treasury Books of King Affonso V. To show how deplorable it is that Azurara did not complete this Chronicle, at least as far as the death of the Infant, and include the discoveries made from this year of 1448 to 1460, it suffices to say that from this year henceforward all is confusion in the dates and events relative to this prosecution both in Barros and in Goes (_Chronica do principe D. João_, ch. viii, which is devoted to these discoveries).

Barros limits himself to citing, in the year 1449, the licence given by the king to D. Henry to people the seven islands of the Azores. From this year he leaps to the year 1457, in which he only speaks of the king's donation to the Infant D. Fernando, and only in the year 1460 does he relate that at this time Antonio de Nolli, a Genoese by nation and a noble man, "who owing to some troubles in his own country had come to this kingdom" in company with Bartholemew de Nolli, his brother, and Raphael de Nolli, his nephew, obtained a licence from the Infant to go and discover the Cape Verde Islands; and that some servants of the Infant D. Fernando went on the same discovery at the same time by Prince Henry's order.

So he (Barros) leaves us in ignorance of the regular progress of our discoveries on the west coast of Africa from 1448, the year in which Azurara finished this Chronicle, until 1460, in which the Infant died. Damião de Goes, who pretended to relate more exactly and circumstantially these events, leaves us in the same confusion in ch. viii of the _Chronicle of the Prince D. John_, where he treats of Prince Henry's discoveries; and, besides, he makes a great mistake regarding the portion of coast discovered to the year 1458 (see ch. xvi, pp. 39 and 40 of the work cited), an error which is refuted by what Azurara says in ch. lxxviii of this present Chronicle.]--S.

Santarem is mistaken in assuming (see note 219, to p. 286) that "Antonio da Nole" and Antoniotto Uso di Mare are one and the same.]

[Endnote 223: (p. 289). _Albert the Great._--[Albertus Magnus, Bishop of Ratisbon, one of the most learned men of the Middle Ages. His works were published at Lyons in twenty-one folio volumes. See the art., _Albert le Grand_, in vol. xix of the _Histoire littéraire de la France_, p. 362, etc.]--S.]

* * * * *

In addition to works already mentioned, see the _Occidente_ for March 11th, 1894 (especially Brito Rebello's article on Lagos, the Villa do Iffante, etc.); Pinheiro Chagas, _Historia de Portugal_; L. de Mendonça on Portuguese ships of the fifteenth century, in _Memorias da Commissão Portugueza_ (Columbus Centenary); _Historia da Universidade da Coimbra_ (Braga), vol. i, pp. 135-140.

APPENDIX.

ADDENDA TO INTRODUCTION TO VOL. I.

Dr. Sousa Viterbo, writing on Azurara in the _Revista Portugueza Colonial e Maritima_ (October 20th, 1898), supplies the following fresh facts relating to the life of the Chronicler, gleaned by him from the _Chartulary_ of the Convent of the Order of St. Bernard at Almoster, near Santarem. On December 27th, 1465, Azurara was appointed Procurator of that famous convent by the Abbess, and in this capacity his name appears in various documents, _e.g._, of January 21st, 1471, and February 22nd, 1472. The post was an important, and doubtless also a lucrative, one. He had a residence in Santarem, and no doubt lived there for a portion of each year during the last eight years of his life. On December 1st, 1473, we find him in Lisbon on convent business, and on April 2nd, 1474, his servant, one Gonçalo Pires, was named Procurator in his stead. It seems, therefore, that the Chronicler died between the last two dates.

Azurara, though he was forbidden to marry owing to his position as a Knight of the Order of Christ, nevertheless had a son and two daughters by one Inez Gonçalves, as appears from certain Royal letters of legitimation. Their names were:--

(1) Caterina da Silveira--of the household of the Countess of Loulé--legitimated by letters of June 22nd, 1482 (_v._ Torre do Tombo Livo 2 D. João II, f. 138).

(2) Gonçalo Gomez de Azurara--Squire of the household of King John II--legitimated by letters of April 14th, 1483 (_v._ Torre do Tombo, Livo I, Legitim. de Leitura Nova, f. 243).

(3) Filipa Gomez--legitimated on the same day as her brother, Gonçalo Gomez (same reference as No. 2).

The foregoing information was kindly supplied by General Brito Rebello, who had discovered these letters during his researches in the Torre.

* * * * *

As to the date when the _Chronicle of Guinea_ was written, _vide_ vol. ii of the standard work of Dr. Gama Barros, entitled _Historia da Administração Publica em Portugal nos Seculos XII a XV_, note 14, pp. 396-9, where the question is fully discussed.

As to the history of the MS. of the same _Chronicle, vide_ the _Boletim de Bibliographia Portugueza_, vol. i, p. 41, etc. Art. by Senhor Ernesto do Canto.

In support of the reliability of the events recorded in the same _Chronicle_, it should be remembered that Affonso de Cerveira, from whose notes the book was compiled, was factor at Benim, and was thus enabled to obtain information at first hand.

CORRIGENDA TO VOL. I.

P. xxiii, line 23, _instead of_ "for many years" _read_ "many years ago."

P. 82, line 29, _instead of_ "separating the captives" _read_ "quarrelling."

P. 106, line 16, _instead of_ "course" _read_ "speed."

INDEX.

Abdul-Mumin ben Ali, Intr. II, lv

Abu Ishak es Sahili, Intr. II, lvi

Achoreus, "Bishop," 190, 341

Adahu, 48

Affonseannes, 265

Affonso I of Portugal (Affonso Henriques), 327

Affonso IV of Portugal, Intr. II, lxxix, lxxx; 313

Affonso V of Portugal, Intr. I, i, v, x, xi, xiv, xxii, xxiii, xxvi, xxviii, xxx, xxxviii, xli, xliii. Intr. II, xi, xvi, xvii, xxviii, xxix, xxx, lxxxix, ci, cii, cxl; 1, 3, 11, 14, 19, 20, 39, 98, 280, 288, 293, 301, 305, 306, 316, 317, 318, 323

Affonso, Diego, Intr. I, xvi, xvii; 95, 101, 102, 103, 118, 194

Affonso, Stevam, 63, 152, 178-182, 262, 264, 266, 320

Agrippa, Intr. II, xli

Ahmad Gragne, Intr. II, lii, liii

Ahude Meymam (Meimom), 110, 234, 235, 261

Aires, G., Intr. I, xxiv

Albert the Great, 289, 353

Alcaforado, F., Intr. II, lxxxiv

Alexander the Great, 187, 192, 226

Algarve, Prov. of, 9, 300, 303

Allemam, Pero, 169

"Almanzor," 298

Almeida, E. d', 254

Alvarez, R., 63

Alvarez, Fr., Intr. II, lii

Alvellos, L. d', 91

Amallam, 283

Annes, J., Intr. II, ix

Arguim, Bight and Islands of, Intr. II, xi; 58, 63, 68, 87, 96, 104, 107, 320, 321

Aristotle, "The Philosopher," Intr. II, xxxvii; 22, 44, 183, 301, 309, 317

Atayde, A. G. d', Intr. II, xcvii; 153, 206

Atlas, 13, 301-2

Augustine, St., 44, 92, 93

Augustus, Emperor, Intr. II, xli, xliii; 297

Avezac, Intr. II, lxviii, lxxvii, xciii

Avienus, Intr. II, xxxvii

Avranches, Count of, 19

Ayala, Intr. II, lxxxiii

Azambuga, Intr. II, xxxi

Azanegues, 49, 317-8

Azevedo, F. L. d', 52

Azevedo, R. d', Intr. I, ii, iv, xxxii

Azurara, G. E. d', Intr. I, l-lxvii, passim, Intr. II, i, iii, v, xiii, xvii, xix, xx, lxxxvii, lxxxviii, xcvii, xcviii, cvi, cvii, cxiii. 1-10, 98, 103, 289, 292-3

Azurara, J. E. d', Intr. I, ii

Bakui, Intr. II, lviii

Balbus, C., Intr. II, xliii, 297

Baldaya, A. G., Intr. I, xi. Intr. II, x; 34, 35-8

Balthasar, 55, 319

Banner of Crusade, 164

Barcellos, Count, Duke of Braganza, Intr. II, xvii, xx, xci; 16

Barreto, D., Intr. II, lxxxix

Barros, J., Intr. I, ii, xxviii, xlvi. Intr. II, vii, x, xiv, xxxiii, lviii, lxvi, lxxxix, xcviii, cvii-viii, cxix; 319-20, 325, 328-9

Beatus, Intr. II, cxix

Becarra, A., Intr. II, lxix, lxxxiii

Beccario, B., Intr. II, cxxxi

Behaim, M., Intr. II, ii, xxxii, xc

Belem, 19, 307

Benedict XII, Pope, Intr. II, lxxix

Benincasa, G., Intr. II, cx, cxxxi-ii, cxxxix; 300

Bernaldez, J., 63, 73, 262

Bernard, 144

Bertollemeu, J., 274

Béthencourt, J. de, Intr. II, lxviii-lxx, lxxxii-iv, lxxxix, xcvi-vii; 237-8

Béthencourt, M. de, Intr. II, lxxxiii-iv, xcvi-vii; 238, 287, 347

Béthencourt, R. de, Intr. II, xcvii

Bezeghichi, Intr. II, xxv

Bianco, A., Intr. II, lxxxvi, cxviii, cxxiv, cxxx-iv, cxxxviii-cxl

Bicanço, 174

Blaeuw, Intr. II, xcvi

Boccaccio, G., Intr. I, ix. Intr. II, lxxx

Boniface, St., Intr. II, lv

Bontier, P., Intr. II, lxix

Boor (Bor), 282-4

Braga, T., Intr. I, ix

Braganza, Lord of = D. Fernando, nephew of John I of Portugal, 16

Brandan, St., Intr. II, cxxiv, cxxvii, 27, 310-12

Braun, Intr. II, lxvi

Briaticho, C. de, Intr. II, cxxxi

Brito, S. de, Intr. I, iii

Bruco, Intr. II, xcvii; 207

Bugia, 17, 304

Buondelmonte, C. (Ensenius), Intr. II, cxxviii

Cabot, Map, etc., Intr. II, xcix

Cabral, G. V., Intr. II, ix, lxxxvi, lxxxviii, xci, cxv; 247-8, 347-8

Cadamosto, A., Intr. II, iii, xiii-xiv, xxxi-vi, xxix-xxx, xcii-vi, xcviii-c, cii, cxii, cxxxv, cxxxviii, cxl; 319, 328

Cadiz, 21, 307

Cæsar, C. J., 24, 93, 192, 309, 321

Caius (Caligula), Emperor, Intr. II, lxxiii

Caldeira, L., 91

Calixtus III, Pope, Intr. II, xiv; 318

Camara, R. G. de, Intr. II, civ

Campos, P. B. de, Intr. II, xcvi-vii

Cão, D., Intr. II, xxxi-ii

Carignano, G., Intr. II, cxvii, cxxi, cxxiii

Carpini, J. de P., Intr. II, lxxviii, cxxix

Castilha, J. de, Intr. II, xcvii; 206, 212

Castro, A. de, 214

Castro, F. de, Intr. II, xcvii

Catalan Atlas of 1375, Intr. II, cxxvi-vii, cxxxvii-viii, cl

Catalan Atlas of fifteenth century, Intr. II, cxxviii

Cayado, L. A., 129

Cecco d'Ascoli, Intr. II, lxi

Cerveira, A., Intr. I, xvii. Intr. II, cx; 103, 167, 248, 314-5, 325

Cesani, F. de, Intr. II, cxxxi

Ceuta, Intr. II, iii, iv, viii, liii-iv, lvii-ix; 15-18, 303, 305-7

Charles V of France, Intr. II, lxvi, cxxvi

Charles VI of France, Intr. II, lxvii

Charles V, Emperor, Intr. II, lv

Chaucer, 298

Chrysostom, St., 26, 310

Cicero, 14, 24, 25, 303, 310, 321

Cid, The = Ruy Diaz de Bivar, 4, 296

Cisfontes, M., 277

Claudian, Intr. II, cxlv

Clavus, Claudius, Intr. II, cxxxi

Clement VI, Pope, Intr. II, lxxix

Cocles, Horatius, 24, 309

Columbus, Christr., Intr. II, xxxv, ci, cv, cvi

Columbus, F., Intr. II, xxxv

Combitis, N. de, Intr. II, lxxxiv, cxxviii

"Conosçimiento, The," Intr. II, lxix-lxx, cxxv, cxxxvii

Cordeiro, Fr., Intr. II, lxxxviii-xci, ci, cxiv

Correa, J., 254

Cortereal, J. V. da C., Intr. II, cvi

Costa, A. da, 254

Costa, S. da, Intr. II, xxix; 151, 152, 157, 161, 165, 166, 173, 203, 331

Coutinho, G. V., 16

Covilhão, P. de, Intr. II, xxxii, xxxiv, lii

Cunha, P. C. da, Intr. II, c.

Daedalus, 299

Dapper, Intr. II, lxvi, xcvi

Delgado, J., Intr. II, xxvi

Delvas, L., 262

Diaz, A., 254

Diaz, B., Intr. II, xxxii-iv, cxxv

Diaz, D., Intr. I, xvii. Intr. II, v, xii, cxxxviii; 98-100, 135, 153, 176, 191, 202, 214-15, 218-20, 244, 323

Diaz, J., 63, 173

Diaz, L., 106, 154-6, 174, 193, 262-3

Diaz, V., Intr. II, xxii; 173-4, 178, 182, 195, 197

Diniz (Denis, Dionysius), of Portugal, Intr. I, v, xxv. Intr. II, lxxx, cxv

Diegaffonso, 264

Doelter, C., Intr. II, xcv

Dollanda, D., 254

Doria, T., Intr. II, lxi, lxiii, lxxix; 351

Dornellas, A., Intr. II, xcvii; 213, 249-252

Dornellas, J., 249-252

Duarte (Edward), of Portugal, Intr. I, v, vii, ix, xiv. Intr. II, xi, xvi, cii; 3, 11, 18, 28, 39, 151, 249, 315-16, 331

Dulcert, A., Intr. II, cxxiii-iv, cxxxvii-viii

Eannes, Gil, Intr. I, xiv. Intr. II, iii, x, cxxxviii; 32-4, 63, 69-71, 74-5, 152, 157, 164, 173, 262, 263

Eannes, Gil, 122 [152, 157]

Eannes, M., Intr. I, xxxii-iii

Eannes, R., of Travaços, 152

Edrisi, Intr. II, xliv, xlviii-ix, lvii, lix, lxx, lxxv-vii, cxxix; 305, 319

Edward III of England, Intr. II, ii

"Emosaids," Intr. II, xliii-iv

Eratosthenes, Intr. II, xxxvi

Erlandsson, H., Intr. II, cxlviii

Escobar, P. de, Intr. II, xxix, xxx

Esteves, A., Intr. II, xxix, xxx

Eudoxus of Cyzicus, Intr. II, xxxix-xl, lxxii

Eugenius IV, Pope, Intr. II, xiv, xviii; 53, 318

Falcom, P., 257

Ferreira, A., Intr. II, ci

Ferreira, G., Intr. II, xxvi, xxvii

Fernandaffonso, 280-6

Fernandeannes, 265

Fernandez, A., Intr. I, xix. Intr. II, xii; 225-8, 258-261

Fernandez, D. = Dinis Diaz, Intr. II, xiii

Fernandez, J., Intr. I, xix. Intr. II, xii; 95, 101, 107-11, 117, 232, 234-6, 273-4, 278, 324-5, 351

Fernandez, M., Intr. II, xxix-xxx; (another), 57

Fernandez, V., Intr. II, lxxxiv

Fernando, Prince, brother of Henry the Navigator, Intr. II, xviii

Fernando, "O Formoso," King of Portugal, Intr. I, xxix; Intr. II, lxxxv

Fernando of Aragon, 151, 331

Fernando, nephew and heir of Henry the Navigator, Intr II, xix, xx, xci, xcviii, cvi, cxiv

Ferrer, J. = "J. Ferne," Intr. II, lxiii-lxiv, cxxvi, cxxx

Fez, Intr. II, lv; 17, 304

Flaccus, S., Intr. II, xliii; 297

Foscarini, F., Intr. II, cxxxv, cxl

Freitas, A. de, 152, 157-8, 161, 165-6, 174, 194-5, 197, 334-5

Frode, A., Intr. II, cxlviii

Fructuoso, G., Intr. II, lxxxv, xcix, cii, cxiv

Gadifer de la Salle, Intr. II, lxxix, lxxxiii-iv

Galvano, A., Intr. II, x, xi, xii, xiii, xiv, lxxxiv-v, cv, cxiv; 296

Gama, V. da, Intr. I, xxvii. Intr. II, xxxv; 349

Garamantes, 7, 296-8

Genoese, in connection with Spain and Portugal, Intr. II, lxxx-ii; 21, 308

George, 91

Gibraltar, 17, 305

Gil, A., 117, 145

Gil, D., 121, 131, 277-8

Gil, L., 169

Gil de Roma, Fra, 167, 333

Gioja, F., Intr. II, cxlix

Giroldis, J., Intr. II, cxxx-i

Giustiniani, Intr. II, lxi

Goes, D. de, Intr. I, ii, xxxi, xliv, xlv. Intr. II, cxii

Gomez, D., Intr. II, ii, iv, xiv, xxv-vii, xcii-vi, cl

Gomez, F., Intr. II, xxix, xxx, xxxi

Gonçalvez, A., Intr. I, xiv, xv, xvi. Intr. II, v, xi, xcviii; 39-51, 52, 54-7, 95, 101-7, 109-13, 117, 118, 169, 194, 232, 278-9, 286-7, 325

Gonçalvez, D., Intr. II, xcvii; 169, 170, 210, 265, 266

Gonçalvez, Gil, 169

Gonçalvez, George, 279

Gonçalvez, J., 117; (another?) 293

Gonçalvez, L., Intr. II, xxx

Gondofre (Gondolfo?), 184, 340

Gorizo, J., 267, 271

Goterres, A., 40, 42

Graa, D. E. de, 117, 126, 130, 131, 161, 166, 327

Granada, 17, 304

Gregory I, Pope, St., 7, 296

Gregory II, Pope, Intr. II, lv

Gregory VII, Pope (Hildebrand), Intr. II, lv, lvi

Gregory IX, Pope, Intr. II, lvi

Grynaeus, Intr. II, xcix

Guarcia, A., Intr. I, xxiv

Guérand, J., Intr. II, lxviii

Guitanye, 281-5

Haagen, W. Van der = "Da Silveira," Intr. II, lxxxix, xc-ii

Hakluyt, R., Intr. II, lxvii, lxxxiv

Hami-ibnu'l Jalil, Intr. II, l

Hannibal, 94, 322

Hanno, Intr. II, xxix, xxxvi-ix, lxxv

Henry, "The Navigator," Prince of Portugal, Intr. I, viii, x-xx, xxvii, l, lii, lvii, lxiii. Intr. II, i-xxviii, xxxv, li, liii, liv, lvi-ix, lx, lxii, lxiii, lxxxvii-cxvi, cxxix-cxxxvi, cxxxviii, cxl, cxliv; 1, 3, 6-35, 38-9, 40, 51-4, 55, 60-62, 79-87, 95, 98, 100, 101, 106-7, 116, 147-151, 174, 206-7, 212-13, 225-6, 229-30, 232, 236-8, 241, 244-8, 253, 257, 258, 261-3, 279-81, 285-8, 300, 302, 303, 305-8, 309-10, 315-16, 318, 323-4, 326, 348, 352

Henry III, of Castille, Intr. II, lxxxiii; 237

Henry V, of England, Intr. II, xv; 310

Henry VI, of England, Intr. II, xv; 299, 310

Henry, Prince of Galilee, Intr. II, xix, 301

Henry, Master of Santiago, 150

Herculano, Intr. I, ii, xlii

Hermes (Hermas), 224, 334

Herodotus, Intr. II, xxxvi, xxxix; 296

Heurter, J. Van = Joz de Utra, Intr. II, xc-ii

Himilco, Intr. II, xxxvii

Homem, G., Intr. I, xvii; 101-2, 118, 263

Homem, H., 37

Homer, 183

Ibn-al-Wardi, Intr, II, xlix, lxxv-vi

Ibn-Batuta, Intr. II, xlix, l, lii, lvi, lix

Ibn-Fatima, Intr. II, xliv, lviii

Ibn-Khordadbeh, 297

Ibn-Said, Intr. II, xliv

Icarus, 341

Iffante, J., Intr. II, xxxiii, xxxiv

Innocent III, Pope, Intr. II, lvi

Innocent IV, Intr. II, lvi

Isabel, Duchess of Burgundy, sister of Henry the Navigator, Intr. II, lxxxix-xci; 11, 301

Isabel, wife of Affonso V, 288

Isidore, St., 183, 298

"Islands of the Ocean," 9, 300

"Italian Wisdom," 8, 299, 300

Jacome, Jacob, James, "Master," Intr. II, cviii, cxi, cxix

James, St., of Compostella (Santiago), 5, 296, 298, 317

Jerome, St., Intr. II, cxxix; 22, 309

John I, of Portugal, Intr. I, viii, ix, xxv. Intr. II, ii, x, xvi, xviii, xcvii, cv; 3, 11, 17, 98, 249, 295

John II, of Portugal, Intr. II, xxviii, xxx-v, lii

John, Prince of Portugal, Intr. II, c; 17, 245

John I, of Castille, 237

John II, of Castille, Intr. II, xv, 150, 310

John, of Gaunt, Intr. II, ii

John, of Lançon, 4, 295

Josephus, 54, 184, 340

Josua Van der Berge=Jacques de Bruges, Intr. II, lxxxix

Juba, King of Numidia, Intr. II, xlii, lxxii-iv; 184

Khoshkhash, Intr. II, xliv, lxxv

Kunkur Musa, Intr. II, xlvii

"Labyrinth," 8, 299

La Cosa, Map, Intr. II, cx

Ladislaus, 152, 331

Lagos, Intr. II, xii; 61, 70

Lançarote, Intr. I, xv-xviii; 60-80, 83, 86, 147-174, 194-200, 320

Las Casas, Intr. II, cv

Las Casas, G. de, Intr. II, xcvii

Latini, B., Intr. II, cxlvii-viii

"Laurentian Portolano," "Mediceum," Intr. II, cxxv, cxxxvii, cxlii

Leo Africanus, John, Intr. II, xlix, lvi; 305, 345-6, 351

Leardo, G., Intr. II, cxxxii, cxxxiv, cxlii

Leo IX, Pope, Intr. II, lv

Leonor, of Aragon and Portugal, Intr. II, xi, xvi; 315-6

Lisbon, 50, 115, 317, 327

Livy, 44, 93

Lopes, Fernam, Intr. I, v, vii, viii, xxi, xxix, xlv

Lopez, F., Intr. II, lxix, lxxxii

Louis, of Provence, 152, 331

Lourençeannes, 274

Lourenço, H., 265

Lucan, 24, 183, 190

Luis de la Cerda, Intr. II, lxxix-lxxx

Luna, A. de, 151, 331

Luxoro, Tammar, Intr. II, cxxi-ii

Machado, D., 254

Macham, Intr. II, ix, lxx-i, lxxxiv-v; 347-8

Machico, Intr. II, lxx, lxxxiv-v

Macrobius, Intr. II, cxxix

Mafaldo, 117-123, 136-8, 145, 328

Maghrurin, Intr. II, lxxv-vii

Major, H. N., Intr. II, ii, xix, xxii, xxxvii, lxv, lxix, lxxiii, lxxix, lxxxi

Malocello, L., Intr. II, lxi, lxiii, lxxviii, lxxix

Manuel, Intr. II, xx

Marinus, of Tyre, Intr. II, xlii-iii, cxxxiv; 297

Marocco, Intr. II, lv; 17, 304

Marta, A., Intr. II, xcvii, 249

Martin V., Pope, Intr. II, xv; 310

Martins, O., Intr. II, viii-xii

Masudi, Intr. II, xliv, lxxv; 296

Maternus, J., Intr. II, xliii; 297

Mauro, Fra, Intr. II, lxx, cxi, cxxii, cxxviii, cxxxii, cxxxv, cxl-iv

Mela, Pomponius, Intr. II, xxxvii, xxxix, xl

Mello, F. M. de, Intr. II, lxxxiv

Menezes, P. de, Intr. I, xxv, xxvi, xxxv, xl

Menezes, D. de, Intr. I, xxxviii

Menezes, H. de, Intr. I, xxxix-xl

Meyrelles, V. de, Intr. I, iv

Minef, 282

Mohammed, 10, 300, 301

Morales, Intr. II, lxxxv

Moses, 184

Necho, Pharoah, Intr. II, xxxvi; 298-9

Neckam, A., Intr. II, cxlv-vi

Nepos, C., Intr. II, xxxix

Nicholas V., Pope, Intr. II, xiv, lviii; 318-9

Niebla, Intr. II, xcvii

Nile, 174, 176-191, 193, 195, 214, 225, 341-2

Noli, A., Intr. II, xxvii; 351

Nordenskjöld, Intr. II, xxiv, xxviii, xxx, lxii, lxiv, lxix, lxx, lxxxvi, lxxxvii, cix, cx, cxviii, cxix, cxxviii, cxxxvi, cxxxvii, cxxxix, cxl

Nuñes, P., Intr. II, cviii

Ogané, Intr. II, xxxii

Oldham, Intr. II, xcii-vi

Order of Christ, 19, 306-7

Orosius, P., 183, 339

Osorio, Intr. II, cxii

Ovid, 299

Pacheco, G., Intr. I, xviii. Intr. II, xii; 116, 145, 327-8

Paleologus, M., Intr. II, xv

Pallenço, 152, 153, 214, 215, 218

Pareto, B., Intr. II, cxxxii, cxxxiv-v

Paul, St., 292

Payva, A. de, Intr. II, xxxii, lii

Pedro, D., Regent of Portugal, brother of Henry Navigator, Intr. I, viii, xiv, xv. Intr. II, xi, xii, xiv, xvi-xviii, liv, xc-xci, xcviii, cxiv; 19, 53, 95, 150-1, 247, 248, 261, 288, 303

Pedro, D., nephew of Henry Navigator, Intr. I, i; 150, 330-1

Pedro, D., of Aragon, Intr. I, xxxvi

Peraza, F., Intr. II, xcvii

Pereira, Nun'Alvares, Intr. I, vii, xi, liii-iv; 4, 296

Pereira, M., 221

Pereira, D. P. (author of "Esmeraldo"), Intr. II, cxii; 309, 317, 325

Perez, F., Intr. II, xcvii

Perestrello, B., Intr. II, x, c, ci; 245-6

Perestrello, B., the younger, Intr. II, c, ci

Perestrello, F. M. de, Intr. II, ci

Pessanha (Pezagno), E., Intr. II, lxxx; 300, 308

Peter Lombard, 295

"Peter Master," Intr. II, cviii; (another), 184, 340

Petrarch, Intr. II, lxxix

Pharaoh, 184

Phidias, 22, 309

Philippa, mother of Henry Navigator, Intr. I, xlvi. Intr. II, ii; 11

Picanço, 174, 206; cf. Bicanço

Pietro d'Abano, Intr. II, lxii

Pillito, A. G., 91

Pina, R. de, Intr. I, vi, viii

Pinelli-Walckenaer (Atlas), Intr. II, cxxvii, cl

Pirez, G., Intr. I, xvi, xx; 152, 157, 173, 192, 194, 267-277, 350

Pisano, M. de, Intr. I, i, iv, xxxv

Piste, Intr. II, xcvii; 207

Pizigani, F. and M., Intr. II, cxxv-vi, cxxxvii

Plato, Intr. II, lxxii, cxlv; 317

Pliny, Intr. II, xxxvii, xxxix-xli, lxxii-iii, cxlv; 297

Plutarch, Intr. II, lxxii

Po, Fernando, Intr. II, xxx

Polo, Marco, Intr. II, lx, cxiv, cxxix; 146, 297, 330

Polybius, Intr. II, xl, xli

Portocarreiro, D. V., 250

Pory, J., Intr. II, xlvii

Posidonius, Intr. II, xxxix

Prado, de, Intr. II, xxvii

Prester John, Intr. II, iv, xxxii, li-liii, liv, lxii; 55, 319

Provins, G. de, Intr. II, cxlvi, cxlvii

Prunaut, J., Intr. II, lxv-vii

Ptolemy, C., Intr. II, xli, xlii, lxxii-v, lxxxvii, cxxi, cxxii, cxlv; 183, 297

Ptolemy Euergetes II, Intr. II, xxxix, xl

Purbach, G., Intr. II, cxiv

Rabanus, J., 184

Ramiro, D., 5, 296

Raymond Lulli, Intr. II, lx, cxviii

Recco, N. de, Intr. II, lxxxi

Regiomontanus, Intr. II, cxiv

Ribeiro, J. P., Intr. I, xxviii, xxx-i, xliv

Richard, 144

Robert of Haldingham (? Hereford Map), Intr. II, cxix

Roderic of Toledo, 54, 319

Rodrigueannes, _see_ Travaços

Romulus, 24, 309

Rubruquis, Intr. II, lxxviii, cxxix

Sacrobosco = John of Holywood, Intr. II, lxi

Sa-ka-ssi, Intr. II, xlix

Sagres, Intr. II, viii, xii, cvi-x; 21, 307-8

Sallam, 297

Sallust, Intr. II, cxxix; 22, 309

Santarem, Viscount, Intr. I, xi. Intr. II, lxvii, cx, cxxiii, cxxxv, cxl, notes _passim_

Santarem, J. de, Intr. II, xxix, xxx

Sanudo, M., Intr. II, cxxii, cxxiii

Satam, 282

Sataspes, Intr. II, xxxix

Scipio, Æ., Intr. II, xl

_Sebosus, S._, Intr. II, xlii, lxxii-iv

Seneca, 25, 26, 94, 310

Serra, C. de, Intr. I, iii

Sertorius, Intr. II, lxxii

Sevill, D. de, Intr. II, ix, lxxxvi, lxxxviii, cxiv; 348

Sidi Yahia, Intr. II, xlvi

Sigismund (Siegmund), Intr. II, xv; 24, 310

Sigurd of Norway, Intr. II, lxxvii-viii

Simon of St. Quentin, Intr. II, lxxviii

Sintra, G. de, Intr. I, xvi, xviii. Intr. II, xii; 87-91, 94, 146, 148, 321

Sintra, P. de, Intr. II, xxviii, xxix, cxxxix, cxl

Socrates, 45, 317

Sodré, V. G., Intr. II, lxxxix

Soleri, G., Intr. II, cxxvii

Solinus, Intr. II, xxxvii, lxxiii

"Spanish, Friar, The," Intr. II, lxix-lxx

Strabo, Intr. II, xxxix, lxxii

Tacfarinas, 297

Tacitus, 297

Tangier, Intr. II, xi; 14, 302

Tavarez, F. de S., Intr. II, cxiv

Tavilla, 206

Teive, D. de, Intr. II, cii

Teixeira, Tristam Vaz, Intr. II, ix, x, xcix; 153, 213, 246, 247

Temporal, Intr. II, lxvii, xciii

Thomas Aquinas, St., 2, 7, 290, 295, 296

Tiberius, Emperor, 297

Tinoco, A., 255, 257

Torquatus, M., 24, 93, 309

Trajan, Emperor, Intr. II, xliii; 297

Trasto, J. de, Intr. II, ii

Travaços, R. A. de, 174, 191 [202, 218, 219, 220, 224, 278, under "Rodrigueannes"]

Trevigiano, S., Intr. II, cxl

Tristam, N., Intr. I, xiv-xvii, xix. Intr. II, v, xi, xii; 44-51, 58-9, 63, 96-8, 252-7, 262, 320, 321, 348-9

Tunis, 17, 304

Uso di Mare, A., Intr. II, xxii, xxiii, lxii, lxiii; 351

"Vadinus," Intr. II, lxii

Valerius Maximus, 23, 44, 309, 317

Valladores, D. A. de, 47

Vallarinho, F., 262

Vallarte, Intr. I, xx. Intr. II, xiii; 280-5, 351, 352

Valsecca, G., Intr. II, lxxxvi, cxiv, cxxxi, cxxxiv, cxxxviii-ix; 347-8

Vasconcellos, C. M. de, Intr. I, vii

Vasquez, A., 122, 124-5, 130-3, 329

Vasquez, G., 63

Vegetius, 93, 262

Vergerio, P., 116, 327

Verrier, J. le, Intr. II, lxix

Vesconte, P., Intr. II, cxviii, cxxiii, cxxxii

Vespasian, 297

Vicente, M., 63, 64, 173

Viladestes, M. de, Intr. II, cxxx

Vilhena, M. de, Intr. II, xci-ii

Villes, J., 264

Vinagre, G., 48

Virgil, 297

Vitry, J. de, Intr. II, cxlvii

Vivaldo, U. de, Intr. II, lxi, lxxix; 351, 352

Walter, 54, 319

Zarco, J. G., Intr. I, xviii. Intr. II, ix, x, lxxxv, xcix, cii; 153, 192, 225, 229, 246, 247, 258, 263

Zeno, M., Intr. II, xxii

[Illustration: AFRICA, ETC., IN THE LAURENTIAN PORTOLANO OF 1351. HAKLUYT. S. I. v. C]

[Illustration: S. AFRICA, ACCORDING TO FRA MAURO (1457-9). HAKLUYT.]

Transcriber's Notes:

Punctuation was standardized and minor punctuation errors corrected.

Transliterations of phrases in Greek are given in brackets after the text.

Footnotes in the extended introduction are numbered 1-293. Footnotes in the text of the book, identified with special characters in the original, are identified here with letters A-CU. Footnotes are indented and placed following the paragraph in which they occur. Endnotes, called "Notes" in the original, are numbered 1-223. Endnote anchors are identified as [N1] through [N223]. Endnotes 1-112 and index page references 1-128 refer to Volume I. All endnotes precede the index, as in the original.

In Footnote 259, the word 'pbīs' has a macron over the letter 'p' in the original text.

Page reference for Endnote 78 was corrected from 61 to 68. Page reference for Endnote 100 was corrected from 110 to 111. The endnotes contain two 75's and 153's. The second has been renumbered 75a and 153a, respectively. Endnote anchors [N153a], [N154], [N155], and [N156], missing in the original, have been added to the text.

Changes to text: accent added to final 'a' ... Ou tornará ... 'Alfarrobiera' to 'Alfarrobeira' ... battle of Alfarrobeira ... 'dos' to 'das' ... at Angra das Voltas ... 'de' to 'da' ... _Saudades da terra_ ... 'reconnaisance' to 'reconnaissance' ... made a reconnaissance ... ... as a possible reconnaissance ... ... the reconnaissance of 1445 ... Various spellings (mappemondo, mappamondo, mappamonde, mappamundi, mappemundi, mappe monde, mappe-monde) were changed to 'mappemonde' for consistency within the text. 'latest' to 'late' ... of the late thirteenth century, ... 'exagerrated' to 'exaggerated' ... it was much exaggerated by many ... 'Poly us' to 'Polybius' ... "He (Polybius) relates that ... 'latitute' to 'latitude' ... northernmost in latitude ... 'Mussulman' to 'Musulman' ... a Musulman visit to ... 'comunicated' to 'communicated' ... Rilvas communicated this fact ... 'mediaeval' to 'mediæval' several places, for consistency w/ remaining text 'cavarels' to 'caravels' ... when the fourteen caravels set out from ... 'Dias' to 'Diaz' ... and Dinas Diaz joined company ... removed duplicate 'other other' ... that any other ship of these ... 'stubborness' to 'stubbornness' ... with her foolish stubbornness ... 'biddden' to 'bidden' ... as he was bidden ... 'Minotour' to 'Minotaur' ... the Minotaur, who was half man ... 'beseiged' to 'besieged' ... It was also besieged in 960 ... 'a' to 'an' ... as an evidence of their great toil ... 'o' to 'of' ... the names of these sovereigns ... 'began' to 'begun' ... the Genoese had begun a direct trade ... ... finishing what he had begun ... 'anchor d' to 'anchored' ... fleets of Europe might be anchored ... 'chonicler' to 'chronicler' ... the chronicler of Walter of ... 'Fernandes' to 'Fernandez' ... when João Fernandez journeyed with ... 'ixth' to 'sixth' ... in his sixth book ...