part 1
, page 393, you will find mentioned an instrument, invented by a Monsieur Renaudin, for determining the true time of the musical movements, largo, adagio, &c. I went to see it. He showed me his first invention; the price of the machine was twenty-five guineas; then his second, which he had been able to make for about half that sum. Both of these had a mainspring and a balance wheel, for their mover and regulator. The strokes were made by a small hammer. He then showed me his last, which is moved by a weight and regulated by a pendulum, and which cost only two guineas and a half. It presents, in front, a dial-plate like that of a clock, on which are arranged, in a circle, the words largo, adagio, andante, allegro, presto. The circle is moreover divided into fifty-two equal degrees. Largo is at 1, adagio at 11, andante at 22, allegro at 36, and presto at 46. Turning the index to any one of these, the pendulum (which is a string, with a ball hanging to it) shortens or lengthens, so that one of its vibrations gives you a crotchet for that movement. This instrument has been examined by the academy of music here, who are so well satisfied of its utility, that they have ordered all music which shall be printed here, in future, to have the movements numbered in correspondence with this plexi-chronometer. I need not tell you that the numbers between two movements, as between 22 and 36, give the quicker or slower degrees of the movements, such as the quick andante, or moderate allegro. The instrument is useful, but still it may be greatly simplified. I got him to make me one, and having fixed a pendulum vibrating seconds, I tried by that the vibrations of his pendulum, according to the several movements.
I find the pendulum regulated to Largo } { 52 } Adagio } { 60 } times Andante } vibrates { 70 } in a Allegro } { 95 } minute. Presto } {135 }
Every one, therefore, may make a chronometer adapted to his instrument.
For a harpsichord, the following occurs to me.
[Illustration:
Largo, 1 Adagio, 2 Andante, 3 Allegro, 4 Presto, 5]
In the wall of your chamber, over the instrument, drive five little brads, as 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, in the following manner. Take a string with a bob to it, of such length, as that hung on No. 1, it shall vibrate fifty-two times in a minute. Then proceed by trial to drive No. 2, at such a distance, that drawing the loop of the string to that, the part remaining between 1 and the bob, shall vibrate sixty times in a minute. Fix the third for seventy vibrations, &c.; the cord always hanging over No. 1, as the centre of vibration. A person, playing on the violin, may fix this on his music stand. A pendulum thrown into vibration, will continue in motion long enough to give you the time of your piece. I have been thus particular, on the supposition that you would fix one of these simple things for yourself.
You have heard often of the metal, called platina, to be found only in South America. It is insusceptible of rust, as gold and silver are, none of the acids affecting it, excepting the aqua regia. It also admits of as perfect a polish as the metal hitherto used for the specula of telescopes. These two properties had suggested to the Spaniards the substitution of it for that use. But the mines being closed up by the government, it is difficult to get the metal. The experiment has been lately tried here by the Abbé Rochon, (whom I formerly mentioned to Mr. Rittenhouse, as having discovered that lenses of certain natural crystals have two different and uncombined magnifying powers) and he thinks the polish as high as that of the metal heretofore used, and that it will never be injured by the air, a touch of the finger, &c. I examined it in a dull day, which did not admit a fair judgment of the strength of its reflection.
Good qualities are sometimes misfortunes. I will prove it from your own experience. You are punctual; and almost the only one of my correspondents on whom I can firmly rely for the execution of commissions which combine a little trouble with more attention. I am very sorry, however, that I have three commissions to charge you with, which will give you more than a little trouble. Two of them are for Monsieur de Buffon. Many, many years ago, Cadwallader Colden wrote a very small pamphlet on the subjects of attraction and impulsion, a copy of which he sent to Monsieur de Buffon. He was so charmed with it, that he put it into the hands of a friend to translate, who lost it. It has ever since weighed on his mind, and he has made repeated trials to have it found in England. But in vain. He applied to me. I am in hopes, if you will write a line to the booksellers of Philadelphia to rummage their shops, that some of them may find it. Or, perhaps, some of the careful old people of Pennsylvania or New Jersey may have preserved a copy. In the King's cabinet of Natural history, of which Monsieur de Buffon has the superintendence, I observed that they had neither our grouse nor our pheasant. These, I know, may be bought in the market of Philadelphia, on any day while they are in season. Pray buy the male and female of each, and employ some apothecary's boy to prepare them, and pack them. Methods may be seen in the preliminary discourse to the first volume of Birds, in the Encyclopedie, or in the Natural history of Buffon, where he describes the King's cabinet. And this done, you will be so good as to send them to me. The third commission is more distant. It is to procure me two or three hundred paccan-nuts from the western country. I expect they can always be got at Pittsburg, and am in hopes, that by yourself or your friends, some attentive person there may be engaged to send them to you. They should come as fresh as possible, and come best, I believe, in a box of sand. Of this Barham could best advise you. I imagine vessels are always coming from Philadelphia to France. If there be a choice of ports, Havre would be best. I must beg you to direct them to the care of the American consul or agent at the port, to be sent by the Diligence or Fourgon. A thousand apologies would not suffice for this trouble, if I meant to pay you in apologies only. But I sincerely ask, and will punctually execute, the appointment of your chargé des affaires in Europe generally. From the smallest to the highest commission, I will execute with zeal and punctuality, in buying, or doing anything you wish, on this side the water. And you may judge from the preceding specimen, that I shall not be behind hand in the trouble I shall impose on you. Make a note of all the expenses attending my commissions, and favor me with it every now and then, and I will replace them. My daughter is well, and retains an affectionate remembrance of her ancient patroness, your mother, as well as your lady and family. She joins me in wishing to them, and to Mr. and Mrs. Rittenhouse and family, every happiness. Accept, yourself, assurances of the esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
P. S. What is become of the Lunarium for the King?
TO A. CARY.
PARIS, January 7, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--The very few of my countrymen, who happen to be punctual, will find their punctuality a misfortune to them. Of this, I shall give you a proof by the present application, which I should not make to you if I did not know you to be superior to the torpidity of our climate. In my conversations with the Count de Buffon on the subjects of natural history, I find him absolutely unacquainted with our elk and our deer. He has hitherto believed that our deer never had horns more than a foot long; and has, therefore, classed them with the roe buck, which I am sure you know them to be different from. I have examined some of the red deer of this country at the distance of about sixty yards, and I find no other difference between them and ours than a shade or two in the color. Will you take the trouble to procure for me the largest pair of buck's horns you can, and a large skin of each color, that is to say, a red and a blue? If it were possible to take these from a buck just killed, to leave all the bones of the head in the skin, with the horns on, to leave the bones of the legs in the skin also, and the hoofs to it, so that, having only made an incision all along the belly and neck, to take the animal out at, we could, by sewing up that incision, and stuffing the skin, present the true size and form of the animal, it would be a most precious present. Our deer have been often sent to England and Scotland. Do you know (with certainty) whether they have ever bred with the red deer of those countries? With respect to the elk, I despair of your being able to get for me anything but the horns of it. David Ross, I know, has a pair; perhaps he would give them to us. It is useless to ask for the skin and skeleton, because I think it not in your power to get them, otherwise, they would be most desirable. A gentleman, fellow passenger with me from Boston to England, promised to send to you, in my name, some hares, rabbits, pheasants, and partridges, by the return of the ship, which was to go to Virginia, and the captain promised to take great care of them. My friend procured the animals, and the ship changing her destination, he kept them in hopes of finding some other conveyance, till they all perished. I do not despair, however, of finding some opportunity still of sending a colony of useful animals. I am making a collection of vines for wine and for the table; also of some trees, such as the cork oak, &c., &c.
Everything is absolutely quiet in Europe. There is not, therefore, a word of news to communicate. I pray you to present me affectionately to your family, and that of Tuckahoe. Whatever expense is necessary for procuring me the articles above-mentioned, I will instantly replace, either in cash or in anything you may wish from hence.
I am, with very sincere esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO MAJOR GENERAL GREENE.
PARIS, January 12, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--Your favor of June the 1st did not come to hand till the 3d of September. I immediately made inquiries on the subject of the frigate you had authorized your relation to sell to this government, and I found that he had long before that sold her to government, and sold her very well, as I understood. I noted the price on the back of your letter, which I have since unfortunately mislaid, so that I cannot at this moment state to you the price. But the transaction is of so long a standing that you cannot fail to have received advice of it. I should without delay have given you this information, but that I hoped to be able to accompany it with information as to the live oak, which was another object of your letter. This matter, though it has been constantly pressed by Mr. St. John, and also by the Marquis de La Fayette since his return from Berlin, has been spun to a great length, and at last they have only decided to send to you for samples of the wood. Letters on this subject from the Marquis de La Fayette accompany this.
Everything in Europe is quiet, and promises quiet for at least a year to come. We do not find it easy to make commercial arrangements in Europe. There is a want of confidence in us. This country has lately reduced the duties on American whale oil to about a guinea and a half the ton, and I think they will take the greatest part of what we can furnish. I hope, therefore, that this branch of our commerce will resume its activity. Portugal shows a disposition to court our trade, but this has for some time been discouraged by the hostilities of the piratical States of Barbary. The Emperor of Morocco, who had taken one of our vessels, immediately consented to suspend hostilities, and ultimately gave up the vessel, cargo and crew. I think we shall be able to settle matters with him. But I am not sanguine as to the Algerines. They have taken two of our vessels, and I fear will ask such a tribute for a forbearance of their piracies as the United States would be unwilling to pay. When this idea comes across my mind, my faculties are absolutely suspended between indignation and impatience. I think, whatever sums we are obliged to pay for freedom of navigation in the European seas, should be levied on the European commerce with us by a separate impost, that these powers may see that they protect these enormities for their own loss.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. ADAMS.
PARIS, January 12, 1786.
SIR,--You were here the last year when the interest due to the French officers was paid to them, and were sensible of the good effect it had on the credit and honor of the United States. A second year's interest is become due. They have presented their demands. There is not money here to pay them; the pittance, remaining in Mr. Grand's hands, being only sufficient to pay current expenses three months longer. The dissatisfaction of these officers is extreme, and their complaints will produce the worst effect. The Treasury Board has not ordered their payment, probably because they knew there would not be money. The amount of their demand is about forty-two thousand livres, and Mr. Grand has in his hands but twelve thousand. I have thought it my duty, under this emergency, to ask you whether you could order that sum for their relief from the funds in Holland? If you can, I am persuaded it will have the best of effects.
The Imperial ambassador took me apart the other day at Count d'Aranda's, and observed to me that Dr. Franklin, about eighteen or twenty months ago, had written to him a letter proposing a treaty of commerce between the Emperor and the United States: that he had communicated it to the Emperor, and had answered to Dr. Franklin that they were ready to enter into arrangements for that purpose, but that he had since that received no reply from us. I told him I knew well that Dr. Franklin had written as he mentioned, but that this was the first mention I had ever heard made of any answer to the letter. That, on the contrary, we had always supposed it was unanswered, and had therefore expected the next step from him. He expressed his wonder at this, and said he would have the copy of his answer sought for and send it to me. However, he observed that this matter being now understood between us, the two countries might proceed to make the arrangements. I told him the delay had been the more unlucky, as our powers were now near expiring. He said he supposed Congress could have no objections to renew them, or perhaps to send some person to Brussels to negotiate the matter there. We remitted all further discussion till he should send me a copy of his letter. He has not yet done it, and I doubt whether he has not forgotten the substance of his letter which probably was no more than an acknowledgment of the receipt of Dr. Franklin's, and a promise to transmit it to his court. If he had written one proposing conferences, it could never have got safe to Dr. Franklin. Be this as it will, he now makes advances, and I pray you to write me your sentiments immediately as to what is best to be done on our part. I will endeavor to evade an answer till I can hear from you. I have the honor to be, with the highest respect and esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, January 12, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I had just closed the preceding letter when M. de Blumendorff, the Imperial Secretary of Legation, called on me with the answer of Dr. Franklin. It was that of September 28, 1784, which you remember as well as myself, wherein Count Merci informed us the Emperor was disposed to enter into commercial arrangements with us, and that he would give orders to the government of the Austrian Netherlands to take the necessary measures. I observed to M. de Blumendorff that this answer showed the next step was to come from them. He acknowledged it, but said these orders having been for the Netherlands only, they had waited in expectation of others for comprehending Hungary, Bohemia, and the Austrian dominions in general, and that they still expect such instructions. I told him, while they should be expecting them, I would write to you on the subject, as it was necessary for us to act jointly in this business. I think they are desirous of treating, and will urge it. I shall be anxious, therefore, to receive your sentiments on the subject; and renew the assurances of the esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO MARQUIS DE LA ROUENE.
PARIS, January 12, 1786.
SIR,--I have been honored with your letter of the 26th of December, on the subject of the interest due to the foreign officers. An express instruction of Congress having subjected their moneys in Europe to the order of their Board of Treasury only, leaves me without the power of giving the order you desire. However, wishing to do whatever was possible for those officers, I went to Mr. Grand's to consult him on the subject. He informed me he had received no orders to make the payment, and, moreover, that there was no money, had he received an order. I have therefore written to Mr. Adams at London, to know whether there is any money in Holland subject to his order, from which this sum could be supplied. But, in truth, I have no expectations from that quarter, and only tried it because there was a possibility of aid from thence. I wrote, however, to Congress, praying their immediate and effectual interposition. From this, I hope better effects. But it will be three months at least before their order can be received. So soon as they shall be known to me, I shall certainly make it my duty to communicate them to you. And have the honor to be, with much respect, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO THE GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA.
PARIS, January 24, 1786.
SIR,--I have been honored with your Excellency's two letters of September 10th and that of October 14th, 1785. The former were brought me by Mr. Houdon, who is returned with the necessary moulds and measures for General Washington's statue. I fear the expenses of his journey have been considerably increased by the unlucky accident of his tools, materials, clothes, &c., not arriving at Havre in time to go with him to America, so that he had to supply himself there. The money which you were so kind as to send by Captain Littlepage for the purpose of this statue, he found himself obliged to deposit in New York, to satisfy a demand made on him there. This was a debt which he owed to Mr. Jay. He assures me that in a settlement with his guardian, the latter took credit for this debt, so as to be answerable to Mr. Jay for it, and of course to the State, now that Mr. Jay is paid with the State's money. I mention this circumstance that your Excellency may be enabled to take the earliest measures for recovering this money, and indemnifying the State. Mr. Littlepage, to satisfy me, had obtained from the Marquis de La Fayette his engagement to stand bound as Mr. Littlepage's security for the payment of this money. But knowing the punctuality and responsibility of his guardian, I did not suppose a security necessary. Besides, if a loss was to be incurred, I know too well the sentiments of the State of Virginia towards the Marquis de La Fayette to suppose they would be willing to throw the loss on him. I therefore acted as I thought your Excellency and the Council would have directed me to act, could you have been consulted. I waited on the Marquis, and in his presence cancelled his name from the obligation which had been given me, leaving only that of Mr. Littlepage. I have now the honor to enclose you one of those instruments, duplicates of which had been given me by Littlepage. The first of the Marquis's Busts will be finished next month. I shall present that one to the city of Paris, because the delay has been noticed by some. I hope to be able to send another to Virginia in the course of the summer. These are to cost three thousand livres each. The agreement for the arms has been at length concluded by Mr. Barclay. He was so much better acquainted with this business than the Marquis Fayette or myself, that we left it altogether to him. We were sensible that they might have been gotten cheaper, but not so good. However, I suppose he has given you the details of his proceedings, so as to render them unnecessary from me. It will be eight months before they will be ready. The cause of this, too, Mr. Barclay told me he would explain to you. It is principally to insure their goodness. The bills remitted to pay for them have been honored, and the money is lodged in Mr. Grand's hands, who was willing to allow a small interest for it.
An improvement is made here in the construction of the musket, which may be worthy of attention. It consists in making every part of them so exactly alike, that every part of any one may be used for the same part of any other musket made by the same hand. The government here has examined and approved the method, and is establishing a large manufactory for the purpose. As yet the inventor has only completed the lock of the musket on this plan. He will proceed immediately to have the barrel, stock and their parts executed in the same way. I visited the workman. He presented the parts of fifty locks, taken to pieces and arranged in compartments. I put several together myself, taking the pieces at hazard as they came to hand, and found them fit interchangeably in the most perfect manner. The tools by which he effects this have, at the same time, so abridged the labor, that he thinks he shall be able to furnish the musket two livres cheaper than the King's price. But it will be two or three years before he will be able to furnish any quantity. I have duly received the propositions of Messrs. Ross, Pleasants, &c., for furnishing tobacco to the Farmers General; but Mr. Morris had, in the meantime, obtained the contract. I have been fully sensible of the baneful influence on the commerce of France and America, which this double monopoly will have. I have struck at its root here, and spared no pains to have the form itself demolished, but it has been in vain. The persons interested in it are too powerful to be opposed, even by the interest of the whole country. I mention this matter in confidence, as a knowledge of it might injure any further endeavors to attain the same object.
Everything is quiet here, and will certainly remain so another year. Mr. Barclay left Paris a few days ago, and will be absent from France for some time. I shall spare no endeavors to fulfil the several objects with which he was charged, in the best manner I can.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. RITTENHOUSE.
PARIS, January 25, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--Your favor of September 28th, came to hand a few days ago. I thank you for the details on the subject of the southern and western lines. There remains thereon, one article, however, which I will still beg you to inform me of, viz., how far is the western boundary beyond the meridian of Pittsburg? This information is necessary to enable me to trace that boundary in my map. I shall be much gratified, also, with a communication of your observations on the curiosities of the western country. It will not be difficult to induce me to give up the theory of the growth of shells, without their being the nidus of animals. It is only an idea, and not an opinion with me. In the Notes with which I troubled you, I had observed that there were three opinions as to the origin of these shells. 1. That they have been deposited, even in the highest mountains, by an universal deluge. 2. That they, with all the calcareous stones and earths, are animal remains. 3. That they grow or shoot as crystals do. I find that I could swallow the last opinion, sooner than either of the others; but I have not yet swallowed it. Another opinion might have been added, that some throe of nature has forced up parts which had been the bed of the ocean. But have we any better proof of such an effort of nature, than of her shooting a lapidific juice into the form of a shell? No such convulsion has taken place in our time, nor within the annals of history; nor is the distance greater between the shooting of the lapidific juice into the form of a crystal or a diamond, which we see, and into the form of a shell, which we do not see, than between the forcing volcanic matter a little above the surface, where it is in fusion, which we see, and the forcing the bed of the sea fifteen thousand feet above the ordinary surface of the earth, which we do not see. It is not possible to believe any of these hypotheses; and, if we lean towards any of them, it should be only till some other is produced, more analogous to the known operations of nature. In a letter to Mr. Hopkinson, I mentioned to him that the Abbé Rochon, who discovered the double refracting power in some of the natural crystals, had lately made a telescope with the metal called platina, which, while it is as susceptible of as perfect a polish as the metal heretofore used for the specula of telescopes, is insusceptible of rust, as gold and silver are. There is a person here, who has hit on a new method of engraving. He gives you an ink of his composition. Write on copper plates anything of which you would wish to take several copies, and, in an hour, the plate will be ready to strike them off; so of plans, engravings, &c. This art will be amusing to individuals, if he should make it known. I send you herewith the nautical almanacs for 1786, 1787, 1788, 1789, 1790, which are as late as they are published. You ask, how you may reimburse the expense of these trifles? I answer, by accepting them; as the procuring you a gratification, is a higher one to me than money. We have had nothing curious published lately. I do not know whether you are fond of chemical reading. There are some things in this science worth reading. I will send them to you, if you wish it. My daughter is well, and joins me in respects to Mrs. Rittenhouse and the young ladies. After asking when we are to have the Lunarium, I will close with assurances of the sincere regard and esteem, with which I am, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO A. STEWART, ESQ.
PARIS, January 25, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I have received your favor of the 17th of October, which, though you have mentioned it as the third you have written me, is the first that has come to hand. I sincerely thank you for the communication it contains. Nothing is so grateful to me, at this distance, as details, both great and small, of what is passing in my own country. Of the latter, we receive little here, because they either escape my correspondents, or are thought unworthy of notice. This, however, is a very mistaken opinion, as every one may observe, by recollecting, that when he has been long absent from his neighborhood, the small news of that is the most pleasing, and occupies his first attention, either when he meets with a person from thence, or returns thither himself. I still hope, therefore, that the letter, in which you have been so good as to give me the minute occurrences in the neighborhood of Monticello, may yet come to hand, and I venture to rely on the many proofs of friendship I have received from you, for a continuance of your favors. This will be the more meritorious, as I have nothing to give you in exchange.
The quiet of Europe, at this moment, furnishes little which can attract your notice. Nor will that quiet be soon disturbed, at least for the current year. Perhaps it hangs on the life of the King of Prussia, and that hangs by a very slender thread. American reputation in Europe is not such as to be flattering to its citizens. Two circumstances are
## particularly objected to us; the non-payment of our debts, and the want
of energy in our government. These discourage a connection with us. I own it to be my opinion, that good will arise from the destruction of our credit. I see nothing else which can restrain our disposition to luxury, and to the change of those manners which alone can preserve republican government. As it is impossible to prevent credit, the best way would be to cure its ill effects, by giving an instantaneous recovery to the creditor. This would be reducing purchases on credit to purchases for ready money. A man would then see a prison painted on everything he wished, but had not ready money to pay for.
I fear, from an expression in your letter, that the people of Kentucky think of separating, not only from Virginia (in which they are right), but also from the confederacy. I own, I should think this a most calamitous event, and such a one as every good citizen should set himself against. Our present federal limits are not too large for good government, nor will the increase of votes in Congress produce any ill effect. On the contrary, it will drown the little divisions at present existing there. Our confederacy must be viewed as the nest, from which all America, North and South, is to be peopled. We should take care, too, not to think it for the interest of that great Continent to press too soon on the Spaniards. Those countries cannot be in better hands. My fear is, that they are too feeble to hold them till our population can be sufficiently advanced to gain it from them, piece by piece. The navigation of the Mississippi we must have. This is all we are, as yet, ready to receive. I have made acquaintance with a very sensible, candid gentleman here, who was in South America during the revolt which took place there, while our Revolution was going on. He says, that those disturbances (of which we scarcely heard anything) cost, on both sides, an hundred thousand lives.
I have made a particular acquaintance here, with Monsieur de Buffon, and have a great desire to give him the best idea I can of our elk. Perhaps your situation may enable you to aid me in this. You could not oblige me more than by sending me the horns, skeleton, and skin of an elk, were it possible to procure them. The most desirable form of receiving them would be, to have the skin slit from the under jaw along the belly to the tail, and down the thighs to the knee, to take the animal out, leaving the legs and hoofs, the bones of the head, and the horns attached to the skin. By sewing up the belly, &c., and stuffing the skin, it would present the form of the animal. However, as an opportunity of doing this is scarcely to be expected, I shall be glad to receive them detached, packed in a box, and sent to Richmond, to the care of Dr. Currie. Everything of this kind is precious here. And to prevent my adding to your trouble, I must close my letter, with assurances of the esteem and attachment with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE TREASURY.
PARIS, January 26, 1786.
GENTLEMEN,--I have been duly honored by the receipt of your letter of December the 6th, and am to thank you for the communications it contained on the state of our funds and expectations here. Your idea, that these communications, occasionally, may be useful to the United States, is certainly just, as I am frequently obliged to explain our prospects of paying interest, &c., which I should better do with fuller information. If you would be so good as to instruct Mr. Grand always to furnish me with a duplicate of those cash accounts which he furnishes to you, from time to time, and if you would be so good as to direct your secretary to send me copies of such letters as you transmit to Mr. Grand, advising him of the remittances he may expect, from time to time, I should, thereby, be always informed of the sum of money on hand here, and the probable expectations of supply. Dr. Franklin, during his residence here, having been authorized to borrow large sums of money, the disposal of that money seemed naturally to rest with him. It was Mr. Grand's practice, therefore, never to pay money, but on his warrant. On his departure, Mr. Grand sent all money drafts to me, to authorize their payment. I informed him, that this was in no wise within my province, that I was unqualified to direct him in it, and, that were I to presume to meddle, it would be no additional sanction to him. He refused, however, to pay a shilling without my order. I have been obliged, therefore, to a nugatory interference, merely to prevent the affairs of the United States from standing still. I need not represent to you the impropriety of my continuing to direct Mr. Grand longer than till we can receive your orders, the mischief which might ensue from the uncertainty in which this would place you as to the extent to which you might venture to draw on your funds here, and the little necessity there is for my interference. Whenever you order a sum of money into Mr. Grand's hands, nothing will be more natural than your instructing him how to apply it, so as that he shall observe your instructions alone. Among these, you would doubtless judge it necessary to give him one standing instruction, to answer my drafts for such sums as my office authorizes me to call for. These would be salary, couriers, postage, and such other articles as circumstances will require, which cannot be previously defined. These will never be so considerable as to endanger the honor of your drafts; I shall certainly exercise in them the greatest caution, and stand responsible to Congress.
Mr. Grand conceives that he has suffered in your opinion by an application of two hundred thousand livres, during the last year, differently from what the office of finance had instructed him. This was a consequence of his being thought subject to direction here, and it is but justice to relieve him from blame on that account, and to show that it ought to fall, if anywhere, on Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams, and myself. The case was thus: The moneys here were exhausted, Mr. Grand was in advance about fifty thousand livres, and the diplomatic establishments in France, Spain, and Holland, subsisting on his bounties, which they were subject to see stopped every moment, and feared a protest on every bill. Other current expenses, too, were depending on advances from him, and though these were small in their amount, they sometimes involved great consequences. In this situation, he received four hundred thousand livres, to be paid to this government for one year's interest. We thought the honor of the United States would suffer less by suspending half the payment to this government, replacing Mr. Grand's advances, and providing a fund for current expenses. We advised him so to do. I still think it was for the best, and I believe my colleagues have continued to see the matter in the same point of view. We may have been biassed by the feelings excited by our own distressing situation. But certainly, as to Mr. Grand, no blame belongs to him. We explained this matter in a letter to Congress, at the time, and justice requires this explanation to you, as I conjecture that the former one has not come to your knowledge.
The two hundred thousand livres retained, as before mentioned, have been applied to the purposes described, to the payment of a year's interest to the French officers (which is about forty-two thousand livres), and other current expenses, which, doubtless, Mr. Grand has explained to you. About a week ago, there remained in his hands but about twelve thousand livres. In this situation, the demands of the French officers for a second year's interest, were presented. But Mr. Grand observed there were neither money nor orders for them. The payment of these gentlemen, the last year, had the happiest effect imaginable. It procured so many advocates for the credit and honor of the United States, who were heard in all companies. It corrected the idea that we were unwilling to pay our debts. I fear that our present failure towards them will give new birth to new imputations, and a relapse of credit. Under this fear, I have written to Mr. Adams to know whether he can have this money supplied from the funds in Holland; though I have little hope from that quarter, because he had before informed me, that those funds would be exhausted by the spring of the present year, and I doubt, too, whether he would venture to order these payments, without authority from you. I have thought it my duty to state these matters to you.
I have had the honor of enclosing to Mr. Jay, Commodore Jones's receipts for one hundred and eighty-one thousand and thirty-nine livres, one sol and ten deniers, prize money, which (after deducing his own proportion) he is to remit to you, for the officers and soldiers who were under his command. I take the liberty of suggesting, whether the expense and risk of double remittances might not be saved, by ordering it into the hands of Mr. Grand, immediately, for the purposes of the treasury in Europe, while you could make provision at home for the officers and soldiers, whose demands will come in so slowly, as to leave the use of a great proportion of this money, for a considerable time, and some of it forever. We could, then, immediately quiet the French officers.
I have the honor to be, with the most perfect respect and esteem, Gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
January 27th, 1786.
SIR,--I had the honor of addressing you by the way of London on the 2d instant. Since that, yours of December 7th, has come to hand. I have now the pleasure to inform you that Mr. Barclay having settled, as far as depended on him, the account of Monsieur de Beaumarchais, left Paris on the 13th instant, to proceed to Morocco. Business obliged him to go by the way of L'Orient and Bordeaux, but he told me he should not be detained more than one day at either place. We may probably allow him to the last of February to be at Morocco.
The imperial ambassador some days ago observed to me, that about eighteen months ago Dr. Franklin had written to him a letter proposing a treaty of commerce between the Emperor and the United States; that he had communicated it to the Emperor, and had answered to Dr. Franklin, that they were ready to enter into an agreement for that purpose, but that he had received no reply from him. I told him I had been informed by Dr. Franklin of the letter making the proposition, but that this was the first I had ever heard of an answer expressing their readiness to enter into negotiations. That on the contrary, we had supposed no definitive answer had been given; and that, of course, the next move was on their side. He expressed astonishment at this, and seemed so conscious of having written such an answer, that he said he would have it sought for and send it to me for my inspection. However, he observed that the delay, having proceeded from the expectation of each party that the other was to make the next advance, and the matter being understood, the two parties might now proceed to enter into the necessary arrangements. I told him that Congress had been desirous of entering into connections of amity and commerce with his Imperial Majesty; that for this purpose they had commissioned Mr. Adams, Dr. Franklin and myself, or any two of us, to treat; that reasons of prudence had obliged them to affix some term to our commissions, and that two years were the term assigned; that the delay, therefore, which had happened, was the more unlucky, as these two years would expire in the ensuing spring. He said he supposed Congress could have no objection to renew our powers, or perhaps to appoint some person to treat at Brussels. I told him I was unable to answer that, and we omitted further communication on the subject till he should send me his letter written to Dr. Franklin. A few days after his Secretaire, d'Ambassade called on me with it. It was the letter of September 28, 1784, (transmitted in due time to Congress,) wherein he had informed Dr. Franklin that the Emperor was disposed to enter into commercial arrangements with us, and that he would give orders to the government of the Netherlands to take the necessary measures. I observed to Monsieur de Blumendorff (the secretary), that this letter showed we were right in our expectations of their taking the next step. He seemed sensible of it, said that the quarrel with Holland had engrossed the attention of government, and that these orders relating to the Netherlands only, it had been expected that others had been given which should include Hungary, Bohemia and the Austrian dominions in general, and that they still expected such orders. I told him that while they should be attending them, I would write to Mr. Adams in London, my colleague in this business, in concert with whom I must move in it. I think they are desirous of treating, and from questions asked me by Monsieur de Blumendorff, I suspect they have been led to that decision, either by the resolutions of Congress of April 1784, asking powers from the States to impose restraints on the commerce of States not connected with us _by treaty_, or else by an act of the Pennsylvania Assembly for giving such powers to Congress, which has appeared in the European papers. In the meantime, I own myself at a loss what to do. Our instructions are clearly to treat. But these made a part of a system wise and advantageous, if executed in all its parts, but which has hitherto failed in its most material branch,--that of connection with the powers having American territory. Should these continue to stand aloof, it may be necessary for the United States to enter into commercial regulations of a defensive nature. These may be embraced by treaties with the powers having no American territory, and who are most of them as little commercial as perhaps not to offer advantages which may countervail these embarrassments. In case of war, indeed, these treaties will become of value, and even during peace the respectability of the Emperor, who stands at the head of one of the two parties which seem at present to divide Europe, was a lustre to those connected with him--a circumstance not to be absolutely neglected by us under the actual situation of things. ---- a letter from Mr. Adams on this subject. Not trusting the posts, however, and obliged to wait private conveyances, our intercommunication is slow, and in the meanwhile our time shortening fast. I have the honor to enclose to you a letter from the Count de Vergennes, in favor of Mr. Dumas. With the services of this gentleman to the United States, yourself and Dr. Franklin are better acquainted than I am. Those he has been able to render towards effecting the late alliance between France and the United Netherlands, are the probable ground of the present application. The minister for Geneva has desired me to have enquiries made after the Mr. Gallatin, named in the within paper. I will pray you to have the necessary advertisements inserted in the papers, and to be so good as to favor me with the result. I enclose the Gazettes of France and Leyden to this date, and have the honor to be, with the most perfect respect and esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO DR. FRANKLIN.
PARIS, January 27th, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I had the honor of writing to you on the 5th of October, and since that have received yours of the 1st of the same month. We were highly pleased here with the health you enjoyed on your voyage, and with the reception you met with at home. This was no more than I expected. Had I had a vote for the Presidentship, however, I doubt whether I should not have withheld it from you that you might have leisure to collect and digest the papers you have written from time to time, and which the world will expect to be given them. This side of the globe is in a state of absolute quiet, both political and literary. Not a sheet, I think, has come out since your departure, which is worth notice. I do not know whether before that the Abbé Rochon had thought of using the metal Platina for the specula telescope. Indeed, I believe the thought is not his originally, but has been carried into execution before by the Spaniards. It is thought to take as high a polish as the metallic composition generally used, and is not liable to rust. Hoffman's method of engraving with ink was, I believe, known to you. I sent the other day to Pancouche's, by Mr. Hopkinson's desire, to get the livraisons of the Encyclopedie which had not yet been taken out for him, and informed Pancouche that the subscription had been made by you. He sent me word two copies were subscribed for in your name, and at the same time sent both of them to me. Supposing that the other may be your own, and that you had not made arrangements for having it sent you, I received it, and forwarded it in the same box with Mr. Hopkinson's. If you have no better means of getting them in future, I offer my services very cheerfully to forward them from time to time. What I have paid for these (71 livres 10 sous), or may hereafter pay for others, you can be so good as to replace in the hands of Mr. Hopkinson. If there should be any other commissions to be executed here for you, I should take real pleasure in being useful to you. Your friends here are all well I think, and make you much the subject of their conversation. I will trouble you to present my esteem to young Mr. Franklin, and add assurances of the real respect and regard with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO COLONEL MONROE.
PARIS, January 27, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I wrote you on the 11th of December, and on the 11th of this month I received your favor of July 15th, entrusted to Mrs. McCaulay Graham. I do not know from what place she sent it. The last papers from America present us a very disagreeable altercation between Mr. Jay, and a young man from whom he had deserved better things. Mr. Carmichael will, I fear, too, think himself involved. With him I am unacquainted personally, but he stands on advantageous grounds in the opinion of Europe, and most especially in Spain. Every person, whom I see from thence, speaks of him with great esteem. I mention this for your private satisfaction, as he seemed to be little known in Congress. Mr. Jay, however, knows him well, and, notwithstanding their little broulerie, his candor will do him justice. Dumas is a great favorite both of Holland and France. You will be sensible of this from the application which is communicated to Mr. Jay from the Count de Vergennes. Mr. Van Bukel had solicited for him before I came from America. This is a delicate matter, the more so as I believe Congress had set the example by a letter to the King last year. True there is no comparison between the characters solicited for. The death of Mr. Hardy was matter of sincere concern to us. He had excellent virtues, and only one foible, that of being too good-humored. This intelligence was written to me from London by Colonel Humphreys, who went there in November last. There being nothing going on here under the commissions, to which he is Secretary, and some little matter there, he will probably stay there some while yet, or perhaps divide his time between that place and this. I send by this packet drawings for the Capitol and prison at Richmond. They are addressed to the Directors of the public buildings. If you have a curiosity to see them, open the round package which goes herewith, only be so good as to do them up again in the same way, and send them off by the first post. I think they will be a gratification to yourself and such members as like things of that kind. You see by my writing to you of American persons and things, that I have nothing for you from this quarter. Europe enjoys the most perfect repose, and will do so at least for another year. I have been in expectation of receiving instructions from you as to your Encyclopædie. But none being come, I will endeavor to send it to you by this conveyance, if it can be got to L'Orient in time for the packet. The re-establishment of these vessels is still doubtful; and till they be re-established my correspondence will be very irregular. I have only to add assurances of the sincere esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
* * * * *
P. S. If I should be able to send on your copy of the Encyclopædie, it will be accompanied by one for Dr. Currie, which I will pray you to forward to Richmond by land or water as you see best.
TO W. F. DUMAS.
PARIS, February 2, 1786.
SIR,--I was honored some time ago with a letter from you of December 6th, enclosing two for America, which I forwarded by the first occasion. On the 18th of this month, I received a letter from his Excellency the Count de Vergennes, expressing the interest which he takes in your welfare, and recommending you to Congress. This I had an opportunity of forwarding from hence on the 27th of January, under cover to Mr. Jay. Yesterday I was gratified with the receipt of your favor of January 27th, containing a copy of the resolution of Congress of October 24th, in your favor, and which I wish had been more so. With respect to the payment of the arrearages, two things are necessary: first, an order from the Treasury, and secondly, money to comply with it. Mr. Grand wrote me this morning that he had not now as much left as to pay a bill of Mr. Carmichael's for 4300 livres just presented. I shall forward your letter to Mr. Jay the next week, with a request that the necessary measures may be taken for the payment of your arrearages and interest. In the meantime, I think you would do well to write a line for the same purpose to Mr. Jay, or to the Commissioners of the Treasury. I do not mean that what I have said above should prevent your drawing in due time for the salary of the current quarter. I will honor the draught from a private fund with which I can take that liberty. I thank you for what you say of the notes on Virginia. It is much more than they deserve. Though the various matters they touch on would have been beyond the information of any one person whatever to have treated fully, and infinitely beyond mine, yet had I at the time of writing them, had anything more in view than the satisfying a single individual, they should have been more attended to both in form and matter. Poor as they are, they have been thought worthy of a surreptitious translation here, with the appearance of which very soon I have been threatened. This has induced me to yield to a friendly proposition from the Abbé Morellet, to translate and publish them himself, submitting the sheets previously to my inspection. As a translation by so able a hand will lessen the faults of the original, instead of their being multiplied by a hireling translator. I shall add to it a map and such other advantages as may prevent the mortification of my seeing it appear in the injurious form threatened. I shall with great pleasure send a copy of the original to you by the first opportunity, praying your acceptance of it.
I have the honor to be with great esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, February 7, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I am honored with yours of January the 19th. Mine of January the 12th, had not, I suppose, at that time got to your hands, as the receipt of it is unacknowledged. I shall be anxious till I receive your answer to it.
I was perfectly satisfied before I received your letter, that your opinion had been misunderstood or misrepresented in the case of the Chevalier de Mezieres. Your letter, however, will enable me to say so with authority. It is proper it should be known, that you had not given the opinion imputed to you, though, as to the main question, it is become useless; Monsieur de Reyneval having assured me, that what I had written on that subject had perfectly satisfied the Count de Vergennes and himself, that this case could never come under the treaty. To evince, still further, the impropriety of taking up subjects gravely, on such imperfect information as this court had, I have this moment received a copy of an act of the Georgia Assembly, placing the subjects of France, as to real estates, on the footing of natural citizens, and expressly recognizing the treaty. Would you think anything could be added, after this, to put this question still further out of doors? A gentleman of Georgia assured me, General Oglethorpe did not own a foot of land in the State. I do not know whether there has been any American determination on the question, whether American citizens and British subjects, born before the Revolution, can be aliens to one another? I know there is an opinion of Lord Coke's, in Colvin's case, that if England and Scotland should, in the course of descent, pass to separate Kings, those born under the same sovereign during the union, would remain natural subjects and not aliens. Common sense urges some considerations against this. Natural subjects owe allegiance; but we owe none. Aliens are the subjects of a foreign power; we are not subjects of a foreign power. The King, by the treaty, acknowledges our independence; how, then, can we remain natural subjects? The King's power is, by the constitution, competent to the making peace, war and treaties. He had, therefore, authority to relinquish our allegiance by treaty. But if an act of parliament had been necessary, the parliament passed an act to confirm the treaty. So that it appears to me, that in this question, fictions of law alone are opposed to sound sense.
I am in hopes Congress will send a minister to Lisbon. I know no country with which we are likely to cultivate a more useful commerce. I have pressed this in my private letters.
It is difficult to learn anything certain here, about the French and English treaty. Yet, in general, little is expected to be done between them. I am glad to hear that the Delegates of Virginia had made the vote relative to English commerce, though they afterwards repealed it. I hope they will come to it again. When my last letters came away, they were engaged in passing the revisal of their laws, with some small alterations. The bearer of this, Mr. Lyons is a sensible, worthy young physician, son of one of our judges, and on his return to Virginia. Remember me with affection to Mrs. and Miss Adams, Colonels Smith and Humphreys, and be assured of the esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PARIS, February 8, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--My last letters were of the 1st and 20th of September, and the 28th of October. Yours, unacknowledged, are of August the 20th, October the 3d, and November the 15th. I take this, the first safe opportunity, of enclosing to you the bills of lading for your books, and two others for your namesake of Williamsburg, and for the attorney, which I will pray you to forward. I thank you for the communication of the remonstrance against the assessment. Mazzei, who is now in Holland, promised me to have it published in the Leyden gazette. It will do us great honor. I wish it may be as much approved by our Assembly, as by the wisest part of Europe. I have heard, with great pleasure, that our Assembly have come to the resolution of giving the regulation of their commerce to the federal head. I will venture to assert, that there is not one of its opposers, who, placed on this ground, would not see the wisdom of this measure. The politics of Europe render it indispensably necessary that, with respect to everything external, we be one nation only, firmly hooped together. Interior government is what each State should keep to itself. If it were seen in Europe that all our States could be brought to concur in what the Virginia Assembly has done, it would produce a total revolution in their opinion of us, and respect for us. And it should ever be held in mind, that insult and war are the consequences of a want of respectability in the national character. As long as the States exercise, separately, those acts of power which respect foreign nations, so long will there continue to be irregularities committed by some one or other of them, which will constantly keep us on an ill footing with foreign nations.
I thank you for your information as to my Notes. The copies I have remaining shall be sent over, to be given to some of my friends, and to select subjects in the College. I have been unfortunate here with this trifle. I gave out a few copies only, and to confidential persons, writing in every copy a restraint against its publication. Among others, I gave a copy to a Mr. Williams; he died. I immediately took every precaution I could, to recover this copy. But, by some means or other, a bookseller had got hold of it. He employed a hireling translator, and is about publishing it in the most injurious form possible. I am now at a loss what to do as to England. Everything, good or bad, is thought worth publishing there; and I apprehend a translation back from the French, and a publication here. I rather believe it will be most eligible to let the original come out in that country; but am not yet decided.
I have purchased little for you in the book way, since I sent the catalogue of my former purchases. I wish, first, to have your answer to that, and your information, what parts of these purchases went out of your plan. You can easily say, buy more of this kind, less of that, &c. My wish is to conform myself to yours. I can get for you the original Paris edition of the Encyclopedie, in thirty-five volumes, folio, for six hundred and twenty livres; a good edition, in thirty-nine volumes, 4to, for three hundred and eighty livres; and a good one, in thirty-nine volumes, 8vo, for two hundred and eighty livres. The new one will be superior in far the greater number of articles; but not in all. And the possession of the ancient one has, moreover, the advantage of supplying present use. I have bought one for myself, but wait your orders as to you. I remember your purchase of a watch in Philadelphia. If it should not have proved good, you can probably sell it. In that case, I can get for you, here, one made as perfect as human art can make it, for about twenty-four louis. I have had such a one made by the best and most faithful hand in Paris. It has a second hand, but no repeating, no day of the month, nor other useless thing to impede and injure the movements which are necessary. For twelve louis more, you can have in the same cover, but on the back, and absolutely unconnected with the movements of the watch, a pedometer, which shall render you an exact account of the distances you walk. Your pleasure hereon shall be awaited.
Houdon has returned. He called on me, the other day, to remonstrate against the inscription proposed for General Washington's statue. He says it is too long to be put on the pedestal. I told him I was not at liberty to permit any alteration, but I would represent his objection to a friend, who could judge of its validity, and whether a change could be authorized. This has been the subject of conversations here, and various devices and inscriptions have been suggested. The one which has appeared best to me may be translated as follows: "Behold, Reader, the form of George Washington. For his worth, ask History; that will tell it, when this stone shall have yielded to the decays of time. His country erects this monument: Houdon makes it." This for one side. On the second, represent the evacuation of Boston, with the motto, "Hostibus primum fugatis." On the third, the capture of the Hessians, with "Hostibus iterum devictis." On the fourth, the surrender of York, with "Hostibus ultimum debellatis." This is seizing the three most brilliant actions of his military life. By giving out, here, a wish of receiving mottos for this statue, we might have thousands offered, from which still better might be chosen. The artist made the same objection, of length, to the inscription for the bust of the Marquis de La Fayette. An alteration of that might come in time still, if an alteration was wished. However, I am not certain that it is desirable in either case. The State of Georgia has given twenty thousand acres of land to the Count d'Estaing. This gift is considered here as very honorable to him, and it has gratified him much. I am persuaded, that a gift of lands by the State of Virginia to the Marquis de La Fayette would give a good opinion here of our character, and would reflect honor on the Marquis. Nor, am I sure that the day will not come when it might be an useful asylum to him. The time of life at which he visited America was too well adapted to receive good and lasting impressions to permit him ever to accommodate himself to the principles of monarchical government; and it will need all his own prudence, and that of his friends, to make this country a safe residence for him. How glorious, how comfortable in reflection, will it be, to have prepared a refuge for him in case of a reverse. In the meantime, he could settle it with tenants from the freest part of this country, Bretaigne. I have never suggested the smallest idea of this kind to him; because the execution of it should convey the first notice. If the State has not a right to give him lands with their own officers, they could buy up, at cheap prices, the shares of others. I am not certain, however, whether in the public or private opinion, a similar gift to Count Rochambeau could be dispensed with. If the State could give to both, it would be better; but, in any event, I think they should to the Marquis. Count Rochambeau, too, has really deserved more attention than he has received. Why not set up his bust, that of Gates, Greene, Franklin, in your new capitol? Apropos of the capitol. Do, my dear friend, exert yourself to get the plan, begun on, set aside, and that adopted, which was drawn here. It was taken from a model which has been the admiration of sixteen centuries; which has been the object of as many pilgrimages as the tomb of Mahomet; which will give unrivalled honor to our State, and furnish a model whereon to form the taste of our young men. It will cost much less, too, than the one begun; because it does not cover one-half of the area. Ask, if you please, a sight of my letter of January the 26th, to Messrs. Buchanan and Hay, which will spare me the repeating its substance here.
Everything is quiet in Europe. I recollect but one new invention in the arts, which is worth mentioning. It is a mixture of the arts of engraving and printing, rendering both cheaper. Write or draw anything on a plate of brass, with the ink of the inventor, and, in half an hour, he gives you engraved copies of it, so perfectly like the original, that they could not be suspected to be copies. His types for printing a whole page are all in one solid piece. An author, therefore, only prints a few copies of his work, from time to time, as they are called for. This saves the loss of printing more copies than may possibly be sold, and prevents an edition from being ever exhausted.
I am, with a lively esteem, dear Sir, your sincere friend and servant.
TO MONSIEUR HILLIARD D'AUBERTEUIL.
PARIS, February 20, 1786.
SIR,--I have been honored with your letter, and the books which accompanied it, for which I return you my hearty thanks. America cannot but be flattered with the choice of the subject, on which you are at present employing your pen. The memory of the American Revolution will be immortal, and will immortalize those who record it. The reward is encouraging, and will justify all those pains, which a rigorous investigation of facts will render necessary. Many important facts, which preceded the commencement of hostilities, took place in England. These may mostly be obtained from good publications in that country. Some took place in this country. They will be probably hidden from the present age. But America is the field where the greatest mass of important events were transacted, and where alone they can now be collected. I, therefore, much applaud your idea of going to that country, for the verification of the facts you mean to record. Every man there can tell you more than any man here, who has not been there; and the very ground itself will give you new insight into some of the most interesting transactions. If I can be of service to you, in promoting your object there, I offer myself freely to your use. I shall be flattered by the honor of your visit here, at any time. I am seldom from home before noon; but if any later hour should suit you better, I will take care to be at home, at any hour and day you will be pleased to indicate.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO DR. BANCROFT.
PARIS, February 26, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I wrote you on the 21st instant, on the subject of Mr. Paradise, which I hope you have received.
By the death of Mr. Williams, a copy of my Notes on Virginia got into the hands of a bookseller, who was about publishing a very abominable translation of them, when the Abbé Morellet heard of it, and diverted him from it by undertaking to translate it for him. They will thus appear in French in spite of my precautions. The Abbé engaged me to make a map, which I wish to have engraved in London. It is on a single sheet, twenty-three inches square, and very closely written. It comprehends from Albemarle Sound to Lake Erie, and from Philadelphia to the mouth of the great Kanawha, containing Virginia and Pennsylvania, a great part of Maryland, and a part of North Carolina. It is taken from Suell, Hutchins, and Fry and Jefferson. I wish the favor of you to make two propositions for me, and to inform me of the result. 1. To know from one of the best engravers how much he will ask for the plate and engraving, and in how short a time after he received the original can he furnish the plate, done in the best manner; for the time is material, as the work is in the press. 2. To know of Faden, or any other map merchant, for how much he will undertake to furnish me 1,800 copies, on my sending the map to him, and in what time can he furnish them. On this alternative, I am to have nothing to do with the engraver, or any person but the undertaker. I am of opinion, he may furnish them to me for nothing, and fully indemnify himself by the sale of the maps. Though it is on a scale of only an inch to twenty miles, it is as particular as the four-sheet maps from which it is taken, and I answer for the exactness of the reduction. I have supplied some new places, though the first object which induced me to undertake it was to make a map for my book. I soon extended my view to the making as good a map of those counties as my materials would admit; and I have no doubt but that in the States of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, 600 copies can be sold for a dollar apiece. I shall finish it in about a fortnight, except the divisions in the counties of Virginia, which I cannot do at all till I can get Henry's map of Virginia. This I must trouble you to procure for me, and send immediately by the diligence; and also give me information on the premises as soon as possible. You will perceive that time will press. I hope the circumstances of this affair will plead my pardon for the trouble I am giving you. The expense of procuring and sending the map shall be replaced, and an infinitude of thanks attend you. Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
* * * * *
P. S. I do not propose that my name shall appear on the map, because it will belong to its original authors, and because I do not wish to place myself at the bar of the public.
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
PARIS, February 28, 1786.
SIR,--Circumstances of public duty calling me suddenly to London, I take the liberty of mentioning it to your Excellency, and of asking a few minutes' audience of you, at as early a day and hour as will be convenient to you, and that you will be so good as to indicate them to me. I would wish to leave Paris about Friday or Saturday, and suppose that my stay in London will be of about three weeks. I shall be happy to be the bearer of any commands your Excellency may have for that place, and will faithfully execute them. I cannot omit mentioning, how pleasing it would be to me to be enabled, before my departure, to convey to the American prisoners at St. Pol de Leon such mitigation of their fate as may be thought admissible.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect and esteem, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE HONORABLE J. JAY.
PARIS, March 5, 1786.
SIR,--The several commissions to which Congress were pleased to appoint Colonel Humphreys Secretary of Legation, being shortly to expire, and a French packet offering him a convenient passage in the month of April, he proposes to avail himself of that occasion of returning to his own country, and of then presenting his respects and thanks to Congress, as a member of the several commissions with which his office was connected. I think it my duty to bear testimony to his ready, able, and faithful discharge of all its duties; and I beg leave, through you, to present this testimony to Congress, and to assure them that his talents and disposition are such as they may repose themselves on with security, should they think to avail our country of them on any future occasion. I have the honor to be, with the highest respect and esteem, Sir, yours, &c.
TO JOHN JAY.
LONDON, March 12, 1786.
SIR,--The date of a letter from London will doubtless be as unexpected to you as it was unforeseen by myself a few days ago. On the 27th of last month, Colonel Smith arrived in Paris with a letter from Mr. Adams, informing me that there was at this place a minister from Tripoli, having general powers to enter into treaties on behalf of his State, and with whom it was possible we might do something under our commission to that power; and that he gave reason to believe he could also make arrangements with us for Tunis. He further added that the minister of Portugal here had received ultimate instructions from his court, and that probably that treaty might be concluded in the space of three weeks were we all on the spot together. He, therefore, pressed me to come over immediately. The first of these objects had some weight on my mind, because, as we had sent no person to Tripoli or Tunis, I thought if we could meet a minister from them on this ground, our arrangements would be settled much sooner, and at less expense. But what principally decided me was the desire of bringing matters to a conclusion with Portugal before the term of our commissions should expire, or any new turn in the negotiations of France and England should abate their willingness to fix a connection with us. A third motive had also its weight. I hoped that my attendance here, and the necessity of shortening it, might be made use of to force a decisive answer from this court. I therefore concluded to comply with Mr. Adams's request. I went immediately to Versailles, and apprised the Count de Vergennes that circumstances of public duty called me hither for three or four weeks, arranged with him some matters, and set out with Colonel Smith for this place, where we arrived last night, which was as early as the excessive rigor of the weather admitted. I saw Mr. Adams immediately, and again to day. He informs me that the minister of Portugal was taken ill five or six days ago, has been very much so, but is now somewhat better. It would be very mortifying, indeed, should this accident, with the shortness of the term to which I limit my stay here, defeat what was the principal object of my journey, and that, without which, I should hardly have undertaken it. With respect to this country, I had no doubt but that every consideration had been urged by Mr. Adams which was proper to be urged. Nothing remains undone in this way. But we shall avail ourselves of my journey here, as if made on purpose, just before the expiration of our commission, to form our report to Congress on the execution of that commission, which report they may be given to know, cannot be formed without decisive information of the ultimate determination of their court. There is no doubt what that determination will be; but it will be useful to have it; as it may put an end to all further expectations on our side the water, and show that the time is come for doing whatever is to be done by us for counteracting the unjust and greedy designs of this country. We shall have the honor, before I leave this place, to inform you of the result of the several matters which have brought me to it.
A day or two before my departure from Paris, I received your letter of January --. The question therein proposed, "How far France considers herself as bound to insist on the delivery of the posts," would infallibly produce another, How far we consider ourselves as guarantees of their American possessions, and bound to enter into any future war in which these may be attacked? The words of the treaty of alliance seem to be without ambiguity on either head, yet I should be afraid to commit Congress by answering without authority. I will endeavor, on my return, to sound the opinion of the minister, if possible without exposing myself to the other question. Should anything forcible be meditated on these posts, it would possibly be thought prudent, previously, to ask the good offices of France to obtain their delivery. In this case, they would probably say, we must first execute the treaty on our part by repealing all acts which have contravened it. Now this measure, if there be any candor in the court of London, would suffice to obtain a delivery of the posts from them without the mediation of any third power. However, if this mediation should be finally needed, I see no reason to doubt our obtaining it, and still less to question its omnipotent influence on the British court.
I have the honor to be, with the highest respect and esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.
LONDON, April 22, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--In your letter of October the 29th, you desired me to send you one of the new lamps. I tried at every probable place in Paris, and could not get a tolerable one. I have been glad of it since I came here, as I find them much better made here. I now deliver one, with this letter, into the hands of Mr. Fulwar Skipwith, a merchant from Virginia, settled here, who promises to send it to you, with one for Mr. C. Thomson. Be pleased to accept, this from me. It is now found that they may be used with almost any oil.
I expect to leave this place in about three days. Our public letters, joint and separate, will inform you what has been done, and what could not be done here. With respect to a commercial treaty with this country, be assured that this government not only has it not in contemplation at present to make any, but that they do not conceive that any circumstances will arise which shall render it expedient for them to have any political connection with us. They think we shall be glad of their commerce on their own terms. There is no party in our favor here, either in power or out of power. Even the opposition concur with the ministry and the nation in this. I can scarcely consider as a party the Marquis of Lansdowne, and a half dozen characters about him, such as Dr. Price, &c., who are impressed with the utility of a friendly connection with us. The former does not venture this sentiment in parliament, and the latter are not in situations to be heard. The Marquis of Lansdowne spoke to me affectionately of your brother, Doctor Lee, and desired his respects to him, which I beg leave to communicate through you. Were he to come into the ministry (of which there is not the most distant prospect), he must adopt the King's system, or go out again, as he did before, for daring to depart from it. When we see, that through all the changes of ministry which have taken place during the present reign, there has never been a change of system with respect to America, we cannot reasonably doubt, that this is the system of the King himself. His obstinacy of character we know; his hostility we have known, and it is embittered by ill success. If ever this nation, during his life, enter into arrangements with us, it must be in consequence of events of which they do not at present see a possibility. The object of the present ministry is to buoy up the nation with flattering calculations of their present prosperity, and to make them believe they are better without us than with us. This they seriously believe; for what is it men cannot be made to believe! I dined the other day in a company of the ministerial party. A General Clark, a Scotchman and ministerialist, sat next to me. He introduced the subject of American affairs, and in the course of the conversation told me that were America to petition Parliament to be again received on their former footing, the petition would be very generally rejected. He was serious in this, and I think it was the sentiment of the company, and is the sentiment perhaps of the nation. In this they are wise, but for a foolish reason. They think they lost more by suffering us to participate of their commercial privileges, at home and abroad, than they lose by our political severance. The true reason, however, why such an application should be rejected is, that in a very short time, we should oblige them to add another hundred millions to their debt in unsuccessful attempts to retain the subjection offered to them. They are at present in a frenzy, and will not be recovered from it till they shall have leaped the precipice they are now so boldly advancing to. Writing from England, I write you nothing but English news. The continent at present furnishes nothing interesting. I shall hope the favor of your letters at times. The proceedings and views of Congress, and of the Assemblies, the opinions and dispositions of our people in general, which, in governments like ours, must be the foundation of measures, will always be interesting to me; as will whatever respects your own health and happiness, being with great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO CHARLES THOMSON.
LONDON, April 22, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--In one of your former letters, you expressed a wish to have one of the newly-invented lamps. I find them made here much better than at Paris, and take the liberty of asking your acceptance of one, which will accompany this letter. It is now found that any tolerable oil may be used in them. The spermaceti oil is best, of the cheap kinds.
I could write you volumes on the improvements which I find made, and making here, in the arts. One deserves particular notice, because it is simple, great, and likely to have extensive consequences. It is the application of steam, as an agent for working grist mills. I have visited the one lately made here. It was, at that time, turning eight pair of stones. It consumes one hundred bushels of coal a day. It is proposed to put up thirty pair of stones. I do not know whether the quantity of fuel, is to be increased. I hear you are applying the same agent in America, to navigate boats, and I have little doubt, but that it will be applied generally to machines, so as to supersede the use of water ponds, and of course to lay open all the streams for navigation. We know that steam is one of the most powerful engines we can employ; and in America, fuel is abundant. I find no new publication here worth sending to you. I shall set out for Paris within three or four days. Our public letters will inform you of our proceedings here.
I am, with sincere esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
LONDON, April 23, 1786.
SIR,--In my letter of March the 12th, I had the honor of explaining to you the motives which had brought me to this place. A joint letter from Mr. Adams and myself, sent by the last packet, informed you of the result of our conferences with the Tripoline minister. The conferences with the minister of Portugal have been drawn to a greater length than I expected. However, everything is now agreed, and the treaty will be ready for signature the day after to-morrow. I shall set out for Paris the same day. With this country nothing is done; and that nothing is intended to be done, on their part, admits not the smallest doubt. The nation is against any change of measures; the ministers are against it; some from principle, others from subserviency; and the King, more than all men, is against it. If we take a retrospect to the beginning of the present reign, we observe that amidst all the changes of ministry, no change of measures with respect to America ever took place; excepting only at the moment of the peace; and the minister of that moment was immediately removed. Judging of the future by the past, I do not expect a change of disposition during the present reign, which bids fair to be a long one, as the King is healthy and temperate. That he is persevering, we know. If he ever changes his plan, it will be in consequence of events, which, at present, neither himself nor his ministers place among those which are probable. Even the opposition dare not open their lips in favor of a connection with us, so unpopular would be the topic. It is not that they think our commerce unimportant to them. I find that the merchants here set sufficient value on it. But they are sure of keeping it on their own terms. No better proof can be shown of the security in which the ministers think themselves on this head, than that they have not thought it worth while to give us a conference on the subject, though, on my arrival, we exhibited to them our commission, observed to them that it would expire on the 12th of the next month, and that I had come over on purpose to see if any arrangements could be made before that time. Of two months which then remained, six weeks have elapsed without one scrip of a pen, or one word from a minister, except a vague proposition at an accidental meeting. We availed ourselves even of that, to make another essay to extort some sort of declaration from the court. But their silence is invincible. But of all this, as well as of the proceedings in the negotiation with Portugal, information will be given you by a joint letter from Mr. Adams and myself. The moment is certainly arrived, when the plan of this court being out of all doubt, Congress and the States may decide what their own measures should be.
The Marquis of Lansdowne spoke of you in very friendly terms, and desired me to present his respects to you, in the first letter I should write. He is thoroughly sensible of the folly of the present measures of this country, as are a few other characters about him. Dr. Price is among these, and is particularly disturbed at the present prospect. He acknowledges, however, that all change is desperate; which weighs more, as he is intimate with Mr. Pitt. This small band of friends, favorable as it is, does not pretend to say one word in public on our subject.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
LONDON, April 23, 1786.
SIR,--In another letter of this day, I stated to you what had passed with public characters, since my arrival here. Conversations with private individuals, I thought it best not to mingle with the contents of that letter. Yet, as some have taken place which relate to matters within our instructions, and with persons whose opinions deserve to have some weight, I will take the liberty of stating them. In a conversation with an ancient and respectable merchant of this place, such a view of the true state of the commercial connections of America and Great Britain, was presented to him, as induced him to acknowledge they had been mistaken in their opinions, and to ask that Mr. Adams and myself would permit the chairman of the committee of American merchants to call on us. He observed that the same person happened to be also chairman of the committee of the whole body of British merchants; and that such was the respect paid to his person and office, that we might consider what came from him, as coming from the committees themselves. He called on us at an appointed hour. He was a Mr. Duncan Campbell, formerly much concerned in the American trade. We entered on the subject of the non-execution of the late treaty of peace, alleged on both sides. We observed that the refusal to deliver the western posts, and the withdrawing American property contrary to express stipulation, having preceded what they considered as breaches on our part, were to be considered as the causes of our proceedings. The obstructions thrown by our legislatures in the way of the recovery of their debts, were insisted on by him. We observed to him, that the great amount of the debt from America to Great Britain, and the little circulating coin in the former country, rendered an immediate payment impossible; that time was necessary; that we had been authorized to enter into explanatory arrangements on this subject; that we had made overtures for the purpose, which had not been attended to, and that the States had, therefore, been obliged to modify the article for themselves. He acknowledged the impossibility of immediate payment, the propriety of an explanatory convention, and said that they were disposed to allow a reasonable time. We mentioned the term of five years, including the present; but that judgments might be allowed immediately, only dividing the execution into equal and annual parts, so that the last should be levied by the close of the year 1790. This seemed to be quite agreeable to him, and to be as short a term as would be insisted on by them. Proceeding to the sum to be demanded, we agreed that the principal, with the interest incurring before and after the war, should be paid; but, as to that incurring during the war, we differed from him. He urged its justice with respect to themselves, who had laid out of the use of their money during that period. This was his only topic. We opposed to it all those which circumstances, both public and private, gave rise to. He appeared to feel their weight, but said the renunciation of this interest was a bitter pill, and such a one as the merchants here could not swallow. He wished that no declaration should be made as to this article; but we observed that if we entered into explanatory declarations of the points unfavorable to us, we should expect, as a consideration for this, corresponding declarations on the parts in our favor. In fact, we supposed his view was to leave this part of the interest to stand on the general expressions of the treaty, that they might avail themselves, in individual cases, of the favorable dispositions of debtors or juries. We proceeded to the necessity of arrangements of our future commerce, were it only as a means of enabling our country to pay its debts. We suggested that they had been contracted, while certain modes of remittance had existed here, which had been an inducement to us to contract these debts. He said he was not authorized to speak on the subject of the future commerce. He appeared really and feelingly anxious that arrangements should be stipulated as to the payment of the old debts; said he would proceed in that moment to Lord Caermarthen's, and discuss the subject with him, and that we might expect to hear from him. He took leave, and we have never since heard from him or any other person on the subject. Congress will judge how far these conversations should influence their future proceedings, or those of the States.
I have the honor to be, with the highest respect and esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
PARIS, May 3, 1786.
SIR,--After begging leave to present my respects to your Excellency, on my return to this place, I take the liberty of offering to your attention some papers, which I found on my arrival here, written by sundry merchants of L'Orient, and others, some of whom are citizens of the United States, and all of them concerned in the trade between the two countries. This has been carried on, by an exchange of the manufactures and produce of this country, for the produce of that, and principally for tobacco, which, though, on its arrival here, confined to a single purchaser, has been received equally from all sellers. In confidence of a continuance of this practice, the merchants of both countries were carrying on their commerce of exchange. A late contract by the Farm has, in a great measure, fixed in a single mercantile house, the supplies of tobacco wanted for this country. This arrangement found the established merchants with some tobacco on hand, some on the seas coming to them, and more still due. By the papers now enclosed, it seems that there are six thousand four hundred and eight hogsheads, in the single port of L'Orient. Whether government may interfere, as to articles furnished by the merchants after they had notice of the contract before mentioned, must depend on principles of policy. But those of justice seem to urge, that, for commodities furnished before such notice, they should be so far protected, as that they may wind up without loss, the transactions in which the new arrangement found them actually engaged. Your Excellency is the best judge, how far it may be consistent with the rules of government, to interfere for their relief; and with you, therefore, I beg leave entirely to rest their interests.
Information lately received, relative to the Barbary States, has suggested, that it might be expedient, and perhaps necessary for us, to pave the way to arrangements with them, by a previous application to the Ottoman Porte. Your Excellency's intimate acquaintance with this subject would render your advice to us equally valuable and desirable. If you would be pleased to permit me to wait on you, any day or hour which shall be most convenient to yourself, I should be much gratified by a little conversation with you on this subject.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN PAGE.
PARIS, May 4, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--Your two favors of March the 15th and August the 23d, 1785, by Monsieur de la Croix, came to hand on the 15th of November. His return gives me an opportunity of sending you a copy of the nautical almanacs for 1786, '7, '8, '9. There is no late and interesting publication here, or I would send it by the same conveyance. With these almanacs, I pack a copy of some Notes I wrote for Monsieur de Marbois, in the year 1781, of which I had a few printed here. They were written in haste, and for his private inspection. A few friends having asked copies, I found it cheaper to print than to write them. They will offer nothing new to you, not even as an oblation of my friendship for you, which is as old almost as we are ourselves. Mazzei brought me your favor of April the 28th. I thank you much for your communications. Nothing can be more grateful at such a distance. It is unfortunate that most people think the occurrences passing daily under their eyes, are either known to all the world, or not worth being known. They therefore do not give them place in their letters. I hope you will be so good as to continue your friendly information. The proceedings of our public bodies, the progress of the public mind on interesting questions, the casualties which happen among our private friends, and whatever is interesting to yourself and family, will always be anxiously received by me. There is one circumstance in the work you were concerned in, which has not yet come to my knowledge; to wit, how far westward from Fort Pitt does the western boundary of Pennsylvania pass, and where does it strike the Ohio? The proposition you mention from Mr. Anderson, on the purchase of tobacco, I would have made use of, but that I have engaged the abuses of the tobacco trade on a more general scale. I confess their redress is by no means certain; but, till I see all hope of removing the evil by the roots desperate, I cannot propose to prune its branches.
I returned but three or four days ago from a two months' trip to England. I traversed that country much, and own both town and country fell short of my expectations. Comparing it with this, I found a much greater proportion of barrens, a soil, in other parts, not naturally so good as this, not better cultivated, but better manured, and, therefore, more productive. This proceeds from the practice of long leases there, and short ones here. The laboring people here are poorer than in England. They pay about one half their produce in rent; the English, in general, about a third. The gardening, in that country, is the article in which it surpasses all the earth. I mean their pleasure gardening. This, indeed, went far beyond my ideas. The city of London, though handsomer than Paris, is not so handsome as Philadelphia. Their architecture is in the most wretched style I ever saw, not meaning to except America, where it is bad, nor even Virginia, where it is worse than in any other part of America which I have seen. The mechanical arts in London are carried to a wonderful perfection. But of these I need not speak, because of them my countrymen have unfortunately too many samples before their eyes. I consider the extravagance, which has seized them, as a more baneful evil than toryism was during the war. It is the more so, as the example is set by the best and most amiable characters among us. Would a missionary appear, who would make frugality the basis of his religious system, and go through the land, preaching it up as the only road to salvation, I would join his school, though not generally disposed to seek my religion out of the dictates of my own reason, and feelings of my own heart. These things have been more deeply impressed on my mind, by what I have heard and seen in England. That nation hate us, their ministers hate us, and their King, more than all other men. They have the impudence to avow this, though they acknowledge our trade important to them. But they think, we cannot prevent our countrymen from bringing that into their laps. A conviction of this determines them to make no terms of commerce with us. They say, they will pocket our carrying trade as well as their own. Our overtures of commercial arrangements have been treated with a derision, which shows their firm persuasion, that we shall never unite to suppress their commerce, or even to impede it. I think their hostility towards us is much more deeply rooted at present, than during the war. In the arts, the most striking thing I saw there, new, was the application of the principle of the steam-engine to grist mills. I saw eight pair of stones which are worked by steam, and there are to be set up thirty pair in the same house. A hundred bushels of coal a day, are consumed at present. I do not know in what proportion the consumption will be increased by the additional gear.
Be so good as to present my respects to Mrs. Page and your family, to W. Lewis, F. Willis, and their families, and to accept yourself assurances of the sincere regard with which I am, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.
TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.
PARIS, May 5, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--A visit of two months to England has been the cause of your not hearing from me during that period. Your letters of February 3d, to Mr. Adams and myself, and of February 4th, to me, had come to hand before my departure. While I was in London, Mr. Adams received the letters giving information of Mr. Lambe's arrival in Algiers. In London, we had conferences with a Tripoline ambassador, now at that court, named Abdrahaman. He asked us thirty thousand guineas for a peace with his court, and as much for Tunis, for which he said he could answer. What we were authorized to offer, being to this but as a drop to a bucket, our conferences were repeated, only for the purpose of obtaining information. If the demands of Algiers and Morocco should be in proportion to this, according to their superior power, it is easy to foresee that the United States will not buy a peace with money. What principally led me to England was, the information that the Chevalier del Pinto, Portuguese minister at that court, had received full powers to treat with us. I accordingly went there, and, in the course of six weeks, we arranged a commercial treaty between our two countries. His powers were only to negotiate, not to sign. And as I could not wait, Mr. Adams and myself signed, and the Chevalier del Pinto expected daily the arrival of powers to do the same. The footing on which each has placed the other, is that of the most favored nation. We wished much to have had some privileges in their American possessions; but this was not to be effected. The right to import flour into Portugal, though not conceded by the treaty, we are not without hopes of obtaining.
My journey furnished us occasion to renew our overtures to the court of London; which it was the more important to do, as our powers to that court were to expire on the 12th of this month. These overtures were not attended to, and our commission expiring, we made our final report to Congress; and I suppose this the last offer of friendship which will ever be made on our part. The treaty of peace being unexecuted on either part, in important points, each will now take their own measures for obtaining execution. I think the King, ministers, and nation are more bitterly hostile to us at present, than at any period of the late war. A like disposition on our part has been rising for some time. In what events these things will end, we cannot foresee. Our countrymen are eager in their passions and enterprises, and not disposed to calculate their interests against these. Our enemies (for such they are, in fact) have for twelve years past followed but one uniform rule, that of doing exactly the contrary of what reason points out. Having, early during our contest, observed this in the British conduct, I governed myself by it in all prognostications of their measures; and I can say, with truth, it never failed me but in the circumstance of their making peace with us. I have no letters from America of later date than the new year. Mr. Adams had, to the beginning of February. I am in hopes our letters will give a new spur to the proposition, for investing Congress with the regulation of our commerce.
This will be handed you by a Baron Waltersdorf, a Danish gentleman, whom, if you did not already know, I should take the liberty of recommending to you. You were so kind as to write me that you would forward me a particular map, which has not come to hand. I beg you to be assured of the respect and esteem with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. DUMAS.
PARIS, May 6, 1786.
SIR,--Having been absent in England, for some time past, your favors of February the 27th, March the 28th, and April the 11th, have not been acknowledged as soon as they should have been. I am obliged to you, for assisting to make me known to the Rhingrave de Salm and the Marquis de la Coste, whose reputations render an acquaintance with them desirable. I have not yet seen either, but expect that honor from the Rhingrave very soon. Your letters to Mr. Jay and Mr. Van Berkel, received in my absence, will be forwarded by a gentleman who leaves this place for New York, within a few days. I sent the treaty with Prussia, by a gentleman who sailed from Havre, the 11th of November. The arrival of that vessel in America is not yet known here. Though the time is not long enough to produce despair, it is sufficiently so to give inquietude lest it should be lost. This would be a cause of much concern to me; I beg the favor of you to mention this circumstance to the Baron de Thulemeyer, as an apology for his not hearing from us. The last advices from America bring us nothing interesting. A principal object of my journey to London was to enter into commercial arrangements with Portugal. This has been done almost in the precise terms of those of Prussia. The English are still our enemies. The spirit existing there, and rising in America, has a very lowering aspect. To what events it may give birth, I cannot foresee. We are young and can survive them; but their rotten machine must crush under the trial. The animosities of sovereigns are temporary, and may be allayed; but those which seize the whole body of a people, and of a people, too, who dictate their own measures, produce calamities of long duration. I shall not wonder to see the scenes of ancient Rome and Carthage renewed in our day; and if not pursued to the same issue, it may be because the republic of modern powers will not permit the extinction of any one of its members. Peace and friendship with all mankind is our wisest policy; and I wish we may be permitted to pursue it. But the temper and folly of our enemies may not leave this in our choice. I am happy in our prospect of friendship with the most estimable powers of Europe, and particularly with those of the confederacy, of which yours is. That your present crisis may have a happy issue, is the prayer and wish of him who has the honor to be, with great respect and esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO WILLIAM DRAYTON.
PARIS, May 6, 1786.
SIR,--Your favor of November the 23d came duly to hand. A call to England, soon after its receipt, has prevented my acknowledging it so soon as I should have done. I am very sensible of the honor done me by the South Carolina society for promoting and improving agriculture and other rural concerns, when they were pleased to elect me to be of their body; and I beg leave, through you, Sir, to convey to them my grateful thanks for this favor. They will find in me, indeed, but a very unprofitable servant. At present, particularly, my situation is unfavorable to the desire I feel, of promoting their views. However, I shall certainly avail myself of every occasion which shall occur, of doing so. Perhaps I may render some service, by forwarding to the society such new objects of culture, as may be likely to succeed in the soil and climate of South Carolina. In an infant country, as ours is, these experiments are important. We are probably far from possessing, as yet, all the articles of culture for which nature has fitted our country. To find out these, will require abundance of unsuccessful experiments. But if, in a multitude of these, we make one useful acquisition, it repays our trouble. Perhaps it is the peculiar duty of associated bodies, to undertake these experiments. Under this sense of the views of the society, and with so little opportunity of being otherwise useful to them, I shall be attentive to procure for them the seeds of such plants, as they will be so good as to point out to me, or as shall occur to myself as worthy their notice. I send at present, by Mr. McQueen, some seeds of a grass, found very useful in the southern parts of Europe, and particularly, and almost solely cultivated in Malta. It is called by the names of Sulla, and Spanish St. Foin, and is the Hedysarum coronarium of Linnæus. It is usually sown early in autumn. I shall receive a supply of fresher seed, this fall, which I will also do myself the honor of forwarding to you. I expect, in the same season, from the south of France, some acorns of the cork oak, which I propose for your society, as I am persuaded they will succeed with you. I observed it to grow in England, without shelter; not well, indeed, but so as to give hopes that it would do well with you. I shall consider myself as always honored by the commands of the society, whenever they shall find it convenient to make use of me, and beg you to be assured, personally, of the sentiments of respect and esteem with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO W. T. FRANKLIN.
PARIS, May 7, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--On my return from a two months' visit to England, I found here your favor of January the 18th. This contains the latest intelligence I have from America. Your effects not being then arrived gives me anxiety for them, as I think they went in a vessel which sailed from Havre the 11th of November. In this vessel, went also the two Mr. Fitzhughs of Virginia, with the Prussian treaty, our papers relative to the Barbary States, with the despatches for Congress, and letters which I had been writing to other persons in America for six weeks preceding their departure. I am obliged to you for the information as to Dr. Franklin's health, in which I feel a great interest. I concur in opinion with you, that in the present factious division of your State, an angel from heaven could do no good. I have been sorry, therefore, from the beginning, to see such time as Dr. Franklin's wasted on so hopeless a business. You have formed a just opinion of Monroe. He is a man whose soul might be turned wrong side outwards, without discovering a blemish to the world. I wish with all my heart, Congress may call you into the diplomatic line, as that seems to have attracted your own desires. It is not one in which you can do anything more than pass the present hour agreeably, without any prospect to future provision. Perhaps, the arrangements with Portugal, by adding to the number of those appointments, may give Congress an opportunity of doing justice to your own, and to Dr. Franklin's services. If my wishes could aid you, you have them sincerely. My late return to this place scarcely enables me to give you any of its news. I have not yet called on M. La Veillard, or seen any of your acquaintances. The marriage of the ambassador of Sweden with Miss Neckar, you have heard of. Houdon is about taking a wife also. His bust of the General has arrived, and meets the approbation of those who know the original. Europe enjoys a perfect calm, at present. Perhaps it may be disturbed by the death of the King of Prussia, which is constantly expected. As yet, we have no information from the Barbary States, which may enable us to prognosticate the success of our endeavors to effect a peace in that quarter. Present me respectfully and affectionately to Dr. Franklin, and accept assurances of the esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.
PARIS, May 7, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--My last to you, was of the 11th of October. Soon after that, your favor of the 12th September came to hand. My acknowledgment of this is made later than it should have been, by my trip to England. Your long silence I ascribe to a more pleasing cause, that of devoting your spare time to one more capable of filling it with happiness, and to whom, as well as to yourself, I wish all those precious blessings which this change of condition is calculated to give you.
My public letters to Mr. Jay will have apprised you of my journey to England, and of its motives; and the joint letters of Mr. Adams and myself, of its effects. With respect to Portugal, it produced arrangements; with respect to England and Barbary, only information. I am quite at a loss what you will do with England. To leave her in possession of our posts, seems inadmissible; and yet to take them, brings on a state of things for which we seem not to be in readiness. Perhaps a total suppression of her trade, or an exclusion of her vessels from the carriage of our produce, may have some effect; but I believe not very great. Their passions are too deeply and too universally engaged in opposition to us. The ministry have found means to persuade the nation, that they are richer than they were while we participated of their commercial privileges. We should try to turn our trade into other channels. I am in hopes this country will endeavor to give it more encouragement. But what will you do with the piratical States? Buy a peace at their enormous price; force one; or abandon the carriage into the Mediterranean to other powers? All these measures are disagreeable. The decision rests with you. The Emperor is now pressing a treaty with us. In a commercial view, I doubt whether it is desirable; but in a political one, I believe it is. He is now undoubtedly the second power in Europe, and on the death of the King of Prussia, he becomes the first character. An alliance with him will give us respectability in Europe, which we have occasion for. Besides, he will be at the head of the second grand confederacy of Europe, and may, at any time, serve us with the powers constituting that. I am pressed on so many hands to recommend Dumas to the patronage of Congress, that I cannot avoid it. Everybody speaks well of him, and his zeal in our cause. Anything done for him will gratify this court, and the patriotic party in Holland, as well as some distinguished individuals. I am induced, from my own feelings, to recommend Colonel Humphreys to your care. He is sensible, prudent, and honest, and may be very firmly relied on, in any office which requires these talents. I pray you to accept assurances of the sincere esteem and respect with which I am, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. OTTO.
PARIS, May 7, 1786.
SIR,--My absence in England, for some time past, has prevented my acknowledging so soon as I should have done, the receipt of your favor of January 15. In that you speak of having written other letters, but no other has ever come to my hands. I thank you for the intelligence that contained, several articles of which never came to me through any other channel. On this side of the water everything is quiet. But the death of the King of Prussia is daily expected, and I think it very possible this event may bring on a disturbance of the peace of Europe, as the elastic spirit of the Emperor will feel itself restrained by one pressure the less. This possibility excepted, Europe never had a more pacific appearance. Among the Dutch, the republican party seems to be quite triumphant. The misunderstanding between Spain and Naples cannot produce any immediate consequences; and that between France and Portugal, we are told, is amicably settled. It is said that the Elector of Bavaria is in an ill state of health. His death, with that of the King of Prussia, would hazard the tranquillity of Europe. I have not heard from the Chevalier de La Luzerne since my return. Count Adhemer is again in England. A change in the ministry here is more talked of and expected than at any time since my coming to this place. It is said the Baron de Breteuil will go out; that M. de Calonnes will be transferred to this place, and a Monsieur Maillan succeed him. But the public know too little and talk too much of these things to command our belief. The marriage of the Swedish ambassador with the daughter of Mr. Neckar, you have known long ago. The Cardinal de Rohan and Cagliotho remain where they did, in the Bastile; nor does their affairs seem as yet to draw towards a conclusion. It has been a curious matter, in which the circumstances of intrigue and detail have busied all the tongues, the public liberty none. I have been laboring with the ministry to get the trade between this country and the United States put on a better footing, by admitting a free importation and sale of our produce, assuring them that we should take their manufactures at whatever extent they would enable us to pay for them. The importation of our whale oil is, by the successful endeavors of M. de La Fayette, put on a good footing for this year. Mine, for emancipating the tobacco trade, have been less successful. I still continue to stir, however, this and all other articles. I think myself happy in the prospect of a correspondence with you, and am with sincere respect and esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS.
PARIS, May 7, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--My stay in London having been considerably longer than I had expected, I did not arrive in this place till the last day of April. I found here your kind letter of the 4th of that month, acknowledging, much more than they deserved, my little attentions to you. Their only merit was their being faithful testimonies of a sincere regard for you. The obligations have, in fact, been on my side, and I shall ever consider it as such. I sincerely wish that on your arrival in America, your own preference may be gratified by an appointment on that side of the water, to which your inclinations lead you. I have received the books and papers you mention, and will undertake to have finished what you left undone of the medals, or at least will proceed in it, till the matter shall be put into better hands. My principal object in my journey to London was accomplished by arrangements with Portugal. They are almost exactly in the terms of those with Prussia; except that the general license to trade is restrained to those places where any foreign nation is admitted. The Tripoline offered peace for 30,000 guineas for Tripoli, and as many for Tunis. Calculating on this scale, Morocco should ask 60,000, and Algiers 120,000. England declines all arrangements with us. They say their commerce is so necessary to us, that we shall not deny it to ourselves for the sake of the carrying business, as the only trade they leave us is that with Great Britain immediately, and that is a losing one. I hope we shall show them we have sense and spirit enough to suppress that, or at least to exclude them from any share in the carriage of our commodities. Their spirit towards us is deeply hostile, and they seem as if they did not fear a war with us. Should such an event become necessary, we have need of but only one resolution to place us on sure ground. That is, to abandon that element where they are strong and we nothing; and to decide the contest on terra firma, where we have all to gain, and can lose nothing. The death of the King of Prussia is constantly expected. Perhaps that event may bring on a general broil. I am too lately returned here to be able to give you any of the news of the place. I shall hope to hear from you soon and often, and am, with sincere esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO JAMES ROSS.
PARIS, May 8, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I have duly received your favor of October the 22d, and am much gratified by the communications therein made. It has given me details, which do not enter into the views of my ordinary correspondents, and which are very entertaining. I experience great satisfaction at seeing my country proceed to facilitate the intercommunications of its several parts, by opening rivers, canals and roads. How much more rational is this disposal of public money, than that of waging war.
Before the receipt of your letter, Morris's contract for sixty thousand hogsheads of tobacco was concluded with the Farmers General. I have been for some time occupied in endeavoring to destroy the root of the evils, which the tobacco trade encounters in this country, by making the ministers sensible, that merchants will not bring a commodity to a market, where but one person is allowed to buy it; and that so long as that single purchaser is obliged to go to foreign markets for it, he must pay for it in coin, and not in commodities. These truths have made their way to the minds of the ministry, insomuch, as to have delayed the execution of the new lease of the Farms, six months. It is renewed, however, for three years, but so as not to render impossible a reformation of this great evil. They are sensible of the evil, but it is so interwoven with their fiscal system, that they find it hazardous to disentangle. The temporary distress, too, of the revenue, they are not prepared to meet. My hopes, therefore, are weak, though not quite desperate. When they become so, it will remain to look about for the best palliative this monopoly can bear. My present idea is, that it will be found in a prohibition to the Farmers General, to purchase tobacco anywhere but in France. You will perceive by this, that my object is to strengthen the connection between this country and my own, in all useful points. I am of opinion that twenty-three thousand hogsheads of tobacco, the annual consumption of this country, do not exceed the amount of those commodities which it is more advantageous to us to buy here than in England, or elsewhere; and such a commerce would powerfully reinforce the motives for a friendship from this country towards ours. This friendship we ought to cultivate closely, considering the present dispositions of England towards us.
I am lately returned from a visit to that country. The spirit of hostility to us has always existed in the mind of the King, but it has now extended itself through the whole mass of the people, and the majority in the public councils. In a country, where the voice of the people influence so much the measures of administration, and where it coincides with the private temper of the King, there is no pronouncing on future events. It is true they have nothing to gain, and much to lose by a war with us. But interest is not the strongest passion in the human breast. There are difficult points, too, still unsettled between us. They have not withdrawn their armies out of our country, nor given satisfaction for the property they brought off. On our part, we have not paid our debts, and it will take time to pay them. In conferences with some distinguished mercantile characters, I found them sensible of the impossibility of our paying these debts at once, and that an endeavor to force universal and immediate payment, would render debts desperate, which are good in themselves. I think we should not have differed in the term necessary. We differed essentially in the article of interest. For while the principal, and interest preceding and subsequent to the war, seem justly due from us, that which accrued during the war does not. Interest is a compensation for the use of money. Their money, in our hands, was in the form of lands and negroes. Tobacco, the produce of these lands and negroes (or as I may call it, the interest of them), being almost impossible of conveyance to the markets of consumption, because taken by themselves in its way there, sold during the war, at five or six shillings the hundred. This did not pay taxes, and for tools and other plantation charges. A man who should have attempted to remit to his creditor tobacco, for either principal or interest, must have remitted it three times before one cargo would have arrived safe; and this from the depredations of their own nation, and often of the creditor himself; for some of the merchants entered deeply into the privateering business. The individuals, who did not, say they have lost this interest; the debtor replies, that he has not gained it, and that it is a case, where a loss having been incurred, every one tries to shift it from himself. The known bias of the human mind from motives of interest should lessen the confidence of each party in the justice of their reasoning; but it is difficult to say, which of them should make the sacrifice, both of reason and interest. Our conferences were intended as preparatory to some arrangement. It is uncertain how far we should have been able to accommodate our opinions. But the absolute aversion of the government to enter into any arrangement prevented the object from being pursued. Each country is left to do justice to itself and to the other, according to its own ideas, as to what is past; and to scramble for the future, as well as they can; to regulate their commerce by duties and prohibitions, and perhaps by cannons and mortars; in which event, we must abandon the ocean, where we are weak, leaving to neutral nations the carriage of our commodities; and measure with them on land, where they alone can lose. Farewell, then, all our useful improvements of canals and roads, reformations of laws, and other rational employments. I really doubt whether there is temper enough, on either side, to prevent this issue of our present hatred. Europe is, at this moment, without the appearance of a cloud. The death of the King of Prussia, daily expected, may raise one. My paper admonishes me, that after asking a continuance of your favors, it is time for me to conclude with assurances of the esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO T. PLEASANTS.
PARIS, May 8, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--At the time of the receipt of your favor of October the 24th, the contract between the Farmers General and Mr. Morris, for tobacco, was concluded, and in a course of execution. There was no room, therefore, to offer the proposals which accompanied your letter. I was moreover engaged in endeavors to have the monopoly, in the purchase of this article, in this country, suppressed. My hopes on that subject are not desperate, but neither are they flattering. I consider it as the most effectual means of procuring the full value of our produce, of diverting our demands for manufactures from Great Britain to this country to a certain amount, and of thus producing some equilibrium in our commerce, which, at present, lies all in the British scale. It would cement an union with our friends, and lessen the torrent of wealth which we are pouring into the laps of our enemies. For my part, I think that the trade with Great Britain is a ruinous one to ourselves; and that nothing would be an inducement to tolerate it, but a free commerce with their West Indies; and that this being denied to us, we should put a stop to the losing branch. The question is, whether they are right in their prognostications that we have neither resolution nor union enough for this. Everything I hear from my own country, fills me with despair as to their recovery from their vassalage to Great Britain. Fashion and folly are plunging them deeper and deeper into distress; and the legislators of the country becoming debtors also, there seems no hope of applying the only possible remedy, that of an immediate judgment and execution. We should try whether the prodigal might not be restrained from taking on credit the gewgaw held out to him in one hand, by seeing the keys of a prison in the other. Be pleased to present my respects to Mrs. Pleasants, and to be assured of the esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO COLONEL MONROE.
PARIS, May 10, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--My last to you was of January the 27th. Since that I have received yours of January the 19th. Information from other quarters gives me reason to suspect you have in negotiation a very important change in your situation. You will carry into its execution all my wishes for your happiness. I hope it will not detach you from a settlement in your own country. I had even entertained hopes of your settling in my neighborhood, but these were determined by your desiring a plan of a house for Richmond. However reluctantly I relinquish this prospect, I shall not the less readily obey your commands by sending you a plan. Having been much engaged since my return from England in answering letters and despatching other business which had accumulated during my absence, and being still much engaged, perhaps I may not be able to send the plan by this conveyance. If I do not send it now, I will surely by the next conveyance after this. Your Encyclopedie, containing eighteen livraisons, went off last night for Havre, from whence it will go in a vessel bound to New York. It will be under the care of M. La Croix, a passenger, who, if he does not find you in New York, will carry it to Virginia, and send it to Richmond. Another copy, in a separate box, goes for Currie. I pay here all charges to New York. What may occur afterwards, I desire him to ask either of you or Currie, as either will pay for the other, or to draw on me for them.
My letters to Mr. Jay will have informed you of the objects which carried me to England; and that the principal one, the treaty with Portugal, has been accomplished. Though we were unable to procure any special advantages in that, yet we thought it of consequence to insure our trade against those particular checks and discouragements which it has heretofore met with there. The information as to the Barbary States, which we obtained from Abdrahaman, the Tripoline ambassador, was also given to Mr. Jay. If it be right, and the scale of proportion between those nations, which we had settled, be also right, eight times the sum required by Tripoli will be necessary to accomplish a peace with the whole, that is to say, about two hundred and forty thousand guineas. The continuance of this peace will depend on their idea of our power to enforce it, and on the life of the particular Dey, or other head of the government, with whom it is contracted. Congress will, no doubt, weigh these circumstances against the expense, and probable success of compelling a peace by arms. Count d'Estaing having communicated to me verbally some information as to an experiment formerly made by this country, I shall get him to put it into writing, and I will forward it to Congress, as it may aid them in their choice of measures. However, which plan is most eligible can only be known to yourselves, who are on the spot, and have under your view all the difficulties of both. There is a third measure, that of abandoning the Mediterranean carriage to other nations.
With respect to England, no arrangements can be taken. The merchants were certainly disposed to have consented to accommodation as to the article of debts. I was not certain, when I left England, that they would relinquish the interest during the war. A letter received since, from the first character among the American merchants in Scotland, satisfies me they would have relinquished it to insure the capital and residue of interest. Would to heaven all the States, therefore, would settle a uniform plan. To open the courts to them, so that they might obtain judgments; to divide the executions into so many equal annual instalments, as that the last might be paid in the year 1790; to have the payments in actual money; and, to include the capital, and interest preceding and subsequent to the war, would give satisfaction to the world, and to the merchants in general. Since it is left for each nation to pursue their own measures in the execution of the late treaty, may not Congress with propriety recommend a mode of executing that article respecting the debts, and send it to each State to be passed into law. Whether England gives up the posts or not, these debts must be paid, or our character stained with infamy among all nations and through all time. As to the satisfaction for slaves carried off, it is a bagatelle, which, if not made good before the last instalment becomes due, may be secured out of that.
I formerly communicated the overtures for a treaty which had been made by the imperial ambassador. The instructions from Congress being in their favor, and Mr. Adams' opinion also, I encouraged them. He expected his full powers when I went to England. Yet I did not think, nor did Mr. Adams, that this was of importance enough to weigh against the objects of that journey. He received them soon after my departure, and communicated it to me on my return, asking a copy of our propositions. I gave him one, but observed our commission had then but a few days to run. He desired I should propose to Congress the giving new powers to go on with this, and said, that in the meantime he would arrange with us the plan. In a commercial view, no great good is to be gained by this; but in a political one, it may be expedient. As the treaty would, of course, be in the terms of those of Prussia and Portugal, it will give us but little additional embarrassment in any commercial regulations we may wish to establish. The exceptions from these, which the other treaties will require, may take in the treaty with the Emperor. I should be glad to communicate some answer as soon as Congress shall have made up their minds on it. My information to Congress on the subject of our commercial articles with this country has only come down to January the 27th. Whether I shall say anything on it in my letter to Mr. Jay by this conveyance, depends on its not being too early for an appointment I expect hourly from the Count de Vergennes, to meet him on this and other subjects. My last information was, that the lease was too far advanced to withdraw from it the article of tobacco, but that a clause is inserted in it, empowering the King to discontinue it at any time. A discontinuance is, therefore, the only remaining object, and as even this cannot be effected till the expiration of the old lease, which is about the end of the present year, I have wished only to stir the subject from time to time, so as to keep it alive. This idea led me into a measure proposed by the Marquis de La Fayette, whose return from Berlin found the matter at that point, to which my former report to Congress had conducted it. I communicated to him what I had been engaged on, what were my prospects, and my purpose of keeping the subject just open. He offered his services with that zeal which commands them on every occasion respecting America. He suggested to me the meeting two or three gentlemen, well acquainted with this business. We met. They urged me to propose to the Count de Vergennes, the appointing a committee to take the matter into consideration. I told them that decency would not permit me to point out to the Count de Vergennes the mode by which he should conduct a negotiation, but that I would press again the necessity of an arrangement, if, whilst that should be operating on his mind, they would suggest the appointment of a committee. The Marquis offered his services for this purpose. The consequence was the appointment of a committee, and the Marquis as a member of it. I communicated to him my papers. He collected other lights wherever he could, and particularly from the gentlemen with whom we had before concerted, and who had a good acquaintance with the subject. The Marquis became our champion in the committee, and two of its members, who were of the corps of Farmers General, entered the lists on the other side. Each gave in memorials. The lease, indeed, was signed while I was gone to England, but the discussions were, and still are continued in the committee, from which we derive two advantages: first, that of showing that the object is not to be relinquished; and second, that of enlightening government as to its true interest. The Count de Vergennes is absolutely for it; but it is not in his department. Calonnes is his friend, and in this instance his principle seems to be, _Amica veritas, sed magis amicus Plato_. An additional hope is founded in the expectation of a change of the minister of finance. The present one is under the absolute control of the Farmers General. The committee's views have been somewhat different from mine. They despair of a suppression of the Farm, and therefore wish to obtain palliatives, which would coincide with the particular good of this country. I think that so long as the monopoly in the sale is kept up, it is of no consequence to us how they modify the pill for their own internal relief; but, on the contrary, the worse it remains, the more necessary it will render a reformation. Any palliative would take from us all those arguments and friends, that would be satisfied with accommodation. The Marquis, though differing in opinion from me on this point, has, however, adhered to my principle of absolute liberty or nothing. In this condition is the matter at this moment. Whether I say anything on the subject to Mr. Jay will depend on my interview with the Count de Vergennes. I doubt whether that will furnish anything worth communicating, and whether it will be in time. I therefore state thus much to you, that you may see the matter is not laid aside.
I must beg leave to recommend Colonel Humphreys to your acquaintance and good offices. He is an excellent man, an able one, and in need of some provision. Besides former applications to me in favor of Dumas, the Rhingrave of Salm (the effective minister of the government of Holland, while their two ambassadors here are ostensible) who is conducting secret arrangements for them with this court, presses his interests on us. It is evident the two governments make a point of it. You ask why they do not provide for him themselves? I am not able to answer the question, but by a conjecture that Dumas's particular ambition prefers an appointment from us. I know all the difficulty of this application which Congress has to encounter. I see the reasons against giving him the primary appointment at that court, and the difficulty of his accommodating himself to a subordinate one. Yet I think something must be done in it to gratify this court, of which we must be always asking favors. In these countries, personal favors weigh more than public interest. The minister who has asked a gratification for Dumas, has embarked his own feelings and reputation in that demand. I do not think it was discreet by any means. But this reflection might, perhaps, aggravate a disappointment. I know not really what you can do; but yet hope something will be done. Adieu, my dear Sir, and believe me to be yours, affectionately.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, May 11, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I do myself the honor of enclosing to you letters which came to hand last night, from Mr. Lambe, Mr. Carmichael and Mr. Barclay. By these you will perceive that our peace is not to be purchased at Algiers but at a price far beyond our powers. What that would be, indeed, Mr. Lambe does not say, nor probably does he know. But, as he knew our ultimatum, we are to suppose from his letter, that it would be a price infinitely beyond that. A reference to Congress hereon seems to be necessary. Till that can be obtained, Mr. Lambe must be idle at Algiers, Carthagena, or elsewhere. Would he not be better employed in going to Congress? They would be able to draw from him and Mr. Randall, the information necessary to determine what they will do. And if they determine to negotiate, they can re-appoint the same, or appoint a new negotiator, according to the opinion they shall form on their examination. I suggest this to you as my first thoughts; an ultimate opinion should not be formed till we see Mr. Randall, who may be shortly expected. In the meantime, should an opportunity occur, favor me with your ideas hereon, that we may be maturing our opinions. I shall send copies of these three letters to Mr. Jay, by the packet which sails from L'Orient the first of next month.
* * * * *
I have the honor to be, with great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MESSRS. ST. VICTOUR AND BETTINGER.
PARIS, May 12, 1786.
GENTLEMEN,--On my return from London, which was but a few days ago, I found your letter of April 8th. I communicated it to the Marquis de La Fayette, to whom, equally with myself, an attention to the purchase of arms has been recommended by the State of Virginia. Before we can order the receipt of the arms at Bordeaux, we are of opinion they should previously go through all the examinations and proofs usually practised with the King's arms. As the Marquis is best acquainted with the detail of these, I have asked and obtained his leave to refer you to him on the subject. You will, therefore, be so good as to confer with him thereon. I have an opportunity of writing to the Governor of Virginia to-morrow, and I should be well pleased to be able to inform him what number of arms you have now ready to deliver, and what other numbers you expect to deliver, with the epochs of delivery. If you could give me this information by the return of the bearer, at any time to-day, it would much oblige, Gentlemen, your most obedient humble servant.
TO HONORABLE J. JAY.
PARIS, May 12, 1786.
SIR,--The last letters I had the honor of addressing you from this place were of the 2d and 27th of January. Those from London were of the 12th of March, and 23d of April.
In the month of February, the Baron de Blome, minister plenipotentiary at this court from Denmark, informed me that he was instructed by his court to give notice to the ministers from the United States, appointed to negotiate a treaty of commerce with them that the Baron de Waltersdorff, formerly commissioned by them for the same purpose, had received another destination, which called him to the West Indies, that they were sensible of the advantages which would arise to the two countries from a commercial intercourse--that their ports accordingly were placed on a very free footing, as they supposed ours to be also--that they supposed the commerce on each part might be well conducted under the actual arrangements, but that whenever any circumstances should arise which would render particular stipulations more eligible, they would be ready to concur with the United States in establishing them, being desirous of continuing on the terms of the strictest harmony and friendship with them.
In my letter of Jan. 27th, I informed you of what had passed between the Imperial Ambassador and Secretary of Embassy and myself, on the subject of the treaty with their sovereign. The Ambassador was in hourly expectation of receiving his full powers when I was called to London. Though I had received Mr. Adams's opinion in favor of our proceeding in the treaty, yet it was neither his nor my opinion that this object should overweigh those which called me to London. A treaty with Portugal was more important, exclusive of what was to be done with England and the States of Barbary. On my return to Paris, the Secretary called on me to inform me the Ambassador had received his full powers very soon after my departure, and was now ready to begin on our arrangements; that he was sensible, however, that these could not be settled before our commission would expire, but as he supposed Congress would be willing to renew it, we might proceed to confer together, leaving the effect of our conferences to rest on the event of a removal of the commission. He asked, also, a draft of our propositions as a ground work to proceed on. I met with the Ambassador a few days after. He said the same things in substance, and concluded by asking our propositions. I gave him a draught, which was a copy of what we had originally proposed to Denmark, with such alterations as had occurred, and been approved in our negotiations with Prussia, Tuscany and Portugal.
The enclosed letters of December 9th and January 18th, from O'Bryan, of February 24th, March 12th, 20th, 23d, 27th, 31st, April 8th and 10th from Mr. Barclay, of March 29th from Mr. Lambe, and February 3d and April 12th from Mr. Carmichael, will put you in possession of my latest intelligence of the affairs of Morocco and Algiers. You will perceive by them that Mr. Randall may be daily expected here. If the propositions to Algiers appear from his account to be as unhopeful as Mr. Lambe seems to consider them, it is not impossible that Mr. Adams and myself may think that, instead of remaining at Carthagena, as Mr. Lambe proposes, it will be better for him to proceed to Congress. Without occasioning any loss of time, this will offer the two advantages of giving them all the information he may be possessed of, and of putting it in their power to appoint any negotiator they may think proper, should they find negotiations still eligible. However, Mr. Adams and myself shall have better grounds to decide on when we shall receive the information from Mr. Randall.
Colonel Humphreys carried you the London Gazette to the beginning of April. I now enclose it from that to the present date, together with the Gazette of France from February 3d, to May 12th. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE HONORABLE MR. JAY.
PARIS, May 22, 1786.
SIR,--The duty has been imposed on me of making the following communication to Congress. It is necessary for me previously to observe that, though the government of the United Netherlands have both an ordinary and an extraordinary ambassador here, yet the Patriotic party, now decisively possessed of the powers of government, have sent hither the Rhingrave de Salm, as possessing their plenary confidence, to treat with this Court on some matters not yet made known to the public. His character and credit accordingly are so well known here, that, passing by the regular ambassador, they are actually in negotiation with him. He took occasion to speak with me to-day on the subject of Mr. Dumas. After saying much in his favor, he assured me that Congress could not so much oblige the Patriotic party as by naming Mr. Dumas to their diplomatic appointment at the Hague; and, further, that should they have anything interesting to do there, there was no other man who could do it so effectually as Mr. Dumas. I wished to avoid flattering his expectations, and therefore mentioned to him the resolution of Congress confining their diplomatic appointments to citizens of the United States. He seemed to admit they could not expect him to be made minister plenipotentiary, but asked if it would not be possible to give him another character. I told him we were in the usage of appointing only one character inferior to that of minister plenipotentiary, which was that of chargé des affaires. That I was far from presuming to say that could be obtained in the present case; but that one other difficulty occurred to me in that moment. I observed that they had a minister plenipotentiary with Congress, and that Congress, naming for their Court only a chargé des affaires, might, perhaps, be considered as disrespectful, and might occasion the recall of their minister. He assured me it could not; nay, that it should not. We are, continued he, but a party, and therefore cannot make a general declaration on this subject; but we know how far we can undertake; and, if you please, the members of our party shall go and make a declaration privately before the French ambassador at our Court, that nothing amiss shall be conceived of it. I told him this would not be desired. He asked me if I thought Count de Vergennes' writing a second letter on this subject would be of service. I told him not to suppose a repetition of his application could be material. My object in avoiding a second letter from the Count de Vergennes as well as the declaration before the French ambassador, was that embarrassments might not be multiplied, if Congress should not think proper to comply with their request. He concluded by desiring I would urge this matter to Congress. It seems certain that Mr. Dumas has rendered himself very useful to the government of both France and Holland in the late negotiations. It was natural, therefore, that these governments should provide for him. I know not how it has happened that we are resorted to on the occasion, unless, perhaps, it is the particular wish of Mr. Dumas to receive this species of reward. Be this as it may, the reigning party in the United Netherlands, and the government of this country, commit themselves on this application, and it becomes a matter of calculation, in which their favor and the occasions we may have for it, are to be weighed against the sacrifices the present application call for. To pronounce on this would be beyond my province, which is merely that of being the channel of communication. This being desired in form, I suppose it is my duty to comply with.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, May 23, 1786.
SIR,--Letters received both from Madrid and Algiers, while I was in London, having suggested that treaties with the States of Barbary would be much facilitated by a previous one with the Ottoman porte, it was agreed between Mr. Adams and myself, that, on my return, I should consult on this subject the Count de Vergennes, whose long residence at Constantinople rendered him the best judge of its expediency. Various circumstances have put it out of my power to consult him, till to-day. I stated to him the difficulties we were likely to meet with at Algiers; and asked his opinion what would be the probable expense of a diplomatic mission to Constantinople, and what its effect at Algiers. He said that the expense would be very great, for that presents must be made at that court, and every one would be gaping after them; and that it would not procure us a peace at Algiers one penny the cheaper. He observed that the Barbary States acknowledged a sort of vassalage to the Porte, and availed themselves of that relation, when anything was to be gained by it; but that whenever it subjected them to a demand from the Porte, they totally disregarded it; that money was the sole agent at Algiers, except so far as fear could be induced also. He cited the present example of Spain, which, though having a treaty with the Porte, would probably be obliged to buy a peace at Algiers, at the expense of upwards of six millions of livres. I told him we had calculated from the demands and information of the Tripoline ambassador at London, that to make peace with the four Barbary States would cost us between two and three hundred thousand guineas, if bought with money. The sum did not seem to exceed his expectations. I mentioned to him that, considering the uncertainty of a peace, when bought, perhaps Congress might think it more eligible to establish a cruise of frigates in the Mediterranean, and even to blockade Algiers. He supposed it would require ten vessels, great and small. I observed to him that Monsieur de Massiac had formerly done it with five; he said it was true, but that vessels of relief would be necessary. I hinted to him that I thought the English capable of administering aid to the Algerines. He seemed to think it impossible, on account of the scandal it would bring on them. I asked him what had occasioned the blockade by Monsieur de Massiac; he said an infraction of their treaty by the Algerines.
I had a good deal of conversation with him, also, on the situation of affairs between England and the United States; and particularly on their refusal to deliver up our posts. I observed to him that the obstructions thrown in the way of the recovery of their debts were the effect, and not the cause, as they pretended, of their refusal to deliver up the posts; that the merchants interested in these debts, showed a great disposition to make arrangements with us; that the article of time we could certainly have settled, and probably that of the interest during the war; but that the minister, showing no disposition to have these matters arranged, I thought it a sufficient proof that this was not the true cause of their retaining the posts. He concurred as to the justice of our requiring time for the payment of our debts; said nothing which showed a difference of opinion as to the article of interest, and seemed to believe fully that their object was to divert the channel of the fur trade, before they delivered up the posts, and expressed a strong sense of the importance of that commerce to us. I told him I really could not foresee what would be the event of this detention; that the situation of the British funds, and the desire of their minister to begin to reduce the national debt, seemed to indicate that they could not wish a war. He thought so, but that neither were we in a condition to go to war. I told him I was yet uninformed what Congress proposed to do on this subject, but that we should certainly always count on the good offices of France, and I was sure that the offer of them would suffice to induce Great Britain to do us justice. He said that surely we might always count on the friendship of France. I added, that by the treaty of alliance, she was bound to guarantee our limits to us, as they should be established at the moment of peace. He said they were so, "_mais qu'il nous etoit necessaire de les constater_." I told him there was no question what our boundaries were; that the English themselves admitted they were clear beyond all question. I feared, however, to press this any further, lest a reciprocal question should be put to me, and therefore diverted the conversation to another object.
This is a sketch only of a conference which was long. I have endeavored to give the substance, and sometimes the expressions, where they were material. I supposed it would be agreeable to Congress to have it communicated to them, in the present undecided state in which these subjects are. I should add, that an explanation of the transaction of Monsieur de Massiac with the Algerines, before hinted at, will be found in the enclosed letter from the Count d'Estaing to me, wherein he gives also his own opinion. The whole is submitted to Congress, as I conceive it my duty to furnish them with whatever information I can gather, which may throw any light on the subjects depending before them.
I have the honor to be, with the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.[117]
PARIS, May 31, 1786.
SIR,--I have been honored with your Excellency's letter of yesterday, enclosing a copy of the Resolutions of the Committee on the subject of tobacco, and am bound to make my acknowledgments for this attention to the commerce between this country and the United States, which will, I hope, by this measure, be kept alive till more simple and permanent arrangements become practicable. I have communicated it to Congress by an opportunity which offered this morning. Perhaps it is for the want of information that I apprehend it possible for the London merchants, availing themselves of their early notice of this regulation, and their proximity to the port of France, to run in French vessels the whole 15,000 hogsheads of the first year, before the French or American merchants can possibly bring them from America. This might defeat the end of the regulation, as those merchants would take payment in cash and not in merchandise. I suppose the Committee had in view _Tobaccos coming last from a port of the United States_, and that it may not be yet too late to restrain the orders to such only. Of this your Excellency is the best judge, to whom I have the honor of submitting the doubt; and am, with sentiments of the most profound respect and esteem, your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant.
TO M. LA MORLIENE.
PARIS, June 3, 1786.
SIR,--It is six years since the paper money of New England has ceased to circulate as money. It is considered at present as making a part of the national debt, and that the holders of it will be entitled to receive from the public as much gold or silver as the paper money could have brought at the time it was received by the holder, with an interest of 6 per cent. per annum. But, as yet, no precise arrangements have been taken for the payment either of principal or interest. Most of the subjects of France, having paper money, have deposited it in the hands of the French Minister or Council at New York, that payment may be demanded whenever it shall be provided by Congress. There are even speculators in America who will purchase it. But they give much less than its worth. As for myself I do not deal in it. I am, Sir, your very humble servant.
TO MESSRS. BUCHANAN AND HAY.
PARIS, June 15, 1786.
GENTLEMEN,--The model of the Capitol being at length finished, I have sent it down the Seine to Havre, it being necessary that it should go by water. I have not collected the accounts, but shall soon do it, and forward them to you; they will be less than I had expected. I shall pray you to account for their amount to the Governor and Council, as I have with them an account into which it will be easier for me to transfer the article. I enclose directions for opening the boxes in which the model is, and I shall put two copies of those directions under other covers to you in hopes some one of them may reach you with or before the model. I have the honor to be with much esteem, Gentlemen, your most obedient and humble servant.
TO LA FAYETTE.
PARIS, June 15, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--Monsieur Farrin called on me on the subject of making Honfleur a free port, and wished me to solicit it. I told him it was for our interest, as for that also of all the world, that every port of France, and of every other country, should be free: that therefore we would wish Honfleur to be made so: that if the matter was in agitation, the Count de Vergennes would probably speak of it to me, in which case I should tell him with candor what I thought of it, but that I could not solicit it, as I had no instructions to do so. So far I said to him. I did not add, what I may safely do to you, that the measures proposed being more for the interest of France than of the United States, there is no reason for our desiring its adoption to be placed on the ground of favor to us; and again, that those who have had and who may yet have occasion to ask great favors, should never ask small ones. I have, therefore, thought it better that the United States should not be engaged in this negotiation. If the government, for its own interest, will make the port free, I shall be glad of it; but do not wish it enough to ask it. If you should be of a different opinion, I should be glad to converse with you on the subject. I write without reserve, knowing that you will be pleased with it; and that your zeal for our interest will induce you to do what is for the best. I am, my dear Sir, yours affectionately.
TO MR. CARMICHAEL.
PARIS, June 20, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--My last to you was of the 5th of May, by Baron Waltersdorff. Since that I have been honored with yours of April the 13th, and May the 16th and 18th. The present covers letters to Mr. Lambe and Mr. Randall, informing them that the demands of Algiers for the ransom of our prisoners and also for peace are so infinitely beyond our instructions, that we must refer the matter back to Congress, and therefore praying them to come on immediately. I will beg the favor of you to forward these letters. The whole of this business, therefore, is suspended till we receive further orders, except as to Mr. Barclay's mission. Your bills have been received and honored. The first, naming expressly a letter of advice, and none coming, it was refused till the receipt of your letter to me, in which you mentioned that you had drawn two bills. I immediately informed Mr. Grand, who thereupon honored the bill.
I have received no public letters of late date. Through other channels, I have collected some articles of information, which may be acceptable to you.
* * * * *
In a letter of March the 20th, from Dr. Franklin to me, is this passage: "As to public affairs, the Congress has not been able to assemble more than seven or eight States during the whole winter, so the treaty with Prussia remains still unratified, though there is no doubt of its being done soon, as a full Congress is expected next month. The disposition to furnish Congress with ample powers augments daily, as people become more enlightened. And I do not remember ever to have seen, during my long life, more signs of public felicity than appear at present throughout these States; the cultivators of the earth, who make the bulk of our nation, have made good crops, which are paid for at high prices, with ready money; the artisans too, receive high wages; and the value of all real estates is augmented greatly. Merchants and shopkeepers, indeed, complain that there is not business enough. But this is evidently not owing to the fewness of buyers, but to the too great number of sellers; for the consumption of goods was never greater, as appears by the dress, furniture, and manner of living, of all ranks of the people." His health is good, except as to the stone, which does not grow worse. I thank you for your attention to my request about the books, which Mr. Barclay writes me he has forwarded from Cadiz. I have the honor to be with great respect, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO MR. LAMBE.
PARIS, June 20, 1786.
SIR,--Having communicated to Mr. Adams the information received at different times, from yourself, from Mr. Randall and Mr. Carmichael, we find that the sum likely to be demanded by Algiers for the ransom of our prisoners, as well as for peace, is so infinitely beyond our powers, and the expectations of Congress, that it has become our duty to refer the whole matter back to them. Whether they will choose to buy a peace, to force one, or to do nothing, will rest in their pleasure. But that they may have all the information possible to guide them in their deliberations, we think it important that you should return to them. No time will be lost by this, and perhaps time may be gained. It is, therefore, our joint desire, that you repair immediately to New York, for the purpose of giving to Congress all the information on this subject which your journey has enabled you to acquire. You will consider this request as coming from Mr. Adams as well as myself, as it is by express authority from him that I join him in it. I am of opinion it will be better for you to come to Marseilles and by Paris; because there is a possibility that fresh orders to us, from Congress, might render it useful that we, also, should have received from you all possible information on this subject. And, perhaps, no time may be lost by this, as it might be long before you would get a passage from Alicant to America.
I am, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. JAY.
PARIS, July 8, 1786
SIR,--My letters to you by the last French packet were dated May 12, 22, 23, 27, 27, and I sent, by the way of London, one dated May 21. Since this, I have been honored with yours of May the 5th. The letter therein enclosed for Mr. Dumas has been duly forwarded; and the report on the subject of the Consular convention I delivered to Count de Vergennes the first levee day after the return of the King, who was gone to Cherbourg at the time of my receiving it. Mr. Randall, being so far on his return, and meaning to go by the way of London, where his stay will be short, he will be the bearer of this letter, with which I have an opportunity of enclosing the last letters I have received from Mr. Barclay and Mr. Lambe. Mr. Barclay left Cadiz soon after the date of his letter. I wrote to Mr. Lambe on the 20th of June, with the concurrence of Mr. Adams, to repair to Congress with all possible despatch, recommending, but not enjoining, his coming by the way of Versailles and Paris, supposing it possible that the information he might communicate might be usefully applied by Mr. Adams and myself in the execution of the commands of Congress. I afterwards wrote him another letter, desiring expressly that if this route was likely to retard much his attendance on Congress, he would take such other as would be shortest. At the desire of Monsieur Houdon, I have the honor to enclose to you his propositions for making the equestrian statue of General Washington. In the autumn of the last year, I received letters from an American master of a ship of the name of Asquith, informing me that he had had a most disastrous passage across the Atlantic, that they had put into Brest then in such distress that they were obliged to make the first port possible, that they had been immediately seized by the officers of the Farmers General, their vessel and her lading seized, and that themselves were then in jail suffering from every want. Letters by every post gave me to believe their distress was very real. As all their cash was soon exhausted, and the winter setting in very severely, I desired a merchant in Brest to furnish them a livre a day a piece. It was sometime before I could ascertain the nature of the proceedings against them. It proved at length to be a prosecution as for endeavoring to introduce tobacco in contraband. I was induced to order this allowance from evidence that the men, six in number, must inevitably perish if left to the pittance allowed by the Farmers General to their prisoners, and from a hope that the matter would soon be decided. I was led on by this delusive hope from week to week, and month to month, and it proved to be ten months before they were discharged. I applied early to Count de Vergennes, and was informed by him that the matter being in a regular course of law, there could be no interference, and that if the sentence should be against them I might expect a remission of so much of it as should depend on the King. They were condemned to forfeit their vessel and cargo, to a fine, and to the gallies. The fine and condemnation to the gallies were remitted immediately by the King, but the forfeiture of vessel and cargo being for the benefit of the Farmers, he could not remit that. They were also to pay the expenses of their prosecution, and to remain in jail till they did it. So that, upon the whole, I was obliged to advance for them 2620_l._ 2_s._, being somewhat upwards of 100 guineas; for which I informed Asquith, from the beginning, he must consider himself as answerable to the United States. I accordingly enclose the account showing the purposes for which the money was paid, and his own original acknowledgment that it was for his use. I own I am uncertain whether I have done right in this; but I am persuaded some of them would have perished without this advance; I therefore thought it one of those cases where citizens, being under unexpected calamity, have a right to call for the patronage of the public servants. All the disinterested testimony I have been able to get has been in favor of the innocence of these men. Count de Vergennes, however, believed them guilty; and I was assured the depositions regularly taken were much against them. I enclose herewith the state of their case as it appeared to me in the beginning, and as I communicated it by letter to the minister.
Having been lately desired by the Swedish Ambassador here, to state to him what I thought the best measure for rendering the island of St. Bartholomew useful to the commerce of Sweden and the United States, I did it in a letter of which I enclose a copy. My view in doing it is, that if any farther or better measure should occur to Congress, on its being communicated to me, I can still suggest it to the Ambassador, probably before any final decision.
It being material that the reduction of the duties on whale oil, which would expire with the close of this year, should be revised in time for the whalemen to take measures in consequence, we have applied for a continuance of the reduction, and even for an abolition of all duties. The committee, of the creation of which I informed you in my letter of May 27, and of which the M. de La Fayette is a member, were in favor of the abolition. But there is little prospect, perhaps none at all, of obtaining confirmation of their sentence. I have no doubt of the continuance of the abatement of the duties on the footing stated in that letter. The term of three years will probably be adopted. The gazettes of Leyden and of France, from the former to the present date, accompany this. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO MR. ADAMS.
PARIS, July 9, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 23d of May. Your favor of that date did not come to hand till the 19th of June. In consequence of it I wrote the next day letters to Mr. Lambe and Mr. Randall, copies of which I have now the honor to enclose you. In these, you will perceive I had desired Mr. Randall, who was supposed to be at Madrid, to return immediately to Paris and London, and to Mr. Lambe, supposed at Alicant, I recommended the route of Marseilles and Paris, expecting that no direct passage could be had from Alicant to America, and meaning, on his arrival here, to advise him to proceed by the way of London, that you also might have an opportunity of deriving from him all the information he could give. On the 2d of July, Mr. Randall arrived here, and delivered me a letter from Mr. Lambe, dated May the 20th, of which I enclose you a copy, as well as of another of June the 5th, which had come to hand some time before. Copies of these I have also sent to Mr. Jay. Yours of the 29th of June, by Dr. Bancroft, and enclosing a draught of a joint letter to Mr. Lambe, came to hand on the 5th instant. I immediately signed and forwarded it, as it left him more at liberty as to his route than mine had done. Mr. Randall will deliver you the present and supply the informations heretofore received. I think with you that Congress must begin by getting money. When they have this, it is a matter of calculation whether they will buy a peace, or force one, or do nothing. I am also to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of June 6, 25 and 26. The case of Grosse shall be attended to. I am not certain, however, whether my appearing in it may not do him harm by giving the captors a hope that our government will redeem their citizens. I have, therefore, taken measures to find them out and sound them. If nothing can be done privately, I will endeavor to interest this government.
Have you no news yet of the treaty with Portugal? does it hang with that court? My letters from New York of the 11th of May inform me that there were then eleven States present, and that they should ratify the Prussian treaty immediately. As the time for the exchange of ratifications is drawing to a close, tell me what is to be done, and how this exchange is to be made. We may as well have this settled between us before the arrival of the ratification, that no time may be lost after that. I learn through the Marechal de Castries that he has information of New York's having ceded the impost in the form desired by Congress, so as to close this business. Corrections in the acts of Maryland, Pennsylvania, &c., will come of course. We have taken up again the subject of whale oil, that they may know in time in America what is to be done in it. I fear we shall not obtain any farther abatement of duties; but the last abatement will be continued for three years. The whole duties payable here are nearly one hundred and two livres on the English ton, which is an atom more than four guineas, according to the present exchange. The monopoly of the purchase of tobacco for this country, which had been obtained by Robert Morris, had thrown the commerce of that article in agonies. He had been able to reduce the price in America from 40 to 22_l._ lawful the hundred weight, and all other merchants being deprived of that medium of remittance, the commerce between American and that country, so far as it depended on that article, which was very capitally too, was absolutely ceasing. An order has been obtained, obliging the Farmers General to purchase from such other merchants as shall offer fifteen thousand hogsheads of tobacco at thirty-four, thirty-six and thirty-eight livres the hundred, according to the quality, and to grant to the sellers in other respects the same terms as they had granted to Robert Morris. As this agreement with Morris is the basis of this order, I send you some copies of it, which I will thank you to give to any American (not British) merchants in London who may be in that line. Seeing the year this contract has subsided, Virginia and Maryland have lost £400,000 by the reduction of the price of their tobacco.
I am meditating what step to take to provoke a letter from Mrs. Adams, from whom my files inform me I have not received one these hundred years. In the meantime, present my affectionate respects to her, and be assured of the friendship and esteem with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO COLONEL MONROE.
PARIS, July 9, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 10th of May; since which your favor of May the 11th has come to hand. The political world enjoys great quiet here. The King of Prussia is still living, but like the snuff of a candle, which sometimes seems out, and then blazes up again. Some think that his death will not produce any immediate effect in Europe. His kingdom, like a machine, will go on for some time with the winding up he has given it. The King's visit to Cherbourg has made a great sensation in England and here. It proves to the world, that it is a serious object to this country, and that the King commits himself for the accomplishment of it. Indeed, so many cones have been sunk, that no doubt remains of the practicability of it. It will contain, as is said, eighty ships of the line, be one of the best harbors in the world, and by means of two entrances, on different sides, will admit vessels to come in and go out with every wind. The effect of this, in another war with England, defies calculation. Having no news to communicate, I will recur to the subjects of your letter of May the 11th.
With respect to the new States, were the question to stand simply in this form, How may the ultramontane territory be disposed of, so as to produce the greatest and most immediate benefit to the inhabitants of the maritime States of the Union? the plan would be more plausible, of laying it off into two or three States only. Even on this view, however, there would still be something to be said against it, which might render it at least doubtful. But that is a question which good faith forbids us to receive into discussion. This requires us to state the question in its just form, How may the territories of the Union be disposed of, so as to produce the greatest degree of happiness to their inhabitants? With respect to the maritime States, little or nothing remains to be done. With respect, then, to the ultramontane States, will their inhabitants be happiest, divided into States of thirty-thousand square miles, not quite as large as Pennsylvania, or into States of one hundred and sixty thousand square miles, each, that is to say, three times as large as Virginia within the Alleghany? They will not only be happier in States of moderate size, but it is the only way in which they can exist as a regular society. Considering the American character in general, that of those people particularly, and the energetic nature of our governments, a State of such extent as one hundred and sixty thousand square miles, would soon crumble into little ones. These are the circumstances which reduce the Indians to such small societies. They would produce an effect on our people, similar to this. They would not be broken into such small pieces, because they are more habituated to subordination, and value more a government of regular law. But you would surely reverse the nature of things, in making small States on the ocean, and large ones beyond the mountains. If we could, in our consciences, say, that great States beyond the mountains will make the people happiest, we must still ask, whether they will be contented to be laid off into large States? They certainly will not; and, if they decide to divide themselves, we are not able to restrain them. They will end by separating from our confederacy, and becoming its enemies. We had better, then, look forward, and see what will be the probable course of things. This will surely be a division of that country into States of a small, or, at most, of a moderate size. If we lay them off into such, they will acquiesce; and we shall have the advantage of arranging them, so as to produce the best combinations of interest. What Congress have already done in this matter is an argument the more in favor of the revolt of those States against a different arrangement, and of their acquiescence under a continuance of that. Upon this plan, we treat them as fellow citizens; they will have a just share in their own government; they will love us, and pride themselves in an union with us. Upon the other, we treat them as subjects; we govern them, and not they themselves; they will abhor us as masters, and break off from us in defiance. I confess to you, that I can see no other turn that these two plans would take. But I respect your opinion, and your knowledge of the country too much, to be ever confident in my own.
I thank you sincerely for your communication, that my not having sooner given notice of the _Arrets_ relative to fish gave discontent to some persons. These are the most friendly offices you can do me, because they enable me to justify myself, if I am right, or correct myself, if wrong. If those, who thought I might have been remiss, would have written to me on the subject, I should have admired them for their candor, and thanked them for it: for I have no jealousies nor resentments at things of this kind, where I have no reason to believe they have been excited by a hostile spirit; and I suspect no such spirit in a single member of Congress. You know there were two _Arrets_; the first of August the 30th, 1784, the second of the 18th and 25th of September, 1785. As to the first, it would be a sufficient justification of myself to say, that it was in the time of my predecessor, nine months before I came into office, and that there was no more reason for my giving information of it, when I did come into office, than of all the other transactions which preceded that period. But this would seem to lay a blame on Dr. Franklin, for not communicating it, which I am confident he did not deserve. This government affects a secrecy in all its transactions whatsoever, though they be of a nature not to admit a perfect secrecy. Their _Arrets_, respecting the islands, go to those islands, and are unpublished and unknown in France, except in the bureau where they are formed. That of August, 1784, would probably be communicated to the merchants of the seaport towns also. But Paris having no commercial connections with them, if anything makes its way from a seaport town to Paris, it must be by accident. We have, indeed, agents in these seaports; but they value their offices so little, that they do not trouble themselves to inform us of what is passing there. As a proof that these things do not transpire here, nor are easily got at, recollect that Mr. Adams, Dr. Franklin, and myself were all here, on the spot together, from August, 1784, to June, 1785, that is to say, ten months, and yet not one of us knew of the _Arret_ of August, 1784. September the 18th and 25th, 1785, the second was passed. And here alone I became responsible. I think it was about six weeks before I got notice of it, that is, in November. On the 20th of that month, writing to Count de Vergennes on another subject, I took occasion to remonstrate to him on that. But from early in November, when the Fitzhughs went to America, I had never a confidential opportunity of writing to Mr. Jay from hence, directly, for several months. In a letter of December the 14th to Mr. Jay, I mentioned to him the want of an opportunity to write to him confidentially, which obliged me, at that moment, to write by post, via London, and on such things only as both post offices were welcome to see. On the 2d of January, Mr. Bingham setting out for London, I wrote to Mr. Jay, sending him a copy of my letter to Count de Vergennes, and stating something which had passed in conversation on the same subject. I prayed Mr. Bingham to take charge of the letter, and either to send it by a safe hand, or carry it himself, as circumstances should render most advisable. I believe he kept it, to carry himself. He did not sail from London till about the 12th of March, nor arrived in America till about the middle of May. Thus you see, that causes had prevented a letter which I had written on the 20th of November from getting to America till the month of May. No wonder, then, if notice of this _Arret_ came first to you by way of the West Indies; and, in general, I am confident that you will receive notice of the regulations of this country, respecting their islands, by the way of those islands before you will from hence. Nor can this be remedied, but by a system of bribery which would end in the corruption of your own ministers, and produce no good adequate to the expense. Be so good as to communicate these circumstances to the persons who you think may have supposed me guilty of remissness on this occasion.
I will turn to a subject more pleasing to both, and give you my sincere congratulations on your marriage. Your own dispositions and the inherent comforts of that state, will insure you a great addition of happiness. Long may you live to enjoy it, and enjoy it in full measure. The interest I feel in every one connected with you, will justify my presenting my earliest respects to the lady, and of tendering her the homage of my friendship. I shall be happy, at all times, to be useful to either of you, and to receive your commands. I enclose you the bill of lading of your Encyclopedie. With respect to the remittance of it, of which you make mention, I beg you not to think of it. I know, by experience, that on proceeding to make a settlement in life, a man has need of all his resources; and I should be unhappy were you to lessen them, by an attention to this trifle. Let it be till you have nothing else to do with your money. Adieu, my dear Sir, and be assured of the esteem with which I am, your friend and servant.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, July 11, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--Our instructions relative to the Barbary States having required us to proceed by way of negotiation to obtain their peace, it became our duty to do this to the best of our power. Whatever might be our private opinions, they were to be suppressed, and the line, marked out to us, was to be followed. It has been so, honestly and zealously. It was, therefore, never material for us to consult together, on the best plan of conduct towards these States. I acknowledge, I very early thought it would be best to effect a peace through the medium of war. Though it is a question with which we have nothing to do, yet as you propose some discussion of it, I shall trouble you with my reasons. Of the four positions laid down in your letter of the 3d instant, I agree to the three first, which are, in substance, that the good offices of our friends cannot procure us a peace, without paying its price; that they cannot materially lessen that price; and that paying it, we can have the peace in spite of the intrigues of our enemies. As to the fourth, that the longer the negotiation is delayed, the larger will be the demand; this will depend on the intermediate captures: if they are many and rich, the price may be raised; if few and poor, it will be lessened. However, if it is decided that we shall buy a peace, I know no reason for delaying the operation, but should rather think it ought to be hastened; but I should prefer the obtaining it by war.
1. Justice is in favor of this opinion. 2. Honor favors it. 3. It will procure us respect in Europe; and respect is a safeguard to interest. 4. It will arm the federal head with the safest of all the instruments of coercion over its delinquent members, and prevent it from using what would be less safe. I think that so far, you go with me. But in the next steps, we shall differ. 5. I think it least expensive. 6. Equally effectual. I ask a fleet of one hundred and fifty guns, the one-half of which shall be in constant cruise. This fleet, built, manned and victualled for six months will cost four hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling. Its annual expense will be three hundred pounds sterling a gun, including everything; this will be forty-five thousand pounds sterling a year. I take British experience for the basis of my calculation: though we know, from our own experience, that we can do in this way, for pounds lawful, what costs them pounds sterling. Were we to charge all this to the Algerine war, it would amount to little more than we must pay, if we buy peace. But as is it proper and necessary that we should establish a small marine force, (even were we to buy a peace from the Algerines,) and as that force, laid up in our dock-yards, would cost us half as much annually, as if kept in order for service, we have a right to say that only twenty-two thousand and five hundred pounds sterling, per annum, should be charged to the Algerine war. 6. It will be as effectual. To all the mismanagements of Spain and Portugal, urged to show that war against those people is ineffectual, I urge a single fact to prove the contrary, where there is any management. About forty years ago, the Algerines having broke their treaty with France, this court sent Monsieur de Massiac, with one large, and two small frigates; he blockaded the harbor of Algiers three months, and they subscribed to the terms he proposed. If it be admitted, however, that war, on the fairest prospects, is still exposed to uncertainties, I weigh against this, the greater uncertainty of the duration of a peace bought with money, from such a people, from a Dey eighty years old, and by a nation who, on the hypothesis of buying peace, is to have no power on the sea, to enforce an observance of it.
So far, I have gone on the supposition that the whole weight of this war would rest on us. But, 1. Naples will join us. The character of their naval minister (Acton), his known sentiments with respect to the peace Spain is officiously trying to make for them, and his dispositions against the Algerines, give the best grounds to believe it. 2. Every principle of reason assures us that Portugal will join us. I state this as taking for granted, what all seem to believe, that they will not be at peace with Algiers. I suppose, then, that a convention might be formed between Portugal, Naples and the United States, by which the burthen of the war might be quotaed on them, according to their respective wealth; and the term of it should be, when Algiers should subscribe to a peace with all three, on equal terms. This might be left open for other nations to accede to, and many, if not most of the powers of Europe, (except France, England, Holland, and Spain, if her peace be made) would sooner or later enter into the confederacy, for the sake of having their peace with the piratical States guaranteed by the whole. I suppose, that, in this case, our proportion of force would not be the half of what I first calculated on.
These are the reasons which have influenced my judgment on this question. I give them to you, to show you that I am imposed on by a semblance of reason, at least; and not with an expectation of their changing your opinion. You have viewed the subject, I am sure, in all its bearings. You have weighed both questions, with all their circumstances. You make the result different from what I do. The same facts impress us differently. This is enough to make me suspect an error in my process of reasoning, though I am not able to detect it. It is of no consequence; as I have nothing to say in the decision, and am ready to proceed heartily on any other plan which may be adopted, if my agency should be thought useful. With respect to the dispositions of the State, I am utterly uninformed. I cannot help thinking, however, that on a view of all the circumstances, they might be united in either of the plans.
Having written this on the receipt of your letter, without knowing of any opportunity of sending it, I know not when it will go; I add nothing, therefore, on any other subject, but assurances of the sincere esteem and respect with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO COMMODORE JONES.
PARIS, July 11, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I am perfectly ready to transmit to America any accounts or proofs you may think proper. Nobody can wish more that justice be done you, nor is more ready to be instrumental in doing whatever may insure it. It is only necessary for me to avoid the presumption of appearing to decide where I have no authority to do it. I will this evening lodge in the hands of Mr. Grand the original order of the board of treasury, with instructions to receive from you the balance you propose to pay, for which he will give you a receipt on the back of the order. I will confer with you when you please on the affair of Denmark, and am, with very great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO M. DE CREVECOEUR.
PARIS, July 11, 1786.
SIR,--I have been honored with a letter from M. Delisle, Lieutenant General au bailleage de lain, to which is annexed a postscript from yourself. Being unable to write in French so as to be sure of conveying my true meaning, or perhaps any meaning at all, I will beg of you to interpret what I have now the honor to write.
It is time that the United States, generally, and most of the separate States in particular, are endeavoring to establish means to pay the interest of their public debt regularly, and to sink its principal by degrees. But as yet, their efforts have been confined to that part of their debts which is evidenced by _certificate_. I do not think that any State has yet taken measures for paying their _paper money_ debt. The principle on which it shall be paid I take to be settled, though not directly, yet virtually, by the resolution of Congress of June 3d, 1784; that is, that they will pay the holder, or his representative, what the money was worth at the time he received it, with an interest from that time of six per cent, per annum. It is not said in the letter whether the money received by Barboutin was Continental money; nor is it said at what time it was received. But, that M. Delisle may be enabled to judge what the five thousand three hundred and ninety-eight dollars were worth in hard money when Barboutin received them, I will state to you what was the worth of one hard dollar, both in Continental and Virginia money, through the whole of the years 1779 and 1780, within some part of which it was probably received:
CONTINENTAL MONEY. VIRGINIA MONEY.
1779--Jan. 9, 7-72/100 1779--Jan., 8 1780-Jan., 42 " 24, 8-34/100 Feb., 10 Feb., 45 Feb. 11, 9-13/100 Mar., 10 Mar., 50 Mar. 2, 10 Apr., 16 Apr., 60 Apr. 2, 11-12/100 May, 20 May, 60 May 10, 12-51/100 June, 20 June, 65 June 21, 14- 3/10 July, 21 July, 65 Aug. 8, 16-69/100 Aug., 22 Aug., 70 Sept. 28, 20 Sept., 26 Sept., 72 Nov. 22, 25- 6/100 Oct., 28 Oct., 73 1780--Feb. 2, 33-44/100 Nov., 36 Nov., 74 Mar. 18, 40 Dec., 40 Dec., 75
Thus you see that, in January 1779, seven dollars and seventy-two hundredths of a dollar of Continental money were worth one dollar of silver, and at the same time, eight dollars of Virginia paper were worth one dollar of silver, &c. After March 18th, 1780, Continental paper, received in Virginia, will be estimated by the table of Virginia paper. I advise all the foreign holders of paper money to lodge it in the office of their consul for the State where it was received, that he may dispose of it for their benefit the first moment that payment shall be provided by the State or Continent. I had lately the pleasure of seeing the Countess d'Houditot well at Sanois, and have that now of assuring you of the perfect esteem and respect with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE.
PARIS, July 17, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I have now the honor of enclosing to you an estimate of the exports and imports of the United States. Calculations of this kind cannot pretend to accuracy, where inattention and fraud combine to suppress their objects. Approximation is all they can aim at. Neither care nor candor have been wanting on my part to bring them as near the truth as my skill and materials would enable me to do. I have availed myself of the best documents from the custom-houses, which have been given to the public, and have been able to rectify these in many instances by information collected by myself on the spot in many of the States. Still remember, however, that I call them but approximations, and that they must present some errors as considerable as they were unavoidable.
Our commerce divides itself into European and West Indian. I have conformed my statement to this division.
On running over the catalogue of American imports, France will naturally mark out those articles with which she could supply us to advantage; and she may safely calculate, that, after a little time shall have enabled us to get rid of our present incumbrances, and of some remains of attachment to the particular forms of manufacture to which we have been habituated, we shall take those articles which she can furnish, on as good terms as other nations, to whatever extent she will enable us to pay for them. It is her interest, therefore, as well as ours, to multiply the means of payment. These must be found in the catalogue of our exports, and among these will be seen neither gold nor silver. We have no mines of either of these metals. Produce, therefore, is all we can offer. Some articles of our produce will be found very convenient to this country for her own consumption. Others will be convenient, as being more commerciable in her hands than those she will give in exchange for them. If there be any which she can neither consume, nor dispose of by exchange, she will not buy them of us, and of course we shall not bring them to her. If American produce can be brought into the ports of France, the articles of exchange for it will be taken in those ports; and the only means of drawing it hither, is to let the merchant see that he can dispose of it on better terms here than anywhere else. If the market price of this country does not in itself offer this superiority, it may be worthy of consideration, whether it should be obtained by such abatements of duties, and even by such other encouragements as the importance of the article may justify. Should some loss attend this in the beginning, it can be discontinued when the trade shall be well established in this channel.
With respect to the West India commerce, I must apprise you that this estimate does not present its present face. No materials have enabled us to say how it stands since the war. We can only show what it was before that period. This is most sensibly felt in the exports of fish and flour. The surplus of the former, which these regulations threw back on us, is forced to Europe, where, by increasing the quantity, it lessens the price; the surplus of the latter is sunk, and to what other objects this portion of industry is turned or turning, I am not able to discover. The imports, too, of sugar and coffee are thrown under great difficulties. These increase the price; and being articles of food for the poorer class (as you may be sensible in observing the quantities consumed), a small increase of price places them above the reach of this class, which being very numerous, must occasion a great diminution of consumption. It remains to see whether the American will endeavor to baffle these new restrictions in order to indulge his habits, or will adopt his habits to other objects which may furnish employment to the surplus of industry formerly occupied in raising that bread which no longer finds a vent in the West Indian market. If, instead of either of these measures, he should resolve to come to Europe for coffee and sugar, he must lessen equivalently his consumption of some other European articles in order to pay for his coffee and sugar, the bread with which he formerly paid for them in the West Indies not being demanded in the European market. In fact, the catalogue of imports offer several articles more dispensable than coffee and sugar. Of all these subjects, the committee and yourself are the more competent judges. To you, therefore, I trust them, with every wish for their improvement; and, with sentiments of that perfect esteem and respect with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
ESTIMATE OF THE EXPORTS OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
TO EUROPE. TO WEST INDIES. TOTAL. _Louis._ _Louis._ _Louis._ Fish 107,000 50,000 157,000 Fish Oil 181,688 9,562 191,250 Fish Bones 8,400 ...... 8,400 Salted Meats ...... 131,500 131,500 Live Stock ...... 99,000 99,000 Butter, Cheese ...... 18,000 18,000 Flour, Bread, 660,000 barrels 330,000 330,000 660,000 Wheat, 2,210,000 bushels 331,000 ...... 331,000 Indian Corn 30,000 61,000 91,000 Rice, 130,000 barrels 189,350 70,650 200,000 Indigo 51,700 ...... 51,700 Tobacco, 87,000 hogsheads 1,306,000 ...... 1,305,000 Potash, 20,000 barrels 49,000 ...... 49,000 Peltry 184,900 ...... 184,900 Flax Seed 79,500 ...... 79,500 Hemp 21,000 ...... 21,000 Iron, Copper 84,000 6,000 90,000 Turpentine, &c., 60,000 barrels 29,410 1,800 31,250 Timber, Lumber 82,000 164,000 246,000 Hops, 300 216,500 ...... 216,500 Miscellanies 22,000 ...... 22,000 --------- ------- --------- 3,302,448 941,552 4,244,000
ESTIMATE OF THE IMPORTS OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
FROM EUROPE AND AFRICA. } } Woollen cloths of every description, } Linens of every description, } Hosiery, Hats, } Gloves, Shoes, Boots, Sadlery and other things of } leather, } Silks, Gold and Silver Lace, Jewellery, Millinery, } Toys, } East India goods, } Porcelaine, Glass, Earthenware, } Silver, Copper, Brass, Tin, Pewter, Lead, Steel, Iron} Louis. l. s. in every form, } Upholstery, Cabinet Work, Painters' Colors, } 3,039,000 0 0 Cheese, Pickles, Confitures, Chocolate, } Wine, 2,000 tons, at 100 louis, 200,000 louis, } Brandy, Beer, } Medicinal Drugs, Snuff, Bees' Wax, } Books, Stationery, Mill Stones, Grind Stones, Marble,} Sail Cloth, Cordage, Ship Chandlery, Fishing-tackle, } Ivory, Ebony, Barwood, Dyewood, } Slaves, Salt, 521,225 bushels, at 24 sous, 26,061 } louis, 6 livres, }
FROM THE WEST INDIES. } _Louis._ _l._ _s._ Salt, 500,484 bushels, at 24 sous 25,020 4 16} Fruits 2,239 12 } Cocoa, 576,589 lbs., at 12 sous 5,798 12 } Coffee, 408,494 lbs., at 16 sous 15,249 14 8} Sugar, 10,232,432 lbs. 168,007 } Molasses, 3,645,464 gallons, at 24 sous } 186,281 19 4} Rum, 3,888,370 gallons, at 2 livres 14 sous } 437,441 15 } 927,438 8 8 Ginger, Pimento 1,395 1 4} Cotton, 356,591 lbs., at 24 sous 17,829 13 4} Skins 7,870 6 } Indigo, 4,352 lbs., at 5 livres 8 sous } 979 4 16} Ivory, Turtle Shell 247 4 16} Lignum vitæ, Sarsaparilla, Fustic, Annotta } 5,170 } Logwood 13,624 21 } Mahogany 23,280 } --------------- 3,966,438 8 8
TO THE GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA.
PARIS, July 22, 1786.
SIR,--An opportunity offering, at a moment's warning only, to London, I have only time to inform your Excellency that we have shipped from Bordeaux fifteen hundred stand of arms for the State of Virginia, of which I now enclose the bill of lading. A somewhat larger number of cartouch-boxes have been prepared here, are now packing, and will go to Havre immediately to be shipped there. As soon as these are forwarded, I will do myself the honor of sending you a state of the expenditures for these and other objects. The residue of the arms and accoutrements are in a good course of preparation. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO M. CATHALAN.
PARIS, August 8, 1786.
SIR,--I have been duly honored with your favor of July 28. I have in consequence thereof reconsidered the order of Council of Berny, and it appears to me to extend as much to the southern ports of France as to the western; and that for tobacco delivered in any port where there is no manufacture, only thirty sols per quintal is to be deducted. The farmers may perhaps evade the purchase of tobacco in a port convenient to them by purchasing the whole quantity in other ports. I shall readily lend my aid to promote the mercantile intercourse between your port and the United States whenever I can aid it. For the present, it is much restrained by the danger of capture by the piratical States.
I have the honor to be, with much respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO GOVERNOR HENRY.
PARIS, August 9, 1786.
SIR,--I have duly received the honor of your Excellency's letter of May 17, 1786, on the subject of Captain Green, supposed to be in captivity with the Algerines. I wish I could have communicated the agreeable news that this supposition was well founded, and I should not have hesitated to gratify as well your Excellency as the worthy father of Captain Green, by doing whatever would have been necessary for his redemption. But we have certainly no such prisoner at Algiers. We have there twenty-one prisoners in all. Of these only four are Americans by birth. Three of these are Captains, of the names of O'Brian, Stephens, and Coffyn. There were only two vessels taken by the Algerines, one commanded by O'Brian, the other by Stephens. Coffyn, I believe, was a supercargo. The Moors took one vessel from Philadelphia, which they gave up again with the crew. No other captures have been made on us by any of the piratical States. I wish I could say we were likely to be secure against future captures. With Morocco I have hope we shall; but the States of Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli hold their peace at a price which would be felt by every man in his settlement with the tax-gatherer.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
* * * * *
P. S. _August 13, 1786._ I have this morning received information from Mr. Barclay that our peace with the Emperor of Morocco would be pretty certainly signed in a few days. This leaves us the Atlantic free. Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli, however, remaining hostile, will shut up the Mediterranean to us. The two latter never come into the Atlantic; the Algerines rarely, and but a little way out of the Straits. In Mr. Barclay's letter is this paragraph, "There is a young man now under my care, who has been a slave sometime with the Arabs in the desert." His name is James Mercier, born at the town of Suffolk, Nansemond County, Virginia. The King sent him after the first audience, and I shall take him to Spain. On Mr. Barclay's return to Spain, he shall find there a letter from me to forward this young man to his own country, for the expenses of which I will make myself responsible.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, August 11, 1786.
SIR,--Since the date of my last, which was of July the 8th, I have been honored with the receipt of yours of June the 16th. I am to thank you on the part of the minister of Geneva for the intelligence it contained on the subject of Gallatin, whose relations will be relieved by the receipt of it.
The inclosed intelligence, relative to the instructions of the court of London to Sir Guy Carleton, came to me through the Count de La Touche, and Marquis de La Fayette. De La Touche is a director under the Marechal de Castries, minister for the marine department, and possibly receives his intelligence from him, and he from their ambassador at London. Possibly, too, it might be fabricated here. Yet, weighing the characters of the ministry of St. James's and Versailles, I think the former more capable of giving such instructions, than the latter of fabricating them for the small purposes the fabrication could answer.
The Gazette of France, of July the 28th, announces the arrival of Peyrouse at Brazil, that he was to touch at Otaheite, and proceed to California, and still further northwardly. This paper, as you well know, gives out such facts as the court are willing the world should be possessed of. The presumption is, therefore, that they will make an establishment of some sort, on the north-west coast of America.
I trouble you with the copy of a letter from Scheveighauser and Dobrec, on a subject with which I am quite unacquainted. Their letter to Congress of November the 30th, 1780, gives their state of the matter. How far it be true and just can probably be ascertained from Dr. Franklin, Dr. Lee, and other gentlemen now in America. I shall be glad to be honored with the commands of Congress on this subject. I have inquired into the state of their arms, mentioned in their letter to me. The principal articles were about thirty thousand bayonets, fifty thousand gunlocks, thirty cases of arms, twenty-two cases of sabres, and some other things of little consequence. The quay at Nantes, having been overflowed by the river Loire, the greatest part of these arms were under water, and they are now, as I am informed, a solid mass of rust, not worth the expense of throwing them out of the warehouse, much less that of storage. Were not their want of value a sufficient reason against reclaiming the property of these arms, it rests with Congress to decide, whether other reasons are not opposed to this reclamation. They were the property of a sovereign body, they were seized by an individual, taken cognizance of by a court of justice, and refused, or at least not restored by the sovereign within whose States they had been arrested. These are circumstances which have been mentioned to me. Dr. Franklin, however, will be able to inform Congress, with precision, as to what passed on this subject. If the information I have received be anything like the truth, the discussion of this matter can only be with the court of Versailles. It would be very delicate, and could have but one of two objects; either to recover the arms, which are not worth receiving, or to satisfy us on the point of honor. Congress will judge how far the latter may be worth pursuing against a particular ally, and under actual circumstances. An instance, too, of acquiescence on our part under a wrong, rather than disturb our friendship by altercations, may have its value in some future case. However, I shall be ready to do in this what Congress shall be pleased to direct.
I enclose the despatches relative to the Barbary negotiation, received since my last. It is painful to me to overwhelm Congress and yourself continually with these voluminous papers. But I have no right to suppress any part of them, and it is one of those cases where, from a want of well-digested information, we must be contented to examine a great deal of rubbish, in order to find a little good matter.
The gazettes of Leyden and France, to the present date, accompany this, which, for want of direct and safe opportunities, I am obliged to send by an American gentleman, by the way of London. The irregularity of the French packets has diverted elsewhere the tide of passengers, who used to furnish me occasions of writing to you, without permitting my letters to go through the post office. So that when the packets go now, I can seldom write by them.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
* * * * *
[The annexed is a translation of the paper referred to in the preceding letter, on the subject of the instructions given to Sir Guy Carleton.]
* * * * *
An extract of English political news, concerning North America. July 14th, 1786.
General Carleton departs in a few days with M. de La Naudiere, a Canadian gentleman. He has made me acquainted with the Indian, Colonel Joseph Brandt. It is certain that he departs with the most positive instructions to distress the Americans as much as possible, and to create them enemies on all sides.
Colonel Brandt goes loaded with presents for himself, and for several chiefs of the tribes bordering on Canada. It would be well for the Americans to know in time, that enemies are raised against them, in order to derange their system of government, and to add to the confusion which already exists in it. The new possessions of England will not only gain what America shall lose, but will acquire strength in proportion to the weakening of the United States.
Sooner or later, the new States which are forming will place themselves under the protection of England, which can always communicate with them through Canada; and which, in case of future necessity, can harass the United States on one side by her shipping, and on the other by her intrigues. This system has not yet come to maturity, but it is unfolded, and we may rely upon the instructions given to Colonel Brandt.
TO COLONEL MONROE.
PARIS, August 11, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 9th of July; and, since that, have received yours of the 16th of June, with the interesting intelligence it contained. I was entirely in the dark as to the progress of that negotiation, and concur entirely in the views you have taken of it. The difficulty on which it hangs is a _sine qua non_ with us. It would be to deceive them and ourselves, to suppose that an amity can be preserved, while this right is withheld. Such a supposition would argue, not only an ignorance of the people to whom this is most interesting, but an ignorance of the nature of man, or an inattention to it. Those who see but half way into our true interest, will think that that concurs with the views of the other party. But those who see it in all its extent, will be sensible that our true interest will be best promoted, by making all the just claims of our fellow citizens, wherever situated, our own, by urging and enforcing them with the weight of our whole influence, and by exercising in this, as in every other instance, a just government in their concerns, and making common cause even where our separate interest would seem opposed to theirs. No other conduct can attach us together; and on this attachment depends our happiness.
The King of Prussia still lives, and is even said to be better. Europe is very quiet at present. The only germ of dissension, which shows itself at present, is in the quarter of Turkey. The Emperor, the Empress, and the Venetians seem all to be picking at the Turks. It is not probable, however, that either of the two first will do anything to bring on an open rupture, while the King of Prussia lives.
You will perceive, by the letters I enclose to Mr. Jay, that Lambe, under the pretext of ill health, declines returning either to Congress, Mr. Adams, or myself. This circumstance makes me fear some malversation. The money appropriated to this object being in Holland, and, having been always under the care of Mr. Adams, it was concerted between us that all the drafts should be on him. I know not, therefore, what sums may have been advanced to Lambe; I hope, however, nothing great. I am persuaded that an angel sent on this business, and so much limited in his terms, could have done nothing. But should Congress propose to try the line of negotiation again, I think they will perceive that Lambe is not a proper agent. I have written to Mr. Adams on the subject of a settlement with Lambe. There is little prospect of accommodation between the Algerines, and the Portuguese and Neapolitans. A very valuable capture, too, lately made by them on the Empress of Russia, bids fair to draw her on them. The probability is, therefore, that these three nations will be at war with them, and the probability is, that could we furnish a couple of frigates, a convention might be formed with those powers, establishing a perpetual cruise on the coast of Algiers, which would bring them to reason. Such a convention, being left open to all powers willing to come into it, should have for its object a general peace, to be guaranteed to each, by the whole. Were only two or three to begin a confederacy of this kind, I think every power in Europe would soon fall into it, except France, England, and perhaps Spain and Holland. Of these, there is only England, who would give any real aid to the Algerines. Morocco, you perceive, will be at peace with us. Were the honor and advantage of establishing such a confederacy out of the question, yet the necessity that the United States should have some marine force, and the happiness of this, as the ostensible cause for beginning it, would decide on its propriety. It will be said, there is no money in the treasury. There never will be money in the treasury, till the confederacy shows its teeth. The States must see the rod; perhaps it must be felt by some one of them. I am persuaded, all of them would rejoice to see every one obliged to furnish its contributions. It is not the difficulty of furnishing them, which beggars the treasury, but the fear that others will not furnish as much. Every rational citizen must wish to see an effective instrument of coercion, and should fear to see it on any other element than the water. A naval force can never endanger our liberties, nor occasion bloodshed; a land force would do both. It is not in the choice of the States, whether they will pay money to cover their trade against the Algerines. If they obtain a peace by negotiation, they must pay a great sum of money for it; if they do nothing, they must pay a great sum of money, in the form of insurance; and in either way, as great a one as in the way of force, and probably less effectual.
I look forward with anxiety to the approaching moment of your departure from Congress. Besides the interest of the confederacy and of the State, I have a personal interest in it. I know not to whom I may venture confidential communications, after you are gone. I take the liberty of placing here my respects to Mrs. Monroe, and assurances of the sincere esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
FOOTNOTES:
[111] [The remainder of this letter is in cypher to which there is no key in the Editor's possession.]
[112] The original of this letter was in cypher. But annexed to the copy in cypher, is the above literal copy by the author.
[113] Mr. Short was Mr. Jefferson's private secretary. The propositions of our ministers for commercial treaties, were received with coldness by all the European powers except Prussia, Denmark, and Tuscany. Frederick met their propositions cordially, and a treaty was soon concluded with his minister at the Hague. With Denmark and Tuscany our own ministers, from considerations of policy, protracted the negotiations until their powers expired.--ED.
[114] Livy, Sallust, Cæsar, Cicero's epistles, Suetonius, Tacitus, Gibbon.
[115] This was the officer who, on the evacuation of Fort Mifflin, after the British had passed the chevaux de frise on the Delaware, was left with fifteen men to destroy the works, which he did, and brought off his men successfully. He had, before that, been commander of the Rattlesnake sloop of war, and had much annoyed the British trade. Being bred a seaman, he has returned to that vocation.
[116] A hogshead of tobacco weighs generally about one thousand pounds English, equal to nine hundred and seventeen pounds French. The seven hogsheads he sailed with would therefore weigh, according to this estimate, six thousand four hundred and twenty-three pounds. They actually weighed more on the first essay. When afterwards weighed at Landivisian, they had lost eighty-four pounds on being carried into a drier air. Perhaps, too, a difference of weights may have entered into this apparent loss.
[117] [Minister of Foreign Affairs for France.]
INDEX TO VOL. I.
ADAMS, JOHN--His views on Articles of Confederation, 33. Appointed Minister to England, 63. His presentation at the Court of St. James, 436.
ADAMS, SAMUEL--His character, 121.
AGRICULTURE--Its superiority to all other pursuits, 403, 465. That of England and France compared, 549.
ALIENS--Who are and who are not aliens, 530.
ALGIERS--(See Barbary States).
AMERICA, U. STATES OF--Imperfections of Articles of Confederation, 78. A New Constitution for, necessary, 78. Views of U. States prevalent in Europe, 407, 413. Views of public affairs of U. States in A. D. 1785, 423. English calumnies against, 427. Hostile feeling of England against, 429, 464, 541, 550, 563, 604. Low reputation of, in Europe, 513. Extravagance of the people, 550. Summary of news from, 349.
ANTOINETTE, MARIA--Her character, 88, 101.
ARMS--Supply of, for Congress, 603.
ARMY, REVOLUTIONARY--Virginia troops, 235. Continental troops, 235. Disasters in South, 241, 249. Success in Canada, 202. Supplies of men, provisions and ammunition from Virginia for the Southern Army, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 249, 251, 252, 253, 254, 256, 260, 262, 263, 273, 274, 285, 288, 302, 304. The movements of the Southern Army, 291, 294, 296, 298, 299, 300, 302, 303, 309. Expedition against Canada, 206. Military movement in Va., 207. Process of the War, 211. False account of our battles circulated in Europe, 207.
ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION--(See Confederation).
ASQUITH, LISTER--Relative to his imprisonment in France on charge of being engaged in contraband trade, 583.
ASTRONOMY--Discoveries in, 447, 516.
AUSTRIA--Relations between the Emperor and the Dutch, 346, 353, 355, 358, 365, 400, 405. Relations between Austria, Russia, and Turkey, 400. Treaty of Commerce with, 510, 523, 566, 571.
BALLOONS--Experiments with in France, 354, 441.
BARBARY STATES--Naval alliance against proposed, 65, 591, 606. It fails, 67. Disposition of towards U. S., 401, 413, 428. Relations of U. S. with, 376, 393, 557, 560, 565, 570, 572, 575, 584, 591, 601. A mission to, advisable, 406. Mr. Barclay sent on the mission to Morocco, 416, 474. Letter to Emperor, 418. Instructions to Mr. Barclay, 420. Inquiries to be made by him, 421. Mr. Lambe sent on mission to Algiers, 376, 438, 457, 474, 581. Embarrassments occasioned by his delay, 376, 385. Remanded to America to give information in respect to mission, 581. His equivocal conduct, 605. Passports for ministers, 471. American prisoners, 439, 477, 601. Negotiations with the Tripolitine minister, 551. Naval war against, advisable, 591.
BOSTON PORT BILL--Effects of its passage on colonies, 6. Proceedings thereon in Va. Assembly, 6. June 1st, appointed day of general fasting, humiliation and prayer, 7.
BOUNDARY--Between Pennsylvania and Virginia, 399.
BURGESSES, VIRGINIA HOUSE OF--Proceedings in, on Stamp Act, 4. Distinguished members, 4. Tone and political views of members, 5. Proceedings on Boston Port Bill, 6. Dissolved by Governor, 7. Recommended sending members to Continental Congress, 7. Also to elect delegates to meet at Williamsburg, 7. Their action, 8, 9.
CAMDEN--Battle of, 263.
CAPITOL OF VIRGINIA--Model for from France, 46.
CARMICHAEL, MR.--The estimation in which held at Court of Spain, 526.
CARR, PETER--Letter of advice to in respect to education, &c., 395.
CHANCERY COURTS--Expediency of introducing trial by Jury in, 37, 49, 50.
CHERBOURG, PORT OF--Its fortification, 587.
CHURCH, EPISCOPAL--Its first establishment in Virginia, 38. Character of its clergy, 38. Dissenters from constitute a majority, 38. Its overthrow as an establishment, 39, 174. Its maintenance advocated particularly by Pendleton and Robert C. Nicholas, 39.
CINCINNATI, SOCIETY OF--History of and objections to, 334.
CITIZENSHIP--Act defining it, 40.
CLARKE, COL.--His success at St. Vincennes, 221. Expedition against Indians, 339, 359, 381, 382, 395.
COLONIES, AMERICAN--Resistance to mother country, 5. Tone and views of different parties, 5. Resistance to Governor, 5. Summary view of relations between and the mother country, 8. Summary view of their rights, 124. Their grievances, 201.
COMMERCE--Commercial treaties under Confederation, 60. Powers of Congress over, 349. Proposition to exempt merchant vessels from seizure in time of war, 62. Commercial treaties with European powers, 62, 371, 455, 459, 465, 478, 487. Benefits of, 404. Expediency of investing Congress with control of, 425, 475, 487, 531. Commercial relations with France, 378, 386, 491, 499. Commercial relations with Austria, 511, 512, 523. The commerce of the U. States, 597. Programme of commercial treaties with European powers, 350, 360, 371.
COMMITTEES OF CORRESPONDENCE--Their origin, 6, 115, 124.
CONFEDERATION, ARTICLES OF--Report of committee appointed to prepare, 26. Debates thereon in Continental Congress, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31. Adoption thereof, 36. Executive power lodged in Committee, 54. The Committee splits into factions, 54. Character of Congress under, 58. Imperfections of Articles of Confederation, 78. New Constitution necessary, 78. Financial embarrassments under Confederation, 83. Powers of over commerce, 349, 425, 475, 487.
CONGRESS--Proceedings of Continental Congress, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19. Address by to people of Great Britain, 11. Character of Congress under Confederation at Annapolis, 58. Instructions of Va. to her delegates to Continental Congress, 122, 142.
CONSTITUTION, FEDERAL--Mr. Jefferson's views on, 79.
CONSULS--Consular Convention with France, 85. Consuls not recognized by Law of Nations, 426.
CONVENTION--The Assembly of the Convention to amend constitution, 79.
CORNWALLIS, LORD--His military movements in South, 291, 294.
CRIMINAL CODE--Revision of Criminal Code of Va., 43. Whether punishment of death should be abolished, 45. Bill proportioning crimes and punishments, 146.
CURRENCY--Notes on Money Unit, 53, 162. Coinage for U. States, 475.
DAVIES, COL. WM.--Recommendation of for Commissioner of War Office, 301.
DEBT, DOMESTIC--Condition of, 369, 472, 578.
DEBT, FOREIGN--Condition of, 82, 369, 471, 510, 512, 519, 546, 566, 576. Interest on, 357.
DEBT, REVOLUTIONARY--Interest not paid during war, 546, 561. On what principle paper debt redeemed, 595.
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE--Moved in Continental Congress by Va. delegates in conformity with instructions, 12. Debates on that motion, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17. Action thereon, 17, 18. Committee appointed to prepare, 17, 18. Report of Committee, 19. Copy of rough draught of Declaration, 19, 20. Facsimile of rough draught of Declaration, 26. History of circumstances attending the Declaration of Independence, 118. Necessity of separation from mother country, 207.
DENMARK--Claim against for prize money, 461, 489. Money paid, 522. Commercial relations of U. S. with, 571.
DUMAS, M.--His personal standing in France and Holland, 527, 568. Debt due to, 528. His mission to the Hague, 593.
ECLIPSE--The eclipse of 1778, 310.
EDUCATION--General system of, 347. Letter of advice from Mr. Jefferson in relation to, 395. Relative advantages of foreign and domestic education, 467.
ENGLAND--Commercial treaty with impracticable, 64, 541, 543, 550, 552, 553. Hostile feelings towards U. States, 429, 464, 541, 550, 563, 604. England and France compared, 549. Relations of U. States with, 557, 560, 561, 576. Debt of U. S. to, 563. Incites Indians against our people, 604.
ENTAILS--Abolition of in Va., 37, 138.
EPISCOPAL CHURCH--Its first establishment in Virginia, 38. Character of its clergy, 38. Dissenters from in the majority, 38. Its overthrow as the established Church, 39, 174. Resisted by Pendleton and Nicholas, 39.
EUROPE--Political condition of, 346, 353, 355, 358, 365, 366, 400, 435, 442, 453, 509, 559, 605. Relations between Emperor and Dutch, 346, 353, 355, 358, 365, 400, 405, 412. Relations between Austria, Russia and Turkey, 400. Mr. Jefferson's views of Europe, 444.
FRANCE--Influence of American Revolution on, 69. Financial embarrassments of, 69. Assembly of Notables convened, 70. They refuse to vote supplies, 70. Constitutional reforms, 71. Abuses of old government, 86. Assembling of States General, 87. Progress of the Revolution, 87. Constitution of States General, 87. Character of King and Queen, 88, 101. Severity of winter of 1788-9, 88. Importation of bread-stuffs from America, 89. Riots, 89, 97. Opening of States General, 90. Early debates and difficulties in organizing, 91. Tiers Etat constitute themselves the National Assembly, 92. Conduct and policy of Court party, 92. Royal session, 94. Popular demonstrations, 94. Disaffection of soldiery, 95. Part of Nobles and Clergy join Tiers Etats, 95. New Constitution for France, 96, 103. Military interference by Government, 96. Mr. Neckar expelled from ministry, 96. The new Court Ministry, 97. Bastile taken, 98. Resignation of Court Ministry and recall of Mr. Neckar, 100. Flight of aristocracy begins, 100. Views on the execution of King and Queen, 101. The Neckar Ministry, 102. Great reforms of National Assembly, 103. Divisions spring up in popular party, 103. Friendly relations between France and U. S., 456. Relations between France and England, 381. England and France compared, 549. Mr. Jefferson's views of French people, 187, 395, 549. Commercial relations with U. S., 378, 386, 491, 499, 561, 567, 586, 589.
FRANKLIN, BENJ.--His views on Articles of Confederation, 31. Visits to from Jefferson, 108.
GATES, GEN.--His disasters in the South, 241, 249. Supplies for from Virginia, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 254, 256, 260, 262, 263, 273, 274, 285, 288, 302, 304. Consolations of Jefferson on his failures, 314.
GEOLOGY--516.
GREENE, GEN.--His military movements in South, 291, 294, 296, 298, 299, 300, 302, 303, 309.
HAMILTON, GEN.--His detention as prisoner of war, 231, 232, 233, 237, 258, 267.
HENRY, PATRICK--His connection with Revolution, 116. His eloquence, 4.
HISTORY, NATURAL--Objects of, 500. The grouse, pheasant, elk, &c., 506, 507, 519. The big bones of the West, 323. Whether animals degenerate in America, 340.
HONFLEUR, CITY OF--Relative to making it a free port, 579.
HOPKINSON, MR.--His views on Articles of Confederation, 34.
HOUDON--His Statue of Washington, 513, 533.
HUMPHREYS, COL.--Testimonial of his character, 538, 568.
INDEPENDENCE, DECLARATION OF--First moved in Continental Congress by the Delegates from Va., in obedience to instructions, 12. Debates on that motion, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17. Action of Congress thereon, 17, 18. Committee appointed to prepare Declaration, 17, 18.
INDEPENDENCE, DECLARATION OF--Report of Committee, 19. Copy of rough draught of Declaration, 19, 20, &c. Facsimile of rough draught of Declaration, 26. History of the circumstances attending the Declaration, 118. Separation from mother country necessary and inevitable, 207,
INDIANS--Expeditions of Clarke and Shelby against, 221. Expedition by Clarke, 239, 259, 281, 282, 295. England incites them against our people, 604.
IRELAND--Commerce with U. S., 478.
JEFFERSON, THOMAS--His Family, 1, 2. His birth, 2. His early education, 2. Elected to Virginia Legislature, 3. Endeavors to have slavery abolished in Va., 3. His marriage, 4. Student at William and Mary College, 4. Resolutions against Stamp Act, 4. Proceedings thereon in Va., 4. Appointed member of Continental Congress, 10. Elected to Va. Legislature after separation from England, 36. Brings in bill for establishing courts of justice, 36. Also declaring that tenants entail shall hold their lands in fee, 36. Appointed member of committee to revise laws of Va., 42. Overthrow of landed aristocracy of Va., 49. Elected Governor of Va., 50, 216. His resignation in favor of Gen. Nelson, 50. Appointed Commissioner to France, 50. Declines in favor of Dr. Lee, 51. Appointed minister plenipotentiary to negotiate peace, 51. Declines at first, but accepts afterwards, 51, 313, 321. Prepares to sail, 322, 324, 326. His detentions, 327, 332. Treaty of peace being concluded before he sails, he resigns and returns home, 52, 329, 330, 331. Appointed delegate to Congress, 52. Executive powers of Confederation to lodge in committee, 54. Committee split into factions, 54. Appointed minister plenipotentiary to negotiate treaties with foreign nations, 60. Sails for Europe, 60. Appointed minister to France, 63. Subjects of negotiation with France, 64. Visit to South of France, 72. Dislocated wrist, 72. Takes management of European debt of U. S., 83. Visit to Holland and journey along Rhine, 85. Refuses to aid in framing Constitution for France, 103. Consultation at his house in Paris among the leaders of liberal party of France, 104. His views of French revolution, 106. His views of the French people, 107. His return to U. S., 107. Appointed Sec'y of State, 108, 176. Visits Franklin, 108. A summary of his public services, 174. Love affair in Williamsburg, 181, 186, 188, 190. Relative to his residence in Williamsburg; friends and things there, 184, 193, 194. Loss of his library and papers by fire, 193. His opinion of Ossian, 196. Member of the association against importing goods from England, 197. His love of music, 209. His views of Europe, 444. His salary as minister insufficient, 452.
JUDICIARY--Jefferson's views on, 81. Expediency of introducing jury trial in chancery courts, 37, 49, 50.
KENTUCKY, STATE OF--Danger of her secession, 518.
LA FAYETTE--Presentation of bust of, by Virginia to City of Paris, 403, 514. Grant of land to, 533.
LAMBE, MR.--His mission to Algiers, 376, 581. Embarrassments resulting from his delay, 376, 385. Remanded to America to give information in reference to his mission, 581. His conduct equivocal, 605.
LAND--Colonial tenure of, 138.
LANDS, PUBLIC--Best disposition to be made of, 347. Ordinance in relation to, 407.
LANDS--Purchase of by Congress, 423. Land office, 423, 430. Sale of, 430.
LAW, INTERNATIONAL--Proposition to introduce new principle in, 62. Free ships free goods, enemy's ships enemy's goods, 62.
LAWS OF VIRGINIA--Revision thereof, 42, 45.
LEDYARD, JOHN--Expedition to explore western part of American Continent, 68. Defeated by Empress of Russia, 68.
LESLIE, MAJ. GEN.--Letter from to Cornwallis intercepted, 271.
LEXINGTON, BATTLE OF--Account of killed and wounded, 207.
LOANS--European loans to U. S., 210.
LOUIS XVI.--His Character, 88, 101.
LUZERNE, CHEVALIER DE--His appointment as minister to U. S., 350.
MADISON, JAMES--His character and early history, 41.
MAP--Map of Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, 536.
MARIA ANTOINETTE--Her character, 88, 101.
MASON, GEORGE--His character, 41.
MATHEWS, COL.--Prisoner of war, 231, 232, 233.
MONROE, COL. JAMES--His character, 555. His marriage, 590.
MOROCCO--(See Barbary States).
MUSKETS--Improvement in the manufacture of, 412, 514.
MUSIC--New musical instrument, 504.
NETHERLANDS--Insurrection against Stadtholder, 73. France promises assistance, 73. Difficulties compromised, 77.
NOTABLES, ASSEMBLY OF--Notables convened, 70. They refuse to vote supplies, 70. Make reforms in constitution, 71.
NOVA SCOTIA--Relations of with U. S., 488.
OFFICE--Question whether a citizen has right to decline office, 420.
OGLETHORPE, GEN.--His claim to certain lands in Georgia, 499, 500, 501.
OSSIAN--Jefferson's opinions of Ossian's poems, 199.
OTTO, M.--His mission to U. S., 346.
PEACE--Ratification of at Annapolis, 55, 56. Debate thereon, 56, 59.
PENDLETON, EDMUND--His character, 37. Opposed to abolition of entails, 37. Also to abolition of church establishment in Va., 39.
PENITENTIARY--Model for Virginia penitentiary, 46. Question as to solitary confinement, 46, 47.
PENNSYLVANIA--Boundary between and Virginia, 399.
PEYROUSE, M.--His expedition, 454, 602.
PHILLIPS, GEN.--Point of etiquette between him and Jefferson, 308.
PLATINA--Its Uses, 505.
PORTUGAL--Treaty of commerce with defeated, 64. Proposed again, 406, 458, 460, 492, 539, 543, 551.
POST OFFICE--Postal arrangements between France and the U. S, 410. Rascalities of French and English post offices, 442.
POSTS, WESTERN--Refusal of England to surrender them, 450.
PRIMOGENITURE--Its abolition in Va., 43, 39, 138.
PRISONERS OF WAR--The Saratoga prisoners, 202, 268, 276. Case of Col. Hamilton, 231, 232, 233, 237, 258, 267. Case of Col. Mathews, 231, 232, 233. Jefferson's attention to Saratoga prisoners, 278.
PRIZES--Claim against Denmark for prize money, 461, 522. Against France, 364, 374, 392.
PRUSSIA--Commercial negotiations with, 355, 368, 372, 382, 416, 469. Bad health of King of, 586. His death and the effects of in Europe, 586.
RELIGION--Bill establishing religious freedom, 45.
REVOLUTION, AMERICAN--Its early stages, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20. Association against importing foreign goods, 197. Outbreak at Boston, 199, 202. Tone of Colonies, 201, 203, 204. Expedition against Canada, 202, 206. Military movement in Va., 207. Progress of the war, 211. History of, 535. Disasters in South, 241, 249. False accounts of the war propagated in Europe, 207.
RICHMOND, CITY OF--Removal of government from Williamsburg to, 40.
RIEDESEL, GEN. DE--His imprisonment in Albemarle, 240.
RUSSIA--Relations between Russia, Austria and Turkey, 400.
SCIENCE--Discoveries in, 364, 446, 516. Scientific news of Europe, 364.
SHORT, MR.--Appointed Jefferson's private Secretary, 407, 411.
SLAVERY--Effort to abolish arrested by royal veto, 3. Views of different sections of U. S. on, 377.
SLAVES--Their first importation into Va., 38. First law prohibiting their importation, 38. Bill relative to, 48. Prospective emancipation proposed, but defeated, 49. King's veto to bill abolishing, 135.
STEAM--Its application to mills, 543. To navigation, 543.
TERRITORY, NORTH-WESTERN--Right of Va. to controverted, 315.
TIMBER--American ship timber, 488.
TOBACCO--Shipments of to England, 488. Trade in with France, 343, 362, 515, 547, 561, 563, 577, 600.
TREASURY--State of our finances in Europe, 450.
TROOPS--Virginia troops in Continental service, 235. Continental troops, 235.
TURKEY--Relations between Turkey, Austria and Russia, 400.
UNITED STATES--Imperfections of Articles of Confederation, 78. They require remodelling, 78. Views of U. S. prevalent in Europe, 407, 413. Account of public affairs in 1785, 423. English calumnies against, 427. Bad reputation of in Europe, 513. Extravagance of people of, 550. Summary of news from at different times, 349.
UNIVERSITIES--Relative merits of Universities of Rome and Geneva, 466.
VERGENNES, CT. DE--Conference with, 576.
VIRGINIA--Abolition of entails, 37, 138. Primogeniture, 39, 43, 138. Church establishment, 38, 39, 174. Revision of her code, 43, 45, 146. History of by Girardin, 50. The lawyers of Va., 217. Right of Va. to Western territory controverted, 315. Boundary between Va. and Pennsylvania, 399. Her militia in Southern army, 266, 249, 250, 256, 285. Her supplies for Southern army, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 254, 256, 260, 262, 263, 273, 274, 285, 288, 302, 304. Model of capitol of Va., 432, 434, 578. Notes of Va., 6, 297, 340, 464, 528, 531, 536. Supplies of arms from France, 570, 600. Invasion of Va., 265, 266, 267, 269, 270, 271, 273, 274, 275, 278, 282, 284, 288, 290, 291, 304, 306.
WASHINGTON, GEORGE--Expression of Mr. Jefferson's esteem for, 326. Statue of by Houdon, 513, 533.
WESTERN COUNTRY--Division of into States, 587.
WILLIAM AND MARY COLLEGE--Character of, 48. Change in its organization, 50.
WILLIAMSBURG--Removal of government from to Richmond, 40.
WILSON, MR.--His views on Articles of Confederation, 35.
WYTHE, GEORGE--His character, 41. His biography, 111.
YORKTOWN, BATTLE OF--Congratulations of Jefferson to Washington on that battle, 314.