CHAPTER VIII

.

DEATH OF ISABELLA.

Queen Isabella.--Her Relations with Carlos.--Her Illness and Death.--Her Character.

1568.

Three months had not elapsed after the young and beautiful queen of Philip the Second had wept over the fate of her unfortunate step-son, when she was herself called upon to follow him to the tomb. The occurrence of these sad events so near together, and the relations of the parties, who had once been designed for each other, suggested the idea that a criminal passion subsisted between them, and that, after her lover's death, Isabella was herself sacrificed to the jealousy of a vindictive husband.

[Sidenote: HER RELATIONS WITH CARLOS.]

One will in vain look for this tale of horror in the native historians of Castile. Nor does any historian of that day, native or foreign, whom I have consulted, in noticing the rumors of the time, cast a reproach on the fair fame of Isabella; though more than one must be allowed to intimate the existence of the prince's passion for his step-mother.[1539] Brantôme tells us that, when Carlos first saw the queen, "he was so captivated by her charms, that he conceived from that time, a mortal spite against his father, whom he often reproached for the great wrong he had done him, in ravishing from him this fair prize." "And this," adds the writer, "was said in part to have been the cause of the prince's death; for he could not help loving the queen at the bottom of his soul, as well as honoring and reverencing one who was so truly amiable and deserving of love."[1540] He afterwards gives us to understand that many rumors were afloat in regard to the manner of the queen's death; and tells a story, not very probable, of a Jesuit, who was banished to the farthest Indies, for denouncing, in his pulpit, the wickedness of those who could destroy so innocent a creature.[1541]

A graver authority, the prince of Orange, in his public vindication of his own conduct, openly charges Philip with the murder of both his son and his wife. It is to be noticed, however, that he nowhere intimates that either of the parties was in love with the other; and he refers the queen's death to Philip's desire to open the way to a marriage with the Princess Anne of Austria.[1542] Yet these two authorities are the only ones of that day, so far as I am aware, who have given countenance to these startling rumors. Both were foreigners, far removed from the scene of action; one of them a light, garrulous Frenchman, whose amusing pages, teeming with the idle gossip of the court, are often little better than a _Chronique Scandaleuse_; the other, the mortal enemy of Philip, whose character--as the best means of defending his own--he was assailing with the darkest imputations.

No authority, however, beyond that of vulgar rumor, was required by the unscrupulous writers of a later time, who discerned the capabilities of a story like that of Carlos and Isabella, in the situations of romantic interest which it would open to the reader. Improving on this hint, they have filled in the outlines of the picture with the touches of their own fancy; until the interest thus given to this tale of love and woe has made it as widely known as any of the classic myths of early Grecian history.[1543]

Fortunately, we have the power, in this case, of establishing the truth from unsuspicious evidence,--that of Isabella's own countrymen, whose residence at the court of Madrid furnished them with ample means of personal observation. Isabella's mother, the famous Catherine de Medicis, associated with so much that is terrible in our imaginations, had at least the merit of watching over her daughter's interests with the most affectionate solicitude. This did not diminish when, at the age of fifteen, Elizabeth of France left her own land and ascended the throne of Spain. Catherine kept up a constant correspondence with her daughter, sometimes sending her instructions as to her conduct, at other times, medical prescriptions in regard to her health. She was careful also to obtain information respecting Isabella's mode of life from the French ambassadors at the court of Castile; and we may be quite sure that these loyal subjects would have been quick to report any injurious treatment of the queen by her husband.

A candid perusal of their despatches dispels all mystery,--or rather, proves there never was any cause for mystery. The sallow, sickly boy of fourteen--for Carlos was no older at the time of Isabella's marriage--was possessed of too few personal attractions to make it probable that he could have touched the heart of his beautiful step-mother, had she been lightly disposed. But her intercourse with him from the first seems to have been such as naturally arose from the relations of the parties, and from the kindness of her disposition, which led her to feel a sympathy for the personal infirmities and misfortunes of Carlos. Far from attempting to disguise her feelings in this matter, she displayed them openly in her correspondence with her mother, and before her husband and the world.

Soon after Isabella's arrival at Madrid, we find a letter from the bishop of Limoges to Charles the Ninth, her brother, informing him that "his sister, on entering the palace of Madrid, gave the prince so gracious and affectionate a reception, that it afforded singular contentment to the king, and yet more to Carlos, as appeared by his frequent visits to the queen,--as frequent as the etiquette of a court, much stiffer than that of Paris, would permit."[1544] Again, writing in the following month, the bishop speaks of the queen as endeavoring to amuse Carlos, when he came to see her in the evening, with such innocent games and pastimes as might cheer the spirits of the young prince, who seemed to be wasting away under his malady.[1545]

[Sidenote: HER RELATIONS WITH CARLOS.]

The next year we have a letter to Catherine de Medicis from one of Isabella's train, who had accompanied her from France. After speaking of her mistress as sometimes supping in the garden with the Princess Joanna, she says they were often joined there by "the prince, who loves the queen singularly well, and, as I suspect, would have no objection to be more nearly related to her."[1546]--There is nothing improbable in the supposition that Carlos, grateful for kindness to which he had not been too much accustomed, should, as he grew older, have yielded to the influence of a princess whose sweet disposition and engaging manners seem to have won the hearts of all who approached her; or that feelings of resentment should have mingled with his regret, as he thought of the hard fate which had placed a barrier between them. It is impossible, too, when we consider the prince's impetuous temper, that the French historian, De Thou, may have had good authority for asserting that Carlos, "after long conversation in the queen's apartment, was often heard, as he came out, to complain loudly of his father's having robbed him of her."[1547] But it could have been no vulgar passion that he felt for Isabella, and certainly it received no encouragement from her, if, as Brantôme tells us, "insolent and audacious as he was in his intercourse with all other women, he never came into the presence of his step-mother without such a feeling of reverence as seemed to change his very nature."

Nor is there the least evidence that the admiration excited by the queen, whether in Carlos or in the courtiers, gave any uneasiness to Philip, who seems to have reposed entire confidence in her discretion. And while we find Isabella speaking of Philip to her mother as "so good a husband, and rendering her so happy by his attentions, that it made the dullest spot in the world agreeable to her,"[1548] we meet with a letter from the French minister, Guibert, saying that "the king goes on loving the queen more and more, and that her influence has increased threefold within the last few months."[1549] A few years later, in 1565, St. Sulpice, then ambassador in Madrid, writes to the queen-mother in emphatic terms of the affectionate intercourse that subsisted between Philip and his consort. "I can assure you, madam," he says, "that the queen, your daughter, lives in the greatest content in the world, by reason of the perfect friendship which ever draws her more closely to her husband. He shows her the most unreserved confidence, and is so cordial in his treatment of her as to leave nothing to be desired."[1550] The writer quotes a declaration made to him by Philip, that "the loss of his consort would be a heavier misfortune than had ever yet befallen him."[1551]

Nor was this an empty profession in the king, as he evinced by his indulgence of Isabella's tastes,--even those national tastes which were not always in accordance with the more rigid rules of Castilian etiquette. To show the freedom with which she lived, I may perhaps be excused for touching on a few particulars, already noticed in a previous chapter. On her coming into the country, she was greeted with balls and other festivities, to which she had been accustomed in the gay capital of France. Her domestic establishment was on a scale of magnificence suited to her station; and the old courtier, Brantôme, dwells with delight on the splendid profusion of her wardrobe, and the costly jewels with which it was adorned. When she went abroad, she dispensed with her veil, after the fashion of her own country, though so much at variance with the habits of the Spanish ladies. Yet it made her a greater favorite with the people, who crowded around her wherever she appeared, eager to catch a glimpse of her beautiful features. She brought into the country a troop of French ladies and waiting-women, some of whom remained, and married in Castile. Such as returned home, she provided with liberal dowries. To persons of her own nation she was ever accessible,--receiving the humblest as well as the highest, says her biographer, with her wonted benignity. With them she conversed in her native tongue. But, in the course of three months, her ready wit had so far mastered the Castilian, that she could make herself understood in that language, and in a short time spoke it with elegance, though with a slight foreign accent, not unpleasing. Born and bred among a people so different from that with whom her lot was now cast, Isabella seemed to unite in her own person the good qualities of each. The easy vivacity of the French character was so happily tempered by the gravity of the Spanish, as to give an inexpressible charm to her manners.[1552] Thus richly endowed with the best gifts of nature and of fortune, it is no wonder that Elizabeth of France should have been the delight of the courtly circle over which she presided, and of which she was the greatest ornament.

Her gentle nature must have been much disturbed, by witnessing the wild, capricious temper of Carlos, and the daily increasing estrangement of his father. Yet she did not despair of reclaiming him. At least, we may infer so from the eagerness with which she seconded her mother in pressing the union of her sister, Catherine de Medicis' younger daughter, with the prince. "My sister is of so excellent a disposition," the queen said to Ruy Gomez, "that no princess in Christendom would be more apt to moderate and accommodate herself to my step-son's humors, or be better suited to the father, as well as the son, in their relations with each other."[1553] But although the minister readily adopted the queen's views in the matter, they met with little encouragement from Philip, who, at that time, seemed more inclined to a connection with the house of Austria.

[Sidenote: HER ILLNESS.]

In the preceding chapter, we have seen the pain occasioned to Isabella by the arrest of Carlos. Although so far a gainer by it as it opened to her own posterity the way to the succession, she wept, as the ambassador Fourquevaulx tells us, for two days, over the misfortune of her step-son, until forbidden by Philip to weep any longer.[1554] During his confinement, as we have seen, she was not permitted to visit him,--not even to soften the bitterness of his dying hour. And how much her presence would have soothed him, at such a time, may be inferred from the simple memorandum found among his papers, in which he assigns her the first place among his friends, as having been ever the most loving to him.[1555] The same affection, however we may define it, which he had borne her from the first, he retained to the last hour of his life. All that was now granted to Isabella was the sad consolation of joining with the Princess Joanna, and the few friends who still cherished the memory of Carlos, in celebrating his funeral obsequies.

Not long after that event, it was announced that the queen was pregnant; and the nation fondly hoped that it would find a compensation for the loss of its rightful prince, in the birth of a new heir to the throne. But this hope was destined soon to be destroyed. Owing to some mismanagement on the part of the physicians, who, at an early period, misunderstood the queen's situation, the medicines they gave her had an injurious effect on her constitution.[1556] It is certain that Isabella placed little confidence in the Spanish doctors, or in their prescriptions.[1557] There may have been good ground for her distrust; for their vigorous applications savor not a little of the Sangrado school of practice, directed quite as much against the constitution of the patient as against his disease. About the middle of September a fever set in, which, though not violent, was so obstinate as to defy all the efforts of the physicians to reduce it. More alarming symptoms soon followed. The queen frequently swooned. Her extremities became torpid. Medicines were of no avail, for her stomach refused to retain them.[1558] Processions were everywhere made to the churches, and young and old joined in prayers for her recovery. But these prayers were not heard. The strength of Isabella continued rapidly to decline, and by the last of September her life was despaired of. The physicians declared that science could go no further, and that the queen's only hope must be in Heaven.[1559]--In Heaven she had always trusted; nor was she so wedded to the pomps and glories of the world, that she could not now willingly resign them.

As her ladies, many of them her countrywomen, stood weeping around her bed, she endeavored to console them under their affliction, kindly expressing the interest she took in their future welfare, and her regret that she had not made them a bitter mistress;--"as if," says a contemporary, who has left a minute record of her last moments, "she had not been always more of a mother than a mistress to them all!"[1560]

On the evening of the second of October, as Isabella felt herself drawing near her end, she made her will. She then confessed, partook of the sacrament, and, at her desire, extreme unction was administered to her. Cardinal Espinosa and the king's confessor, the bishop of Cuenca, who were present, while they offered her spiritual counsel and consolation, were greatly edified by her deportment; and, giving her their parting benediction, they went away deeply affected by the spirit of Christian resignation which she displayed.[1561]

Before daybreak, on the following morning, she had her last interview with Philip. We have the account of it from Fourquevaulx. "The queen spoke to her husband very naturally," says the ambassador, "and like a Christian. She took leave of him for ever, and never did princess show more goodness and piety. She commended to him her two daughters, and her principal attendants, beseeching him to live in amity with the king of France, her brother, and to maintain peace,--with other discourse, which could not fail to touch the heart of _a good husband, which the king was to her_. He showed, in his replies, the same composure as she did, and promised to obey all her requests, but added, he did not think her end so near. He then withdrew,--as I was told,--in great anguish, to his own chamber."[1562] Philip sent a fragment of the true cross, to comfort his wife in her last moments. It was the most precious of his relics, and was richly studded with pearls and diamonds.[1563] Isabella fervently kissed the sacred relic, and held it, with the crucifix, in her hand, while she yet lived.

Not long after the interview with her husband, the ambassador was summoned to her bedside. He was the representative of her native land, and of the dear friends there she was never more to see. "She knew me," writes Fourquevaulx, "and said, 'You see me in the act of quitting this vain world, to pass to a more pleasant kingdom; there, as I hope, to be for ever with my God. Tell my mother, the queen, and the king, my brother, to bear my death with patience, and to comfort themselves with the reflection, that no happiness on earth has ever made me so content, as the prospect now does of approaching my Creator. I shall soon be in a better situation to do them service, and to implore God to take them and my brothers under his holy protection. Beseech them, in my name, to watch over their kingdom, that an end may be put to the heresies which have spread there. And I will pray Heaven, in its mercy, to grant that they may take my death with patience, and hold me for happy.'"[1564]

The ambassador said a few words of comfort, endeavoring to give her, if possible, some hopes of life. But she answered, "You will soon know how near I am to my end. God has given me grace to despise the world and its grandeur, and to fix all my hopes on him and Jesus Christ. Never did a thought occasion me less anxiety than that of death."

[Sidenote: HER OBSEQUIES.]

"She then listened to the exhortations of her confessor, remaining in full possession of her consciousness, till a few minutes before her death. A slight restlessness seemed to come over her, which soon subsided, and she expired so tranquilly that it was impossible to fix the moment when she gave up the ghost. Yet she opened her eyes once, bright and glancing, and it seemed as if she would address me some further commands,--at least, her looks were fixed on me."[1565]

Not long before Isabella's death, she was delivered of a daughter. Its birth was premature, and it lived only to be baptized. The infant was laid in the same coffin with its mother; and, that very evening, their remains were borne in solemn procession to the royal chapel.[1566] The tolling of the bells in the churches and monasteries throughout the city announced the sad tidings to the people, who filled the air with their cries, making everywhere the most passionate demonstrations of grief;[1567] for the queen, says Brantôme, "was regarded by them not merely with feelings of reverence, but of idolatry."[1568]

In the chapel were gathered together whatever was illustrious in the capital,--the high ecclesiastics, and the different religious bodies, the grandees and cavaliers of the court, and the queen's ladies of honor. At the head of these stood the duchess of Alva, the mistress of the robes, with the duchess of Feria--an English lady, married to the Spanish ambassador at the court of Mary Tudor--and the princess of Eboli, a name noted in history. The coffin of the deceased queen, covered with its gorgeous pall of brocade, was placed on a scaffold shrouded in black, and surrounded with numerous silver sconces bearing wax tapers, that shed a gloomy lustre over the scene.[1569] The services were performed amidst the deepest stillness of the audience, unless when broken by the wailings of the women, which mingled in sad harmony with the chant of the priests and the sweet and solemn music that accompanied the office for the dead.[1570]

Early on the following morning the coffin was opened in presence of the duchess of Alva and the weeping ladies of her train, who gazed for the last time on features still beautiful in death.[1571] The duchess then filled the coffin with flowers and sweet-scented herbs; and the remains of mother and child were transported by the same sorrowing company to the convent of the barefooted Carmelites. Here they reposed till the year 1573, when they were borne, with the remains of Carlos, to the stately mausoleum of the Escorial; and the populace, as they gazed on the funeral train, invoked the name of Isabella as that of a saint.[1572]

In the course of the winter, Cardinal Guise arrived from France with letters of condolence from Charles the Ninth to his royal brother-in-law. The instructions to the cardinal do not infer any distrust, on the part of the French monarch, as to the manner of his sister's death. The more suspicious temper of the queen-mother, Catherine de Medicis, is seen in her directions to Fourquevaulx to find out what was said on the subject of her daughter's death, and to report it to her.[1573]--It does not seem that the ambassador gathered any information of consequence, to add to his former details.

Philip himself may have had in his mind the possible existence of such suspicions, when he told the cardinal that "his best consolation for his loss was derived from his reflection on the simple and excellent life of the queen. All her attendants, her ladies and maids, knew how well he had treated her, as was sufficiently proved by the extraordinary sorrow which he felt at her death. Hereupon," continues the cardinal, "he broke forth into a panegyric on her virtues, and said, were he to choose again, he could wish nothing better than to find just such another."[1574]--It was not long before Philip made the attempt. In eighteen months from the date of his conversation with the cardinal, the thrice-widowed husband led to the altar his fourth and last wife, Anne of Austria,--like her predecessor, as we have seen, the destined bride of his son. The facility with which her imperial parents trusted the young princess to the protection of Philip maybe thought to intimate pretty clearly that they, at least, had no misgivings as to the king's treatment of his former wife.

Isabella, at her decease, was but twenty-three years of age, eight of which she had been seated on the throne of Spain. She left two children, both daughters;--Catherine, afterwards married to the duke of Savoy; and Clara Eugenia, who became with her husband, the Archduke Albert, joint ruler of the Netherlands, and who seems to have enjoyed a greater share of both the love and the confidence of Philip, than he ever vouchsafed to any other being.

Such is the story of Queen Isabella, stripped of the coloring of romance, for which, in truth, it has been quite as much indebted to the pen of the historian as to that of the poet. From the whole account, it appears, that, if Carlos, at any time, indulged a criminal passion for his step-mother, such a passion was never requited or encouraged by Isabella, who seems to have felt for him only the sentiments that were justified by their connection, and by the appeal which his misfortunes made to her sympathy. Notwithstanding some feelings of resentment, not unnatural, when, in the words of Brantôme, "he had been defrauded of so fair a prize," there is yet little evidence that the prince's passion for her rose higher than the sentiments of love and gratitude which her kindness might well have awakened in an affectionate nature.[1575] And that such, with all his errors, was the nature Carlos, is shown, among other examples, by his steady attachment to Don John of Austria, his uncle, and by his devotion to his early preceptor, the bishop of Osma.

[Sidenote: HER CHARACTER.]

There is no proof that Philip was, at any time, displeased with the conduct of his queen, or that he regarded his son in the light of a rival. Least of all is there anything in the history of the time to show that he sacrificed his wife to his jealousy.[1576] The contrary is well established by those of her own countrymen who had free access to her during her lifetime,--some of them in the hour of her death,--whose correspondence with her family would not have failed to intimate their suspicions, had there been anything to suspect.

Well would it be for the memory of Philip the Second, could the historian find no heavier sin to lay to his charge than his treatment of Isabella. From first to last, he seems to have regarded her with the indulgence of an affectionate husband. Whether she ever obtained such an ascendancy over his close and cautious nature as to be allowed to share in his confidence and his counsels, may well be doubted. Her temper would seem to have been too gentle, too devoid of worldly ambition, to prompt her to meddle with affairs for which she was fitted neither by nature nor education. Yet Brantôme assures us, that she exercised a most salutary influence over her lord in his relations with France, and that the value of this influence was appreciated in later times, when the growing misunderstandings between the two courts were left to rankle, without any friendly hand to heal them.[1577] "Her death," he continues, "was as bitter to her own nation as it was to the Spaniards; and if the latter called her 'the Queen of Peace and Goodness,' the former with no less reason styled her 'the Olive-branch.'"[1578] "But she has passed away," he exclaims, "in the sweet and pleasant April of her age,--when her beauty was such that it seemed as if it might almost defy the assaults of time."[1579]

The queen occupies an important place in that rich gallery of portraits in which Brantôme has endeavored to perpetuate the features of his contemporaries. In no one of them has he traced the lineaments with a more tender and delicate hand. Even the breath of scandal has had no power to dim the purity of their expression. Of all that illustrious company which the artist has brought in review before the eyes of posterity, there is no one to whom he has so truly rendered the homage of the heart, as to Elizabeth of France.

But from these scenes of domestic sorrow, it is time that we should turn to others of a more stirring and adventurous character.

END OF VOLS. I. AND II.

LONDON C. WHITING, BEAUFORT-HOUSE, DUKE-STREET, LINCOLN'S-INN-FIELDS.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] It is gratifying to learn that before long such a history may be expected,--if, indeed, it should not appear before the publication of this work,--from the pen of our accomplished countryman, Mr. J. Lothrop Motley, who, during the last few years, for the better prosecution of his labors, has established his residence in the neighborhood of the scenes of his narrative. No one acquainted with the fine powers of mind possessed by this scholar, and the earnestness with which he has devoted himself to his task, can doubt that he will do full justice to his important, but difficult subject.

[2] "Post annum ætatis quinquagesimum, prementitras morbis, tantopere negotiorum odium cepit, ut diutius interdum nec se adiri aut conveniri præterquam ab intimis pateretur, nec libellis subscribere animum induceret, _non sine suspicione mentis imminutæ_; itaque constat novem mensibus nulli nec libello nec diplomati subscripsisse, quod cum magno incommodo reipublicæ populariumque dispendio fiebat, cum a tot nationibus, et quibusdam longissime jus inde poteretur, et certe summa negotia ad ipsum fere rejicerentur." (Sepulvedæ Opera, (Matriti, 1780,) vol. II. p. 539.) The author, who was in the court at the time, had frequent access to the royal presence, and speaks, therefore, from personal observation.

[3] A minute account of this imposing ceremony is to be found in a MS. in the Archives of Simancas, now published in the Coleccion de Documentos Inéditos para la Historia de España, (Madrid, 1845,) tom. VII. p. 534 et seq.

An official report of these proceedings, prepared by order of the government, and preserved at Brussels, in the Archives du Royaume, has been published by M. Gachard in his valuable collection, Analectes Belgiques, (Paris, 1830,) pp. 75-81.

[4] A copy of the original deed of abdication was preserved among the papers of Cardinal Granvelle, at Besançon, and is incorporated in the valuable collection of documents published by order of the French government under the direction of the learned Weiss, Papiers d'Etat du Cardinal de Granvelle, d'après les Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque de Besançon, (Paris, 1843,) tom. IV. p. 486.

[5] It is strange that the precise date of an event of such notoriety as the abdication of Charles the Fifth should be a matter of discrepancy among historians. Most writers of the time assign the date mentioned in the text, confirmed moreover by the Simancas MS. above cited, the author of which enters into the details of the ceremony with the minuteness of an eye-witness.

[6] "Erat Carolus statura mediocri, sed brachiis et cruribus crassis compactisque, et roboris singularis, ceteris membris proportione magnoque commensu respondentibus, colore albus, crine barbaque ad flavum inclinante; facie liberali, nisi quod mentum prominens et parum cohærentia labra nonnihil eam deturpabant." Sepulvedæ Opera, vol. II. p. 527.

[7] The speech is given, with sufficient conformity, by two of the persons who heard it;--a Flemish writer, whose MS., preserved in the Archives du Royaume, has lately been published by Gachard, in the Analectes Belgiques (p. 87); and Sir John Mason, the British minister at the court of Charles, who describes the whole ceremony in a communication to his government, (The Order of the Cession of the Low Countries to the King's Majesty, MS.) The historian Sandoval also gives a full report of the speech, on the authority of one who heard it. Historia de la Vida y Hechos del Emperador Carlos V., (Amberes, 1681,) tom. II. p. 599.

[8] Sandoval, Hist. de Carlos V., tom. II. pp. 597-599.--Leti, Vita del Catolico Rè Filippo II., (Coligni, 1679,) tom. I. pp. 240-242.--Vera y Figueroa, Epitome de la Vida y Hechos del invicto Emperador Carlos Quinto, (Madrid, 1649,) pp. 119, 120.

Sir John Mason thus describes the affecting scene:--"And here he broke into a weeping, whereunto, besides the dolefulness of the matter, I think he was much provoked by seeing the whole company to do the like before, being, in mine opinion, not one man in the whole assembly, stranger or other, that during the time of a good piece of his oration poured not out abundantly tears, some more, some less. And yet he prayed them to bear with his imperfection, proceeding of sickly age, and of the mentioning of so tender a matter as the departing from such a sort of dear and most loving subjects."--The Order of the Cession of the Low Countries to the King's Majesty, MS.

[9] The date of this renunciation is also a subject of disagreement among contemporary historians, although it would seem to be settled by the date of the instrument itself, which is published by Sandoval, in his Hist. de Carlos V., tom. II. pp. 603-606.

[10] Lanz, Correspondenz des Kaisers Karl V., B. III. s. 708.

Five years before this period Charles had endeavored to persuade Ferdinand to relinquish to Philip the pretensions which, as king of the Romans, he had to the empire. This negotiation failed, as might have been expected. Ferdinand was not weary of the world; and Charles could offer no bribe large enough to buy off an empire. See the account given by Marillac, ap. Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, (London, 1835, Eng. trans.,) vol. I. p. 28 et seq.

[11] "Favor sin duda del Cielo," says Sandoval, who gives quite a miraculous air to the event, by adding that the emperor's vessel encountered the brunt of the storm, and foundered in port. (Hist. de Carlos V., tom. II. p. 607.) But this and some other particulars told by the historian of Charles's landing, unconfirmed as they are by a single eye-witness, may be reckoned among the myths of the voyage.

[12] The last of Philip's letters, dated September 8, is given entire in the MS. of Don Tomas Gonzales, (Retiro, Estancia, y Muerte del Emperador Carlos Quinto en el Monasterio de Yuste,) which forms the basis of Mignet's interesting account of Charles the Fifth.

[13] Among other disappointments was that of not receiving four thousand ducats which Joanna had ordered to be placed at the emperor's disposition on his landing. This appears from a letter of the emperor's secretary, Gaztelu, to Vazquez de Molina, October 6, 1556. "El emperador tovo por cierto que llegado aqui, hallaria los cuatro mil ducados que el rey le dijo habia mandado proveer, y visto que no se ha hecho, me ha mandado lo escribiese luego à Vuestra Merced, para que se haya, porque son mucho menester." MS.

[14] Sandoval makes no allusion to the affair, which rests on the report of Strada, (De Bello Belgico (Antverpiæ, 1640,) tom. I. p. 12,) and of Cabrera,--the latter, as one of the royal household and the historiographer of Castile, by far the best authority. In the narration he does not spare his master. "En Jarendilla ameno lugar del Conde de Oropesa, espero treinta dias treinta mil escudos con que pagar y dispedir sus criados que llegaron con tarda provision y mano; terrible tentacion para no dar todo su aver antes de la muerte." Filipe Segundo Rey de España, (Madrid, 1619,) lib. II. cap. 11.

The letters from Jarandilla at this time show the embarrassments under which the emperor labored from want of funds. His exchequer was so low, indeed, that on one occasion he was obliged to borrow a hundred reals for his ordinary expenses from his major-domo. "Los ultimos dos mil ducados que trujo el criado de Hernando Ochoa se han acabo, porque cuando llegáron, se debian ya la mitad, de manera que no tenemos un real para el gasto ordinario, que para socorrer hoy he dado yo cien reales, ni se sabe de donde haberlo." Carta de Luis Quixada à Juan Vazquez, ap. Gachard, Retraite et Mort de Charles-Quint, (Bruxelles, 1554,) tom. I. p. 76.

[15] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. I. cap. 1.--Vanderhammen, Don Felipe el Prudente, (Madrid, 1625,) p. 1.--Breve Compendio de la Vida Privada del Rey D. Felipe Segundo atribuido à Pedro Mateo Coronista mayor del Reyno de Francia, MS.--Leti, Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. p. 69 et seq.

"Andauano sussurando per le strade, cauando da questa proibitione di solennità pronostici di cattivi augurii; gli vni diceuano, che questo Prencipe doueua esser causa di grandi afflittione alla Chiesa; gli altri; Che cominciando a nascere colle tenebre, non poteua portar che ombra alla Spagna." Leti, Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. p. 73.

[16] Ibid., tom. I. p. 74.--Noticia de los Ayos y Maestros de Felipe Segundo y Carlos su Hijo, MS.

"Et passò i primi anni et la maggior parte dell'eta sua in quel regno, onde per usanza del paese, et per la volantà della madre che era di Portogallo fu allevato con quella riputatione et con quel rispetto che parea convenirsi ad un figliuolo del maggior Imperatore che fosse mai fra Christiani." Relatione di Spagna del Cavaliere Michele Soriano, Ambasciatore al Re Filipo, MS.

[17] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. I. cap 1.--Leti, Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. p. 97--Noticia de los Ayos, MS.--Relatione di Michele Soriano, MS.--Relatione di Federico Badoaro, MS.

Charles's letter, of which I have a manuscript copy, has been published in the Seminario Erudito, (Madrid, 1778,) tom. XIV. p. 156 et seq.

[18] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. I. cap 1.

[19] Florez, Memorias de las Reynas Catholicas, (Madrid, 1770,) tom. II. p. 869.

[20] Ibid., tom. II. p. 877.

[21] "Tomo la posta vestido en luto come viudo," says Sandoval, Hist. de Carlos Quinto, tom. II. p. 285.

[22] The letter is given by Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. I. cap. 2.

[23] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. I. cap. 2.--Leti, Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. p. 132.--Sandoval, Hist. de Carlos Quinto, tom. II. p. 299 et seq.--Breve Compendio, MS.--Charles's letter, in the Seminario Erudito, tom. XIV. p. 156.

[24] Florez, Reynas Catolicas, tom. II. pp. 883-889.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. I. cap. 2.--Leti, Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. p. 142.--Breve Compendio, MS.--Relazione Anonimo, MS.

For the particulars relating to the wedding, I am chiefly indebted to Florez, who was as minute in his account of court pageants as any master of ceremonies.

[25] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. I. cap. 2.--Leti, Vita di Filippo II., tom. L pp. 166, 185 et seq.--Sepulvedæ Opera, vol. II. p. 346.

[26] "Non rispose che in sensi ambigui circa al punto essenziale, ma molto ampi ne'complimenti." Leti, Vita di Filippo II., tom. I, p. 189.

[27] Estrella, El Felicissimo Viaje del Principe Don Phelipe desde España à sus Tierras de la Baxa Alemania, (Anveres, 1552,) pp. 1-21, 32.--Leti, Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. p. 190.--Breve Compendio. MS.

[28] "Sua altezza si trova hora in XXIII. anni, di complessione delicatissima e di statura minore che mediocre, nella faccia simiglia assai al Padre e nel mento." Relatione del Clarissimo Monsig. Marino Cavallo tornato Ambasciatore del Imperatore Carlo Quinto l'anno 1551, MS.

"Et benche sia picciola di persona, e però cosi ben fatto et con ogni parte del corpo cosi ben proportionato et corrispondente al tutti, et veste con tanta politezza et con tanto giudicio che non si può vedere cosa piu perfetta." Relatione di Michele Soriano, MS.

[29] Marino Cavallo, the ambassador at the imperial court, who states the facts mentioned in the text, expresses a reasonable doubt whether Philip, with all his training, would ever equal his father: "Nelle cose d'importanza, facendolo andare l'imperatore ogni giornio per due o tre hore nella sua camera, parte in Consiglio et parte per ammaestrarlo da solo a solo, dicesi che fin hora a fatto profitto assai, et da speranza di proceder piu oltre, ma la grandezza di suo padre et l'esser nato grande et non haver fin qui provato travaglio alcuno, non lo farà mai comparirse à gran giunta eguale all'Imperatore." Relatione di Marino Cavallo, MS.

[30] This is the work by Estrella already quoted, (El Felicissimo Viage del Principe Don Phelipe,)--the best authority for this royal progress. The work, which was never reprinted, has now become extremely rare.

[31] Take the following samples, the former being one of the inscriptions at Arras, the latter, one over the gate of Dordrecht:--

"Clementia firmabitur thronus ejus." "Te duce libertas tranquilla pace beabit."

[32] "Assi fueron a palacio siendo ya casi la media noche, quando se vuieron apeado muy contentos de la fiesta y Vanquete que la villa les hiziera." Estrella, Viage del Principe Phelipe, p. 73.

[33] "Ictum accepit in capite galeaque tam vehementem, ut vecors ac dormienti similis parumper invectus ephippio delaberetur, et in caput armis superiorem corporis partem gravius deprimentibus caderet. Itaque semianimis pulvere spiritum intercludente jacuit, donec a suis sublevatus est." Sepulvedæ Opera, vol. II. p. 381.

[34] Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. I. p. 24.

Von Raumer's abstract of the MSS. in the Royal Library at Paris contains some very curious particulars of the illustration of the reigns both of Charles the Fifth and of Philip.

[35] "E S.M. di complessione molto delicata, et per questo vive sempre con regola, usando per l'ordinario cibi di gran nodrimento, lasciando i pesci, frutti et simili cose che generano cattivi humori; dorme molto, fa però essercitio, et i suoi trattenimenti domestici sono tutti quieti; et benche nell'essercitio habbi mostrato un poco di prontezza et di vivacità, pero si vede che ha sforzato la natura, la quale inclina piu alla quiete che all'essercitio, piu al reposo che al travaglio." Relatione di Michele Soriano, MS.

[36] "Rarissime volte va fuora in Campagna, ha piacere di starsi in Camera, co suoi favoriti, a ragionare di cose private; et se tall'hora l'Imperatore lo manda in visita, si scusa per godere la solità quiete." Relatione di Marino Cavallo, MS.

[37] "Pare che la natura l'habbia fatto atto con la familiarità e domestichezza a gratificare a Flammenghi et Borgognoni, con l'ingegno et prudentia a gl'Italiani, con la riputatione et severità alli Spagnuoli; vedendo hora in suo figliulo altrimente sentono non picciolo dispiacere di questo cambio." Ibid. MS.

[38] "Philippus ipse Hispaniæ desiderio magnopere æstuabat, nec aliud quam Hispaniam loquebatur." Sepulvedæ Opera, vol. II. p. 401.

[39] "Si fa giudicio, che quando egli succederà al governo delli stati suoi debba servirsi in tutto et per delli ministri Spagnuoli, alla qual natione è inclinato più di quello, che si convenga a prencipe, che voglia dominare a diverse." Relatione di Marino Cavallo, MS.

[40] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. I. cap. 3.--Leti, Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. pp. 195-198.--Sepulvedæ Opera, vol. II. pp. 399-401.--Marillac, ap. Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. I. p. 28 et seq.

[41] Marillac, ap. Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. I. p. 30.

[42] Ranke, Ottoman and Spanish Empires in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, (Eng. trans., London, 1843,) p. 31.

[43] "Da cosi fatta educatione ne segui quando S. M. usci la prima volta da Spagna, et passò per Italia et per Germania in Fiandra, lasciò impressione da per tutto che fosse d'animo severo et intrattabile; et però fu poco grato a Italiani, ingratissimo a Fiamenghi et a Tedeschi odioso." Relatione di Michele Soriano, MS.

[44] Marillac, ap. Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. I. p. 32.

See also the characteristic letter of Charles to his sister, the regent of the Netherlands, (December 16, 1550,) full of angry expressions against Ferdinand for his ingratitude and treachery. The scheme, according to Charles's view of it, was calculated for the benefit of both parties,--"_ce que convenoit pour establir noz maisons_." Lanz, Correspondenz des Kaisers Karl V., (Leipzig, 1846,) B. III. p. 18.

[45] A copy of the instrument containing this agreement, dated March 9, 1551, is preserved in the archives of Belgium. See Mignet, Charles-Quint, p. 42, note.

[46] Leti, Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. p. 199.--Mémorial et Recueil des Voyages du Roi des Espagnes, escript par le Controleur de Sa Majesté, MS.

[47] The letter, of which I have a manuscript copy, taken from one in the rich collection of Sir Thomas Phillips, is published at length by Sandoval, in his Hist. de Carlos V., where it occupies twelve pages folio. Tom. II. p. 475 et seq.

[48] "Quanto alla religione, sia certa V'ra Senta che ogni cosa può in loro l'essempio et l'autorita del Principe, che in tanto gl'Inglesi stimano la religione, et si muovono per essa, in quanto sodisfanno all'obligo de'sudditi verso il Principe, vivendo com'ci vive, credendo cioche ei crede, et finalmente facendo tutto quel che comanda conservirsene, più per mostra esteriore, per non incorrere in sua disgratia, che per zelo interiore; perche il medesimo faciano della Maumettana o della Giudea, pur che 'l Re mostrasse di credere, et volesse così; et s'accommodariano a tutte, ma a quella piu facilmente dalla quale sperassero o ver'maggior licentia et libertà, di vivere, o vero qualche utile." Relatione del Clarissimo M. Giovanni Micheli, ritornato Ambasciatore alla Regina d'Inghilterra l'anno 1557, MS.

[49] Soriano notices the courteous bearing and address of his countryman Micheli as rendering him universally popular at the courts where he resided. "Il Michiel e gratissimo a tutti fino al minore, per la dimestichezza che havea con grandi, et per la dolcezza et cortesia che usava con gl'altri, et per il guidicio che mostrava con tutti." Relatione di Michele Soriano, MS. Copies of Micheli's interesting Relation are to be found in different public libraries of Europe; among others, in the collection of the Cottonian MSS., and of the Lansdowne MSS., in the British Museum; and in the Barberini Library, at Rome. The copy in my possession is from the ducal library at Gotha. Sir Henry Ellis, in the Second Series of his "Original Letters," has given an abstract of the Cottonian MS.

[50] This agrees with the Lansdowne MS. The Cottonian, as given by Sir Henry Ellis, puts the population at 150,000.

[51] "Essendo cavalli deboli, et di poca lena, nutriti solo d'erba, vivendo como la pecore, et tutti gli altri animali, per la temperie dell'aere da tutti i tempi ne i pascoli a la campagna, non possono far'gran'pruove, ne sono tenuti in stima." Relatione di Gio. Micheli, MS.

[52] "Non solo non sono in essere, ma non pur si considerano gravezze di sorte alcuna, non di sale, non di vino o de bira, non di macina, non di carne, non di far pane, et cose simili necessarie al vivere, che in tutti gli altri luoghi d'Italia specialmente, et in Fiandra, sono di tanto maggior utile, quanto è più grande il numero dei sudditi che le consumano." Ibid. MS.

[53] "Sì come servi et sudditi son quelli che v'intervengono, così servi et sudditi son l'attione che si trattano in essi." Ibid. MS.

[54] "E donna di statura piccola, più presta che mediocre; è di persona magra et delicata, dissimile in tutto al padre, che fù grande et grosso; et alla madre, che se non era grande era peró massiccia; et ben formata di faccia, per quel che mostrano le fattezze et li lineamenti che si veggono da i ritratti, quando era più giovane, non pur'tenuta honesta, ma più che mediocremente bella; al presente se li scoprono qualche crespe, causate piu da gli affanni che dall'etá, che la mostrano attempata di qualche anni di piu." Ibid. MS.

[55] "Quanto se li potesse levare delle bellezze del corpo, tanto con verita, et senza adulatione, se li puó aggiunger'di quelle del animo, perche oltra la felicita et accortezza del ingegno, atto in capir tutto quel che possa ciascun altro, dico fuor del sesso suo, quel che in una donna parera maraviglioso, é instrutta di cinque lingue, le quali non solo intende, ma quattro ne parla speditamente; questi sono altre la sua materna et naturale inglese, la franzese, la spagnola, et l'italiana." Ibid. MS.

[56] "E in tutto coragiosa, et cosi resoluta, che per nessuna adversità, ne per nessun pericolo nel qual si sia ritrovata, non ha mai pur mostrato, non che commesso atto alcuno di viltà ne di pusillanimità; ha sempre tenuta una grandezza et dignità mirabile, cosi ben conoscendo quel che si convenga al decoro del Re, come il più consummato consigliero che ella habbia; in tanto che dal procedere, et dalle maniere che da tenuto, et tiene tuttavia, non si può negare, che non mostri d'esser nata di sangue veramente real." Ibid. MS.

[57] "Della qual humilità, pieta, et religion sua, non occorre ragionare, ne renderne testimonio, perche son da tutti non solo conosciute, ma sommamente predicate con le prove.... Fosse come un debol lume combattuto da gran venti per estinguerlo del tutto, ma sempre tenuto vivo, et difeso della sua innocentia et viva fede, accioche havesse a risplender nel modo che hora fa." Ibid. MS.

[58] Burnet, History of the Reformation, (Oxford, 1816,) vol. II. part ii. p. 557.

[59] Strype, Memorials, (London, 1721,) vol. III. p. 93.

[60] "Non si scopri mai congiura alcuna, nella quale, o giusta o ingiustamente, ella non sia nominata.... Ma la Regina sforza quando seno insieme di riceverla in publico con ogni sorte d'humanitá et d'honore, ne mai gli parla, se non di cosa piacevole." Relatione di Gio. Micheli. MS.

[61] Hall, Chronicle, (London, 1809,) pp. 692, 711.--Sepulvedæ Opera, vol. II. pp. 46-48.

Sepulveda's account of the reign of Mary becomes of the more authority from the fact that he submitted this portion of his history to the revision of Cardinal Pole, as we learn from one of his epistles to that prelate. Opera, tom. III. p. 309.

[62] Yet the emperor seems to have written in a somewhat different style to his ambassador at the English court. "Desfaillant la force pour donner assistance à nostre-dicte cousine comme aussy vous sçavez qu'elle deffault pour l'empeschement que l'on nous donne du coustel de France, nous ne véons aulcun apparent moyen pour assheurer la personne de nostre-dicte cousine." L'Empereur à ses Ambassadeurs en Angleterre, 11 juillet, 1553, Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. IV, p. 25.

[63] Charles, in a letter to his ambassador in London, dated July 22, 1553, after much good counsel which he was to give Queen Mary, in the emperor's name, respecting the government of her kingdom, directs him to hint to her that the time had come when it would be well for the queen to provide herself with a husband, and if his advice could be of any use in the affair, she was entirely welcome to it. "Et aussy lui direz-vous qu'il sera besoin que pour etre seustenue audit royaulme, emparée et deffendue, mesmes en choses que ne sont de la profession de dames, il sera très-requis que tost elle prenne party de mariaige avec qui il luy semblera estre plus convenable, tenant regard à ce que dessus; et que s'il lui plaît nous faire part avant que s'y déterminer, nous ne fauldrons de, avec la sincérité de l'affection que lui portons, luy faire entendre libéralement, sur ce qu'elle voudra mettre en avant, nostre advis, et de l'ayder et favoriser en ce qu'elle se déterminera." L'Empereur à ses Ambassadeurs en Angleterre, 22 juillet, 1553, Ibid., p. 56.

[64] Granvelle, who owed no good-will to the minister for the part which he afterwards took in the troubles of Flanders, frequently puns on Kenard's name, which he seems to have thought altogether significant of his character.

[65] "Quant à Cortenay, vous pourriez bien dire, pour éviter au propoz mencionné en voz lettres, que l'on en parle, pour veoir ce qu'elle dira; mais gardez-vous de luy tout desfaire et mesmes qu'elle n'aye descouvert plus avant son intention; car si elle y avoit fantasie, elle ne layroit (si elle est du naturel des aultres femmes) de passer oultre, et si se ressentiroit à jamais de ce que vous luy en pourriés avoir dit. Bien luy pourriés-vous toucher des commoditez plus grandes que pourroit recepvoir de mariaige estrangier, sans trop toucher à la personne où elle pourroit avoir affection." L'Evêque d'Arras à Renard. 14 août, 1553, Ibid., p. 77.

[66] "Quant je luy fiz l'ouverture de mariaige, elle se print à rire, non une foys ains plusieurs foys, me regardant d'un oeil signifiant l'ouverture luy estre fort aggréable, me donnant assez à cognoistre qu'elle ne taichoit ou désiroit mariaige d'Angleterre." Renard à l'Evêque d'Arras, 15 août, 1558, Ibid., p. 78.

[67] "Et, sans attendre la fin de ces propoz, elle jura que jamais elle n'avoit senti esguillon de ce que l'on appelle amor, ny entré en pensement de volupté, et qu'elle n'avoit jamais pensé à mariaige sinon depuys que a pieu à Dieu la promovoir à la couronne, et que celluy qu'elle fera sera contre sa propre affection, pour le respect de la chose publicque; qu'elle se tient toute assurée sa majesté aura considération à ce qu'elle m'a dict et qu'elle désire l'obéir et complaire en tout et par tout comme son propre père; qu'elle n'oseroit entrer en propoz de mariaige avec ceulx de son conseil, que fault, le cas advenant, que vienne de la meute de sa majesté." Renard à l'Evêque d'Arras, 8 septembre, 1553, Ibid., p. 98.

[68] "Vous la pourrez asseurer que, si nous estions en caige et disposition telle qu'il conviendroit, et que jugissions que de ce peut redonder le bien de ses affaires, nous ne vouldrions choysir aultre party en ce monde plus tost que de nous alier nous-mesmes avec elle, et seroit bien celle que nous pourrait donner austant de satisfaction." L'Empereur à Renard, 20 septembre, 1553, Ibid., p. 112.

[69] Ibid., pp. 108-116.

Simon Renard, the imperial ambassador at this time at the English court, was a native of Franche Comté, and held the office of _maître aux requêtes_ in the household of the emperor. Renard, though a man of a factious turn, was what Granvelle's correspondent, Morillon, calls "_un bon politique_," and in many respects well suited to the mission on which he was employed. His correspondence is of infinite value, as showing the Spanish moves in this complicated game, which ended in the marriage of Mary with the heir of the Castilian monarchy. It is preserved in the archives of Brussels. Copies of these MSS., amounting to five volumes folio, were to be found in the collection of Cardinal Granvelle at Besançon. A part of them was lent to Griffet for the compilation of his "Nouveaux Eclaircissemens sur l'Histoire de Marie Reine d'Angleterre." Unfortunately, Griffet omitted to restore the MSS.; and an hiatus is thus occasioned in the series of the Renard correspondence embraced in the Granvelle Papers now in process of publication by the French Government. It were to be wished that this hiatus had been supplied from the originals, in the archives of Brussels. Mr. Tytler has done good service by giving to the world a selection from the latter part of Renard's correspondence, which had been transcribed by order of the Record Commission from the MSS. in Brussels.

[70] "Car si, quant à soy, il luy semble estre chose que ne luy convînt ou ne fût faisable, il ne seroit à propoz, comme elle l'entend tres-bien, d'en faire déclaracion à qui que ce soit; mais, en cas aussi qu'elle jugea le party luy estre convenable et qu'elle y print inclinacion, si, à son advis, la difficulté tumba sur les moyens, et que en iceulx elle ne se peut résoldre sans la participation d'aulcuns de son conseil, vous la pourriez en ce cas requérir qu'elle voulût prendre de vous confiance pour vous déclairer à qui elle en vouldroit tenir propoz, et ce qu'elle en vouldroit communicquer et par quelz moyens." L'Empereur à Renard, 20 septembre, 1553, Ibid., p. 114.

[71] The Spanish match seems to have been as distasteful to the Portuguese as it was to the English, and probably for much the same reasons. See the letter of Granvelle, of August 14, 1553, Ibid., p. 77.

[72] "Les estrangiers, qu'ilz abhorrissent plus que nulle aultre nacion." L'Empereur à Renard, 20 septembre, 1553, Ibid., p. 113.

[73] "Et si la difficulté se treuvoit aux conseillers pour leur intéretz

## particulier, comme plus ilz sont intéressez, il pourroit estre que l'on

auroit meilleur moyen de les gaigner, assheurant ceulz par le moyen desquelz la chose se pourroit conduyre, des principaulz offices et charges dudict royaulme, voyre et leur offrant appart sommes notables de deniers ou accroissance de rentes, priviléges et prérogatives." L'Empereur à Renard, 20 septembre, 1553, Ibid., p. 113.

[74] In order to carry on the negotiation with greater secrecy, Renard's colleagues at the English court, who were found to intermeddle somewhat unnecessarily with the business, were recalled; and the whole affair was intrusted exclusively to that envoy, and to Granvelle, the bishop of Arras, who communicated to him the views of the emperor from Brussels.--"Et s'est résolu taut plus l'empereur rappeler voz collègues, afin que aulcung d'iceulx ne vous y traversa ou bien empescha s'y estans montrez peu affectionnez, et pour non si bien entendre le cours de ceste négociation, et pour aussi que vous garderez mieulx le secret qu'est tant requis et ne se pourroit faire, passant ceste négociation par plusieurs mains." L'Evêque d'Arras à Renard, 13 septembre, 1553, Ibid., p. 103.

[75] "Pour la requerir et supplier d'eslire ung seigneur de son pays pour estre son mary, et ne vouloir prendre personnaige en mariaige, ny leur donner prince qui leur puisse commander aultre que de sa nation." Ambassades de Noailles, (Leyde, 1763,) tom. II. p. 234.

[76] "Le soir du 30 octobre, la reine fit venir en sa chambre, où étoit exposé le saint sacrement, l'ambassadeur de l'empereur, et, après avoir dit le _Veni creator_, lui dit qu'elle lui donnoit en face dudit sacrement sa promesse d'épouser le prince d'Espagne, laquelle elle ne changeroit jamais; qu'elle avoit feint d'être malade les deux jours précédents, mais que sa maladie avoit été causée par le travail qu'elle avoit eu pour prendre cette résolution." MS. in the Belgian archives, cited by Mignet, Charles-Quint, p. 78, note.

[77] "Qu'elle tenoit de dieu la couronne de son royaulme, et que en luy seul esperoit se conseiller de chose si importante." Ambassades de Noailles, tom. II. p. 269.

[78] "Le dit Lieutenant a fait fondre quatre mil escuz pour chaines, et les autres mil se repartiront en argent, comme l'on trouvera mieulx convenir." Renard, ap. Tytler, Edward VI. and Mary, vol. II. p. 325.

[79] Strype, Memorials, vol. III. pp. 58, 59.--Holinshed, Chronicles, (London, 1808,) vol. IV. pp. 10, 34, 41.

[80] Strype, (Memorials, vol. III. p. 196,) who quotes a passage from a MS. of Sir Thomas Smith, the application of which, though the queen's name is omitted, cannot be mistaken.

[81] "Si est-ce qu'elle verra assez par icelle sa ressemblance, la voyant à son jour et de loing, comme sont toutes peinctures dudict Titian que de près ne se recongnoissent." Marie, Reine de Hongrie, à l'Ambassadeur Renard, novembre 19, 1553, Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. IV. p. 150.

It may be from a copy of this portrait that the engraving was made which is prefixed to this work.

[82] See the treaty in Rymer, Foedera, vol. XV. p. 377.

[83] "Par là," adds Noailles, who tells the story, "vous pouvez veoir comme le prince d'Espagne sera le bien venu en ce pays, puisque les enfans le logent au gibet." Ambassades de Noailles, tom. III. p. 130.

[84] Holinshed, vol. IV. p. 16.--The accounts of this insurrection are familiar to the English reader, as given at more or less length, in every history of the period.

[85] "L'on a escript d'Espaigne que plusieurs sieurs deliberoient amener leurs femmes avec eulx pardeça. Si ainsi est, vostre Majesté pourra preveoir ung grand desordre en ceste court." Renard, ap. Tytler, Edward VI. and Mary, vol. II. p. 351.

[86] "Seullement sera requis que les Espaignolez qui suyvront vostre Alteze comportent les façons de faire des Angloys, et soient modestes, confians que vostre Alteze les aicarassera par son humanité costumiere." Ibid., p. 335.

[87] The particulars of this interview are taken from one of Renard's despatches to the emperor, dated March 8, 1554, ap. Tytler, England under the Reigns of Edward VI. and Mary, (vol. II. pp. 326-329,)--a work in which the author, by the publication of original documents, and his own sagacious commentary, has done much for the illustration of this portion of English history.

[88] Florez, Reynas Catholicas, tom. II. p. 890.

[89] Philip would have preferred that Charles should carry out his original design, by taking Mary for his own wife. But he acquiesced, without a murmur, in the choice his father made for him. Mignet quotes a passage from a letter of Philip to the emperor on this subject, which shows him to have been a pattern of filial obedience. The letter is copied by Gonzales in his unpublished work, Retiro y Estancia de Carlos Quinto.--"Y que pues piensan proponer su matrimonio con Vuestra Magestad, hallandose en disposicion para ello, esto seria lo mas acertado. Pero en caso que Vuestra Magestad está en lo que me escribe y le pareciere tratar de lo que à mi toca, ya Vuestra Magestad sabe que, como tan obediente hijo, no he tener mas voluntad que la suya; cuanto mas siendo este negocio de importancia y calidad que es. Y asi me ha parecido remitirlo à Vuestra Magestad para que en toda haya lo que le parecierá, y fuere servido." Mignet, Charles-Quint, p. 76.

[90] "Higo en esto lo que un Isaac dexandose sacrificar por hazer la voluntad de su padre, y por el bien de la Iglesia." Sandoval, Hist. de Carlos V., tom. II. p. 557.

[91] A single diamond in the ornament which Philip sent his queen was valued at eighty thousand crowns.--"Una joya que don Filipe le enbiaba, en que avia un diamante de valor de ochenta mil escudos." Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. I. cap. 4.

[92] Letter of Lord Edmund Dudley to the Lords of the Council, MS. This document, with other MSS. relating to this period, was kindly furnished to me by the late lamented Mr. Tytler, who copied them from the originals in the State Paper Office.

The young Lord Herbert mentioned in the text became afterwards that earl of Pembroke who married, for his second wife, the celebrated sister of Sir Philip Sidney, to whom he dedicated the "Arcadia,"--less celebrated, perhaps, from this dedication, than from the epitaph on her monument, by Ben Jonson, in Salisbury Cathedral.

[93] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. I. cap. 4.--Florez, Reynas Catholicas, tom. II. p. 873.--Memorial des Voyages du Roi, MS.

[94] "Y prevenida de que los Embajadores se quejaban, pretextando que no sabian si hablaban con la Princesa; levantaba el manto al empezar la Audiencia, preguntando _¿Soy la Princesa?_ y en oyendo responder que si; volvia à echarse el velo, como que ya cessaba el inconveniente de ignorar con quien hablaban, y que para ver no necessitaba tener la cara descubierta." Florez, Reynas Catholicas, tom. II. p. 873.

[95] Letter of Bedford and Fitzwaters to the Council, ap. Tytler, Edward VI. and Mary, vol. II. p. 410.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. I. cap. 4, 5.--Sepulvedæ Opera, vol. II. pp. 496, 497.

[96] "Il appelle les navires de la flotte de vostre Majesté coquilles de moules, et plusieurs semblables particularitez." Letter of Renard, ap. Tytler, Edward VI. and Mary, vol. II. p. 414.

[97] "L'ordre de la Jaretiere, que la Royne et les Chevaliers ont concludz luy donner et en a fait faire une la Royne, qu'est estimée sept ou huict mil escuz, et joinctement fait faire plusieurs riches habillemens pour son Altese." Ibid., p. 416.

[98] Salazar de Mendoza, Monarquia de España, (Madrid, 1770,) tom. II. p. 118.--Ambassades de Noailles, tom. III. pp. 283-286.--Sepulvedsæ Opera, vol. II. p. 498.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. I. cap. 5.--Leti, Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. p. 231.--Holinshed, vol. IV. p. 57.--Memorial des Voyages du Roi, MS.

[99] Strype, Memorials, vol. III. pp. 127, 128.

[100] The change in Philip's manners seems to have attracted general attention. We find Wotton, the ambassador at the French court, speaking, in one of his letters, of the report of it, as having reached his ears in Paris. Wotton to Sir W. Petre, August 10, 1554, MS.

[101] According to Noailles, Philip forbade the Spaniards to leave their ships, on pain of being hanged when they set foot on shore. This was enforcing the provisions of the marriage treaty _en rigueur_. "Apres que ledict prince fust descendu, il fict crier et commanda aux Espaignols que chascun se retirast en son navire et que sur la peyne d'estre pendu, nul ne descendist à terre." Ambassades de Noailles, tom. III. p. 287.

[102] Leti, Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. pp. 231, 232.

"Lors il appella les seigneurs Espaignols qui estoient pres de luy et leur dict qu'il falloit desormais oublier toutes les coustumes d'Espaigne, et vifvre de tous poincts à l'Angloise, à quoy il voulloit bien commancer et leur monstrer le chemin, puis se fist apporter de la biere de laquelle il beut." Ambassades de Noailles, tom. III. p. 287.

[103] According to Sepulveda, Philip gave a most liberal construction to the English custom of salutation, kissing not only his betrothed, but all the ladies in waiting, matrons and maidens, without distinction. "Intra ædes progressam salutans Britannico more suaviavit habitoque longiore et jucundissimo colloquio, Philippus matronas etiam et Regias virgines sigillatim salutat osculaturque." Sepulvedæ Opera, vol. II. p. 499.

[104] "Poco dopo comparve ancora la Regina pomposamente vestita, rilucendo da tutte le parti pretiosissime gemme, accompagnata da tante e cosi belle Principesse, che pareva ivi ridotta quasi tutta la bellezza del mondo, onde gli Spagnoli servivano con il loro Olivastro, trà tanti soli, come ombre." Leti. Vita di Filippo II. tom. I. p. 232.

[105] The sideboard of the duke of Albuquerque, who died about the middle of the seventeenth century, was mounted by forty silver ladders! And, when he died, six weeks were occupied in making out the inventory of the gold and silver vessels. See Dunlop's Memoirs of Spain during the reigns of Philip IV. and Charles II. (Edinburgh, 1834,) vol. I. p. 384.

[106] Strype, Memorials, vol. III. p. 130.

[107] Some interesting particulars respecting the ancient national dances of the Peninsula are given by Ticknor, in his History of Spanish Literature, (New York, 1849,) vol. II. pp. 445-448; a writer who, under the title of a History of Literature, has thrown a flood of light on the social and political institutions of the nation, whose character he has evidently studied under all its aspects.

[108] "Relation of what passed at the Celebration of the Marriage of our Prince with the Most Serene Queen of England,"--from the original at Louvain, ap. Tytler, Edward VI. and Mary, vol. II. p. 430.--Salazar de Mendoza, Monarquia de España, tom. II. p. 117.--Sandoval, Historia de Carlos V., tom. II. pp. 560-563.--Leti, Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. pp. 231-233.--Sepulvedæ Opera, vol. II, p. 500.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. I. cap. 5.--Memorial de Voyages, MS.--Miss Strickland, Lives of the Queens of England, vol. V. pp 389-396.

To the last writer I am especially indebted for several particulars in the account of processions and pageants which occupies the preceding pages. Her information is chiefly derived from two works, neither of which is in my possession;--the Book of Precedents of Ralph Brook, York herald, and the narrative of an Italian, Baoardo, an eye-witness of the scenes he describes. Miss Strickland's interesting volumes are

## particularly valuable to the historian for the copious extracts they

contain from curious unpublished documents, which had escaped the notice of writers too exclusively occupied with political events to give much heed to details of a domestic and personal nature.

[109] Holinshed, vol. IV. p. 62.

[110] Ibid., p. 63.

[111] The Spaniards must have been quite as much astonished as the English at the sight of such an amount of gold and silver in the coffers of their king,--a sight that rarely rejoiced the eyes of either Charles or Philip, though lords of the Indies. A hundred horses might well have drawn as many tons of gold and silver,--an amount, considering the value of money in that day, that taxes our faith somewhat heavily, and not the less that only two wagons were employed to carry it.

[112] Holinshed, ubi supra.

[113] Relatione di Gio. Micheli, MS.

Michele Soriano, who represented Venice at Madrid, in 1559, bears similar testimony, in still stronger language, to Philip's altered deportment while in England. "Essendo avvertito prima dal Cardinale di Trento, poi dalla Regina Maria, et con più efficaccia dal padre, che quella riputatione et severità non si conveniva a lui, che dovea dominar nationi varie et popoli di costumi diversi, si mutò in modo che passando l'altra volta di Spagna per andar in Inghilterra, ha mostrato sempre una dolcezza et humanità così grande che non è superato da Prencipe alcuno in questa parte, et benchè servi in tutte l'attioni sue riputatione et gravità regie alle quali e per natura inclinato et per costume, non è però manco grato anzi fano parere la cortesia maggiore che S. M. usa con tutti." Relatione di Michele Soriano, MS.

[114] "Lasciando l'essecution delle cose di giustitia alla Regina, et a i Ministri quand'occorre di condannare alcuno, o nella robba, o nella vita, per poter poi usarli impetrando, come fa, le gratie, et le mercedi tutte; le quai cose fanno, che quanto alla persona sua, non solo sia ben voluto, et amato da ciascuno, ma anco desiderato." Relatione di Gio. Micheli, MS.

[115] Letter of Nicholas Wotton to Sir William Petre, MS.

[116] See the remarks of John Elder, ap. Tytler, Edward VI. and Mary, vol. II. p. 258.

[117] "Nella religione,.... per quel che dall'esterior si vede, non si potria giudicar meglio, et più assiduo, et attentissimo alle Messe, a i Vesperi, et alle Prediche, come un religioso, molto più che a lo stato, et età sua, a molte pare che si convenga. Il medisimo conferiscono dell'intrinseco oltra certi frati Theologi suoi predicatori huomini certo di stima, et anco altri che ogni di trattano con lui, che nelle cose della conscientia non desiderano nè più pia, nè miglior intentione." Relatione di Gio. Micheli, MS.

[118] Ibid.

[119] Ibid.

Mason, the English minister at the imperial court, who had had much intercourse with Pole, speaks of him in terms of unqualified admiration. "Such a one as, for his wisdom, joined with learning, virtue, and godliness, all the world seeketh and adoreth. In whom it is to be thought that God hath chosen a special place of habitation. Such is his conversation adorned with infinite godly qualities, above the ordinary sort of men. And whosoever within the realm liketh him worst, I would he might have with him the talk of one half-hour. It were a right stony heart that in a small time he could not soften." Letter of Sir John Mason to the Queen, MS.

[120] If we are to credit Cabrera, Philip not only took his seat in parliament, but on one occasion, the better to conciliate the good-will of the legislature to the legate, delivered a speech which the historian gives _in extenso_. If he ever made the speech, it could have been understood only by a miracle. For Philip could not speak English, and of his audience not one in a hundred, probably, could understand Spanish. But to the Castilian historian the occasion might seem worthy of a miracle,--_dignus vindice nodus._

[121] "Obraron de suerte Don Felipe con prudencia, agrado, honras, y mercedes, y su familia con la cortesía natural de España, que se reduxo Inglaterra toda à la obediencia de la Iglesia Catolica Romana, y se abjuraron los errores y heregias que corrían en aquel Reyno," says Vanderhammen, Felipe el Prudente, p. 4.

[122] Strype, Memorials, vol. III. p. 209.

[123] Philip, in a letter to the Regent Joanna, dated Brussels, 1557, seems to claim for himself the merit of having extirpated heresy in England by the destruction of the heretics. "Aviendo apartado deste Reyno las sectas, i reduzidole à la obediencia de la Inglesia, i aviendo ido sempre en acrecentamiento con el castigo de los Ereges tan sin contradiciones como se haze en Inglaterra." (Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. II. cap. 6.) The emperor, in a letter from Yuste, indorses this claim of his son to the full extent. "Pues en Ynglaterra se han hecho y hacen tantas y tan crudas justicias hasta obispos, por la orden que alli ha dado, como si fuera su Rey natural, y se lo permiten." Carta del Emperador a la Princesa, Mayo 25, 1558, MS.

[124] Micheli, whose testimony is of the more value, as he was known to have joined Noailles in his opposition to the Spanish match, tells us that Philip was scrupulous in his observance of every article of the marriage treaty. "Che non havendo alterato cosa alcuna dello stile, et forma del governo, non essendo uscito un pelo della capitolatione del matrimonio, ha in tutto tolta via quella paura che da principio fù grandissima, che egli non volesse con imperio, et con la potentia, disporre, et comandare delle cose à modo suo." Relatione di Gio. Micheli, MS.

[125] "D'amor nasce l'esser inamorata come è et giustamente del marito per quel che s'ha potuto conoscer nel tempo che è stata seco dalla natura et modi suoi, certo da innamorar ognuno, non che chi havesse havuto la buona compagnia et il buon trattamento ch'ell'ha havuto. Tale in verità che nessun'altro potrebbe essergli stato nè migliore nè più amorevol marito.... Se appresso al martello s'aggiungesse la gelosia, della qual fin hora non si sa che patisca, perche se non ha il Re per casto, almanco dice ella so che è libero dell'amor d'altra donna; se fosse dico gelosa, sarebbe veramente misera." Relatione di Gio. Micheli, MS.

[126] Holinshed, vol. IV. pp. 70, 82.

[127] Soriano notices the little authority that Philip seemed to possess in England, and the disgust which it occasioned both to him and his father.

"L'imperatore, che dissegnava sempre cose grandi, pensò potersi acquistare il regno con occasione di matrimonio di quella regina nel figliuolo; ma non gli successe quel che desiderava, perche questo Re trovò tant'impedimenti et tante difficolta che mi ricordo havere inteso da un personaggio che S. M^{ta.} si trova ogni giorno più mal contenta d'haver atteso a quella prattica perchè non haver nel regno ne autorità nè obedienza, nè pure la corona, ma solo un certo nome che serviva più in apparenza che in effetto." Relatione di Michele Soriano, MS.

[128] "Hispani parum humane parumque hospitaliter a Britannis tractabantur, ita ut res necessarias longe carius communi pretio emere cogerentur." Sepulvedæ Opera, vol. II. p. 501.

[129] "Quando occorre disparere tra un Inglese et alcun di questi, la giustitia non procede in quel modo che dovria..... Son tanti le cavillationi, le lunghezze, et le spese senza fine di quei lor'giuditii, che al torto, o al diritto, conviene ch'il forestiero soccumba; ne bisogna pensar che mai si sottomettessero l'Inglesi come l'altre nationi ad uno che chiamano l'Alcalde della Corte, spagnuole di natione, che procede sommariamente contra ogn'uno, per vie però, et termini Spagnuoli; havendo gl'Inglesi la lor legge, dalla quale non solo non si

## partiriano, ma vogliano obligar a quella tutti gl'altre." Relatione di

Gio. Micheli, MS.

[130] Holinshed, vol. IV. p. 80.--Strype, Memorials, vol. III. p. 227.--Memorial de Voyages, MS.--Leti, Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. p. 236.

[131] Relazione di Roma di Bernardo Navagero, 1558, published in Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti, Firenze, 1846, vol. VII. p. 378.

Navagero, in his report to the senate, dwells minutely on the personal qualities as well as the policy of Paul the Fourth, whose character seems to have been regarded as a curious study by the sagacious Venetian.

"Ritornato a Roma, rinuncio la Chiesa di Chieti, che aveva prima, e quella di Brindisi, ritirandosi affatto, e menando sempre vita privata, aliena da ogni sorte di publico affare, anzi, lasciata dopo il saco Roma stessa, passó a Verona e poi a Venezia, quivi trattenendosi lungo tempo in compagnia di alcuni buoni Religiosi della medesima inclinazione, che poi crescendo di numero, ed in santità di costumi, fondarono la Congregazione, che oggi, dal Titolo che aveva Paolo allora di Vescovo Teatino, de Teatini tuttavia ritiene il nome."

See also Relazione della Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, di Pietro Nores, MS.

[132] Relazione di Bernardo Navagero.

[133] Ibid.--Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.--Giannone, Istoria Civile del Regno di Napoli, (Milano, 1823,) tom. X. pp. 11-13.

[134] "Vuol essere servito molto delicatamente; e nel principio del suo pontificato non bastavano venticinque piatti; beve molto più di quello che mangia; il vino è possente e gagliardo, nero e tanto spesso, che si potria quasi tagliare, e dimandasi mangiaguerra, il quale si conduce dal regno di Napoli." Relazione di Bernardo Navagero.

[135] "Nazione Spagnuola, odiata da lui, e che egli soleva chiamar vile, ed abieta, seme di Giudei, e feccia del Mondo." Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.

"Dicendo in presenza di molti: che era venuto il tempo, che sarebbero castigati dei loro peccati; che perderebbero li stati, e che l'Italia saria liberata." Relazione di Bernardo Navagero.

At another time we find the pope declaiming against the Spaniards, now the masters of Italy, who had once been known there only as its cooks. "Dice..... di sentire infinito dispiacere, che quelli che solevano essere cuochi o mozzi di stalla in Italia, ora comandino." Relazione di Bernardo Navagero.

[136] "Cammina che non pare che tocchi terra; è tutto nervo con poca carne." Relazione di Bernardo Navagero.

[137] "Servì lungo tempore l'Imperatore, ma con infelicissimo evento, non avendo potuto avere alcuna ricompensa, come egli stesso diceva, in premio della sua miglior etá, e di molte fatiche, e pericoli sostenuti, se non spese, danni, disfavore, esilio ed ultimamente un ingiustissima prigionia." Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.--Relazione di Bernardo Navagero.

[138] Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.--Summonte, Historia della Città e Regno di Napoli, (Napoli, 1675,) tom. IV. p. 278.--Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, tom. X. p. 20.

[139] Brantôme, who has introduced the constable into his gallery of portraits, has not omitted this characteristic anecdote. "On disait qu'il se falloit garder des patenostres de M. le connestable, car en les disant et marmottant lors que les ocasions se presentoient, comme force desbordemens et desordres y arrivent maintenant, il disoit: Allez moy pendre un tel; attachez celuy là à cet arbre; faictes passer cestuy là par les picques tout à ceste heure, ou les harquebuses tout devant moy; taillez moy en pieces tous ces marauts," etc. Brantôme OEuvres (Paris, 1822,) tom. II. p. 372.

[140] Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.--Summonte, Historia di Napoli, tom. IV. p. 280.--Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, tom. X. p. 21.--De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p. 23 et seq.

[141] Giannone, Istoria di Napoli tom. X. p. 19.

[142] Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.--Carta del Duque de Alba à la Gobernadora, 28 de Julio, 1556, MS.--Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, tom. X. pp. 15, 16.

[143] I have three biographies of the duke of Alva, which give a view of his whole career. The most important is one in Latin, by a Spanish Jesuit named Ossorio, and entitled Ferdinandi Toletani Albæ Ducis Vita et Res Gestæ (Salmanticiæ, 1669). The author wrote nearly a century after the time of his hero. But as he seems to have had access to the best sources of information, his narrative may be said to rest on a good foundation. He writes in a sensible and business-like manner, more often found among the Jesuits than among the members of the other orders. It is not surprising that the harsher features of the portrait should be smoothed down under the friendly hand of the Jesuit commemorating the deeds of the great champion of Catholicism.

A French life of the duke, printed some thirty years later, is only a translation of the preceding, Histoire de Ferdinand-Alvarez de Toledo, Duc d'Albe (Paris, 1699). A work of more pretension is entitled Resultas de la Vida de Fernando Alvarez tercero Duque de Alva, escrita por Don Juan Antonio de Vera y Figueroa, Conde de la Roca (1643). It belongs, apparently, to a class of works not uncommon in Spain, in which vague and uncertain statements take the place of simple narrative, and the writer covers up his stilted panegyric with the solemn garb of moral philosophy.

[144] Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, tom. X. p. 27.--Consulta hecha a varios letrados y téologos relativamente a las desavenencias con el Papa, MS. This document is preserved in the archives of Simancas.

[145] Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.--Andrea, Guerra da Campaña de Roma, (Madrid, 1589,) p. 14.--Summonte, Historia di Napoli, tom. IV. p. 270.

The most circumstantial printed account of this war is to be found in the work of Alessandro Andrea, a Neapolitan. It was first published in Italian, at Venice, and subsequently translated by the author into Castilian, and printed at Madrid. Andrea was a soldier of some experience, and his account of these transactions is derived partly from personal observation, and partly, as he tells us, from the most accredited witnesses. The Spanish version was made at the suggestion of one of Philip's ministers,--pretty good evidence that the writer, in his narrative, had demeaned himself like a loyal subject.

[146] Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, tom. X. p. 25.--Carta del Duque de Alba à la Gobernadora, 8 de Setiembre, 1556, MS.

"In tal mode, non solo veniva a mitigar l'asprezze, che portava seco l'occupar le Terre dello stato ecclesiastico, ma veniva a sparger semi di discordia, e di sisma, fra li Cardinali, ed il Papa, tentando d'alienarli da lui, e mostrargli verso di loro riverenza, e rispetto." Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.

[147] Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.

[148] "Stava intrepido, parlando delle cose appartenenti a quel'uffizio, come se non vi fusse alcuna sospezione di guerra, non che gl'inimici fussero vicini alle porte." Relazione di Bernardo Navagero.

[149] "Pontifex eam conditionem ad se relatam aspernatus in eo persistebat, ut Albanus copias domum reduceret, deinde quod vellet, a se supplicibus precibus postularet." Sepulveda, De Rebus Gestis Philippi II., lib. I. cap. 17.

[150] Sismondi, Histoire des Français, tom. XVIII. p. 17.

[151] "Quel Pontefice, che per ciascuna di queste cose che fosse cascata in un processo, avrebbe condannato ognuno alla morte ed al fuoco, le tollerava in questi, come in suoi defensori." Relazione di Bernardo Navagero.

[152] Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.

[153] The details of the siege of Ostia are given with more or less minuteness by Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.; Andrea, Guerra de Roma, p. 72 et seq.; Campana, Vita del Catholico Don Filippo Secondo, con le Guerre de suoi Tempi, (Vicenza, 1605,) tom. II. fol. 146, 147; Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. II. cap. 15.

[154] Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.--Andrea, Guerra de Roma, p. 86 et seq.

The Emperor Charles the Fifth, when on his way to Yuste, took a very different view from Alva's of the truce, rating the duke roundly for not having followed up the capture of Ostia by a decisive blow, instead of allowing the French time to enter Italy and combine with the pope.--"El emperador oyó todo lo que v. md. dize del duque y de Italia, y ha tornado muy mal el haver dado el duque oidos à suspension de armas, y mucho mas de haver prorrogado el plazo, por parecelle que será instrumento para que la gente del Rey que baxava à Piamonte se juntasse con la del Papa, ó questa dilacion sera necessitar al duque, y estorvalle el effecto que pudiera hazer, si prosiguiera su vitoria despues de haber ganado à Ostia, y entredientes dixo otras cosas que no pude comprehender." Carta de Martin de Gaztelu à Juan Vazquez, Enero 10, 1557, MS.

[155] Sepulveda, De Rebus Gestis Philippi II., p. 13.

[156] Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.--Andrea, Guerra de Roma, p. 165.

[157] Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.--Andrea, Guerra de Roma, p. 220.--De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p. 86.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. III. cap. 9.

[158] Andrea, Guerra de Roma, p. 226.

[159] Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, tom. X. p. 40.

[160] Sismondi, Histoire des Français, tom. XVIII. p. 39.

[161] "Encendido de colera, vino a dezir, Que Dios se auia buelto Español." Andrea, Guerra de Roma, p. 228.

[162] Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, tom. X. p. 35.

[163] Norres, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Flippo Secondo, MS.--Andrea, Guerra de Roma, p. 237.--Ossorio, Albæ Vita, tom. II. p. 64.

[164] The particulars of the siege of Civitella may be found in Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.; Andrea, Guerra de Roma, p. 222 et seq.; Ossorio, Albæ Vita, tom. II. pp. 53-59; Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. III. cap. 9; De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p. 87 et seq., &c.

[165] "Quiso guardar el precepto de guerra que es: Hazer la puente de plata al enemigo, que se va." Andrea, Guerra de Roma, p. 285.

[166] "No pensava jugar el Reyno de Napoles contra una casaca de brocado del Duque de Guisa." Vera y Figueroa, Resultas de la Vida del Duque de Alva, p. 66.

[167] "Quiso usar alli desta sexeridad, no por crueza, sino para dar exemplo a los otros, que no se atreuiesse un lugarejo a defenderse de un exercito real." Andrea, Guerra de Roma, p. 292.

[168] Andrea, Guerra de Roma, p. 302.--Ossorio, Albæ Vita, tom. II. p. 96.--Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.

[169] "Los enemigos han tomado a Seña con saco, muerte, y fuego...... Entraran en Roma, y la saqueran, y prenderan a mi persona; y yo, que desseo ser c[=o] Christo, aguardo sin miedo la corona del martirio." Andrea, Guerra de Roma, p. 303.

"Si mostró prontissimo e disposto di sostenere il martirio." Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.

[170] Andrea, Guerra de Roma, p. 306.

[171] Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.--Andrea, Guerra de Roma, pp. 306-311.--Relazione di Bernardo Navagero.--Ossorio, Albæ Vita, tom. II. p. 117 et seq.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 11.

[172] "Dixo a Don Fernando de Toledo su hijo estas palabras: Temo que hemos de saquear a Roma, y no querria." Andrea, Guerra de Roma, p. 312.

[173] Ibid., ubi supra.

[174] "Il Cardinal Sangiacomo, suo zio, dopo la tregua di quaranta giorni, fu a vecerlo e gli disse: Figliuol mio, avete fatto bene a non entrare in Roma, come so che avete potuto; e vi esorto che non lo facciate mai; perchè, tutti quelli della nostra nazione che si trovarono all'ultimo sacco, sono capitati male." Relazione di Bernardo Navagero.

[175] Relazione di Bernardo Navagero.

[176] Sismondi, Histoire des Français, tom. XVIII. p. 41.

[177] Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, tom. X. p. 43.

[178] Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.--Andrea, Guerra de Roma, p. 314.--De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p. 128.--Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, tom. X. p. 45.--Ossorio, Albæ Vita, tom. II. p. 131.

[179] "Hoggi il mio Rè ha fatto una gran sciocchezza, e se io fossi stato in suo luogo, et egli nel mio, il Cardinal Carafa sarebbe andato in Fiandra à far quelle stesse sommissioni à sua Maestà che io vengo hora di fare à sua Santità." Leti, Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. p. 293.

[180] Relazione di Bernardo Navagero.

[181] Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, tom. X. p. 45.--Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.--Leti, Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. p. 293.--Andrea, Guerra de Roma, p. 316.

[182] Charles the Fifth, who received tidings of the peace at Yuste, was as much disgusted with the terms of it as the duke himself. He even vented his indignation against the duke, as if he had been the author of the peace. He would not consent to read the despatches which Alva sent to him, saying that he already knew enough; and for a long time after "he was heard to mutter between his teeth," in a tone which plainly showed the nature of his thoughts. Retiro y Estancia, ap. Mignet, Charles-Quint, p. 307.

[183] Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, tom. X. p. 46.

[184] Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, tom. X. p. 50.--Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.

[185] Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.--Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, tom. X. p. 50.

[186] "Della quale se altri non voleva aver cura, voleva almeno averla esso; e sebbene i suoi consigli non fossero uditi, avrebbe almeno la consolazione di avere avuto quest'animo, e che si dicesse un giorno: che un vecchio italiano che, essendo vicino alla morte, doveva attendere a riposare e a piangere i suoi peccati, avesse avuto tanto alti disegni." Relazione di Bernardo Navagero.

[187] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 2.--Carta del Rey Don Felipe Segundo a Ruy Gomez de Silva a XI. de Março, 1557, MS.--Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. V. pp. 61, 63.

[188] Tytler, in his England under Edward VI. and Mary, (vol. II. p. 483,) has printed extracts from the minutes of the council, with the commentaries of Philip by the side of them. The commentaries, which are all in the royal autograph, seem to be as copious as the minutes themselves.

[189] Herrera, Historia General del Mundo, de XV. Años del Tiempo del Señor Rey Don Felipe II., (Valladolid, 1606,) lib. IV. cap. 13.--Gaillard, Histoire de la Rivalité de la France et de l'Espagne, (Paris, 1801,) tom. V. p. 243.

[190] See Tytler's valuable work, Reigns of Edward VI. and Mary. The compilation of this work led its candid author to conclusions eminently favorable to the personal character of Queen Mary.

[191] Conf. De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p. 148; Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 4; Campana, Vita del Re Filippo Secondo, parte II. lib. 9; Herrera, Historia General, lib. IV. cap. 14.

The historian here, as almost everywhere else where numerical estimates are concerned, must content himself with what seems to be the closest approximation to the truth. Some writers carry the Spanish foot to fifty thousand. I have followed the more temperate statement of the contemporary De Thou, who would not be likely to underrate the strength of an enemy.

[192] See the letters of the duke published in the Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, (tom. V., passim,)--business-like documents, seasoned with lively criticisms on the characters of those he had to deal with.

[193] Relazione della Corte di Savoja di Gio Francesco Morosini, 1570, ap. Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti, vol. iv.

[194] See the letter of the queen to Philip, in Strype, Catalogue of Originals, No. 56.

[195] Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. V. p. 115.

[196] De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p. 147.--Commentaires de François de Rabutin, ap. Nouvelle Collection des Mémoires pour servir à l'Histoire de France, par MM. Michaud et Poujoulat, (Paris, 1838,) tom. VII. p. 535.--Herrera, Historia General, lib. IV. cap. 14.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 5.

[197] "Ils furent tous deux, dans leur jeunes ans,..... sy grands compagnons, amis et confederez de court, que j'ay ouy dire à plusieurs qui les ont veus habiller le plus souvant de mesmes parures, mesmes livrées,..... tous deux fort enjoüez et faisant des follies plus extravagantes que tous les autres; et sur tout ne faisoient nulles follies qu'ils ne fissent mal, tant ils etoient rudes joüeurs et malheureux en leurs jeux." Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. III. p. 265.

[198] "Il falloit les nourrir ou les faire mourir de faim, qui eust peu apporter une peste dans la ville." Mémoires de Gaspard de Coligni, ap. Collection Universelle des Mémoires particuliers relatifs à l'Histoire de France, (Paris, 1788,) tom. XL. p. 252.

[199] Ibid.--De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p. 151.--Rabutin, ap. Nouvelle Collection des Mémoires, tom. VII. p. 540.--Garnier, Histoire de France, (Paris, 1787,) tom. XXVII. p. 358.

[200] There is not so much discrepancy in the estimates of the French as of the Spanish force. I have accepted the statements of the French historians, Garnier, (Histoire de France, tom. XXVII. p. 354,) and De Thou, (tom. III. p. 148,) who, however, puts the cavalry at one thousand less. For authorities on the Spanish side, see Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 7.--Herrera, Historia General, lib. IV. cap. 15.--Campana, Vita del Re Filippo Secondo, parte II. lib. 9.

[201] Rabutin, ap. Nouvelle Collection des Mémoires, tom. VII. p. 548.

[202] Ibid., ubi supra.--Monpleinchamp, Histoire d'Emmanuel Philibert Duc de Savoie, (Amsterdam, 1699,) p. 146.--De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p. 157.

The first of these writers, François de Rabutin, is one of the best authorities for these transactions, in which he took part as a follower of the duc de Nevers.

[203] "Encore à sortir des bateaux, à cause de la presse, les soldats ne pouvoient suivre les addresses et sentes qui leur estoient appareillées; de façon qu'ils s'escartoient et se jettoient à costé dans les creux des marets, d'où ils ne pouvoient sortir, et demeuroient là embourbez et noyez." Rabutin, ap. Nouvelle Collection des Mémoires, tom. VII. p. 549.

[204] Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. I. p. 361.

[205] I quote the words of Monpleinchamp, (Histoire du Duc de Savoie, p. 147,) who, however, speaks of the fire as coming from the artillery,--hardly probable, as the French batteries were three miles distant, up the river. But accuracy does not appear to be the chief virtue of this writer.

[206] "Manda au prince, pour toute réponse, qu'il étoit bien jeune pour vouloir lui apprendre son metier, qu'il commandoit les armées avant que celui-ci fût au monde, et qu'il comptoit bien en vingt ans lui donner encore des leçons." Garnier, Histoire de France, tom. XXVII. p. 364.

[207] Rabutin, who gives this account, says it would be impossible to tell how the disorder began. It came upon them so like a thunderclap, that no man had a distinct recollection of what passed. Rabutin, ap. Nouvelle Collection des Mémoires, tom. VII. p. 550.

[208] "Appellant à lui dans ce trouble le vieux d'Oignon, officier expérimenté, il lui demanda: Bon homme, que faut-il faire? Monseigneur, répondit d'Oignon, il y a deux heures que je vous l'aurois bien dit, maintenant je n'en sais rien." Garnier, Histoire de France, tom. XXVII. p. 368.

[209] "Noirs comme de beaux diables." Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. III. p. 185.

[210] "Icelles compagnies de fantrie, en ce peu qu'elles se comportoient, autant belles, bien complettes et bien armées, que l'on en avoit veu en France il y avoit long-temps." Rabutin, ap. Nouvelle Collection des Mémoires, tom. VII. p. 551.

[211] "A ces nouvelles s'esleverent tellement leurs esprits et courages, qu'ils recoururent incontinent aux armes, et n'oyoit-on plus partout que demander harnois et chevaux, et trompettes sonner à cheval, ayant chacun recouvert ses forces et sentimens pour venger la honte précédente; toutefois ce murmure se trouva nul, et demeura assoupi en peu d'heure." Ibid., p. 552.

[212] Campana, Vita del Re Filippo Secondo, parte II. lib. 9.

According to some accounts, the loss did not exceed fifty. This, considering the spirit and length of the contest, will hardly be credited. It reminds one of the wars with the Moslems in the Peninsula, where, if we are to take the account of the Spaniards, their loss was usually as one to a hundred of the enemy.

[213] For the preceding pages, see Rabutin, ap. Nouvelle Collection des Mémoires, tom. VII. pp. 548-552.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 7.--Campana, Vita del Re Filippo Secondo, parte II. lib. 9.--Monpleinchamp, Vie du Duc de Savoie, pp. 146-150.--Herrera, Historia General, lib. IV. cap. 15.--De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. pp. 154-160.--Garnier, Histoire de France, tom. XXVII. pp. 361-372.--Carta de Felipe 2do à su padre anunciandole la victoria de San Quentin, MS.

[214] "Pues yo no me hallé alli, de que me pesa lo que V. M. no puede pensar, no puedo dar relaçion de lo que paso sino de oydas." Carta de Felipe 2do à su padre, 11 de Agosto, 1557, MS.

[215] This appears by a letter of the major-domo of Charles, Luis Quixada, to the secretary, Juan Vazquez de Molina, MS.

"Siento que no se puede conortar de que su hijo no se hallase en ello."

[216] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 7

[217] De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p. 246.

[218] It is Brantôme who tells the anecdote, in his usual sarcastic way. "Encor, tout religieux, demy sainct qu'il estoit, il ne se peut en garder que quant le roy son fils eut gaigné la bataille de Sainct-Quentin de demander aussi tost que le courrier luy apporta des nouvelles, s'il avoit bien poursuivi la victoire, et jusques aux portes de Paris." OEuvres, tom. I. p. 11.

Luis Quixada, in a letter written at the time from Yuste, gives a version of the story, which, if it has less point, is probably more correct. "S. Magd. está con mucho cuidado por saber que camino arrá tomado el Rey despues de acabada aquella empresa de San Quintin." Carta de 27 de Setiembre, 1557, MS.

[219] "Para no entrar en Francia como su padre comiendo pabos, i salir comiendo raizes." Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 8.

[220] "Si l'on m'oyoit tenir quelque langage, qui approchast de faire composition, je les suppliois tous qu'ils me jettassent, comme un poltron, dedans le fossé par dessus les murailles: que s'il y avoit quelqu'un qui m'en tint propos, _je ne lui en ferois pas moins_." Coligni, Mémoires, ap. Collection Universelle des Mémoires, tom. XL. p. 272.

[221] Gaillard, Rivalité, tom. V. p. 253.

[222] Burnet, Reformation, vol. III. p. 636.

[223] For notices of the taking of St. Quentin, in greater or less detail, see Coligni, Mémoires, ap. Collection Universelle des Mémoires, tom. XL.; Rabutin, Mémoires, ap. Nouvelle Collection des Mémoires, tom. VII. p. 556 et seq.; De Thou. Histoire Universelle, tom. III. pp. 164-170; Campana, Vita del Re Filippo Secondo, parte II. lib. 9; Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 9; Monpleinchamp, Vie du Duc de Savoie, p. 152.

Juan de Pinedo, in a letter to the secretary Vazquez, (dated St. Quentin, August 27,) speaking of the hard fighting which took place in the assault, particularly praises the gallantry of the English: "Esta tarde entre tres y quatro horas se ha entrado San Quentin à pura fuerça peleando muy bien los de dentro y los de fuera, muy escogidamente todos, y por estremo los Ingleses." MS.

[224] Letter of the earl of Bedford to Sir William Cecil, (dated "from our camp beside St. Quentin, the 3rd of Sept. 1557,") ap. Tytler, Edward VI. and Mary, vol. II p. 493.

[225] According to Sepulveda, (De Rebus Gestis Philippi II., lib. I. cap. 30,) no less than four thousand women. It is not very probable that Coligni would have consented to cater for so many useless mouths.

[226] "The Swartzrotters, being masters of the king's whole army, used such force, as well to the Spaniards, Italians, and all other nations, as unto us, that there was none could enjoy nothing but themselves. They had now showed such cruelty, as the like hath not been seen for greediness: the town by them was set a-fire, and a great piece of it burnt." Letter of the earl of Bedford to Cecil, ap. Tytler, Edward VI. and Mary, vol. II. p. 493.

[227] Rabutin, Mémoires, ap. Nouvelle Collection des Mémoires, tom. VII. pp. 537-564.--De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. pp. 149-170.--Campana, Vita di Filippo Secondo, parte II. lib. 9.

The best account of the siege of St. Quentin is to be found in Coligni's Mémoires, (ap. Collection Universelle des Mémoires, tom. XL. pp. 217-290,) written by him in his subsequent captivity, when the events were fresh in his memory. The narrative is given in a simple, unpretending manner, that engages our confidence, though the author enters into a minuteness of detail which the general historian may be excused from following.

[228] De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. pp. 173-177.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 13.--Sepulveda, De Rebus Gestis Philippi II., lib. I. cap. 32.

[229] De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III, pp. 163, 176.--Garnier, Histoire de France, tom. XXVII. p. 377 et seq.

[230] "C'etoit un proverbe reçu en France pour désigner un mauvais général, un guerrier sans mérite, de dire: _il ne chassera pas les Anglois de la France_." Gaillard, Rivalité de France et de l'Espagne, tom. V. p. 260

[231] "Aussi les Anglois furent si glorieux (car ils le sont assez de leur naturel) de mettre sur les portes de la ville que, lors que les François assiegeront Calais, l'on verra le plomb et le fer nager sur l'eau comme le liege." Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. III. p. 203.

[232] Burnet, History of the Reformation, vol. III. p. 646.

[233] Ibid., p. 650.

[234] De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p. 238.--Garnier, Histoire de France, tom. XXVII. p. 512.--Rabutin, ap. Nouvelle Collection des Mémoires, tom. VII. p. 598.--Campana, Vita del Re Filippo Secondo, parte II. lib. 10.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 21.--Herrera, Historia General, lib. V. cap. 5.--Monpleinchamp, Vie du Duc de Savoie, p. 154.

[235] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 21.

[236] "Nous sommes vainqueurs; que ceux qui aiment la gloire et leur patrie me suivent." De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p. 240.

[237] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 21.

[238] De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p. 240.--Garnier, Histoire de France, tom. XXVII. p. 516.

[239] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 21.--De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p. 241.

[240] "Ma della caualleria niuno fu quasi, ch'ò non morisse combattendo, ò non restasse prigione, non potendosi saluar fuggendo in quei luoghi paludosi, malageuoli." Campana, Vita del Re Filippo Secondo, parte II. lib. 10.

[241] For the accounts of this battle, see Campana, Vita del Re Filippo Secondo, parte II. lib. 10.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 21.--De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. pp. 239-241.--Garnier, Histoire de France, tom. XXVII. p. 513 et seq.--Rabutin, ap. Nouvelle Collection des Mémoires, tom. VII. p. 598.--Herrera, Historia General, lib. V. cap. 5.--Ferreras, Histoire Générale d'Espagne, tom. IX. p. 396.--Monpleinchamp, Vie du Duc de Savoie, p. 155.

I know of no action of which the accounts are so perfectly irreconcilable in their details as those of the battle of Gravelines. Authorities are not even agreed as to whether it was an English fleet that fired on the French troops. One writer speaks of it as a Spanish squadron from Guipuscoa. Another says the marines landed, and engaged the enemy on shore. It is no easy matter to extract a probability from many improbabilities. There is one fact, however, and that the most important one, in which all agree,--that Count Egmont won a decisive victory over the French at Gravelines.

[242] There is an interesting letter of Philip's sister, the Regent Joanna, to her father, the emperor, then in the monastery at Yuste. It was written nearly a year before this period of our history. Joanna gives many good reasons, especially the disorders of his finances, which made it expedient for Philip to profit by his successful campaign to conclude a peace with France,--the same which now presented themselves with such force to both Philip and his ministers. The capture of Calais, soon after the date of Joanna's letter, and the great preparations made by Henry, threw a weight into the enemy's scale which gave new heart to the French to prolong the contest, until it ended with the defeat at Gravelines.--Carta de la Princesa Juana al Emperador, 14 de Diciembre, 1557, MS.--Carta del Emperador à la Princesa, 26 de Diciembre, 1557, MS.

[243] Relatione di Giovanni Micheli, MS.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 2, 4.--Campana, Vita di Filippo Secundo, parte II. lib. 11.

[244] Relatione di Giovanni Micheli, MS.

[245] "Yo os digo que yo estoy de todo punto imposibilitado à sostener la guerra.... Estos términos me parecen tan aprestados que so pena de perderme no puedo dejar de concertarme." Letter of Philip to the Bishop of Arras, (February 12. 1559,) ap. Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. V. p. 454, et alibi.

Philip told the Venetian minister he was in such straits, that, if the French king had not made advances towards an accommodation, he should have been obliged to do so himself. Campana, Vita di Filippo Secondo, parte II. lib. 11.

[246] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 16.--Ferreras, Histoire Générale d'Espagne, tom. VII. p. 397.

[247] "Habló que era de tener en mas la pressa del Condestable, que si fuera la misma persona del Rey, porque faltando el, falta el govierno jeneral todo." Carta del Mayordomo Don Luis Mendez Quixada al Secretario Juan Vazquez de Molina, MS.

[248] The French government had good reasons for its distrust. It appears from the correspondence of Granvelle, that that minister employed a _respectable_ agent to take charge of the letters of St. André, and probably of the other prisoners, and that these letters were inspected by Granvelle before they passed to the French camp. See Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. V. p. 178.

[249] Some historians, among them Sismondi, seem to have given more credit to the professions of the politic Frenchman than they deserve, (Histoire des Français, tom. XVIII. p. 73.). Granvelle, who understood the character of his antagonist better, was not so easily duped. A memorandum among his papers thus notices the French cardinal: "Toute la démonstration que faisoit ledict cardinal de Lorraine de désirer paix, estoit chose faincte à la françoise et pour nous abuser." Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. V. p. 168.

[250] "Adjoustant que, si Calaix demeuroit aux François, ny luy ny ses collègues n'oseroyent retourner en Angleterre, et que certainement le peuple les lapideroit." Ibid., p. 319.

[251] "Were I to die this moment, want of frigates would be found written on my heart." The original of this letter of Nelson is in the curious collection of autograph letters which belonged to the late Sir Robert Peel.

[252] Philip's feelings in this matter may be gathered from a passage in a letter to Granvelle, in which he says that the death of the young queen of Scots, then very ill, would silence the pretensions which the French made to England, and relieve Spain from a great embarrassment. "Si la reyna moça se muriesse, que diz que anda muy mala, nos quitaria de hartos embaraços y del derecho que pretenden à Inglaterra." Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. V. p. 643.

[253] "Tras esto véola muy indignada de las cosas que se han hecho contra ella en vida de la Reina: muy asida al pueblo, y muy confiada que lo tiene todo de su parte (como es verdad), y dando à entender que el Pueblo la ha puesto en el estado que está: y de esto no reconoce nada à V. M. ni à la nobleza del Reino, aunque dice que la han enviado à prometer todos que la serán fieles." Memorias de la Real Academia de la Historia, (Madrid, 1832,) tom. VII. p. 254.

[254] "Non manco bella d'animo che sia di corpo; ancor'che di faccia si puó dir' che sia piu tosto gratiosa che bella." Relatione di Giovanni Micheli, MS.

[255] "Della persona è grande, et ben formata, di bella carne, ancor che olivastra, begl'occhi, et sopra tutto bella mano, di che fa professione, d'un spirito, et ingegno mirabile: il che ha saputo molto ben dimostrare, con l'essersi saputa ne i sospetti, et pericoli ne i quali s'è ritrovata cosi ben governare.... Si tien superba, et gloriosa per il padre; del quale dicono tutti che è anco più simile, et per cio gli fu sempre cara." Ibid.

[256] The Spanish minister, Feria, desired his master to allow him to mention Mary's jealousy, as an argument to recommend his suit to the favor of Elizabeth. But Philip had the good feeling--or good taste--to refuse. Memorias de la Real Academia, tom. VII. p. 260.

[257] "Dijo que convendria consultarlo con el Parlamento; bien que el Rey Católico debia estar seguro que en caso de casarse, seria él preferido á todos." Ibid., p. 264.

[258] "Paresceme que seria bien que el conde le hablasse claro en estas cosas de la religion, y la amonestasse y rogasse de mi parte que no hiziesse en este parlamento mudança en ella, y que si la hiciesse que yo no podria venir en lo del casamiento, como en effecto no vendria." Carta del Rey Phelipe al Duque de Alba, 7 de Febrero, 1559, MS.

[259] "Convendría que hablasse claro á la Reyna, y le dixesse rasamente que aunque yo desseo mucho este negocio, (y por aquí envanesçella quanto pudiesse,) pero que entendiesse que si haria mudança en la religion, yo lo hacia en este desseo y voluntad por que despues no pudiesse dezir que no se le avia dicho antes." Ibid.

[260] "Dijo que pensaba estar sin casarse, porque tenia mucho escrúpulo en lo de la dispensa del Papa." Memorias de la Real Academia, tom. VII. p. 265.

[261] Ibid., p. 266.

[262] "Aunque habia recibido pena de no haberse concluido cosa que tanto deseaba, y parecía convenir al bien público, pues á ella no le habia parecido tan necessario, y que con buena amistad se conseguiria el mismo fin, quedaba satisfecho y contento." Ibid., ubi supra.

[263] The duke of Savoy, in a letter to Granvelle, says that the king is in arrears more than a million of crowns to the German troops alone; and, unless the ministers have some mysterious receipt for raising money, beyond his knowledge, Philip will be in the greatest embarrassment that any sovereign ever was. "No ay un real y devéseles á la gente alemana, demas de lo que seles a pagado aora de la vieja deuda, mas d'un mylion d'escudos..... Por esso mirad como hazeys, que sino se haze la paz yo veo el rey puesto en el mayor trance que rey s'a visto jamas, si él no tiene otros dineros, que yo no sé, á que el señor Eraso alle algun secretto que tiene reservado para esto." Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. V. p. 458.

[264] The minister in London was instructed to keep up the same show of confidence to the English. "Todavía mostramos rostro á los Franceses, como tambien es menester que alla se haga con los Ingleses, que no se puede confiar que no vengan Franceses á saber dellos lo que alli podrian entender." Ibid., p. 479.

[265] Ibid., p. 468.

"That the said Dolphin's and Queen of Scott's eldest daughter shall marry with your highnes eldest sonne, who with her shall have Callice." Forbes, State Papers of Elizabeth, vol. I. p. 54.

It seemed to be taken for granted that Elizabeth was not to die a maiden queen, notwithstanding her assertions so often reiterated to the contrary.

[266] "Hablando con la reyna sin persuadirla, ny á la paz, ny á que dexe Calaix, by tampoco á que venga bien á las otras condiciones propuestas por los Franceses, paraque en ningun tiempo pueda dezir que de parte de S. M. la hayan persuadido á cosa que quiçá despues pensasse que no le estuviesse bien, V. S. tenga respecto á proponerle las razones en balança, de manera que pesen siempre mucho mas las que la han de inclinar al concierto."--Ibid., p. 479.

[267] See the treaty, in Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, (Amsterdam, 1728,) tom. V. p. 31.

[268] Garnier, Histoire de France, tom. XXVII. p. 570.

[269] "Mettez-moi, sire, dans la plus mauvaise des places qu'on vous propose d'abandonner, et que vos ennemis tâchent de m'en déloger." Gaillard, Rivalité de la France et d'Espagne, tom. V. p. 294.

[270] Garnier, Histoire de France, tom. XXVII. p. 567.

[271] "Pour tant de restitutions ou de concessions que revenoit-il à la France? moins de places qu'elle ne cédoit de provinces." Gaillard, Rivalité de la France et d'Espagne, tom. V. p. 292.

[272] Charles the Fifth, who in his monastic seclusion at Yuste, might naturally have felt more scruples at a collision with Rome than when, in earlier days, he held the pope a prisoner in his capital, decidedly approved of his son's course. It was a war of necessity, he said, in a letter to Juan Vazquez de Molina, and Philip would stand acquitted of the consequences before God and man.

"Pues no se puede hazer otra cosa, y el Rey se ha justificado en tantas maneras cumpliendo con Dios y el mundo, por escusar los daños que dello se seguiran, forzado sera usar del ultimo remedio." Carta del Emperador á Juan Vazquez de Molina, 8 de Agosto, 1557, MS.

[273] "Il nous a semblé mieulx de leur dire rondement, que combien vostre majesté soit tousjours esté dure et difficile à recepvoir persuasions pour se remarier, que toutesfois, aiant représenté à icelle le désir du roi très-chrestien et le bien que de ce mariage pourra succéder, et pour plus promptement consolider ceste union et paix, elle s'estoit résolue, pour monstrer sa bonne et syncère affection, d'y condescendre franchement." Granvelle, Papiers d'Etat, tom. V. p. 580.

[274] "El Conde la dijo, que aunque las negativas habían sido en cierto modo indirectas, él no habia querido apurarla hasta el punto de decir redondamente que no, por no dar motivo à indignaciones entre dos tan grandes Príncipes." Mem. de la Academia, tom. VII. p. 268.

[275] "Osservando egli l'usanza Francese nel baciar tutte l'altre Dame di Corte, nell'arriuar alla futura sua Reina, non solo intermise quella famigliare cerimonia, ma non uolle nè anche giamai coprirsi la testa, per istanza, che da lei ne gli fusse fatta; il che fu notato per nobilissimo, e degno atto di creäza Spagnuola." Campana, Filippo Secondo, parte II. lib. 11.

[276] The work of extermination was to cover more ground than Henry's capital or country, if we may take the word of the English commissioners, who, in a letter dated January, 1559, advised the queen, their mistress, that "there was an appoinctment made betwene the late pope, the French king, and the king of Spaine, for the joigning of their forces together for the suppression of religion, ... th'end whereof was to constraine the rest of christiendome, being Protestants, to receive the pope's authorité and his religione." (Forbes, State Papers, vol. I. p. 296.) Without direct evidence of such a secret understanding, intimations of it, derived from other sources, may be found in more than one passage of this history.

[277] Brantôme, who repays the favors he had received from Henry the Second by giving him a conspicuous place in his gallery of portraits, eulogizes his graceful bearing in the tourney and his admirable horsemanship.

"Mais sur tout ils l'admiroient fort en sa belle grace qu'il avoit en ses armes et à cheval; comme de vray, c'estoit le prince du monde qui avait la meilleure grace et la plus belle tenuë, et qui sçavoit aussi bien monstrer la vertu et bonté d'un cheval, et en cacher le vice." OEuvres tom. II. p. 353.

[278] Ibid, p. 351.--De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p. 367.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 20.--Campagna Filippo Secondo, parte II. lib. 11.--Forbes, State Papers, vol. I. p. 151.

[279] The English commissioner, Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, bears testimony to the popularity of Henry.--"Their was marvailous great lamentation made for him, and weaping of all sorts, both men and women." Forbes, State Papers, vol. I. p. 151.

[280] This pleasing anticipation is not destined to be realised. Since the above was written, in the summer of 1851, the cloister life of Charles the Fifth, then a virgin topic, has become a thrice-told tale,--thanks to the labors of Mr. Stirling, M. Amédée Pichot, and M. Mignet; while the publication of the original documents from Simancas, by M. Gachard, will put it in the power of every scholar to verify their statements.--See the postscript at the end of this chapter.

[281] Sandoval, Hist. de Carlos V., tom. II. p. 611.

[282] "Una sola silla de caderas, que mas era media silla, tan vieja y ruyn que si se pusiera en venta no dieran por ella quatro reales." Ibid., tom. II. p. 610.--See also El Perfecto Desengaño, por el Marqués de Valparayso, MS.

The latter writer, in speaking of the furniture, uses precisely the same language, with the exception of a single word, as Sandoval. Both claim to have mainly derived their account of the cloister life of Charles the Fifth from the prior of Yuste, Fray Martin de Angulo. The authority, doubtless, is of the highest value, as the prior, who witnessed the closing scenes of Charles's life, drew up his relation for the information of the Regent Joanna, and at her request. Why the good father should have presented his hero in such a poverty-stricken aspect, it is not easy to say. Perhaps he thought it would redound to the credit of the emperor, that he should have been willing to exchange the splendors of a throne for a life of monkish mortification.

[283] The reader will find an extract from the inventory of the royal jewels, plate, furniture, &c, in Stirling's Cloister Life of Charles the Fifth, (London, 1852,) Appendix, and in Pichot's Chronique de Charles-Quint, (Paris, 1854,) p. 537 et seq.

[284] Mignet has devoted a couple of pages to an account of this remarkable picture of which an engraving is still extant, executed under the eyes of Titian himself. Charles-Quint, pp. 214, 215.

[285] Vera y Figueroa, Vida y Hechos de Carlos V., p. 127.

A writer in Fraser's Magazine for April and May, 1851, has not omitted to notice this remarkable picture, in two elaborate articles on the cloister life of Charles the Fifth. They are evidently the fruit of a careful study of the best authorities, some of them not easy of access to the English student. The author has collected some curious

## particulars in respect to the persons who accompanied the emperor in his

retirement; and on the whole, though he seems not to have been aware of the active interest which Charles took in public affairs, he has presented by far the most complete view of this interesting portion of the imperial biography that has yet been given to the world.

[I suffer this note to remain as originally written, before the publication of Mr. Stirling's "Cloister Life" had revealed him as the author of these spirited essays.]

[286] Sandoval, Hist. de Carlos V., tom. II. p. 610.--Siguença, Historia de la Orden de San Geronimo, (Madrid, 1595-1605,) parte III. p. 190.--Ford, Handbook of Spain, (London, 1845,) p. 551.

Of the above authorities, Father Siguença has furnished the best account of the emperor's little domain as it was in his day, and Ford as it is in our own.

[287] See the eloquent conclusion of Stirling's Cloister Life of Charles the Fifth.

Ford, in his admirable Handbook, which may serve as a manual for the student of Spanish in his closet, quite as well as for the traveller in Spain, has devoted a few columns to a visit which he paid to this sequestered spot, where, as he says, the spirit of the mighty dead seemed to rule again in his last home. A few lines from the pages of the English tourist will bring the scene more vividly before the reader than the colder description in the text. "As the windows were thrown wide open to admit the cool thyme-scented breeze, the eye in the clear evening swept over the boundless valley; and the nightingales sang sweetly, in the neglected orange-garden, to the bright stars reflected like diamonds in the black tank below us. How often had Charles looked out, on a stilly eve, on this selfsame and unchanged scene, where he alone was now wanting!" Handbook of Spain, p. 553.

[288] Carta de Martin de Gaztelu al Secretario Vazquez, 5 de Febrero, 1557, MS.

[289] Their names and vocations are specified in the codicil executed by Charles a few days before his death. See the document entire, ap. Sandoval, Hist. de Carlos V., tom. II. p. 662.

A more satisfactory list has been made out by the indefatigable Gachard from various documents which he collected, and which have furnished him with the means of correcting the orthography of Sandoval, miserably deficient in respect to Flemish names. See Retraite et Mort de Charles-Quint, tom. I. p. 1.

[290] "Las vistas de las pieças de su magestad no son muy largas, sino cortas, y las que se véen, o es una montaña de piedras grandes, ó unos montes de robles no muy altos. Campo llano no le ay, ni como podesse pasear, que sea por un camino estrecho y lleno de piedra. Rio yo no vi ninguno, sino un golpe de agua que baza de la montana: huerta en casa ay una pequeña y de pocos naranjos....... El aposento baxo no es nada alegre, sino muy triste, y como es tan baxo, creo será humido....... Esto es lo que me parece del aposento y sitio de la casa y grandissima soledad." Carta de Luis Quixada á Juan Vazquez, 30 de Noviembre, 1556, MS.

The major-domo concludes by requesting Vazquez not to show it to his mistress, Joanna, the regent, as he would not be thought to run counter to the wishes of the emperor in anything.

[291] "Plegue á Dios que los pueda sufrir, que no será poco, segun suelen ser todos muy importunos, y mas los que saben menos." Carta de Martin de Gaztelu, MS.

[292] "Llamando al Emperador _paternidad_, de que luego fué advertido de otro frayle que estava á su lado, y acudió con _magestad_." Ibid.

[293] "Emperador semper augusto de Alemania."

[294] His teeth seem to have been in hardly better condition than his fingers.--"Era amigo de cortarse el mismo lo que comia, aunque ni tenia buenas ni desembueltas las manos, ni los dientes." Siguença, Orden de San Geronimo, parte III. p. 192.

[295] De Thou, Hist. Universelle, tom. III. p. 293.

[296] "Quando comia, leya el confesor una leccion de San Augustin." El Perfecto Desengaño, MS.

[297] Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 15.--Vera y Figueroa, Vida y Hechos de Carlos V., p. 123.--Siguença, Orden de San Geronimo, parte III. p. 195.

The last writer is minute in his notice of the imperial habits and occupations at Yuste. Siguença was prior of the Escorial; and in that palace-monastery of the Jeronymites he must have had the means of continually conversing with several of his brethren who had been with Charles in his retirement. His work, which appeared at the beginning of the following century, has become rare,--so rare that M. Gachard was obliged to content himself with a few manuscript extracts, from the difficulty of procuring the printed original. I was fortunate enough to obtain a copy, and a very fine one, through my booksellers, Messrs. Rich, Brothers, London,--worthy sons of a sire who for thirty years or more stood preëminent for sagacity and diligence among the collectors of rare and valuable books.

[298] "Mandò pregonar en los lugares comarcanos que so pena de cien açotes muger alguna no passasse de un humilladero que estasa como dos tiros de ballesta del Monasterio." Sandoval, Hist. de Carlos V., tom. II. p. 612; and Sandoval's _double_, Valparayso, El Perfecto Desengaño, MS.

[299] "Si alguno se errava dezía consigo mismo: O _hideputa bermejo_, que aquel erro, ò otro nombre semejante." Sandoval, Hist. de Carlos V., tom. II. p. 613.

I will not offend ears polite by rendering it in English into corresponding Billingsgate. It is but fair to state that the author of the Perfecto Desengaño puts no such irreverent expression into Charles's mouth. Both, however, profess to follow the MS. of the Prior Angulo.

[300] "Non aspernatur exercitationes campestres, in quem usum paratam habet tormentariam rhedam, ad essedi speciem, præcellenti arte, et miro studio proximis hisce mensibus a se constructam." Lettres sur la Vie Intérieure de l'Empereur Charles-Quint, écrites par Guillaume van Male, gentilhomme de sa chambre, et publiées, pour la première fois, par le Baron de Reiffenberg, (Bruxelles, 1843, 4to,) ep. 8.

[301] "Interdum ligneos passerculos emisit cubículo volantes revolantesque." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 15.

[302] Ford, Handbook of Spain, p. 552.

[303] "A nemine, ne a proceribus quidem quacumque ex causa se adiri, aut conveniri, nisi ægre admodum patiebatur." Sepulveda, Opera, tom. II. p. 541.

[304] "Le hizo mas preguntas que se pudieran hazer á la donzella Theodor, de que todo dió buena razon y de lo que vió yoy ó en Francia, provisiones de obispados, cargos de Italia, y de la infantería y caballeria, artilleria, gastadores, armas de mano y de otras cosas." Carta de Martin de Gaztelu á Juan Vazquez, 18 de Mayo, 1558, MS.

[305] "Retirose tanto de los negocios del Reyno y cosas de govierno, como si jamas uviera tenido parte en ellos." Sandoval, Hist. de Carlos V., tom. II. p. 614.--See also Valparayso, (El Perfecto Desengaño, MS.,) who uses the same words, probably copying Angulo, unless, indeed, we suppose him to have stolen from Sandoval.

[306] "Ut neque aurum, quod ingenti copia per id tempus Hispana classis illi advexit ab India, neque strepitus bellorum, ... quidquam potuerint animum ilium flectere, tot retro annis assuetum armorum sono."--Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 14.

[307] It is singular that Sepulveda, who visited Charles in his retreat, should have been the only historian, as far as I am aware, who recognized the truth of this fact, so perfectly established by the letters from Yuste.--"Summis enim rebus, ut de bello et pace se consuli, deque fratris, liberorum et sororum salute, et statu rerum certiorem fieri non recusabat." Opera, tom. II. p. 541.

[308] "Supplicando con toda humildad e instancia á su Magestad tenga por bien de esforzarse en esta coyuntura, socorréindome y ayudandome, no solo con su parecer y consejo que es el mayor caudal que puedo tener, pero con la presencia de su persona y autoridad, saliendo del monasterio, á la parte y lugar que mas comodo sea á su salud." Retiro, Estancia, etc., ap. Mignet, Charles-Quint, p. 256, note.

[309] "Siempre, en estas cosas, pregunta si no hay mas." Carta de Martin de Gaztelu á Juan Vazquez, 8 de Noviembre, 1556, MS.

[310] "Pues no se puede hazer otra cosa, y el Rey se ha justificado en tantas maneras cumpliendo con Dios y el mundo, por escusar los daños que dello se seguiran, forzado sera usar del ultimo remedio." Carta del Emperador á Vazquez, 8 de Agosto, 1557, MS.

[311] "Del Papa y de Caraffa se siente aquí que no haya llegado la nueva de que se han muerto." Carta de Martin de Gaztelu á Juan Vazquez, 8 de Noviembre, 1556, MS.

[312] "Sobre que su magestad dizo algunas cosas con mas colera de la que para su salud conviene." Carta de Martin de Gaztelu á Juan Vazquez, 10 de Enero, 1558, MS.

[313] See, in particular, Carta del Emperador á Su Alteza, 4 de Febrero, 1558. MS.

[314] "Su Magestad está con mucho cuidado por saber que camino ará tomado el Rey despues de acabada aquella empresa." Carta de Luis de Quixada á Juan Vazquez, 27 de Setiembre, 1557, MS.

[315] Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. I. p. 11.

Whether Charles actually made the remark or not, it is clear from a letter in the Gonzalez collection that this was uppermost in his thoughts.--"Su Magestad tenia gran deseo de saber que partido tomaba el rey su hijo despues de la victoria, y que estaba impacientissimo formando cuentas de que ya deberia estar sobre Paris." Carta de Quixada, 10 de Setiembre, 1557, ap. Mignet, Charles-Quint, p. 279.

It is singular that this interesting letter is neither in M. Gachard's collection nor in that made for me from the same sources.

[316] Cartas del Emperador á Juan Vazquez, de Setiembre 27 y Octubre 31, 1557, MS.

[317] The Emperor intimates his wishes in regard to his grandson's succession in a letter addressed, at a later period, to Philip. (Carta del Emperador al Rey, 31 de Marzo, 1558, MS.) But a full account of the Portuguese mission is given by Cienfuegos, Vida de S. Francisco de Borja, (Barcelona, 1754,) p. 269. The person employed by Charles in this delicate business was no other than his friend Francisco Borja, the ex-duke of Gandia, who, like himself, had sought a retreat from the world in the shades of the cloister. The biographers who record the miracles and miraculous virtues of the sainted Jesuit, bestow several chapters on his visits to Yuste. His conversations with the emperor are reported with a minuteness that Boswell might have envied, and which may well provoke our scepticism, unless we suppose them to have been reported by Borja himself. One topic much discussed in them was the merits of the order which the emperor's friend had entered. It had not then risen to that eminence which, under its singular discipline, it subsequently reached; and Charles would fain have persuaded his visitor to abandon it for the Jeronymite society with which he was established. But Borja seems to have silenced, if not satisfied, his royal master, by arguments which prove that his acute mind already discerned the germ of future greatness in the institutions of the new order.--Ibid., pp. 273-279.--Ribadeneira, Vita Francisci Borgiæ, (Lat. trans., Antverpiæ, 1598,) p. 110 et seq.

[318] Carta del Emperador al Rey, 25 de Mayo, 1558, MS.

On the margin of this letter we find the following memoranda of Philip himself, showing how much importance he attached to his father's interposition in this matter. "Volvérselo a suplicar con gran instancia, pues quedamos in tales términos que, si me ayudan con dinero, los podríamos atraer à lo que conviniesse." "Besalle las manos por lo que en esto ha mandado y suplicalle lo lleve adelante y que de acá se hará lo mismo, y avisarle de lo que se han hecho hasta agora."

[319] Carta del Emperador á Juan Vazquez, 31 de Marzo, 1557, MS.

[320] Carta del Emperador á la Princesa, 31 de Marzo, 1557, MS.--The whole letter is singularly characteristic of Charles. Its authoritative tone shows that, though he had parted with the crown, he had not parted with the temper of a sovereign, and of an absolute sovereign too.

[321] "Es tal su indignacion y tan sangrientas las palabras y vehemencia con que manda escribir á v.m. que me disculpará sino lo hago con mas templança y modo." Carta de Martin de Gaztelu á Juan Vazquez, 12 de Mayo, 1557, MS.

[322] "His majesty was so well," writes Gaztelu, early in the summer of 1557, "that he could rise from his seat, and support his arquebuse, without aid." He could even do some mischief with his fowling-piece to the wood-pigeons. Carta de Gaztelu, á Vazquez, 5 de Junio, 1557, MS.

[323] "Porque desde tantos de noviembre hasta pocos dias hame ha dado [la gota] tres vezes y muy rezio, y me ha tenido muchos días en la cama, y hestado hasta de poco acá tan trabajado y flaco que en toda esta quaresma no he podido oyr un sermon, y esto es la causa porque no os escribo esta de mi mano." Carta del Emperador al Rey, 7 de Abril, 1558, MS.

[324] "Sintiólo cierto mucho, y se le arrasáron los ojos, y me dijo lo mucho que él y la de Francia se habian siempre querido, y por cuan buena cristiana la tenia, y que le llevaba quince meses de tiempo, y que, según él se iba sintiendo, de poco acá podria ser que dentro de ellos le hiciese compañía." Carta de Gaztelu á Vazquez, 21 de Febrero, 1558, ap. Gachard, Retraite et Mort, tom. I, p. 270.--See also Mignet, Charles-Quint, p. 339.

[325] "Y que para ello les deis y mandeis dar todo el favor y calor que fuere necenario y para que los que fueren culpados sean punidos y castigados con la demostracion y rigor que la cualidad de sus culpas mereceran y esto sin exception de persona alguna." Carta del Emperador á la Princesa, 3 de Mayo, 1558, MS.

[326] "No se si toviera sufrimiento para no salir de aqui arremediallo." Carta del Emperador á la Princesa, 25 de Mayo, 1568, MS.

[327] The history of this affair furnishes a good example of the _crescit eundo_. The author of the MS. discovered by M. Bakhuizen, noticed more fully in the next note, though present at the ceremony, contents himself with a general outline of it. Siguença, who follows next in time and in authority, tells us of the lighted candle which Charles delivered to the priest. Strada, who wrote a generation later, concludes the scene by leaving the emperor in a swoon upon the floor. Lastly, Robertson, after making the emperor perform in his shroud, lays him in his coffin, where, after joining in the prayers for the rest of his own soul, not yet departed, he is left by the monks to his meditations!--Where Robertson got all these particulars it would not be easy to tell; certainly not from the authorities cited at the bottom of his page.

[328] "Et j'assure que le coeur nous fendait de voir qu'un homme voulût en quelque sorte s'enterrer vivant, et faire ses obsèques avant de mourir." Gachard, Retraite et Mort, tom. I. p lvi.

M. Gachard has given a translation of the chapter relating to the funeral, from a curious MS. account of Charles's convent life, discovered by M. Bakhuizen in the archives at Brussels. As the author was one of the brotherhood who occupied the convent at the time of the emperor's residence there, the MS. is stamped with the highest authority; and M. Gachard will doubtless do a good service to letters by incorporating it in the second volume of his "Retraite et Mort."

[329] Siguença, Hist. de la Orden de San Geronimo, parte III. pp. 200, 201.

Siguença's work, which combines much curious learning with a simple elegance of style, was the fruit of many years of labor. The third volume, containing the part relating to the emperor, appeared in 1605, the year before the death of its author, who, as already noticed, must have had daily communication with several of the monks, when, after Charles's death, they had been transferred from Yuste to the gloomy shades of the Escorial.

[330] Such, for example, were Vera y Figueroa, Conde de la Roca, whose little volume appeared in 1613; Strada, who wrote some twenty years later; and the marquis of Valparayso, whose MS. is dated 1638. I say nothing of Sandoval, often quoted as authority for the funeral, for, as he tells us that the money which the emperor proposed to devote to a mock funeral was after all appropriated to his real one, it would seem to imply that the former never took place.

It were greatly to be wished that the MS. of Fray Martin de Angulo could be detected and brought to light. As prior of Yuste while Charles was there, his testimony would be invaluable. Both Sandoval and the marquis of Valparayso profess to have relied mainly on Angulo's authority. Yet in this very affair of the funeral they disagree.

[331] Siguença's composition may be characterized as _simplex munditiis_. The MS. of the monk of Yuste, found in Brussels, is stamped, says M. Gachard, with the character of simplicity and truth. Retraite et Mort, tom. I. p. xx.

[332] Mignet, Charles-Quint, p. 1.

[333] "Estuvo un poco contemplandole, devia de pedirle, que le previniesse lugar en el Alcazar glorioso que habitava." Vera y Figueroa, Carlos Quinto, p. 127.

[334] This famous picture, painted in the artist's best style, forms now one of the noblest ornaments of the Museo of Madrid. See Ford, Handbook of Spain, p. 758.

[335] For the above account of the beginning of Charles's illness, see Siguença, Orden de San Geronimo, parte III. p. 201; Vera y Figueroa, Carlos Quinto, p. 127; Valparayso, el Perfecto Desengaño, MS.

[336] Vera y Figueroa, Carlos Quinto, p. 127.--Siguença, Orden de San Geronimo, parte III. p. 201.--Carta de Luis Quixada al Rey, 17 de Setiembre, 1558, MS.

[337] The Regent Joanna, it seems, suspected, for some reason or other, that the boy in Quixada's care was in fact the emperor's son. A few weeks after her father's death she caused a letter to be addressed to the major-domo, asking him directly if this were the case, and intimating a desire to make a suitable provision for the youth. The wary functionary, who tells this in his private correspondence with Philip, endeavored to put the regent off the scent by stating that the lad was the son of a friend, and that, as no allusion had been made to him in the emperor's will, there could be no foundation for the rumor. "Ser ansy que yo tenya un muchacho de hun caballero amygo myo que me abia encomendado años a, y que pues S. M. en su testamento ni codecilyo, no azia memorya del, que hera razon tenello por burla." Carta de Luis Quixada al Rey, 28 de Noviembre, 1558, MS.

[338] Codicilo del Emperador, ap. Sandoval, Hist. de Carlos V., tom. II. p. 657.

[339] "Si bien no sea necessario no os parece, que es buena compañía para jornada tan larga." Ibid., p. 617.

[340] Carta sobre los últimos momentos del Emperador Carlos V., escrita en Yuste, el 27 de Setiembre, 1558, ap. Documentos Inéditos, tom. VI. p. 668.

[341] Carta de Luis Quixada á Juan Vazquez, 25 de Setiembre, 1558, MS.--Carta del mismo al Rey, 30 de Setiembre, 1558, MS.--Carta del Arzobispo de Toledo á la Princesa, 21 de Setiembre, 1558, MS.

[342] "Tomo la candela en la mano derecha la qual yo tenya y con la yzquyerda tomo el crucifixo deziendo, ya es tiempo, y con dezir Jesus acabo." Carta de Luis Quixada á Juan Vazquez, 25 de Setiembre, 1558, MS.

For the accounts of this death-bed scene, see Carta del mismo al mismo, 21 de Setiembre, MS.--Carta del mismo al Rey, 21 de Setiembre, MS.--Carta del mismo al mismo, 30 de Setiembre, MS.--Carta del Arzobispo de Toledo á la Princesa, 21 de Setiembre, MS.--Carta del Medico del Emperador (Henrico Matisio) á Juan Vazquez, 21 de Setiembre, MS.--Carta sobre los ultimos momentos del Emperador, 27 de Setiembre, ap. Documentos Inéditos, vol. VI. p. 667.--Sandoval, Hist. de Carlos V., tom. II. p. 618.

The MSS. referred to may now be all found in the printed collection of Gachard.

[343] "Temiendo siempre no lo poder tener en aquel tiempo." Carta de Luis Quixada al Rey, 30 de Setiembre, MS.

[344] Documentos Inéditos, tom. VI. p. 669.

[345] Sandoval, Hist. de Carlos V., tom. II. p. 620.

[346] At least, such were the images suggested to my mind, as I wandered through the aisles of this fine old cathedral, on a visit which I made to Brussels a few years since,--in the summer of 1850. Perhaps the reader will excuse, as germaine to this matter, a short sketch relating to it, from one of my letters written on the spot to a distant friend:--

"Then the noble cathedral of Brussels, dedicated to one Saint Gudule,--the superb organ filling its long aisles with the most heart-thrilling tones, as the voices of the priests, dressed in their rich robes of purple and gold, rose in a chant that died away in the immense vaulted distance of the cathedral. It was the service of the dead, and the coffin of some wealthy burgher probably, to judge from its decorations, was in the choir. A number of persons were kneeling and saying their prayers in rapt attention, little heeding the Protestant strangers who were curiously gazing at the pictures and statues with which the edifice was filled. I was most struck with one poor woman, who was kneeling before the shrine of the saint, whose marble corpse, covered by a decent white gauze veil, lay just before her, separated only by a light railing. The setting sun was streaming in through the rich colored panes of the magnificent windows, that rose from the floor to the ceiling of the cathedral, some hundred feet in height. The glass was of the time of Charles the Fifth, and I soon recognized his familiar face,--the protruding jaw of the Austrian line. As I heard the glorious anthem rise up to heaven in this time-honored cathedral, which had witnessed generation after generation melt away, and which now displayed, in undying colors, the effigies of those who had once worshipped within its walls, I was swept back to a distant period, and felt I was a contemporary of the grand old times when Charles the Fifth held the chapters of the Golden Fleece in this very building."

[347] "De Rege vero Cæsare ajunt, qui ab eo veniunt, barbatum jam esse." Petri Martyris Opus Epistolarum, (Amstelodami, 1670, fol.,) ep. 734.

[348] In this outline of the character of Charles the Fifth, I have not hesitated to avail myself of the masterly touches which Ranke has given to the portrait of this monarch, in the introduction to that portion of his great work on the nations of Southern Europe which he has devoted to Spain.

[349] "Qualche fiate io son fermo in le cattive." Contarini, cited by Ranke, Ottoman and Spanish Empires, p. 29.

[350] See Bradford, Correspondence of the Emperor Charles the Fifth and his Ambassadors at the Courts of England and France, with a connecting Narrative and Biographical Notices of the Emperor, (London, 1850,) p. 367,--a work which contains some interesting particulars, little known, respecting Charles the Fifth.

[351] "Nel mangiare ha S. Maestà sempre eccesso...... La mattina svegliata ella pigliava una scodella di pesto cappone con latte, zucchero et spezierie, popoi il quale tornava a riposare. A mezzo giorno desinava molte varietà di vivande, et poco da poi vespro merendava, et all'hora di notte se n'andava alla cena mangiando cose tutte da generare humori grossi et viscosi." Badovaro, Notizie delli Stati et Corti di Carlo Quinto Imperatore et del Re Cattolico, MS.

[352] "Disse una volta al Maggior-domo Monfalconetto con sdegno, ch'aveva corrotto il giudicio a dare ordine a'cuochi, perche tutti i cibi erano insipidi, dal quale le fu risposto: Non so come dovere trovare pin modi da compiacere alla maestà V. se io non fo prova di farle una nuova vivanda di pottaggio di rogoli, il che la mosse a quel maggiore et più lungo riso che sia mai stato veduto in lei." Ibid.

[353] Briefe an Kaiser Karl V., geschrieben von seinem Beichtvater, (Berlin, 1848,) p. 159 et al.

These letters of Charles's confessor, which afford some curious

## particulars for the illustration of the early period of his history, are

preserved in the archives of Simancas. The edition above referred to contains the original Castilian, accompanied by a German translation.

[354] "Si hallais," said the royal author with a degree of humility rarely found in brethren of the craft, "que alguna vanidad secreta puede mover la pluma (que siempre es prodigioso Panegerista en causa propria), la arrojaré de la mano al punto, para dar al viento lo que es del viento." Cienfuegos, Vida de Borja, p. 269.

[355] "Factus est anagnostes insatiabilis, audit legentem me singulis noctibus facta coenula sua, mox librum repeti jubet, si forte ipsum torquet insomnia." Lettres sur la Vie Intérieure de Charles-Quint, écrites par G. Van Male, ep. 7.

[356] "Scripsi ... liberalissimas ejus occupationes in navigatione fluminis Rheni, dum ocii occasione invitatus, scriberet in navi peregrinationes et expeditiones quas ab anno XV. in præsentem usque diem, suscepisset." Ibid., ep. 5.

[357] "Statui novum quoddam scribendi temperatum effingere, mixtum ex Livio, Cæsare, Suetonio, et Tacito." Ibid.

[358] At the emperor's death, these Memoirs were in possession of Van Male, who afterwards used to complain, with tears in his eyes, that Quixada had taken them away from him. But he remembered enough of their contents, he said, to make out another life of his master, which he intended to do. (Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. VI. p. 29.) Philip, thinking that Van Male might have carried his intention into execution, ordered Granvelle to hunt among his papers, after the poor gentleman's death, and if he found any such MS. to send it to him, that he might throw it into the fire! (Ibid., p. 273.) Philip, in his tenderness for his father's memory, may have thought that no man could be a hero to his own valet-de-chambre. On searching, however, no memoirs were found.

[359] "Bono jure, ait, fructus ille ad Gulielmum redeat, ut qui plurimum in opere illo sudarit." Ibid., ep. 6.

[360] "Ne in proemio quidem passus est ullam solertiæ suæ laudem adscribí." Ibid.

Van Male's Latin correspondence, from which this amusing incident is taken, was first published by the Baron Reiffenberg for the society of _Bibliophiles Belgiques_, at Brussels, in 1843. It contains some interesting notices of Charles the Fifth's personal habits during the five years preceding his abdication. Van Male accompanied his master into his retirement; and his name appears in the codicil, among those of the household who received pensions from the emperor. This doubtless stood him in more stead than his majesty's translation, which, although it passed through several editions in the course of the century, probably put little money into the pocket of the chamberlain, who died in less than two years after his master.

A limited edition only of Van Male's correspondence was printed, for the benefit of the members of the association. For the copy used by me, I am indebted to Mr. Van de Weyer, the accomplished Belgian minister at the English court, whose love of letters is shown not more by the library he has formed--one of the noblest private collections in Europe--than by the liberality with which he accords the use of it to the student.

[361] Paulo Giovio got so little in return for his honeyed words, that his eyes were opened to a new trait in the character of Charles, whom he afterwards stigmatized as parsimonious. See Sepulveda, De Rebus Gestis Caroli V., lib. XXX. p. 534.

[362] "Haud mihi gratum est legere vel audire quæ de me scribuntur; legent alii cum ipse a vita discessero; tu siquid ex me scire cupis, percunctare, nec enim respondere gravabor." Ibid., p. 533.

[363] Charles, however willing he might be to receive those strangers who brought him news from foreign parts, was not very tolerant, as the historian tells us, of visits of idle ceremony. Ibid., p. 541.

[364] Carta del Emperador al Secretario Vazquez, 9 de Julio, 1558, MS.

[365] "Si me hallara con fuerças y dispusicion de podello hacer tambien procurara de enforçarme en este caso á tomar cualquier trabajo para procurar por mi parte el remedio y castigo de lo sobre dicho sin embargo de los que por ello he padescido." Carta del Emperador á la Princesa, 3 de Mayo, 1558, MS.

[366] "Yo erré en no matar a Luthero, ... porque yo no era obligado á guardalle la palabra por ser la culpa del hereje contra otro mayor Señor, que era Dios." Sandoval, Hist. de Carlos V., tom. II. p. 613.

See also Vera y Figueroa, Carlos Quinto, p. 124.

[367] "Vocatur quoque synechdochice, per universam ferme Europam, Flandria, idque ob ejus Provinciæ potentiam atque splendorem: quamvis sint, qui contendant, vocabulum ipsum Flandria, à frequenti exterorum in ea quondam Provincia mercatorum commercio, derivatum, atque inde in omnes partes diffusum; alii rursus, quod hæc ipsa Flandria, strictius sumta, Gallis, Anglis, Hispanis, atque Italis sit vicinior, ideoque et notior simul et celebrior, totam Belgiam eo nomine indigitatam perhibent." Guicciardini, Belgicæ, sive Inferioris Germaniæ Descriptio, (Amstelodami, 1652,) p. 6.

[368] These provinces were the duchies of Brabant, Limburg, Luxembourg, and Gueldres; the counties of Artois, Hainault, Flanders, Namur, Zütphen, Holland, and Zealand; the margraviate of Antwerp; and the lordships of Friesland, Mechlin, Utrecht, Overyssel, and Groningen.

[369] Basnage, Annales des Provinces-Unies, avec la Description Historique de leur Gouvernement, (La Haye, 1719,) tom. I. p. 3.--Guicciardini, Belgicæ Descriptio, p. 81 et seq.

The Venetian minister Tiepolo warmly commends the loyalty of these people to their princes, not to be shaken so long as their constitutional privileges were respected. "Sempre si le sono mostrati quei Popoli molto affettionati, et amorevoli contentandosi de esser gravati senza che mai facesse alcun resentimento forte più de l'honesto. Ma così come in questa parte sempre hanno mostrato la sua prontezza così sono stati duri et difficili, che ponto le fossero sminuiti li loro privilegii et autorità, nè che ne iloro stati s'introducessero nuove leggi, et nuova ordini ad instantia massime, et perricordo di gente straniera." Relatione di M. A. Tiepolo, ritornato Ambasciatore dal Sermo Rè Cattolico, 1567, MS.

[370] Basnage, Annales des Provinces-Unies, tom. I. p. 8.

[371] Ibid., loc. cit.--Bentivoglio, Guerra di Fiandra, (Milano, 1806,) p. 9 et seq.--Ranke, Spanish Empire, p. 79.

The last writer, with his usual discernment, has selected the particular facts that illustrate most forcibly the domestic policy of the Netherlands under Charles the Fifth.

[372] "Urbes in ea sive moenibus clausæ, sive clausis magnitudine propemodum pares, supra trecentas et quinquaginta censeantur; pagi verò majores ultra sex millia ac trecentos numerentur, ut nihil de minoribus vicis arcibusque loquar, quibus supra omnem numerum consitus est Belgicus ager." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 32.

[373] Guicciardini, Belgicæ Descriptio, p. 207 et seq.

The geographer gives us the population of several of the most considerable capitals in Europe in the middle of the sixteenth century. That of Paris, amounting to 300,000, seems to have much exceeded that of every other great city except Moscow.

[374] "Atque hinc adeo fit, ut isti opera sua ea dexteritate, facilitate, ordineque disponant, ut et parvuli, ac quadriennes modo aut quinquennes eorum filioli, victum illico sibi incipiant quærere." Guicciardini, Belgicæ Descriptio, p. 55.

[375] Relatione di M. Cavallo tornato Ambasciatore dal Imperatore, 1551, MS.

The ambassador does not hesitate to compare Antwerp, for the extent of its commerce, to his own proud city of Venice. "Anversa corrisponde di mercantia benissimo a Venetia, Lavania di studio a Padova, Gante per grandezza a Verona, Brussellis per il sito a Brescia."

[376] "Liquido enim constat, eorum, anno annum pensante, et carisæis aliisque panniculis ad integros pannos reductis, ducenta et amplius millia annuatim nobis distribui, quorum singuli minimum æstimentur vicenis quinis scutatis, ita ut in quinque et amplius milliones ratio tandem excrescat." Guicciardini, Belgicæ Descriptio, p. 244.

[377] "Quæ verò ignota marium litora, quásve desinentis mundi oras scrutata non est Belgarum nautica? Nimirum quantò illos natura intra fines terræ contractiores inclusit, tantò ampliores ipsi sibi aperuere oceani campos." Strada, De Bello Belgico, lib. I. p. 32.

[378] Schiller, Abfall der Niederlande, (Stuttgart, 1838,) p. 44.

[379] Ibid., ubi supra.

[380] Burgon, Life of Sir Thomas Gresham, (London, 1839,) vol. I. p. 72.

[381] "In quorum (Brabantinorum) Provinciam scimus transferre se solitas e vicinis locis parituras mulieres, ut Brabantinas immunitates filiis eo solo genitis acquierent, crederes ab agricolis eligi plantaría, in quibus enatæ arbusculæ, primoque illo terræ velut ab ubere lactentes, aliò dein secum auferant dotes hospitalis soli." Strada, De Bello Belgico, lib. II. p. 61.

[382] Histoire des Provinces-Unies des Païs-Bas, (La Haye, 1704,) tom. I. p. 88

[383] Guicciardini, Belgicæ Descriptio, p. 225 et seq.

[384] "Ut in multis terræ Provinciis, Hollandia nominatim atque Zelandia, viri omnium fere rerum suarum curam uxoribus sæpe relinquant." Ibid., p. 58.

[385] "Majori gentis parti nota Grammaticæ rudimenta, et vel ipsi etiam rustici legendi scribendique periti sunt." Ibid., p. 53.

Guicciardini, who states this remarkable fact, had ample opportunity for ascertaining the truth of it, since, though an Italian by birth, he resided in the Netherlands for forty years or more.

[386] Schiller, Abfall der Niederlande, p. 53.--Vandervynckt, Histoire des Troubles des Pays-Bas, (Bruxelles, 1822,) tom. II. p. 6.--Groen Van Prinsterer, Archives ou Correspondance Inédite de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, (Leide, 1841,) tom. I. p. 164*

[387] The whole number of "placards" issued by Charles the Fifth amounted to eleven. See the dates in Gachard, Correspondance de Philippe II. sur les Affaires des Pays-Bas, (Bruxelles, 1848,) tom. I. pp. 105, 106.

[388] "Le _fer_, la _fosse_, et le _feu_." Ibid., ubi supra.

[389] Meteren, Histoire des Pays-Bas, ou Recueil des Guerres et Choses memorables, depuis l'An 1315, jusques à l'An 1612, traduit de Flamend, (La Haye, 1618,) fol. 10.--Brandt, History of the Reformation in the Low Countries, translated from the Dutch, (London, 1720,) vol. I. p. 88.

[390] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 108.--Grotius, Annales et Historiæ de Rebus Belgicis, (Amstelædami, 1657,) p. 11.--Brandt, Reformation in the Low Countries, vol. I. p. 88.

[391] Viglius, afterwards president of the privy council, says plainly, in one of his letters to Granvelle, that the name of _Spanish_ Inquisition was fastened on the Flemish, in order to make it odious to the people. "Queruntur autem imprimis, a nobis novam inductam inquisitionem, quam vocant Hispanicam. Quod falsò populo a quibusdam persuadetur, ut nomine ipso rem odiosam reddant, cùm nulla alia ab Cæsare sit instituta inquisitio, quam ea, quæ cum jure scripto scilicet Canonico, convenit, et usitata antea fuit in hac Provincia." Viglii Epistolæ Selectæ, ap. Hoynck, Analecta Belgica, (Hagæ Comitum, 1743,) tom. II. pars I. p. 349.

[392] Grotius swells the number to one hundred thousand! (Annales, p. 12.) It is all one; beyond a certain point of the incredible, one ceases to estimate probabilities.

[393] Histoire de l'Inquisition d'Espagne, (Paris, 1818,) tom. I. p. 280.

[394] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. pp. 123. 124.

[395] "Donde che l'Imperatore ha potuto cavare in 24 millioni d'oro _in pochi anni_." Relatione di Soriano, MS.

[396] "Questi sono li tesori del Re di Spagna, queste le minere, queste l'Indie che hanno sostenuto l'imprese dell'Imperatore tanti anni nelle guerre di Francia, d'Italia et d'Alemagna, et hanno conservato et diffeso li stati, la dignità et la riputatione sua." Ibid.

[397] "Et però in ogni luogo corrono tanto i denari et tanto il spacciamento d'ogni cosa che non vi è huomo per basso et inerte, che sia, che per il suo grado non sia ricco." Relatione di Cavallo, MS.

[398] See an extract from the original letter of Charles, dated Brussels, January 27 1555, ap. Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. cxxii.

[399] It is the fine expression of Schiller, applied to Philip on another occasion. Abfall der Niederlande, p. 61.

[400] "Il se cachait ordinairement dans le fond de son carosse, pour se dérober à la curiosité d'un peuple qui courait audevant de lui et s'empressait à le voir; le peuple se crut dédaigné et méprisé." Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 17.

Coaches were a novelty then in Flanders, and indeed did not make their appearance till some years later in London. Sir Thomas Gresham writes from Antwerp in 1560, "The Regent ys here still; and every other day rydes abowght this town in her cowche, _brave come le sol_, trymmed after the Itallione fasshone." Burgon, Life of Gresham, vol. I. p. 305.

[401] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. pp. 108, 126.--Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 10.--Brandt, Reformation in the Low Countries, tom. I. p. 107.

[402] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 94.

[403] Ibid., ubi supra.--Historia de los Alborotos de Flandes, por el Caballero Renom de Francia, Señor de Noyelles, y Presidente de Malinas, MS.--Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 31.

[404] See, in particular, the king's letter, in which he proposes to turn to his own account the sinking fund provided by the states for the discharge of the debt they had already contracted for him, Papiers d'Etat, de Granvelle, tom. V. p. 594.

[405] "Il Duca di Sessa et il Conte d'Egmont hano acquistato il nome di Capitano nuovamente perche una giornata vinta o per vertu o per fortuna, una sola fattione ben riuscita, porta all'huomini riputatione et grandezza." Relatione di Soriano, MS.

[406] Strada, De Bello Belgico, lib. I. p. 42.--Francia, Alborotos de Flandes, MS.--Bentivoglio, Guerra di Fiandra, p. 25.

[407] Strada, De Bello Belgico, lib. I. p. 52.

[408] "Sed etiam habitus quidam corporis incessusque, quo non tam femina sortita viri spiritus, quàm vir ementitus veste feminam videretur." Ibid., ubi supra.

[409] "Nec deerat aliqua mento superiorique labello barbula: ex qua virilis ei non magis species, quàm auctoritas conciliabatur. Immò, quod rarò in mulieres, nec nisi in prævalidas cadit, podagrâ idemtidem laborabat." Ibid., p. 53.

[410] "Ob eam causam singulis annis, tum in sanctiori hebdomada, duodenis pauperibus puellis pedes (quos a sordibus purgatos antè vetuerat) abluebat." Ibid., ubi supra.

[411] Ibid., pp. 46-53, 543.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. V. cap. 2.--Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 13.

[412] Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 21.

[413] Bentivoglio, Guerra di Fiandra, p. 27 et seq.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. V. cap. 2.--Strada, De Bello Belgico, lib. I. p. 57.--Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bays, tom. II. p. 22.--Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 24.--Schiller, Abfall der Niederlande, p. 84.

[414] "Je confesse que je fus tellement esmeu de pitié et de compassion que dès lors j'entrepris à bon escient d'ayder à faire chasser cette vermine d'Espaignols hors de ce Pays." Apology of the Prince of Orange, ap. Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, tom. V. p. 392.

[415] "Que le Roi et son Conseil avoyent arresté que tous ceux qui avoient consenti et signé la Requeste, par laquelle on demandoit que la Gendarmerie Espaignolle s'en allast, qu'on auroit souvenance de les chastier avec le temps, et quand la commodité s'en presenteroit, et qu'il les en advertissoit comme amy." Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 25.

[416] "Che egli voleva piuttosto restar senza regni, che possedergli con l'eresia." Bentivoglio, Guerra di Fiandra, p. 31.

[417] Ranke, Spanish Empire, p. 81.--Schiller, Abfall der Niederlande, p. 85.--Bentivoglio, Guerra di Fiandra, p. 27.--- Strada, De Bello Belgico, p. 57.--Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 25.

[418] The existence of such a confidential body proved a fruitful source of disaster. The names of the parties who composed it are not given in the instructions to the regent, which leave all to her discretion. According to Strada, however, the royal will in the matter was plainly intimated by Philip. (De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 57.) Copies of the regent's commission, as well as of two documents, the one indorsed as "private," the other as "secret" instructions, and all three bearing the date of August 8, 1559, are to be found entire in the Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II., Appendix, Nos. 2-4.

[419] "Ma non dal tanto alcuno dell'altri nè tutt'insieme quanto Mons^{r.} d'Aras solo, il quale per il gran giudicio che ha et per la longa prattica del governo del mondo et nel tentar l'imprese grandi più accorto et più animoso di tutti più destro et più sicuro nel maneggiarle et nel finirle più constante et più risoluto." Relatione di Soriano, MS.

[420] "Mio figliuolo et io e voi habbiamo perso un buon letto di riposo,"--literally a good bed to repose on. Leti, Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. p. 195.

[421] principal motive of Philip the Second in founding this university, according to Hopper, was to give Flemings the means of getting a knowledge of the French language without going abroad into foreign countries for it. Recueil et Mémorial des Troubles des Pays-Bas, cap. 2, ap. Hoynck, Analecta Belgica, tom. II.

[422] "On remarque de lui ce qu'on avoit remarqué de César, et même d'une façon plus singulière, c'est qu'il occupoit cinq secrétaires à la fois, en leur dictant des lettres en différentes langues." Levesque, Mémoires pour servir à l'Histoire du Cardinal de Granvelle, (Paris, 1753,) tom. I. p. 215.

[423] "Di modo che ogni sera sopra un foglio di carta che lor chiamono beliero esso Granvela, manda all'Imperatore il suo parere del quale sopra li negotii del seguente giorno sua maestà ha da fare." Relatione di Soriano, MS.

[424] "Havendo prima luí senza risolvere cosa alcuna mandata ogn'informatione et ogni particolare negotiatíone con gli Ambasciatori et altri ad esso Monsignore, di modo che et io et tutti gl'altri Ambasciatori si sono avveduti essendo rimesse a Monsignor Granvela che sua Eccellenza ha inteso ogni particolare et quasi ogni parola passata fra l'Imperatore et loro." Ibid.

[425] A striking example of the manner in which Granvelle conveyed his own views to the king is shown by a letter to Philip dated Brussels, July 17, 1559, in which the minister suggests the arguments that might be used to the authorities of Brabant for enforcing the edicts. The letter shows, too, that Granvelle, if possessed naturally of a more tolerant spirit than Philip, could accommodate himself so far to the opposite temper of his master as to furnish him with some very plausible grounds for persecution. Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. V. p. 614.

[426] Levesque, Mémoires de Granvelle, tom. I. p. 207 et seq.--Courchetet, Histoire du Cardinal de Granvelle, (Bruxelles, 1784,) tom. I. passim.--Strada, De Bello Belgico, p. 85.--Burgon, Life of Gresham, vol. I. p. 267.

The author of the Mémoires de Granvelle was a member of a Benedictine convent in Besançon, which, by a singular chance, became possessed of the manuscripts of Cardinal Granvelle, more than a century after his death. The good Father Levesque made but a very indifferent use of the rich store of materials placed at his disposal, by digesting them into two duodecimo volumes, in which the little that is of value seems to have been pilfered from the unpublished MS. of a previous biographer of the Cardinal. The work of the Benedictine, however, has the merit of authenticity. I shall take occasion, hereafter, to give a more

## particular account of the Granvelle collection.

[427] "En considération des bons, léaux, notables et agréables services faits par lui, pendant plusieurs années, à feu l'Empereur, et depuis au Roi." Correspondance de Philippe II, tom. I. p. 184.

[428] Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 69 et seq.--Strada, De Bello Belgico, p. 40.--Hopper, Recueil et Mémorial, cap. 2.--Francia, Alborotos de Flandes, MS.

[429] The royal larder seems to have been well supplied in the article of poultry, to judge from one item, mentioned by Meteren, of fifteen thousand capons. Hist. des Pays-Bas, tom. I. fol. 25.

[430] "Le Roi le prenant par le poignet, et le lui secoüant, repliqua en Espagnol, _No los Estados, mas vos, vos, vos_, repetant ce _vos_ par trois fois, terme de mépris chez les Espagnols, qui veut dire toy, toy en François." Aubéri, Mémoires pour servir à l'Histoire d'Hollande et des autres Provinces-Unies, (Paris, 1711,) p. 7.

[431] One might wish the authority for this anecdote better than it is, considering that it is contradicted by the whole tenor of Philip's life, in which self-command was a predominant trait. The story was originally derived from Aubéri (loc. cit.). The chronicler had it, as he tells us, from his father, to whom it was told by an intimate friend of the prince of Orange, who was present at the scene. Aubéri, though a dull writer, was, according to Voltaire's admission, well informed,--"écrivain médiocre, mais fort instruit."

[432] "Carlo V. haueua saccheggiato la Terra, per arrichirne il Mare." Leti, Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. p. 335.

[433] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. V. cap. 3.--Sepulveda, De Rebus Gestis Philippi II., Opera, tom. III. p. 53.--Leti, Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. p. 335.

[434] The editors of the "Documentos Inéditos para la Historia de España," in a very elaborate notice of the prosecution of Archbishop Carranza, represent the literary intercourse between the German and Spanish Protestants as even more extensive than it is stated to be in the text. According to them, a regular _dépôt_ was established at Medina del Campo and Seville, for the sale of the forbidden books at very low rates. "De las imprentas de Alemania se despachaban á Flandes, y desde alli á España, al principio por los puertos de mar, y después cuando ya hubo mas vigilancia de parte del gobierno, los enviaban á Leon de Francia desde donde se introducían en la península por Navarra y Aragon. Un tal Vilman librero de Amberes tenia tienda en Medina del Campo y en Sevilla donde vendia las obras de los protestantes en español y latin. Estos libros de Francfort se daban á buen mercado para que circulasen con mayor facilidad." Documentos Inéditos, tom. V. p. 399.

[435] For the preceding pages see Llorente, Histoire de l'Inquisition d'Espagne, tom. II p. 282; tom. III. pp. 191, 258.--Montanus, Discovery and playne Declaration of sundry subtill Practises of the Holy Inquisition of Spayne, (London, 1569,) p. 73.--Sepulveda, Opera, tom. III. p. 54.

[436] Llorente, Hist, de l'Inquisition d'Espagne, tom. I. pp. 470, 471; tom. II. pp. 183, 184, 215-217.

[437] McCrie, History of the Reformation in Spain, (Edinburgh, 1829,) p. 243.--Relacion del Auto que se hiço en Valladolid el dia de la Sanctissima Trinidad, Año de 1559, MS.

[438] The reader curious in the matter will find a more particular account of the origin and organization of the modern Inquisition in the "History of Ferdinand and Isabella," part I. cap. 9.

[439] See the Register of such as were burned at Seville and Valladolid, in 1559, ap. Montanus, Discovery of sundry subtill Practises of the Inquisition.--Relacion del Auto que se hiço en Valladolid el dia de la Sanctissima Trinidad, 1559, MS.--Sepulveda, Opera, tom. III. p. 58.

[440] McCrie, Reformation in Spain, p. 274.

[441] De Castro, Historia de los Protestantes Españoles, (Cadiz, 1851,) p. 177.

[442] "Nous recommandons de le traiter avec bonté et miséricorde." Llorente, Inquisition d'Espagne, tom. II. p. 253.

[443] Colmenares, Historia de Segovia, cap. XLII. sec. 3.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. V. cap 3.

[444] Llorente, Inquisition d'Espagne, tom. II. p. 236.

[445] The anecdote is well attested. (Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. V. cap. 3.) Father Agustin Davila notices what he styles this _sentencia famosa_ in his funeral discourse on Philip, delivered at Valladolid soon after that monarch's death. (Sermones Funerales, en las Honras del Rey Don Felipe II., fol. 77.) Colmenares still more emphatically eulogizes the words thus uttered in the cause of the true faith, as worthy of such a prince. "El primer sentenciado al fuego en este Auto fué Don Carlos de Seso de sangre noble, que osó dezir al Rey, como consentia que le quemasen, y severo respondio, Yo trahere la leña para quemar á mi hijo, si fuere tan malo como vos. Accion y palabras dignas de tal Rey en causa de la suprema religion." Historia de Segovia, cap. XLII. sec. 3.

[446] Llorente, Inquisition d'Espagne, tom. II. p. 237.

[447] Montanus, Discovery of sundry subtill Practises of the Inquisition, p. 52.--Llorente, Inquisition d'Espagne, tom. II. p. 239.--Sepulveda, Opera, tom. III. p. 58.

[448] Puigblanch, The Inquisition Unmasked, (London, 1816,) vol. I. p. 336.

[449] "Hallóse por esto presente a ver llevar i entregar al fuego muchos delinquentes aconpañados de sus guardas de a pie i de a cavallo, que ayudaron a la execucion." Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. V. cap. 3.

It may be doubted whether the historian means anything more than that Philip saw the unfortunate man led to execution, at which his own guards assisted. Dávila, the friar who, as I have noticed, pronounced a funeral oration on the king, speaks of him simply as having assisted at this act of faith,--"Assistir a los actos de Fe, como se vio en esta Ciudad." (Sermones Funerales, fol. 77.) Could the worthy father have ventured to give Philip credit for being present at the death, he would not have failed to do so. Leti, less scrupulous, tells us that Philip saw the execution from the windows of his palace, heard the cries of the dying martyrs, and enjoyed the spectacle! The picture he gives of the scene loses nothing for want of coloring. Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. p. 342.

[450] How little sympathy, may be inferred from the savage satisfaction with which a wise and temperate historian at the time dismisses to everlasting punishment one of the martyrs at the first _auto_ at Valladolid. "Jureque vivus flammis corpore cruciatus miserrimam animam efflavit ad supplicia sempiterna." Sepulveda, Opera, tom. III. p. 58.

[451] Balmes, one of the most successful champions of the Romish faith in our time, finds in the terrible apathy thus shown to the sufferings of the martyrs a proof of a more vital religious sentiment than exists at the present day! "We feel our hair grow stiff on our heads at the mere idea of burning a man alive. Placed in society where the religious sentiment is considerably diminished; accustomed to live among men who have a different religion, and sometimes none at all; we cannot bring ourselves to believe that it could be, at that time, quite an ordinary thing to see heretics or the impious led to punishment." Protestantism and Catholicity compared in their Effects on the Civilization of Europe, Eng. trans., (Baltimore, 1851,) p. 217.

According to this view of the matter, the more religion there is among men, the harder will be their hearts.

[452] The zeal of the king and the Inquisition together in the work of persecution had wellnigh got the nation into more than one difficulty with foreign countries. Mann, the English minister, was obliged to remonstrate against the manner in which the independence of his own household was violated by the agents of the Holy Office. The complaints of St. Sulpice, the French ambassador, notwithstanding the gravity of the subject, are told in a vein of caustic humor that may provoke a smile in the reader: "I have complained to the king of the manner in which the Marseillese, and other Frenchmen, are maltreated by the Inquisition. He excused himself by saying that he had little power or authority in matters which depended on that body; he could do nothing further than recommend the grand-inquisitor to cause good and speedy justice to be done to the parties. The grand-inquisitor promised that they should be treated no worse than born Castilians, and the 'good and speedy justice'came to this, that they were burnt alive in the king's presence." Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. I. p. 111.

[453] The archbishop of Toledo, according to Lucio Marineo Siculo, who wrote a few years before this period, had jurisdiction over more than fifteen large towns, besides smaller places, which of course made the number of his vassals enormous. His revenues also, amounting to eighty thousand ducats, exceeded those of any grandee in the kingdom. The yearly revenues of the subordinate beneficiaries of his church were together not less than a hundred and eighty thousand ducats. Cosas Memorables de España, (Alcalá de Henares, 1539,) fol. 13.

[454] Salazar, Vida de Carranza, (Madrid, 1788,) cap. 1-11.--Documentos Inéditos, tom. V. p. 389 et seq.--Llorente, Inquisition d'Espagne, tom. II. p. 163; tom. III. p. 183 et seq.

[455] "En que se quemaron mas de 400 casas principales, y ricas, y algunas en aquel barrio donde él estaba; no solo no lo entendió el Arzobispo, pero ni lo supo hasta muchos años despues de estár en Roma." Salazar, Vida de Carranza cap. 15.

[456] Salazar, Vida de Carranza, cap. 12-35.--Documentos Inéditos, tom. V. pp. 453-463.--Llorente, Inquisition d'Espagne, tom. III. p. 218 et seq.

[457] The persecution of Carranza has occupied the pens of several Castilian writers. The most ample biographical notice of him is by the Doctor Salazar de Miranda, who derived his careful and trustworthy narrative from the best original sources. Llorente had the advantage of access to the voluminous records of the Holy Office, of which he was the secretary; and in his third volume he has devoted a large space to the process of Carranza which, with the whole mass of legal documents growing out of the protracted prosecution, amounted, as he assures us, to no less than twenty-six thousand leaves of manuscript. This enormous mass of testimony leads one to suspect that the object of the Inquisition was not so much to detect the truth as to cover it up. The learned editors of the "Documentos Inéditos" have profited by both these works, as well as by some unpublished manuscripts of that day, relating to the affair, to exhibit it fully and fairly to the Castilian reader, who in this brief history may learn the value of the institutions under which his fathers lived.

[458] So says McCrie, whose volume on the Reformation in Spain presents in a reasonable compass a very accurate view of that interesting movement. The historian does not appear to have had access to any rare or recondite materials; but he has profited well by those at his command, comprehending the best published works, and has digested them into a narrative distinguished for its temperance and truth.

[459] A full account of this duke of Infantado is to be found in the extremely rare work of Nuñez de Castro, Historia Ecclesiastica y Seglar de Guadalajara, (Madrid, 1653,) p. 180 et seq. Oviedo, in his curious volumes on the Castilian aristocracy, which he brings down to 1556, speaks of the dukes of Infantado as having a body-guard of two hundred men, and of being able to muster a force of thirty thousand! Quincuagenas, MS.

[460] "Avia gualdrapas de dos mil ducados de costa sin conputar valor de piedras." Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. V. cap. 7.

[461] "Elle répondit d'un air riant, et avec des termes pleins tout ensemble de douceur et de majesté." De Thou, tom. III. p. 426.

[462] We have a minute account of this interview from the pens of two of Isabella's train, who accompanied her to Castile, and whose letters to the cardinal of Lorraine are to be found in the valuable collection of historical documents, the publication of which was begun under the auspices of Louis Philippe. Documents Inédits sur l'Histoire de France, Négociations etc. relatives au Règne de François II., p. 171 et seq.

[463] Lucio Marineo, in his curious farrago of notable matters, speaks of the sumptuous residence of the dukes of Infantado in Guadalajara. "Los muy magníficos y sumpticosos palacios que alli estan de los muy illustres duques de la casa muy antigua de los Mendoças." Cosas Memorables, fol. 13.

[464] "J'ay ouy conter à une de ses dames que la premiere fois qu'elle vist son mary, elle se mit à le contempler si fixement, que le Roy, ne le trouvant pas bon, luy demanda: _Que mirais, si tengo canas?_ c'est-à-dire, 'Que regardez-vous, si j'ai les cheveux blancs?'Ces mots luy toucherent si fort au coeur que depuis on augura mal pour elle." Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. V. p. 131.

[465] In this statement I conform to Sismondi's account. In the present instance, however, there is even more uncertainty than is usual in regard to a lady's age. According to Cabrera, Isabella was eighteen at the time of her marriage; while De Thou makes her only eleven when the terms of the alliance were arranged by the commissioners at Cateau-Cambresis. These are the extremes, but within them there is no agreement amongst the authorities I have consulted.

[466] "Elizabeth de France, et vraye fille de France, en tout belle, sage, vertueuse, spirituelle et bonne, s'il en fust oncques." Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. V. p. 126.

[467] "Son visage estoit beau, et ses cheveux et yeux noirs, qui adombroient son teint...... Sa taille estoit tres belle, et plus grande que toutes ses soeurs, qui la rendoit fort admirable en Espagne, d'autant que les tailles hautes y sont rares, et pour ce fort estimables." Ibid., p. 128.

[468] "Les seigneurs ne l'osoient regarder de peur d'en estre espris, et en causer jalousie au roy son mary, et par consequent eux courir fortune de la vie." Ibid., p. 128.

[469] "La regina istessa parue non so come sorpressa da vn sentimento di malinconica passione, nel vedersi abbracciare da vn rè di 33 anni, di garbo ordinario alla presenza d'vn giouine prencipe molto ben fatto, e che prima dell'altro l'era stato promesso in sposo." Leti, Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. p. 345.

[470] Brantôme, who was certainly one of those who believed in the jealousy of Philip, if not in the passion of Isabella, states the circumstance of the king's supplanting his son in a manner sufficiently _naïve_. "Mais le roy d'Espagne son pere, venant à estre veuf par le trespas de la reyne d'Angleterre sa femme et sa cousine germaine, ayant veu le pourtraict de madame Elizabeth, et la trouvant fort belle et fort à son gré, en coupa l'herbe soubs le pied à son fils, et la prit pour luy, commençant cette charité à soy mesme." OEuvres, tom. V. p. 127.

[471] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. V. cap. 6.--Florez, Reynas Catolicas, p. 897.

"A la despedida presentó el Duque del Ynfantado al Rey, Reyna, Damas, Dueñas de honor, y á las de la Cámara ricas joyas de oro y plata, telas, guantes, y otras preseas tan ricas, por la prolixidad del arte, como por lo precioso de la materia." De Castro, Hist. de Guadalajara, p. 116.

[472] "Danças de hermosisimas donzellas de la Sagra, i las de espadas antigua invencion de Españoles." Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. V. cap. 6.

[473] "Por la mucha hermosura que avia en las damas de la ciudad i Corte, el adorno de los miradores i calles, las libreas costosas i varias i muchas, que todo hazia un florido campo o lienço de Flandres." Ibid., ubi supra.

[474] The royal nuptials were commemorated in a Latin poem, in two books, "De Pace et Nuptiis Philippi et Isabellæ." It was the work of Fernando Ruiz de Villegas, an eminent scholar of that day, whose writings did not make their appearance in print till nearly two centuries later,--and then not in his own land, but in Italy. In this _epithalamium_, if it may be so called, the poet represents Juno as invoking Jupiter to interfere in behalf of the French monarchy, that it may not be crushed by the arms of Spain. Venus, under the form of the duke of Alva,--as effectual a disguise as could be imagined,--takes her seat in the royal council, and implores Philip to admit France to terms, and to accept the hand of Isabella as the pledge of peace between the nations. Philip graciously relents; peace is proclaimed; the marriage between the parties is solemnized, with the proper Christian rites; and Venus appears, in her own proper shape, to bless the nuptials! One might have feared that this jumble of Christian rites and heathen mythology would have scandalized the Holy Office, and exposed its ingenious author to the honors of a _san benito_. But the poet wore his laurels unscathed, and, for aught I know to the contrary, died quietly in his bed. See Opera Ferdinandi Ruizii Villegatis, (Venetiis, 1736,) pp. 30-70.

[475] The sovereign remedy, according to the curious Brantôme, was new-laid eggs. It is a pity the prescription should be lost. "On luy secourust son visage si bien par des sueurs d'oeufs frais, chose fort propre pour cela, qu'il n'y parut rien; dont j'en vis la Reyne sa mere fort curieuse à luy envoyer par force couriers beaucoup de remedes, mais celui de la sueur d'oeuf en estoit le souverain." OEuvres, tom. V. p. 129.

[476] "Aussi l'appelloit-on _la Reyna de la paz y de la bondad_, c'est-à-dire la Reyne de la paix et de la bonté; et nos François l'appelloient l'olive de paix." Ibid., ubi supra.

[477] "Et bien heureux et heureuse estoit celuy ou celle qui pouvoit le soir dire 'J'ay veu la Reyne.'" Ibid., ubi supra.

[478] The difficulty began so soon as Isabella had crossed the borders. The countess of Ureña, sister of the duke of Albuquerque, one of the train of the duke of Infantado, claimed precedence of the countess of Rieux and Mademoiselle de Montpensier, kinswomen of the queen. The latter would have averted the discussion by giving the Castilian dame a seat in her carriage; but the haughty countess chose to take the affair into her own hands; and her servants came into collision with those of the French ladies, as they endeavored to secure a place for their mistress's litter near the queen. Isabella, with all her desire to accommodate matters, had the spirit to decide in favor of her own followers, and the aspiring lady was compelled--with an ill grace--to give way to the blood royal of France. It was easier, as Isabella, or rather as her husband, afterwards found, to settle disputes between rival states than between the rival beauties of a court. The affair is told by Lansac, Négociations relatives au Règne de François II., p. 171.

[479] "Elle ne porta jamais une robe deux fois, et puis la donnoit à ses femmes et ses filles: et Dieu sçait quelles robbes, si riches et si superbes, que la moindre estoit de trois ou quatre cens escus; car le Roy son mary l'entretenoit fort superbement de ces choses là." Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. V. p. 140.

[480] The MS., which is in Italian, is in the Royal Library at Paris. See the extracts from it in Raumer's Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. I. p. 104 et seq.

[481] "Don Felipe Segundo nuestro señor, el cual con muy suntuosas, y exquisitas fábricas dignas de tan grande Principe, de nuevo le ilustra, de manera que es, consideradas todas sus calidades, la mas rara casa que ningun Principe tiene en el mundo, á dicho de los estrangeros." Juan Lopez, ap. Quintana, Antiguëdad, Nobleza y Grandeza de la Villa y Corte de Madrid, p. 331.

[482] Ibid., ubi supra.--Sylva, Poblacion de España, (Madrid, 1675,) cap. 4.--Estrada, Poblacion de España, (Madrid, 1748,) tom. I. p. 123.

[483] I quote the words of a work now become very scarce. "De dos mil y quinientas y veinte casas que tenia Madrid quando su Magestad traxo desde Toledo á ella la Corte, en las quales quando mucho avria de doce mil a catorce mil personas,.... avia el año de mil y quinientos y noventa y ocho, repartidas en trece Parroquias doce mil casas, y en ellas trescientas mil personas y mas." Quintana, Antiguëdad de Madrid, p. 331.

[484] "No hay sino un Madrid."

[485] "Donde Madrid está, calle el mundo."

[486] "No se conoce cielo mas benevolo, mas apacible clima, influso mas favorable, con que sobresalen hermosos rostros, disposiciones gallardas, lucidos ingenios, coraçones valientes, y generosos animos." Sylva, Poblacion de España, cap 4.

[487]

"El aire de Madrid es tan sotil Que mata a un hombre, y no apaga a un candil."

[488] Lucio Marineo gives a very different view of the environs of Madrid in Ferdinand and Isabella's time. The picture, by the hand of a contemporary, affords so striking a contrast to the present time that it is worth quoting. "Corren por ella los ayres muy delgados: por los quales si[=e]pre bive la g[=e]te muy sana. Tiene mas este lugar gr[=a]des términos y campos muy fertiles: los quales llam[=a] lomos de Madrid. Por que cojen en ellos mucho pan y vino, y otras cosas necessarias y m[=a]tenimientos muy sanos." Cosas Memorables de España, fol. 13.

[489] Such at least is Ford's opinion. (See the Handbook of Spain, p. 720 et seq.) His clever and caustic remarks on the climate of Madrid will disenchant the traveller whose notions of the capital have been derived only from the reports of the natives.

[490] "Solo Madrid es corte."

Ford, who has certainly not ministered to the vanity of the Madrileño, has strung together these various proverbs with good effect.

[491] Balmes, Protestantism and Catholicity compared, p. 215.

[492] "Il y avoit bien 30. ans que ceux de Brusselles avoyent commencé, et avoyent percé des collines, des champs et chemins, desquels ils avoient achapté les fonds des proprietaires, on y avoit faict 40. grandes escluses..... et cousta dix huits cent mille florins." Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, tom. I. fol. 26.

[493] "Je vois une grande jeunesse en ces pays, avec les moeurs desquelz ne me sçaurois ny ne voudrois accommoder; la fidélité du monde et respect envers Dieu et son prince si corrompuz,..... que ne désirerois pas seullement de les pas gouverner,.... mais aussy me fasche de le veoir, congnoistre et de vivre.... entre telles gens." Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. IV. p. 476.

[494] Gerlache, Histoire du Royaume des Pays-Bas, (Bruxelles, 1842,) tom. I. p. 71.

[495] "Es menester ver como la nobleza se ha desde mucho tiempo desmandada y empeñada por usura y gastos superfluos, gastando casi mas que doble de lo que tenían en edificios, muebles, festines, danzas, mascaradas, fuegos de dados, naipes, vestidos, libreas, seguimiento de criados y generalmente en todas suertes de deleytes, luxuria, y superfluidad, lo que se avia comenzado antes de la yda de su magestad á España. Y desde entonces uvo un descontento casi general en el país y esperanza de esta gente asi alborotada de veer en poco tiempo una mudanza." Renom de Francia, Alborotos de Flandes, MS.

[496] Apologie de Guillaume IX. Prince d'Orange contre la Proscription de Philippe II. Roi d'Espagne, presentée aux Etats Généraux des Pays-Bas, le 13 Decembre, 1580, ap. Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, tom. V. p. 384.

[497] M. Groen Van Prinsterer has taken some pains to explain the conduct of William's parents, on the ground, chiefly, that they had reason to think their son, after all, might he allowed to worship according to the way in which he had been educated (p. 195). But whatever concessions to the Protestants may have been wrung from Charles by considerations of public policy, we suspect few who have studied his character will believe that he would ever have consented to allow one of his own household, one to whom he stood in the relation of a guardian, to be nurtured in the faith of heretics.

[498] See particularly Margaret's letter to the king, of March 13, 1560, Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 260 et seq.

[499] M. Groen Van Prinsterer has industriously collated the correspondence of the several parties, which must be allowed to form an edifying chapter in the annals of matrimonial diplomacy. See Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. I. p. 202.

[500] Mémoires de Granvelle, tom. I. p. 251.

[501] Raumer, Hist. Tasch., p. 109, ap. Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. I. p. 115.

[502] Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 284.

[503] It may give some idea of the scale of William's domestic establishment to state, that, on reducing it to a more economical standard, twenty-eight head-cooks were dismissed. (Van der Haer, De Initiis Tumult., p. 182, ap. Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. I. p. 200*.) The same contemporary tells us that there were few princes in Germany who had not one cook, at least, that had served an apprenticeship in William's kitchen,--the best school in that day for the noble science of gastronomy.

[504] "Audivi rem domesticam sic splendide habuisse ut ad ordinarium domus ministerium haberet 24 Nobiles, pueros vero Nobiles (Pagios nominamus) 18." Ibid., ubi supra.

[505] "Rei domesticæ splendor, famulorumque et asseclarum multitudo magnis Principibus par. Nec ulla toto Belgio sedes hospitalior, ad quam frequentiùs peregrini Proceres Legatique diverterent, exciperenturque magnificentiùs, quàm Orangii domus." Strada, De Bello Belgico, p. 99.

[506] "Le prince d'Orange, qui tient un grand état de maison, et mène à sa suite des comtes, des barons et beaucoup d'autres gentilshommes d'Allemagne, doit, pour le moins, 900,000 fl." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 239.

[507] In January, 1564, we find him writing to his brother, "Puis qu'il ne reste que à XV. cens florins par an, que serons bien tost délivré des debtes." Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. I. p. 196.

[508] "Il estoit d'une éloquence admirable, avec laquelle il mettoit en évidence les conceptions sublimes de son esprit, et faisoit plier les aultres seigneurs de la court, ainsy que bon luy sembloit." Gachard, (Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, tom. II., Préface, p. 3,) who quotes a manuscript of the sixteenth century, preserved in the library of Arras, entitled, "Commencement de l'Histoire des Troubles des Pays-Bas, advenuz soubz le Gouvernement de Madame la Duchesse de Parme."

[509] "Sy estoit singulièrement aimé et bien vollu de la commune, pour une gracieuse façon de faire qu'il avoit de saluer, caresser, et arraisonner privément et familièrement tout le monde." Ibid., ubi supra.

[510] "Il ne l'occuperoit point de ces choses mélancoliques, mais il lui feroit lire, au lieu des Saintes-Ecritures, Amadis de Gaule et d'autres livres amusants du même genre." Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. I. p. 203*.

[511] "Il estoit du nombre de ceulx qui pensent que la religion chrestienne soit une invention politique, pour contenir le peuple en office par voie de Dieu, non plus ni moins que les cérémonies, divinations et superstitions que Numa Pompilius introduisit à Rome." Commencement de l'Hist. des Troubles, MS., ap. Gachard, Cor. de Guillaume, tom. II., Préface, p. 5.

[512] "Tantôt Catholique, tantôt Calviniste ou Luthérien selon les différentes occasions, et selon ses divers desseins." Mémoires de Granvelle, tom. II. p. 54.

[513] "Estimant, ainsy que faisoient lors beaucoup de catholiques, que c'estoit chose cruelle de faire mourir ung homme, pour seulement avoir soustenu une opinion, jasoit qu'elle fût erronée." MS. quoted by Gachard, Cor. de Guillaume, tom. II., Préface, p. 4.

[514] "No se vee que puedan quedar aquí mas tiempo sin grandissimo peligro de que dende agora las cosas entrassen en alboroto." Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. VI. p. 166.

[515] "Harto se declaran y el Principe d'Oranges y Monsr d'Egmont que aunque tuviessen la mayor voluntad del mundo para servir en esto á V. M. de tener cargo mas tiempo de los Españoles, no lo osarian emprender si bolviessen, por no perderse y su crédito y reputacion con estos estados." Ibid., p. 197.

[516] Some notion of the extent of these embarrassments may be formed from a schedule prepared by the king's own hand, in September, 1560. From this it appears that the ordinary sources of revenue were already mortgaged: and that, taking into view all available means, there was reason to fear there would be a deficiency at the end of the following year of no less than nine millions of ducats. "Where the means of meeting this are to come from," Philip bitterly remarks, "I do not know, unless it be from the clouds, for all usual resources are exhausted." This was a sad legacy, entailed on the young monarch by his father's ambition. The document is to be found in the Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. VI. pp. 156-165.

[517] "Dizen todos los de aquella isla que ántes se dexarán ahogar con ellos, que de poner la mano mas adelante en el reparo tan necessario de los diques." Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. VI. p. 200.

[518] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 192.--Strada, De Bello Belgico, p. 111.

[519] "Hase con industria persuadido á los pueblos que V. M. quiere poner aquí á mi instancia la inquisicion de España so color de los nuevos obispados." Granvelle to Philip, Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. VI. p. 554. See also Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I., passim.

[520] "Los quales, aunque pueden ser á proposito para administrar sus abadias, olvidan el beneficio recebido del principe y en las cosas de su servicio y beneficio comun de la provincia son durissimos, y tan rudes para que se les pueda persuadir la razon, como seria qualquier menor hombre del pueblo." Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. VI. p. 18.

The intention of the crown appears more clearly from the rather frank avowal of Granvelle to the duchess of Parma, made indeed some twenty years later, 1582, that it was a great object with Philip to afford a counterpoise in the states to the authority of William and his associates. Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. VIII. p. 96.

[521] Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. VI. p. 17.

[522] Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 71.

[523] Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. VI. p. 612.--Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 263.--Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 31.

By another arrangement the obligations of Afflighen and the other abbeys of Brabant were commuted for the annual payment of eight thousand ducats for the support of the bishops. This agreement, as well as that with Antwerp, was afterwards set aside by the unscrupulous Alva, who fully carried out the original intentions of the crown.

[524] Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 77.

[525] "En ce qui concerne les nouveaux évêchés, le Roi déclare que jamais Granvelle ne lui en conseilla l'érection; qu'il en fit même dans le principe un mystère au cardinal, et que celui-ci n'en eut connaissance que lorsque l'affaire était déjà bien avancée." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 207.

[526] Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. VIII. p. 54.

[527] "Il serait prêt à y contribuer de sa fortune, de son sang et de sa propre vie." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 189.

[528] "Veo el odio de los Estados cargar sobre mi, mas pluguiesse á Dios que con sacrificarme fuesse todo remediado.... Que plugiera á Dios que jamas se huviera pensado en esta ereccion destas yglesias; _amen_, _amen_." Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. I. p. 117.

[529] Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 63.

[530] Strada, de Bello Belgico, p. 88.

[531] Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 52.

[532] Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, tom. II. p. 15.

[533] The nobles, it appears, had complained to Philip that they had been made to act this unworthy part in the cabinet of the duke of Savoy, when regent of the Netherlands. Granvelle, singularly enough, notices this in a letter to the Regent Mary, in 1555, treating it as a mere suspicion on their part. (See Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, tom. II., Préface, p. ix.) The course of things under the present regency may be thought to show there was good ground for this suspicion.

[534] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 195.

[535] Ibid., p. 197.

[536] "Que bien claro muestran muchos que no les pesaria de que fuessen mal, y que, si lo de allé diesse al través, bien brevemente se yria por acá el mismo camino. Y ha sido muestra dicha, que ninguno destos señores se haya declarado, que si lo hiziera alguno, otro que Dios no pudiera estorvar que lo de aqui no siguiera el camino de Francia." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 230.

[537] "Ce méchant animal nommé le peuple;"--the cardinal's own words, in a letter to the king. Ibid., p. 290.

[538] Strada, De Bello Belgico, p. 145.--Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 202.

[539] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. pp. 210, 214.

[540] "A qui ils imputent d'avoir écrit au Roi qu'il fallait couper une demi-douzaine de têtes et venir en force, pour conquérir le pays." Ibid., p. 203.

[541] "Lo principal es que venga con dinero y crédito, que con esto no faltará gente para lo que se huviesse de hazer coa los vezinos, y su presencia valdra mucho para assossegar todo lo de sus súbditos." Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. VI. p. 562.

[542] Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 91.--Mémoires de Granvelle, tom. II. p. 24,--a doubtful authority, it must be admitted.

[543] "It is not true," Philip remarks, in a letter to the duchess dated July 17, 1562, "that Granvelle ever recommended me to cut off half a dozen heads. Though," adds the monarch, "it may perhaps be well enough to have recourse to this measure." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 207.

[544] Strada, De Bello Belgico, pp. 78, 79, 133, 134.--Renom de Francia. Alborotos de Flandes, MS.--Meteren. Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 31, 32.

[545] "Qu'il n'étoit ni de son caractère ni de son honneur d'être le Bourreau des Hérétiques." Mémoires de Granvelle, tom. I. p. 304.

[546] Strada, De Bello Belgico, pp. 136, 137.--Renom de Francia, Alborotos de Flandes, MS.--Brandt, Reformation in the Low Countries, vol. I. pp. 137, 138.

[547] "En las [cosas] de la religion no se çufre temporizar, sino castigarlas con todo rigor y severidad, que estos villacos sino es por miedo no hazen cosa buena, y aun con él, no todas vezes." Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. VI. p. 421.

[548] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 207.

[549] Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. VI. p. 280.

[550] "Quoiqu'elle ne puisse dire qu'aucun des seigneurs ne soit pas bon catholique, elle ne voit pourtant pas qu'ils procèdent, dans les matières religieuses, avec toute la chaleur qui serait nécessaire." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 240.

[551] Ibid., p. 202.

[552] Ibid., ubi supra.

[553] "C'est une grande confusion de la multitude des nostres qui sont icy fuis pour la religion. On les estime en Londres, Sandvich, et comarque adjacente, de xviij à xx mille testes." Letter of Assonleville to Granvelle, Ibid., p. 247.

[554] "Et qu'aussy ne se feroit rien par le Cardinal sans l'accord des Seigneurs et inquisiteurs d'Espaigne, dont necessairement s'ensuyvroit, que tout se mettroit en la puissance et arbitrage d'iceulx Seigneurs inquisiteurs d'Espaigne." Hopper, Recueil et Mémorial, p. 24.

[555] "Que, pour l'amour de Dieu, le Roi se dispose à venir aux Pays-Bas!.... ce serait une grande charge pour sa conscience, que de ne le pas faire." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 213.

[556] "Des choses de cette cour nous ne savons pas plus que ceux qui sont aux Indes..... Le délai que le Roi met à répondre aux lettres qu'on lui adresse cause un grand préjudice aux affaires; il pourra coûter cher un jour." Ibid., p. 199.

[557] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. pp. 236, 242.

[558] Philip's answer to the letter of the duchess in which she stated Granvelle's proposal was eminently characteristic. If Margaret could not do better, she might enter into negotiations with the malecontents on the subject; but she should take care to delay sending advice of it to Spain; and the king, on his part, would delay as long as possible returning his answers. For the measure, Philip concludes, is equally repugnant to justice and to the interests of the crown. (Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 237.) This was the royal policy of procrastination!

[559] "Conclusero una lega contra 'l Cardenal p'detto à diffesa commune contra chi volesse offendere alcun di loro, laqual confortorono con solennisso giuramento, ne si curarono che se non li particolari fossero secreti per all'hora; ma publicorono questa loro unione, et questa lega fatta contra il Cardle." Relatione di Tiepolo, MS.

[560] Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, tom. II. pp. 36-38.

[561] "Que en otros tiempos por menor causa se havia mondado a Fiscales proceder." Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. I. p. 151.

[562] "Que solos los de España sean legitimos, que son las palabras de que aqui y en Italia se usa." Ibid., p. 153.

[563] "Car ce n'est ma coustume de grever aucuns de mes ministres sans cause." Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, tom. II. p. 42.

[564] "S'estant le comte d'Egmont advanché aujourd'huy huict jours _post pocula_ dire à Hoppérus, avec lequel il fut bien deux heures en devises, que ce n'estoit point à Granvelle que l'on en vouloit, mais au Roy, qui administre tres-mal le public et mesmes ce de la Religion, comme l'on luy at assez adverty." Morillon, Archdeacon of Mechlin, to Granvelle, Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. I. p. 247.

[565] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. pp. 256, 258, 259.

[566] "Il n'est pas icy question de grever ledict cardinal, ains plustost de le descharger, voire d'une charge laquelle non-seulement lui est peu convenable et comme extraordinaire, mais aussi ne peult plus estre en ses mains, sans grand dangier d'inconvéniens et troubles." Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, tom. II. p. 45.

[567] "Quant il n'y auroit que le désordre, mescontentement et confusion qui se trouve aujourd'huy en vos pays de par deçà, ce seroit assez tesmoinage de combien peu sert icy sa présence, crédit et auctorité." Ibid., p. 46.

[568] "Que ne sommes point de nature grans orateurs ou harangueurs, et plus accoustumez à bien faire qu'à bien dire, comme aussy il est mieulx séant à gens de nostre qualité." Ibid., p. 47.

[569] "Faisans cesser l'umbre dont avons servy en iceluy quatre ans." Ibid., p. 50.

[570] Mémoires de Granvelle, tom. II. p. 39 et seq.--Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 256.

[571] "Elle connait tout le mérite du cardinal, sa haute capacité, son expérience des affaires d'Etat, le zèle et le dévouement qu'il montre pour le service de Dieu et du Roi." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 266.

[572] "D'un autre côté, elle reconnaît que vouloir le maintenir aux Pays-Bas, contre le gré des seigneurs, pourrait entraîner de grands inconvénients, et même le soulèvement du pays." Ibid., ubi supra.

[573] Reiffenberg, Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 26, note.

[574] Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 58.

[575] "Vous ne me reconnaîtriez plus, tant mes cheveux ont blanchi." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 268.

[576] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 274.

[577] "Moi, qui ne suis qu'un ver de terre, je suis menacé de tant de côtés, que beaucoup doivent me tenir déjà pour mort; mais je tâcherai, avec l'aide de Dieu, de vivre autant que possible, et si l'on me tue, j'espère qu'on n'aura pas gagné tout par là." Ibid., p. 284.

[578] Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. I. p. 190.

[579] "Hablándole yo en ello," writes the secretary Perez to Granvelle, "como era razon, me respondió que por su fee ántes aventuraría á perder essos estados que hazer esse agravio á V. S. en lo qual conoscerá la gran voluntad que le tiene." Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. VII. p. 102.

[580] "Cada vez que veo los despachos de aquellos tres señores de Flandes me mueven la colera de manera que, sino procurasse mucho templarla, creo parecia á V. Magd mi opinion de hombre frenetico." Carta del Duque de Alba al Rey, á 21 de Octobre de 1563, MS.

[581] "A los que destos meriten, quiten les las caveças, hasta poder lo hacer, dissimular con ellos." Ibid.

[582] "Comme je l'ai toujours trouvé plein d'empressement et de zèle pour tout ce qui touche le service da V. M. et l'avantage du pays, je supplie V. M. de faire au comte d'Egmont une réponse affectueuse, afin qu'il ne désespère pas de sa bonté." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom I. p. 281.

[583] The letter--found among the MSS. at Besançon--is given by Dom Prosper Levesque in his life of the cardinal. (Mémoires de Granvelle, tom. II. p. 52.) The worthy Benedictine assures us, in his preface, that he has always given the text of Granvelle's correspondence exactly as he found it; an assurance to which few will give implicit credit who have read this letter, which bears the marks of the reviser's hand in every sentence.

[584] Mémoires de Granvelle, tom. II. p. 55.

[585] "Le prince d'Orange est un homme dangereux, fin, rusé, affectant de soutenir le peuple..... Je pense qu'un pareil génie qui a des vûes profondes est fort difficile à ménager, et qu'il n'est guères possible de le faire changer." Ibid., pp. 53, 54.

[586] "Causant l'autre jour avec elle, le comte d'Egmont lui montra un grand mécontentement de ce que le Roi n'avait daigné faire un seul mot de réponse ni à lui, ni aux autres. Il dit que, voyant cela, ils étaient décidés à ordonner à leur courrier qu'il revint, sans attendre davantage." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 283.

[587] "Il a pensé, d'après ce que le cardinal lui a écrit, qu'il serait très à propos qu'il allât voir sa mère, avec la permission de la duchesse de Parme. De cette manière, l'autorité du Roi et la réputation du cardinal seront sauvées." Ibid., p. 285.

[588] That indefatigable laborer in the mine of MSS., M. Gachard, obtained some clew to the existence of such a letter in the Archives of Simancas. For two months it eluded his researches, when in a happy hour he stumbled on this pearl of price. The reader may share the enthusiasm of the Belgian scholar. "Je redoublai d'attention; et enfin, après deux mois de travail, je découvris, sur un petit chiffon de papier, la minute de la fameuse lettre dont faisait mention la duchesse de Parme: elle avait été classée, par une méprise de je ne sais quel officiai, avec les papiers de l'année 1562. On lisait en tête: _De mano del Rey; secreta._ Vous comprendrez, monsieur le Ministre, la joie que me fit éprouver cette découverte: ce sont là des jouissances qui dédommagent de bien des fatigues, de bien des ennuis!" Rapport à M. le Ministre de l'Intérieur, Ibid., p. clxxxv.

[589] "M'esbayz bien que, pour chose quelconque, vous ayez délaissé d'entrer au conseil où je vous avois laissé." Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne tom. II. p. 67.

[590] "Ne faillez d'y rentrer, et monstrer de combien vous estimez plus mon service et le bien de mes pays de delà, que autre particularité quelconque." Ibid., p. 68.

[591] Abundant evidence of Philip's intentions is afforded by his despatches to Margaret, together with two letters which they inclosed to Egmont. These letters were of directly opposite tenor; one dispensing with Egmont's presence at Madrid,--which had been talked of,--the other inviting him there. Margaret was to give the one which, under the circumstances, she thought expedient. The duchess was greatly distressed by her brother's manoeuvring. She saw that the course she must pursue was not the course which he would prefer. Philip did not understand her countrymen so well as she did.

[592] "En effet, le prince d'Orange et le comte d'Egmont, les seuls qui se trouvassent à Bruxelles, montrèrent tant de tristesse et de mécontentement de la courte et sèche réponse du Roi, qu'il était à craindre qu'après qu'elle aurait été communiquée aux autres seigneurs, il ne fût pris quelque résolution contraire au service du Roi." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 294.

[593] "Con la venida de Mons. de Chantonnay, mi hermano, á Bruxelles, y su determinacion de encaminarse á estas partes, me paresció tomar color de venir hazia acá, donde no havia estado en 19 años, y ver á madama de Granvella, mi madre, que ha 14 que no la havia visto." Ibid., p. 298.

Granvelle seems to have fondly trusted that no one but Margaret was privy to the existence of the royal letter,--"secret, and written with the king's own hand." So he speaks of his departure in his various letters as a spontaneous movement to see his venerable parent. The secretary Perez must have smiled, as he read one of these letters to himself, since an abstract of the royal despatch appears in his own handwriting. The Flemish nobles also--probably through the regent's secretary, Armenteros--appear to have been possessed of the true state of the case. It was too good a thing to be kept secret.

[594] Schiller, Abfall der Niederlande, p. 147.

Among other freaks was that of a masquerade, at which a devil was seen pursuing a cardinal with a scourge of foxes'tails. "Deinde sequebatur diabolus, equum dicti cardinalis caudis vulpinis fustigans, magna cum totius populi admiratione et scandalo." (Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. VIII. p. 77.) The fox's tail was a punning allusion to Renard, who took a most active and venomous part in the paper war that opened the revolution. Renard, it may be remembered, was the imperial minister to England in Queen Mary's time. He was the implacable enemy of Granvelle, who had once been his benefactor.

[595] Strada, De Bello Belgico, pp. 161-164.--Vander Haer, De Initiis Tumultuum Belgicorum, p. 166.--Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 53.--Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. pp. 294, 295.

[596] The date is given by the prince of Orange in a letter to the landgrave of Hesse, written a fortnight after the cardinal's departure. (Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. I. p. 226.) This fact, public and notorious as it was, is nevertheless told with the greatest discrepancy of dates. Hopper, one of Granvelle's own friends, fixes the date of his departure at the latter end of May. (Recueil et Mémorial, p. 36.) Such discrepancies will not seem strange to the student of history.

[597] "Ejus inimici, qui in senatu erant, non aliter exultavêre quam pueri abeunte ludimagistro." Vita Viglii, p. 38.

Hoogstraten and Brederode indulged their wild humor, as they saw the cardinal leaving Brussels, by mounting a horse,--one in the saddle, the other _en croupe_,--and in this way, muffled in their cloaks, accompanying the traveller along the heights for half a league or more. Granvelle tells the story himself, in a letter to Margaret, but dismisses it as the madcap frolic of young men. Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. VII. p. 410, 426.

[598] Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. I. p. 226.

[599] "Le comte d'Egmont lui a dit, entre autres, que, si le cardinal revenait, indubitablement il perdrait la vie, et mettrait le Roi en risque de perdre les Pays-Bas." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 295.

[600] "Je n'ay entendu de personne chose dont je peusse concevoir quelque doubte que vous ne fussiez, à l'endroit de mon service, tel que je vous ay cogneu, ny suis si légier de prester l'oreille à ceulx qui me tascheront de mettre en umbre d'ung personage de vostre qualité, et que je cognois si bien." Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, tom. II. p. 76.

[601] "Quiero de aquí adelante hazerme ciego y sordo, y tractar con mis libros y negocios particulares, y dexar el público á los que tanto saben y pueden, y componerme quanto al reposo y sossiego." Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. VIII, p. 91.--A pleasing illusion, as old as the time of Horace's "_Beatus ille_," &c.

[602] Gerlache, Royaume des Pays-Bas, tom. I. p. 79.

[603] "Vélà ma philosophie, et procurer avec tout cela de vivre le plus joyeusement que l'on peut, et se rire du monde, des appassionnez, et de ce qu'ilz dient sans fondement." Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. I. p. 240.

[604] "Ilz auront avant mon retour, que ne sera, à mon compte, plus tost que d'icy à deux mois, partant au commencement de juing." Ibid., p. 236.

[605] This remarkable letter, dated Madrid, May 6, is to be found in the Supplément à Strada, tom. II. p. 346.

[606] Hopper does not hesitate to regard this circumstance as a leading cause of the discontents in Flanders. "Se voyans desestimez ou pour mieux dire opprimez par les Seigneurs Espaignols, qui chassant les autres hors du Conseil du Roy, participent seulz avecq iceluy, et présument de commander aux Seigneurs et Chevaliers des Pays d'embas: ny plus ni moins qu'ilz font à aultres de Milan, Naples, et Sicille; ce que eulx ne veuillans souffrir en manière que ce soit, à esté et est la vraye ou du moins la principale cause de ces maulx et altérations." Recueil et Mémorial, p. 79.

[607] Viglius makes many pathetic complaints on this head, in his letters to Granvelle. See Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. I. p. 319 et alibi.

[608] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. pp. 312, 332, et alibi.

[609] "Il faudrait envoyer le cardinal à Rome." Ibid., p. 329.

[610] Ibid., p. 295.

[611] Morillon, in a letter to Granvelle, dated July 9, 1564, tells him of the hearty hatred in which he is held by the duchess; who, whether she has been told that the minister only made her his dupe, or from whatever cause, never hears his name without changing color. Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. VIII. p. 131.

[612] "Viglius lui fait souffrir les peines de l'enfer, en traversant les mesures qu'exige le service du Roi." Ibid., p. 314.

[613] "Ils espèrent alors pêcher, comme on dit, en eau trouble, et atteindre le but qu'ils poursuivent depuis longtemps: celui de s'emparer de toutes les affaires. C'est pourquoi ils out été et sont encore contraires à l'assemblée des états généraux.... Le cardinal, le président et leur séquelle craignent, si la tranquillité se rétablit dans le pays, qu'on ne lise dans leurs livres, et qu'on ne découvre leurs injustices, simonies, et rapines." Ibid., p. 311.

[614] Ibid., p. 320 et alibi.

[615] "Ce qu'elle se résent le plus contre v. i. S. et contre moy, est ce que l'avons si longuement gardé d'en faire son prouffit, qu'elle fait maintenant des offices et bénéfices et aultres grâces." Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. I. p. 406.

[616] "Ipsam etiam Ducissam in suam pertraxêre sententiam, honore etiam majore quam antea ipsam afficientes, quo muliebris sexus facilè capitur."--This remark, however, is taken, not from his correspondence with Granvelle, but from his autobiography. See Vita Viglii, p. 40.

[617] The extortions of Margaret's secretary, who was said to have amassed a fortune of seventy thousand ducats in her service, led the people, instead of Armenteros, punningly to call him _Argenterios_. This piece of scandal is communicated for the royal ear in a letter addressed to one of the king's secretaries by Fray Lorenzo de Villacancio, of whom I shall give a full account elsewhere. Gachard, Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II., Rapport, p. xliii.

[618] Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. I., p. 273 et alibi.

[619] Granvelle regarded such a step as the only effectual remedy for the disorders in the Low Countries. In a remarkable letter to Philip, dated July 20, 1565, he presents such a view of the manner in which the government is conducted as might well alarm his master. Justice and religion are at the lowest ebb. Public offices are disposed of at private sale. The members of the council indulge in the greatest freedom in their discussions on matters of religion. It is plain that the Confession of Augsburg would be acceptable to some of them. The truth is never allowed to reach the king's ears; as the letters sent to Madrid are written to suit the majority of the council, and so as not to give an unfavorable view of the country. Viglius is afraid to write. There are spies at the court, he says, who would betray his correspondence, and it might cost him his life. Granvelle concludes by urging the king to come in person, and with money enough to subsidize a force to support him. Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. VIII. p. 620 et seq.

[620] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 317.

[621] Hopper, Recueil et Mémorial, p. 39.--Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. I. p. 222.--Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 347 et alibi.

[622] The Spanish ambassador to England, Guzman de Silva, in a letter dated from the Low Countries, refers this tendency among the younger nobles to their lax education at home, and to their travels abroad. "La noblesse du pays est généralement catholique: il n'y a que les jeunes gens dont, à cause de l'éducation relachée qu'ils out reçue, et de leur frequentation dans les pays voisins, les principes soient un peu équivoques." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 383.

[623] "Se dice publico que ay medios para descargar todas las deudas del Rey sin cargo del pueblo tomando los bienes de la gente de yglesia ó parte conforme al ejemplo que se ha hecho en ynglaterra y francia y tambien que ellos eran muy ricos y volberian mas templados y hombres de bien." Renom de Francia, Alborotos de Flandes, MS.

[624] "Leur office est devenu odieux au peuple; ils rencontrent tant de résistances et de calomnies, qu'ils ne peuvent l'exercer sans danger pour leurs personnes." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 353.

[625] Brandt, Reformation in the Low Countries, tom. I. p. 147.

[626] Ibid., ubi supra.--Strada, De Bello Belgico, p. 174.--Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. pp. 321-327.

[627] Strada, De Bello Belgico, p. 172.--Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 327 et alibi.

[628] Brandt, Reformation in the Low Countries, tom. I. pp. 146-149.

[629] "La dépense excède annuellement les revenus, de 600,000 florins." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 328.

[630] "Quant à la moyenne noblesse des Pays-Bas, les Seigneurs l'auront tantost à leur cordelle." Chantonnay to Granvelle, October 6, 1565, Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. I. p. 426.

[631] That Granvelle understood well these consequences of convening the states-general is evident from the manner in which he repeatedly speaks of this event in his correspondence with the king. See, in particular, a letter to Philip, dated as early as August 20, 1563, where he sums up his remarks on the matter by saying: "In fine, they would entirely change the form of government, so that there would be little remaining for the regent to do, as the representative of your majesty, or for your majesty yourself to do, since they would have completely put you under guardianship." Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. VII. p. 186.

[632] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 329.

[633] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VI. cap. 14, 16.--Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 176.

[634] Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 179.

[635] "Si, après avoir accepté le concile sans limitations dans tous ses autres royaumes et seigneuries, il allait y opposer des réserves aux Pays-Bas, cela produirait un fâcheux effet." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 328.

[636] Yet whatever slight Philip may have put upon the lords in this respect, he showed William, in particular, a singular proof of confidence. The prince's _cuisine_, as I have elsewhere stated, was renowned over the Continent; and Philip requested of him his _chef_, to take the place of his own, lately deceased. But the king seems to lay less stress on the skill of this functionary than on his trustworthiness,--a point of greater moment with a monarch. This was a compliment--in that suspicious age--to William, which, we imagine, he would have been slow to return by placing his life in the hands of a cook from the royal kitchens of Madrid. See Philip's letter in the Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, tom. II p. 89.

[637] Margaret would fain have settled the dispute by giving the countess of Egmont precedence at table over her fair rival. (Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. I. p. 445.) But both Anne of Saxony and her household stoutly demurred to this decision,--perhaps to the right of the regent to make it. "Les femmes ne se cédent en rien et se tiegnent par le bras, _ingredientes pari passu_, et si l'on rencontre une porte trop estroicte, l'on se serre l'ung sur l'aultre pour passer également par ensamble, affin que il n'y ayt du devant ou derrière." Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, Supplément, p. 22.

[638] There is a curious epistle, in Groen's collection, from William to his wife's uncle, the elector of Saxony, containing sundry charges against his niece. The termagant lady was in the habit, it seems, of rating her husband roundly before company. William, with some _naïveté_, declares he could have borne her ill-humor to a reasonable extent in private, but in public it was intolerable. Unhappily, Anne gave more serious cause of disturbance to her lord than that which arose from her temper, and which afterwards led to their separation. On the present occasion, it may be added, the letter was not sent,--as the lady, who had learned the nature of it, promised amendment. Ibid., tom. II. p. 31.

[639] "Au cas que le Roi s'en excuse, il doit demander que S. M. donne à la duchesse des instructions précises sur la conduite qu'elle a à tenir." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 337.

The original instructions prepared by Viglius were subsequently modified by his friend Hopper, at the suggestion of the prince of Orange. See Vita Viglii, p. 41.

[640] Ibid., ubi supra.

[641] "Non posse ei placere, velle Principes animis hominum imperare, libertatemque Fidei et Religionis ipsis adimere." Ibid., p. 42.

[642] Burgundius puts into the mouth of William on this occasion a fine piece of declamation, in which he reviews the history of heresy from the time of Constantine the Great downwards. This display of schoolboy erudition, so unlike the masculine simplicity of the prince of Orange, may be set down among those fine things, the credit of which may be fairly given to the historian rather than to the hero.--Burgundius, Hist. Belgica, (Ingolst., 1633,) pp. 126-131.

[643] "Itaque mane de lecto surgens, inter vestiendum apoplexiâ attactus est, ut occurrentes domestici amicique in summo cum discrimine versari judicarent." Vita Viglii, p. 42.

[644] "Elle conseille au Roi d'ordonner à Viglius de rendre ses comptes, et de restituer les meubles des neuf maisons de sa prévôté de Saint-Bavon, qu'il a dépouillées." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 350.

[645] "Lui promettons, en foy de gentilhomme et chevalier d'honeur, si durant son aller et retour lui adviene quelque inconvénient, que nous en prendrons la vengeance sur le Cardinal de Granvelle ou ceux qui en seront participans ou penseront de l'estre, et non sur autre." Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. I. p. 345.

[646] This curions document, published by Arnoldi, (Hist. Denkw., p. 282,) has been transferred by Groen to the pages of his collection. See Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, ubi supra.

[647] "Ibi tum offensus conviva, arreptam argenteam pelvim (quæ manibus abluendis mensam fuerat imposita) injicere Archiepiscopo in caput conatur: retinet pelvim Egmondanus: quod dum facit, en alter conviva pugno in frontem Archiepiscopo eliso, pileum de capite deturbat." Vander Haer, De Initiis Tumult, p. 190.

[648] If we are to trust Morillon's report to Granvelle, Egmont denied, to some one who charged him with it, having recommended to Philip to soften the edicts. (Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, Supplément, p. 374.) But Morillon was too much of a gossip to be the best authority; and, as this was understood to be one of the objects of the count's mission, it will be but justice to him to take the common opinion that he executed it.

[649] "Negavit accitos à se illos fuisse, ut docerent an permittere id posset, sed an sibi necessariò permittendum præscriberent." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 185.

[650] "Tum Rex in eorum conspectu, humi positus ante Christi Domini simulacrum, 'Ego verò, inquit, Divinam Majestatem tuam oro, quæsoque, Rex omnium Deus, hanc ut mihi mentem perpetuam velis, ne illorum, qui te Dominum respuerint, uspiam esse me aut dici Dominum acquiescam.'" Ibid., ubi supra.

[651] "Il retourne en Flandre, l'homme le plus satisfait du monde." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 349.

[652] "En ce qui touche la religion, il déclare qu'il ne peut consentir à ce qu'il y soit fait quelque changement; qu'il aimerait mieux perdre cent mille vies, s'il les avait." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 347.

[653] Ibid., ubi supra.--Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 187.

[654] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 347.

[655] Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 92.

[656] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 364.

[657] "And everywhere great endeavors were used to deliver the imprisoned, as soon as it was known how they were privately made away in the prisons: for the inquisitors not daring any longer to carry them to a public execution, this new method of despatching them, which the king himself had ordered, was now put in practice, and it was commonly performed thus: They bound the condemned person neck and heels, then threw him into a tub of water, where he lay till he was quite suffocated." Brandt, Reformation in the Low Countries, vol. I. p. 155.

[658] Ibid., tom. I. p. 154.

[659] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 361 et alibi.

[660] "Tout vat de demain à demain, et la principale résolution en telles choses est de demeurer perpétuellement irrésolu." Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. I. p. 426.

[661] "Il y en a qui sont plus Roys que le Roy." Ibid., ubi supra.

[662] "Le Roi aura bien de la peine à se montrer homme." Ibid., ubi supra.

[663] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 358.

[664] "Le Roi peut être certain que, s'il accorde que les édits ne s'exécutent pas, jamais plus le peuple ne souffrira qu'on châtie les hérétiques; et les choses iront ainsi aux Pays-Bas beaucoup plus mal qu'en France." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 323.

[665] Ibid., tom. I. p. 371.

[666] Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. I. p. 246.

[667] "Entendant seullement à mez affaires, ne bougeant de ma chambre synon pour proumener, à faire exercice à l'église, et vers Madame, et faisant mes dépesches où je doibtz correspondre, sans bruyct." Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. IX. p. 639.

[668] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 326.

[669] "Il lui suffit, pour se contenter d'être ou il est, de savoir que c'est la volonté du Roi, et cela lui suffira pour aller aux Indes, on en quelque autre lieu que ce soit, et même pour se jeter dans le feu." Ibid., p. 301.

[670] Ibid., p. 380.

[671] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 396.

[672] Ibid., p. 372.--Hopper, Recueil et Mémorial, p. 57.

[673] "Car, quant à l'inquisition, mon intention est qu'elle se face par les inquisiteurs, comm'elle s'est faicte jusques à maintenant, et comm'il leur appertient par droitz divins et humains." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I., "Rapport," p. cxxix, note.

[674] Ibid., ubi supra.

[675] This letter was dated the twentieth of October. All hesitation seems to have vanished in a letter addressed to Granvelle only two days after, in which Philip says, "As to the proposed changes in the government, there is not a question about them." "Quant aux changements qu'on lui a écrit devoir se faire dans le gouvernement, il n'en est pas question." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 375.

[676] Documentos Inéditos, tom. IV. p. 333.

[677] "Dieu sçait qué visaiges ils ont monstrez, et qué mescontentement ils ont, voyans l'absolute volunté du Roy." Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. I. p. 442.

[678] Hopper, Recueil et Mémorial, p. 59.

[679] "Quâ conclusione acceptâ, Princeps Auriacencis cuidam in aurem dixit (qui pòst id retulit) quasi lætus gloriabundusque: visuros nos brevi egregiæ tragediæ initium." Vita Viglii, p. 45.

[680] "Une déclaration de guerre n'aurait pas fait plus d'impression sur les esprits, que ces dépêches, quand la connaissance en parvint au public." Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 94.

[681] "Se comienza á dar esperanza al pueblo de la libertad de conciencia, de las mudanzas del gobierno." Renom de Francia, Alborotos de Flandes, MS.

"Some demand a mitigation of the edicts; others," as Viglius peevishly complains to Granvelle, "say that they want at least as much toleration as is vouchsafed to Christians by the Turks, who do not persecute the enemies of their faith as we persecute brethren of our own faith, for a mere difference in the interpretation of Scripture!" (Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. I, p. 287.) Viglius was doubtless of the opinion of M. Gerlache, that for Philip to have granted toleration would have proved the signal for a general massacre. Vide Hist. du Royaume des Pays-Bas, tom. I. p. 83.

[682] "On défiait les Espagnols de trouver aux Pays-Bas ces stupides Américains et ces misérables habitans du Pérou, qu'on avait égorgés par millions, quand on avait vu qu'ils ne savaient pas se défendre." Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. I. p. 97

[683] See a letter of Morillon to Granvelle, January 27, 1566, Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, Supplément, p. 22.

[684] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 390.

[685] "Il a appris avec peine que le contenu de sa lettre, datée du bois de Ségovie, a été mal accueilli aux Pays-Bas, ses intentions ne tendant qu'au service de Dieu et au bien de ces Etats, comme l'amour qu'il leur porte l'y oblige." Ibid., p. 400.

[686] Historians have usually referred the origin of the "Union" to a meeting of nine nobles at Breda, as reported by Strada. (De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 208.) But we have the testimony of Junius himself to the fact, as stated in the text; and this testimony is accepted by Groen, who treads with a caution that secures him a good footing even in the slippery places of history. (See Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. II. p. 2.) Brandt also adopts the report of Junius. (Reformation in the Low Countries, tom. I. p. 162.)

[687] "Inique et contraire à toutes loix divines et humaines, surpassant la plus grande barbarie que oncques fut practiquée entre les tirans." Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. II. p. 3.

One might imagine that the confederates intended in the first part of this sentence to throw the words of Philip back upon himself,--"Comme il leur appertient par droitz divins et humains." Dépêche du Bois de Ségovie, Octobre 17, 1565.

[688] "Affin de n'estre exposéz en proye à ceulx qui, soubs ombre de religion, voudroient s'enrichir aux despens de nostre sang et de nos biens." Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. II. p. 4.

[689] Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 134.

[690] "De sorte que si un Prestre, un Espagnol, ou quelque mauvais garnement veut mal, ou nuyre à autruy, par le moyen de l'Inquisition, il pourra l'accuser, faire apprehender, voire faire mourir, soit à droit, soit à tort." Supplément à Strada, tom. II. p. 300.

[691] "L'un des beaux caractères de ce temps." Borguet, Philippe II. et la Belgique, p. 43.

[692] Ibid., ubi supra.

[693] Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 209.

[694] "Mettant le tout en hazard de venir ès mains de nos voisins." Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, tom. II. p. 109.

[695] "J'aimerois mieulx, en cas que Sadicte Majesté ne le veuille dilaier jusques à là, et dès à présent persiste sur cette inquisition et exécution, qu'elle commisse quelque autre en ma place, mieulx entendant les humeurs du peuple, et plus habile que moi à les maintenir en paix et repos, plustost que d'encourir la note dont moi et les miens porrions estre souillés, si quelque inconvénient advînt au pays de mon gouvernement, et durant ma charge." Ibid., ubi supra.

[696] "Addidere aliqui, nolle se in id operam conferre, ut quinquaginta aut sexaginta hominum millia, se Provincias administrantibus, igni concrementur." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 203.

[697] Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, tom. II. p. 112.

[698] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 378.

[699] Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. II. p. 33.

[700] "A ce propos le duc d'Albe répondit que dix mille grenouilles ne valoient pas la tête d'un saumon." Sismondi, Hist. des Français, tom. XVIII. p. 447.

Davila, in telling the same story, reports the saying of the duke in somewhat different words:--"Diceva che ... besognava pescare i pesci grossi, e non si curare di prendere le ranocchie." Guerre Civili di Francia, (Milano, 1807,) tom. I. p. 341.

[701] Henry the Fourth, when a boy of eleven years of age, was in the train of Catherine, and was present at one of her interviews with Alva. It is said that he overheard the words of the duke quoted in the text, and that they sank deep into the mind of the future champion of Protestantism. Henry reported them to his mother, Jeanne d'Albret, by whom they were soon made public. Sismondi, Hist. des Français, tom. XVIII. p. 447.--For the preceding paragraph see also De Thou, Hist. Universelle, tom. V. p. 34 et seq.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VI. cap. 23.--Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. V. p. 58 et seq.

[702] It is a common opinion that, at the meeting at Bayonne, it was arranged between the queen-mother and Alva to revive the tragedy of the Sicilian Vespers in the horrid massacre of St. Bartholomew. I find, however, no warrant for such an opinion in the letters of either the duke or Don Juan Manrique de Lara, major-domo to Queen Isabella, the originals of which are still preserved in the Royal Library at Paris. In my copy of these MSS. the letters of Alva to Philip the Second cover much the larger space. They are very minute in their account of his conversation with the queen-mother. His great object seems to have been, to persuade her to abandon her temporizing policy, and, instead of endeavoring to hold the balance between the contending parties, to assert, in the most uncompromising manner, the supremacy of the Roman Catholics. He endeavored to fortify her in this course by the example of his own master, the king of Spain, repeating Philip's declaration, so often quoted, under various forms, that "he would surrender his kingdom, nay life itself, rather than reign over heretics."

While the duke earnestly endeavored to overcome the arguments of Catherine de Medicis in favor of a milder, more rational, and, it may be added, more politic course in reference to the Huguenots, he cannot justly be charged with having directly recommended those atrocious measures which have branded her name with infamy. Yet, on the other hand, it cannot be denied that this bloody catastrophe was a legitimate result of the policy which he advised.

[703] "On voit journellement gens de ce pays aller en Angleterre, avec leurs familles et leurs instruments; et jà Londres, Zandvich et le pays allenviron est si plain, que l'on dit que le nombre surpasse 30,000 testes." Assonleville to Granvelle, January 15, 1565, Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 392.

[704] "Il y a longtemps que ces Païs-Bas sont les Indes d'Angleterre, et, tant qu'ilz les auront, ilz n'en ont besoing d'aultres." Ibid., p. 382.

[705] Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, tom. I. fol. 39, 40.--Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 17.

[706] Supplèment à Strada, tom. II. p. 293.

[707] Ibid., ubi supra.--Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 212.

[708] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 402.--Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 212.--Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne. tom. II. p. 132.

[709] Supplément à Strada, tom. II. p. 294.

[710] "Ostant l'Inquisition, qui en ce temps est tant odieuse ... et ne sert quasi de riens, pour estre les Sectaires assez cognuz; modérant quant et quant la rigeur des Placcarts ... publiant aussy quant et quant pardon general pour ceulx qui se sont meslez de laditte Ligue." Ibid., p. 295.

[711] "Le Prince d'Oranges et le Comte de Hornes disoyent en plain conseil qu'ils estoyent d'intention de se voulloir retirer en leurs maisons, ... se deuillans mesmes le dit Prince, que l'on le tenoit pour suspect et pour chief de ceste Confédération." Extract from the Procès d'Egmont, in the Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. II. p. 42.

[712] "De laquelle estant advertis quelques quinze jours après, devant que les confédérés se trouvassent en court, nous déclarames ouvertement et rondemen qu'elle ne nous plaisoit pas, et que ce ne nous sambloit estre le vray moyen pour maintenir le repos et tranquillité publique." Extract from the "Justification" of William, (1567,) in the Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. II. p. 11.

[713] This fact rests on the authority of a MS. ascribed to Junius. (Brandt, Reformation in the Low Countries, vol. I. p. 162.) Groen, however, distrusts the authenticity of this MS. (Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. II. p. 12.) Yet, whatever may be thought of the expedition against Antwerp, it appears from William's own statement that the confederates did meditate some dangerous enterprise, from which he dissuaded them. See his "Apology," in Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, tom. V. p. 392.

[714] "Les estatz-généraulx ayans pleine puissance, est le seul remède à nos maulx; nous avons le moyen en nostre povoir sans aucune doubte de les faire assembler, mais on ne veult estre guéri." Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. II. p. 37.

[715] "Ils veullent que à l'obstination et endurcissement de ces loups affamez nous opposions remonstrances, requestes et en fin parolles, là où de leur costé ils ne cessent de brusler, coupper testes, bannir et exercer leur rage en toutes façons. Nous avons le moyen de les refrener sans trouble, sans difficulté, sans effusion de sang, sans guerre, et on ne le veult. Soit donques, prenons la plume et eux l'espée, nous les parolles, eux le faict." Ibid., p. 36.

[716] "Ire Ma^{t.} gar ernstlich bevelt das man nitt allain die sich in andere leren so begeben, sol verbrennen, sonder auch die sich widderumb bekeren, sol koppen lasen; welges ich wahrlich im hertzen hab gefült, dan bei mir nit finden kan das cristlich noch thunlich ist." Ibid., tom. I. p. 440.

[717] Ibid., tom. II. p. 30.

[718] Ibid., tom. I. p. 432.

[719] Hopper, Recueil et Mémorial, p. 67.

[720] "Tant y a que craignant qu'il n'en suivit une très dangereuse issue et estimant que cette voye estoit la plus douce et vrayment juridique, je confesse n'avoir trouvé mauvais que la Requeste fut presentée." Apology, in Dumont, tom. V. p. 392.

[721] "He escripto diversas vezes que era bien ganar á M. d'Aigmont; él es de quien S. M. puede hechar mano y confiar mas que de todos los otros, y es amigo de humo, y haziéndole algun favor extraordinario señalado que no se haga á otros, demas que será ganarle mucho, pondrá zelos á los otros." Granvelle to Gonzalo Perez, June 27, 1563, Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. VII. p. 115.

[722] "Il est tant lyé avec les Seigneurs, qu'il n'y a moien de le retirer et pour dire vray, _nutat in religione_, et ce qu'il dira en ce aujourd'huy, il dira tout le contraire lendemain." Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, Supplément, p. 25.

[723] "Ce seigneur est à présent celui qui parle le plus, et que les autres mettent en avant, pour dire les choses qu'ils n'oseraient dire eux-mêmes." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 391.

[724] "Le prince d'Orange procède avec plus de finesse que M. d'Egmont: il a plus de crédit en général et en particulier, et, si l'on pouvait le gagner, on s'assurerait de tout le reste." Ibid., ubi supra.

[725] Correspondance de Philippe II, tom. I. pp. 399, 401.

[726] "Libello ab Orangio cæterisque in lenius verborum genus commutato." Vander Haer, De Initiis Tumultuum, p. 207.

Alonzo del Canto, the royal _contador_, takes a different, and by no means so probable a view of William's amendments. "Quand les seigneurs tenaient leurs assemblées secrètes à Bruxelles, c'était en la maison du prince d'Orange, où ils entraient de nuit par la porte de derrière: ce fut là que la requête des confédérés fut modifiée et rendue pire." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 411.

[727] Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. II. p. 59 et seq.

[728] Strade, De Bello Belico, tom. I. p. 213.

[729] "Hommes genti Nassaviæ infensissimos de nece ipsius, deque fortunarum omnium publicatione agitavisse cum Rege." Ibid., p. 215. See also Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 403.

[730] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II. p. 404.

[731] "Ils répondirent qu'ils ne voulaient pas se battre pour le maintien de l'inquisition et des placards, mais qu'ils le feraient pour la conservation du pays." Ibid., ubi supra.

[732] "Eo ipso die sub vesperam conjurati Bruxellas advenere. Erant illi in equis omnino ducenti, forensi veste ornati, gestabantque singuli bina ante ephippium sclopeta, præibat ductor Brederodius, juxtàque Ludovicus Nassavius." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 221.

[733] Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. II. pp. 74, 75.

[734] Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 221.

[735] Ibid., ubi supra.

[736] Ibid., pp. 222, 226.--Vandervynckt, Troubles de Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 138.--Meteren, Hist. de Pays-Bas, fol. 40.

[737] "Nobiles enixi eam rogare, ut proferat nomina eorum qui hoc detulere: cogatque illos accusationem legitimè ac palàm adornare." Strada, De Bello Belgico tom. I. p. 222.

[738] "Quando nonnisi Regis dignitatem, patriæque salutem spectabant, haud dubiè postulatis satisfacturam." Ibid., ubi supra.

[739] The copy of this document given by Groen is from the papers of Count Louis of Nassau. Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. II. pp. 80-84.

[740] "Lesquels ne doibvent espérer, sinon toute chose digne et conforme à _sa bénignité naifve et accoustumée_." Ibid., p. 84.

The phrase must have sounded oddly enough in the ears of the confederates.

[741] "Pendant que s'attend sa responce, Son Alteze donnera ordre, que tant par les inquisiteurs, où il y en a eu jusques ores, que par les officiers respectivement, soit procédé discrètement et modestement." Ibid. p. 85.

[742] "Ne desirons sinon d'ensuyvre tout ce que par Sa Ma^{té}. avecq l'advis et consentement des éstats-généraulx assambléz serat ordonné pour le maintenement de l'anchienne religion." Ibid., p. 86.

[743] "Vous prians de ne passer plus avant par petites practicques secrètes et de attirer plus personne." Ibid., p. 88.

[744] "De bonne part et pour le service du Roy." Ibid., p. 89.

[745] "Et comme ma dite dame respondit qu'elle le croyt ainsy, n'affermant nullement en quelle part elle recevoit nostre assemblée, luy fut replicqué par le dit S^r de Kerdes: Madame, il plairast à V. A. en dire ce qu'elle en sent, à quoy elle respondit qu'elle ne pouvoit juger." Ibid., ubi supra.--See also Strada, (De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 225,) who, however, despatches this interview with the Seigneur de Kerdes in a couple of sentences.

[746] Count Louis drew up a petition to the duchess, or rather a remonstrance, requesting her to state the motives of this act, that people might not interpret it into a condemnation of their proceedings. To this Margaret replied, with some spirit, that it was her own private affair, and she claimed the right that belonged to every other individual, of managing her own household in her own way.--One will readily believe that Louis did not act by the advice of his brother in this matter. See the correspondence as collected by the diligent Groen, Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. II. pp. 100-105.

[747] Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bays fol. 41.

[748] "Illum quidem, ut Gubernatricis animum firmaret, ita locutum, quasi nihil ei à mendicis ac nebulonibus pertimescendum esset." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 226.

[749] "Se verò libenter appellationem illam, quæ ea cumque esset, accipere, ac Regis patriæque causâ Gheusios se mendicosque re ipsâ futuros." Ibid., ubi supra.

[750] Ibid., ubi supra.--Vander Haer, De Initiis Tumultuum, p. 211.--Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 149.--Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 142 et seq.--This last author tells the story with uncommon animation.

[751] So says Strada. (De Bello Belgico, tom. II. p. 227.) But the duchess, in a letter written in cipher to the king, tells him that the three lords pledged the company in the same toast of "_Vivent les Gueux_," that had been going the rounds of the table. "Le prince d'Oranges et les comtes d'Egmont et de Hornes vinrent à la maison de Culembourg après de dîner; ils burent avec les confédérés, et crièrent aussi _vivent les gueux_!" Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 409.

[752] Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 227.--Vandervynckt Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 143.

The word _gueux_ is derived by Vander Haer from _Goth_, in the old German form, _Geute_. "Eandem esse eam vocem gallicam quæ esset Teutonum vox, Geuten, quam maiore vel Gothis genti Barbaræ tribuissent, vel odio Gothici nominis convicium fecissent." De Initiis Tumultuum, p. 212.

[753] Vander Haer, De Initiis Tumultuum, loc. cit.--Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 228.

Arend, in his Algemeene Geschiedenis des Vaderlands, has given engravings of these medals, on which the devices and inscriptions were not always precisely the same. Some of these mendicant paraphernalia are still to be found in ancient cabinets in the Low Countries, or were in the time of Vandervynckt. See his Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 143.

[754] Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 228.--Vander Haer, De Initiis Tumultuum, p. 212.

[755] "En sortant de la porte de la ville, ils ont fait une grande décharge de leurs pistolets." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 408.

[756] "Vos si mecum in hoc preclaro opere consentitis, agite, et qui vestrum salvam libertatem, me duce volent, propinatum hoc sibi poculum, benevolentiæ meæ significationem genialiter accipiant, idque manûs indicio contestentur." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 231.

[757] "Estans mesmes personnages si prudes, discrets et tant imbus de tout ce que convient remonstrer a V. M., outre l'affection que j'ay toujours trouvé en eux, tant adonnez au service d'icelle." Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 24.

[758] "Crederes id ab illius accidisse genio, qui non contentus admonendo aurem ei vellicasse, nunc quasi compedibus injectis, ne infaustum iter ingrederetur, attineret pedes." Strada, de Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 235.

[759] "Les seules réponses qu'il ait obtenues de S. M., sont qu'elle y pensera, que ces affaires sont de grande importance, etc." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 426.

[760] Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 41.--Hopper, Recueil et Mémorial, p. 78.--Vander Haer, De Initiis Tumultuum, p. 216.

[761] "Ceste moderation, que le comun peuple apelloit meurderation." Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 41.

[762] Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. pp. 233, 234, 239.--Brandt, Reformation in the Low Countries, vol. I. p. 170.--See the forged document mentioned in the text in the Supplément à Strada, tom. II. p. 330.

[763] Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 150 et seq.--Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. pp. 239, 240.--Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 127.

[764] Languet, Epist. secr., quoted by Groen, Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. II. p. 180.--See also Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 241.--Brandt, Reformation in the Low Countries, tom. I. p. 172.

[765] Brandt, Reformation in the Low Countries, ubi supra.

[766] Ibid., p. 173.

[767] Ibid., p. 171.

[768] "Se y sont le dimanche dernier encoires faict deux presches, l'une en françois l'autre en flamand, en plein jour, et estoient ces deux assemblées de 13 à 14 mille personnes." Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 65.

[769] Ibid., pp. 80-88.--Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 243.--Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 42.--Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 433.

A Confession of Faith, which appeared in 1563, was revised by a Calvinistic synod, and reprinted in Antwerp, in May of the present year, 1566. The prefatory letter addressed to King Philip, in which the Reformers appealed to their creed and to their general conduct as affording the best refutation of the calumnies of their enemies, boldly asserted that their number in the Netherlands at that time was at least a hundred thousand. Brandt, Reformation in the Low Countries, vol. I. p. 158.

[770] "La Duquesa, ya demasiado informada de las platicas inclinaciones y disimulaciones de este Principe, defirió á resolverse en ello." Renom de Francia, Alborotos de Flandes, cap. 15, MS.

[771] Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 244.

[772] A mob of no less than thirty thousand men, according to William's own statement. "A mon semblant, trouvis, tant hors que dedans la ville, plus de trente mil hommes." Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, tom. II. p. 136.

[773] "Viderent, per Deum, quid agerent: ne, si pergerent, eos aliquando poeniteret." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 244.

[774] For the account of the proceedings at Antwerp, see Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, tom. II. pp. 136, 138, 140 et seq.--Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. pp. 244-248.--Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 42.--Hopper, Recueil et Mémorial, pp. 90, 91.--Brandt, Reformation in the Low Countries, vol. I. pp. 173-176.--Renom de Francia, Alborotos de Flandes, MS.

[775] "Insignia etiam à mercatoribus usurpari coepta." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 238.

[776] "Ils auraient prêché hors de Bruxelles, si Madame n'y avait pourvu, allant jusqu'à dire qu'avec sa personne, sa maison et sa garde, elle s'y opposerait, et ferait pendre en sa présence les ministres." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 447.

[777] "So pena de proceder contra los Predicadores ministros y semejantes con el ultimo suplicio y confiscacion de hacienda por aplicarlo al provecho de los que havian la apprehension de ellos y por falta de hacienda, su magestad madará librar del suyo seiscientos florines." Renom de Francia, Alborotos de Flandes, MS.

[778] "Je suis forcée avecq douleur et angoisse d'esprit lui dire de rechief que nonobstant tous les debvoirs que je fais journellement, ... je ne puis remédier ny empescher les assemblées des presches publicques." Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 72.

[779] "Sains aide et sans ordres, de manière que, dans tout ce qu'elle fait, elle doit aller en tâtonnant et au hasard." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II. p. 428.

[780] "Le prince se prépare de longue main à la défense qu'il sera forcé de faire contre le Roi." Ibid., p. 431.

It was natural that the relations of William with the party of reform should have led to the persuasion that he had returned to the opinions in which ha had been early educated. These were Lutheran. There is no reason to suppose that at the present time he had espoused the doctrines of Calvin. The intimation of Armenteros respecting the prince's change of religion seems to have made a strong impression on Philip. On the margin of the letter he wrote against the passage, "No one has said this so unequivocally before;"--"No lo ha escrito nadie así claro."

[781] "Vos os engañariades mucho en pensar que yo no tubiese toda confianza de vos, y quando hubiese alguno querido hazer oficio con migo en contrario á esto, no soy tan liviano que hubiese dado credito á ello, teniendo yo tanta esperiencia de vuestra lealtad y de vuestros servicios." Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, tom. II. p. 171.

[782] "Que le roi, résolu de les tromper tous, commençait par tromper sa soeur." Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bays, tom. II. p. 148.

[783] This responsibility is bluntly charged on them by Renom de Francia. "El dia de las predicaciones oraciones y cantos estando concertado, se acordó con las principales villas que fuese el San Juan siguiente y de continuar en adelante, primero en los Bosques y montañas, despues en los arrabales y Aldeas y pues en las villas, por medida que el numero, la andacia y sufrimiento creciese." Alborotos de Flandes, MS.

[784] "Qui vulgari joco duodecim Apostoli dicebantur." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 248.

[785] "S'est mise en une telle colère contre nous, qu'elle a pensé crever." Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. II. p. 178.

[786] "Alioqui externa remedia quamvis invitos postremò quæsituros." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 248.

[787] The memorials are given at length by Groen, Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. II. pp. 159-167.

[788] See the letter of Louis to his brother dated July 26, 1566, Ibid., p. 178.

[789] The person who seems to have principally served her in this respectable office was a "doctor of law," one of the chief counsellors of the confederates. Count Megen, her agent on the occasion, bribed the doctor by the promise of a seat in the council of Brabant. Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 435.

[790] "Le tout est en telle désordre," she says in one of her letters, "que, en la pluspart du païs, l'on est sans loy, foy, ni roy." Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 91.

Anarchy could not be better described in so few words.

[791] "Il ne reste plus sinon qu'ils s'assemblent et que, joincts ensemble, ils se livrent à faire quelque sac d'églises villes, bourgs, ou païs, de quoy je suis en merveilleusement grande crainte;" Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 121.

[792] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 432.

[793] The fullest account of the doings of the council is given by Hopper, one of its members. Recueil et Mémorial, pp. 81-87.

[794] "Ceux du conseil d'Etat sont étonnés du délai que le Roi met à répondre." Montigny to Margaret, July 21. Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 434.

[795] "Pour l'inclination naturelle que j'ay toujours eu de traieter mes vassaulx et subjects plus par voye d'amour et clémence, que de crainte et de rigeur, je me suis accommodé à tout ce que m'a esté possible." Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 100.

[796] "Ay treuvé convenir et nécessaire que l'on conçoive certaine aultre forme de modération de placcart par delà, ayant égard que la saincte foy catholique et mon authorité soyent gardées ... et y feray tout ce que possible sera." Ibid., p. 103.

[797] "N'abhorrissant riens tant que la voye de rigeur." Ibid., ubi supra.

[798] "Y assí vos no lo consentais, ni yo lo consentiré tan poco." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 439.

[799] "Pero no conviene que esto se entienda allá, ni que vos teneis esta órden mia, sino es para lo de agora, pero que la esperais para adelante, no desesperando ellos para entonces dello." Ibid., ubi supra.

[800] Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, pp. 106, 114.

[801] "Comme il ne l'a pas fait librement, ni spontanément, il n'entend être lié par cette autorisation, mais au contraire il se réserve de punir les coupables, et principalement ceux qui ont été les auteurs et fauteurs des séditions." Correspondance de Philippe II, tom. I. p. 443.

One would have been glad to see the original text of this protest, which is in Latin, instead of M. Gachard's abstract.

[802] Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 236.

Among those who urged the king to violent measures, no one was so importunate as Fray Lorenzo de Villacancio, an Augustin monk, who distinguished himself by the zeal and intrepidity with which he ventured into the strongholds of the Reformers, and openly denounced their doctrines. Philip, acquainted with the uncompromising temper of the man, and his devotion to the Catholic Church, employed him both as an agent and an adviser in regard to the affairs of the Low Countries. where Fray Lorenzo was staying in the earlier period of the troubles. Many of the friar's letters to the king are still preserved in Simancas, and astonish one by the boldness of their criticisms on the conduct of the ministers, and even of the monarch himself, whom Lorenzo openly accuses of a timid policy towards the Reformers.

In a memorial on the state of the country, prepared, at Philip's suggestion, in the beginning of 1566, Fray Lorenzo urges the necessity of the most rigorous measures towards the Protestants in the Netherlands. "Since your majesty holds the sword which God has given to you, with the divine power over our lives, let it be drawn from the scabbard, and plunged in the blood of the heretics, if you do not wish that the blood of Jesus Christ, shed by these barbarians, and the blood of the innocent Catholics whom they have oppressed, should cry aloud to Heaven for vengeance on the sacred head of your majesty!... The holy king David showed no pity for the enemies of God. He slew them, sparing neither man nor woman. Moses and his brother, in a single day, destroyed three thousand of the children of Israel. An angel, in one night, put to death more than sixty thousand enemies of the Lord. Your majesty is a king, like David; like Moses, a captain of the people of Jehovah; an angel of the Lord,--for so the Scriptures style the kings and captains of his people;--and these heretics are the enemies of the living God!" And in the same strain of fiery and fanatical eloquence he continues to invoke the vengeance of Philip on the heads of his unfortunate subjects in the Netherlands.

That the ravings of this hard-hearted bigot were not distasteful to Philip may be inferred from the fact that he ordered a copy of his memorial to be placed in the hands of Alva, on his departure for the Low Countries. It appears that he had some thoughts of sending Fray Lorenzo to join the duke there,--a project which received little encouragement from the latter, who probably did not care to have so meddlesome a person as this frantic friar to watch his proceedings.

An interesting notice of this remarkable man is to be found in Gachard, Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II., Rapport, pp. xvi.-1.

[803] "Y por la priesa que dieron en esto, no ubo tiempo de consultarlo á Su Santidad, como fuera justo, y quiza avra sido así mejor, pues no vale nada, sino quitandola Su Santidad que es que la pone; pero en esto conviene que aya el secreto que puede considerar." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 445.

[804] "Y en esto conviene el mismo secreto que en lo de arriba." Ibid., ubi supra.

These injunctions of secrecy are interpolations in the handwriting of the "prudent" monarch himself.

[805] "Perderé todos mis estados, y cien vidas que tuviesse, porque yo no pienso ni quiero ser señor de hereges." Ibid., p. 446.

[806] "Et, au regard de la convocation des dicts Estats généraulx, comme je vous ay escript mon intention, je ne treuve qu'il y a matière pour la changer ne qu'il conviengne aulcunement qu'elle se face en mon absence, mesmes comme je suis si prest de mon partement." Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 165.

[807] Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. III. p. 321.

[808] "Accendunt animos Ministri, fugienda non animo modò, sed et corpore idola: eradicari, extirpari tantam summi Dei contumeliam opportere affirmant." Vander Haer, De Initiis Tumultuum, p. 236.

[809] Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. pp. 250-252.--Vander Haer, De Initiis Tumultuum, p. 232 et seq.--Hopper, Recueil et Mémorial, p. 96.--Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, pp. 183, 185.

[810] "Si Mariette avait peur, qu'elle se retirât sitôt en son nid." Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, tom. II., Préface, p. lii.

[811] Ibid., ubi supra.

[812] "Nullus ex eo numero aut casu afflictus, aut ruinâ oppressus decidentium ac transvolantium fragmentorum, aut occursu collisuque festinantium cum fabrilibus armis levissimè sauciatus sit." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 257.

"No light argument," adds the historian, "that with God's permission the work was done under the immediate direction of the demons of Hell!"

[813] Ibid., pp. 255-258.--Vander Haer, De Initiis Tumultuum, p. 237 et seq.--Brandt, Reformation in the Low Countries, vol. I. p. 193.--Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, tom. II., Préface, pp. liii, liv.

[814] "Pro focis pugnatur interdum acriùs quàm pro aris." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 260.

[815] Brandt, Reformation in the Low Countries, vol. I. p. 201.

[816] But the Almighty, to quote the words of a contemporary, jealous of his own honor, took signal vengeance afterwards on all those towns and villages whose inhabitants had stood tamely by, and seen the profanation of his temples.--"Dios que es justo y zelador de su honra por caminos y formas incomprehensibles, lo ha vengado despues cruelmente, por que todos esos lugares donde esas cosas han acontecido ban sido tomados, saqueados, despojados y arruinados por guerra, pillage, peste y incomodidades, en que, asi los males y culpados, como los buenos por su sufrimiento y connivencia, han conocido y confesado que Dios ha sido corrido contra ellos." Renom de Francia, Alborotos de Flandes, MS.

[817] Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 259.

[818] "En tous ces monastères et cloistres, ils abattent touttes sépultures des comtes et comtesses de Flandres et aultres." Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 183.

[819] "Hic psittaco sacrosanctum Domini corpus porrigerent: Hic ex ordine collocatis imaginibus ignem subijeerent, cadentibus insultarent: Hic statuis arma induerent, in armatos depugnarent, deiectos, Viuant Geusij clamare imperarent, ut ad scopum sic ad Christi imaginem iaculaturi collimarent, libros bibliothecarum butiro inunctos in ignem conijcerent, sacris vestibus summo ludibrio per vicos palàm vterentur." Vander Haer, De Initiis Tumultuum, p. 238.

[820] Hopper, Recueil et Mémorial, p. 98.

[821] Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 182.

[822] Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 260.

[823] "Y de lo que venia del saco de la plateria y cosas sagradas de la yglesia (que algunos ministros y los del consistorio juntavan en una) distribuyendo á los fieles reformados algunos frutos de su reformacion, para contentar á los hambrientos." Renom de Francia, Alborotos de Flandes, MS.

[824] "Haciéndoles pagar el precio de los azotes con que fueron azotados." Ibid.

[825] "Il répondit que la première chose à faire était de conserver l'Etat; que, ensuite on s'occuperait des choses de la religion. Elle répliqua, non sans humeur, qu'il lui paraissait plus nécessaire de pourvoir d'abord à ce qu'exigeait le service de Dieu, parce que la ruine de la religion serait un plus grand mal, que la perte du pays." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 449.

[826] "Il repartit que tous ceux qui avaient quelque chose à perdre, ne l'entendaient pas de cette manière." Ibid., p. 450.

[827] Vide ante, p. 265.

[828] "Et me disoient..... que les sectaires voulloient venir tuer, en ma présence, tous les prestres, gens d'église et catholicques." Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 188.

[829] "La duchesse se trouve sans conseil ni assistance, pressée par l'ennemi au dedans et au dehors." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 455.

[830] "Nonobstant touttes ces raisons et remonstrances, par plusieurs et divers jours, je n'y ay voullu entendre, donnant par plusieurs fois soupirs et signe de douleur et angoisse de coeur, jusques à là que, par aulcuns jours, la fiebvre m'a détenue, et ay passé plusieurs nuiets sans repos." Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 194.

[831] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 454.

[832] "Egmont a tenu le même langage, en ajoutant qu'on lèverait 40,000 hommes, pour aller assiéger Mons." Ibid., ubi supra.

[833] Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 196.--Strada, De Bello Belgico tom. I. p. 266.--Vita Viglii, p. 48.--Hopper, Recueil et Mémorial, p. 99.

[834] At Margaret's command, a detailed account of the circumstances under which these concessions were extorted from her was drawn up by the secretary Berty. This document is given by Gachard, Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II., Appendix, p. 588.

[835] The particulars of the agreement are given by Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 45. See also Brandt, Reformation in the Low Countries, vol. I. p. 204.--Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, tom. II. pp. 455, 459.--Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. cxliv.

[836] "Elle le supplie d'y venir promptement, à main armée, afin de le conquérir de nouveau." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 453.

[837] Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. II. p. 177.

[838] Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, tom. II. pp. 220, 223, 231, 233; Préface, pp. lxii.-lxiv.

[839] The document is given entire by Groen, Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. II. p. 429 et seq.

[840] Tiepolo, the Venetian minister at the court of Castile at this time, in his report made on his return, expressly acquits the French nobles of what had been often imputed to them, having a hand in these troubles. Their desire for reform only extended to certain crying abuses; but, in the words of his metaphor, the stream which they would have turned to the irrigation of the ground soon swelled to a terrible inundation.--"Contra l'opinion de'principali della lega, che volevano indur timore et non tanto danno.... Dico che questo fu perchè essi non hebbero mai intentione di ribellarsi dal suo sigre ma solamente con questi mezzi di timore impedir che non si introducesse in quei stati il tribunal dell'Inquisitione." Relatione di M. A. Tiepolo, 1567, MS.

[841] "En supposant que le Roi voulût admettre deux religions (ce qu'elle ne pouvait croire), elle ne voulait pas, elle, être l'exécutrice d'une semblable détermination; qu'elle se laisserait plutôt mettre en pièces." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 453.

[842] The report of this curious dialogue, somewhat more extended than in these pages, is to be found in the Vita Viglii, p. 47.

[843] "En paroles et en faits, ils se sont déclarés contre Dieu et contre le Roi." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 453.

[844] Ibid., ubi supra.

[845] "Le président, qu'on menace de tous côtés d'assommer et de mettre en pièces, est devenu d'une timidité incroyable." Ibid., p. 460.

Viglius, in his "Life," confirms this account of the dangers with which he was threatened by the people, but takes much more credit to himself for presence of mind than the duchess seems willing to allow. Vita Viglii, p. 48.

[846] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. pp. 255, 260.

[847] "Disant n'avoir aulcun d'elle, mais bien de Vostre Majesté, laquelle n'avoit esté content me laisser en ma maison, mais m'avoit commandé me trouver à Bruxelles vers Son Altesse, ou avoie receu tant de facheries." Supplément à Strada, tom. II. p. 505.

[848] "Ne me samblant debvoir traicter affaires de honneur avecq Dames." Ibid., ubi supra.

[849] "They tell me," writes Morillon to Granvelle, "it is quite incredible how old and gray Egmont has become. He does not venture to sleep at night without his sword and pistols by his bedside!" (Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, Supplément, p. 36.) But there was no pretence that at this time Egmont's life was in danger. Morillon, in his eagerness to cater for the cardinal's appetite for gossip, did not always stick at the improbable.

[850] "Il leur en coûtera cher (s'écria-t-il en se tirant la barbe), il leur en coûtera cher; j'en jure par l'âme de mon père." Gachard, Analectes Belgiques, p. 254.

[851] "De tout cela (disje) ne se perdit un seul moment en ce temps, non obstant la dicte maladie de Sa Majte, la quelle se monstra semblablement selon son bon naturel, en tous ces negoces et actions tousjours tant modeste, et temperée et constante en iceulx affaires, quelques extremes qu'ilz fussent, que jamais l'on n'a veu en icelle signal, ou de passion contre les personnes d'une part, ou de relasche en ses negoces de l'aultre." Hopper, Recueil et Mémorial, p. 104.

[852] At this period stops the "Recueil et Mémorial des Troubles des Pays-Bas" of Joachim Hopper, which covers a hundred quarto pages of the second volume (part second) of Hoynck van Papendrecht's "Analecta Belgica." Hopper was a jurist, a man of learning and integrity. In 1566 he was called to Madrid, raised to the post of keeper of the seals for the affairs of the Netherlands, and made a member of the council of state. He never seems to have enjoyed the confidence of Philip in anything like the degree which Granvelle and some other ministers could boast; for Hopper was a Fleming. Yet his situation in the cabinet made him acquainted with the tone of sentiment as well as the general policy of the court; while, as a native of Flanders, he could comprehend, better than a Spaniard, the bearing this policy would have on his countrymen. His work, therefore, is of great importance as far as it goes. It is difficult to say why it should have stopped _in mediis_, for Hopper remained still in office, and died at Madrid ten years after the period to which he brings his narrative. He may have been discouraged by the remarks of Viglius, who intimates, in a letter to his friend, that the chronicler should wait to allow time to disclose the secret springs of action. See the Epistolæ ad Hopperum, p. 419.

[853] Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 206.

[854] "Questo è il nuvolo che minaccia ora i nostri paesi; e n'uscirà la tempesta forse prima che non si pensa. Chi la prevede ne dà l'avviso; e chi n'è avvisato, o con intrepidezza l'incontri, o con avvedimento la sfugga." Bentivoglio, Guerra di Fiandra, p. 118.

[855] "Nullum prodire è Regis ore verbum seu privatè seu publicè, quin ad ejus aures in Belgium fideliter afferatur." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 281.

[856] An abstract of the letter is given by Gachard, Correspondance de Philippe II. tom. I. p. 485.

[857] "Sa Ma^té et ceulx du Conseil seront bien aise que sur le prétext de la religion ils pourront parvenir à leur pretendu, de mestre le pais, nous aultres, et nous enfans en la plus misérable servitude qu'on n'auroit jamais veu, et come on ast tousjours craint cela plus que chose que soit." Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. II. p. 324.

[858] Egmont's deposition at his trial confirms the account given in the text--that propositions for resistance, though made at the meeting, were rejected. Hoorne in his "Justification," refers the failure to Egmont. Neither one nor the other throws light on the course of discussion. Bentivoglio, in his account of the interview, shows no such reserve; and he gives two long and elaborate speeches from Orange and Egmont, in as good set phrase as if they had been expressly reported by the parties themselves for publication. The Italian historian affects a degree of familiarity with the proceedings of this secret conclave by no means calculated to secure our confidence. Guerra di Fiandra, pp. 123-128.

[859] "Siesse qu'elle jure que s'et la plus grande vilagnerie du monde..... et que s'et ung vray pasquil fameulx et qui doit ettre forgé pardechà, et beaucoup de chozes semblables." Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. II. p. 400.

[860] "En fin s'et une femme nourie en Rome, il n'y at que ajouter foy." Ibid., p. 401.

Yet Egmont, on his trial, affirmed that he regarded the letter as spurious! (Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 327.) One who finds it impossible that the prince of Orange could lend himself to such a piece of duplicity, may perhaps be staggered when he calls to mind his curious correspondence with the elector and with King Philip in relation to Anne of Saxony, before his marriage with that princess. Yet Margaret, as Egmont hints, was of the Italian school; and Strada, her historian, dismisses the question with a doubt,--"in medio ego quidem relinquo." A doubt from Strada is a decision against Margaret.

[861] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom I. p. 474.

[862] Ibid., p. 491.

[863] Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 282.

[864] Ibid., ubi supra.

[865] Hopper, Recueil et Mémorial, p. 109.

[866] Ibid., p. 113.

[867] Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. II. p. 391.

[868] "Prætereà consistoria, id est senatus ac coetus, multis in urbibus, sicuti jam Antverpiæ cæperant, instituerunt: creatis Magistratibus, Senatoribusque, quorum consiliis (sed anteà cum Antverpianâ curiâ, quam esse principem voluere, communicatis) universa hæreticorum Resput. temperaretur." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I p. 283.

[869] Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. II. pp. 455, 456.

[870] Ibid., p. 496.

[871] I quote almost the words of William in his famous Apology, which suggests the same explanation of his conduct that I have given in the text.--"Car puis que dès le berceau j'y avois esté nourry, Monsieur mon Pere y avoit vescu, y estoit mort, ayant chassé de ses Seigneuries les abus de l'Eglise, qui est-ce qui trouvera estrange si cette doctrine estoit tellement engravée en mon coeur, et y avoit jetté telles racines, qu'en son temps elle est venuë à apporter ses fruits." Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, tom. V. part i. p. 392.

[872] "Il y a plus de trois mois, qu'elle se lève avant le jour, et que le plus souvent elle tient conseil le matin et le soir; et tout le reste, de la journée et de la nuit, elle le consacre à donner des audiences, à lire les lettres et les avis qui arrivent de toutes parts, et à déterminer les résponses à y faire." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 496.

Sleep seems to have been as superfluous to Margaret as to a hero of romance.

[873] Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. pp. 289, 290.

[874] "J'aimerais mieux que my langue fût attachée au palais, et devenir muet, comme un poisson, que d'ouvrir la bouche pour persuader au peuple chose tant cruelle et déraisonnable." Chronique contemporaine, cited by Gachard. Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 561, note.

[875] "Suadere itaque illis, ut à publicis certè negotiis abstineant, ac res quique suas in posterum curent: néve Regem brevi affecturum ingenitæ benignitatis oblivisci cogant. Se quidem omni ope curaturam, ne, quam ipsi ruinam comminentur, per hæc vulgi turbamenta Belgium patiatur." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 295.

[876] "Nec ullis conditionibus flecti te patere ad clementiam; sed homines scelestos, atque indeprecabile supplicium commeritos, ferro et igni quamprimùm dele." Ibid., p. 300.

[877] "Periere in eâ pugnâ quæ prima cum rebellibus commissa est in Belgio, Gheusiorum mille ac quingenti: capti circiter trecenti, jugulatique pænè omnes Beavorii jussu, quod erupturi Antverpienses, opemque reliquiis victæ factionis allaturi crederentur." Ibid., p. 301.

[878] For the account of the troubles in Antwerp, see Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 226 et seq.--Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Naussau, tom. III. p. 59.--Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. pp 300-303.--Brandt, Reformation in the Low Countries, vol. I. p. 247.--Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. pp. 526, 527.--Vander Haer, De Initiis Tumultuum, pp. 314-317.--Renom de Francia, Alborotos de Flandes, MS.

[879] Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 310.

[880] Strada gives an extract from the letter: "Deinde si deditio non sequeretur, invaderent quidem urbem, quodque militum est, agerent; à cædibus tamen non puerorum modò, senúmque ac mulierum abstinerent; sed civium nullus, nisi dum inter propugnandum se hostem gereret, enecaretur." Ibid., p. 311.

[881] "Quasi verò, inquit, vestra conditio eadem hodie sit, ac nudiustertius. Serò sapitis Valencenates: ego certè conditionibus non transigo cadente cum hoste." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 314.

[882] "Feruntque ter millies explosas murales machinas, moenium quàm hominum majori strage." Ibid., ubi supra.

[883] So states Margaret's historian, who would not be likely to exaggerate the number of those who suffered. The loyal president of Mechlin dismisses the matter more summarily, without specifying any number of victims. "El señor de Noilcarmes se aseguró de muchos prisioneros principales Borgeses y de otros que avian sido los autores de la rebelion, á los quales se hizo luego en diligencia su pleyto." (Renom de Francia, Alborotos de Flandes, MS.) Brandt, the historian of the Reformation, (vol. I. p. 251,) tells us that two hundred _were said_ to have perished by the hands of the hangman at Valenciennes, on account of the religious troubles, in the course of this year.

[884] For information, more or less minute, in regard to the siege of Valenciennes, see Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. pp. 303-315.--Vander Haer, De Initiis Tumultuum, pp. 319-322.--Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 49.--Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, tom. II. p. 501.--Renom de Francia, Alborotos de Flandes, MS.

[885] Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. pp. 315-323 et seq.

[886] "Il ne comprenait pas pourquoi la gouvernante insistait, après qu'il lui avait écrit une lettre de sa main, contenant tout ce que S. A. pouvait désirer d'un gentilhomme d'honneur, chevalier de l'Ordre, naturel vassal du Roi, et qui toute sa vie avait fait le devoir d'homme de bien, comme il le faisait encore journellement." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 321.

[887] "Ferez cesser les calumnies que dictes se semer contre vous, ensamble tous ces bruits que scavez courrir de vous, encoires que en mon endroict je les tiens faulx et que à tort ils se dyent; ne pouvant croire que en ung coeur noble et de telle extraction que vous estes, successeur des Seigneurs," etc. Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. III. p. 44.

[888] "Servir et m'employer envers et contre tous, et comme me sera ordonné de sa part, sans limitation ou restrinction." Ibid., ubi supra.

[889] "Je seroys aulcunement obligé et constrainct, le cas advenant, que on me viendroict à commander chose qui pourroit venir contre ma conscience ou au déservice de Sa Ma^{té} et du pays." Ibid., p. 46.

[890] "Vous asseurant que, où que seray, n'espargneray jamais mon corps ni mon bien pour le service de Sa Ma^{té} et le bien commun de ces pays." Ibid., p. 47.

[891] Ibid., p. 42.

[892] "In ansehung das wir in dissen länden allein seindt, und in höchsten nöten und gefehrden leibs und lebens stecken, und keinen vertrauwen freundt umb uns haben, deme wir unser gemüthe und hertz recht eröffnen dörffen." Ibid., p. 39.

[893] Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 319.

[894] "Orasse ilium, subduceret sese, gravidamque cruore tempestatem ab Hispaniâ impendentem Belgarum Procerum capitibus ne opperiretur." Ibid., p. 321.

[895] "Perdet te, inquit Orangius, hæc quam jactas dementia Regis, Egmonti; ac videor mihi providere animo, utinam falso, te pontem scilicet futurum, quo Hispani calcato, in Belgium transmittant." Ibid., ubi supra.

[896] The secretary Pratz, in a letter of the 14th of April, thus kindly notices William's departure: "The prince has gone, taking along with him half a dozen heretical doctors and a good number of other seditious rogues." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 526.

[897] "Tibi vero hoc persuade amiciorem me te habere neminem cui quidvis libere imperare potes. Amor enim tui eas egit radices in animo meo ut minui nullo temporis aut locorum intervallo possit." Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. III. p. 70.

It is not easy to understand why William should have resorted to Latin in his correspondence with Egmont.

[898] "Ayant tousjours porté en vostre endroit l'affection que je pourrois faire pour ung mien fils, ou parent bien proche. Et vous vous povez de ce confier, toutes les fois que les occasions se présenteront, que feray le mesme." Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, tom. II. p. 371.

[899] William's only daughter was maid of honor to the regent, who made no objection to her accompanying her father, saying that, on the young lady's return she would find no diminution of the love that had been always shown to her. Ibid., ubi supra.

[900] According to Strada, some thought that William knew well what he was about when he left his son behind him at Louvain; and that he would have had no objection that the boy should be removed to Madrid,--considering that, if things went badly with himself, it would be well for the heir of the house to have a hold on the monarch's favor. This is rather a cool way of proceeding for a parent, it must be admitted. Yet it is not very dissimilar from that pursued by William's own father, who, a stanch Lutheran himself, allowed his son to form part of the imperial household, and to be there nurtured in the Roman Catholic faith. See Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 373.

[901] Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. III. p. 100.

[902] "Pour ne le jecter d'advantaige en désespoir et perdition, aussy en contemplation de ses parens et alliez, je n'ai peu excuser luy dire qu'il seroit doncques aînsy qu'il avoit faict, et qu'il revinst au conseil." Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 238.

[903] William was generous enough to commend Hoorne for this step, expressing the hope that it might induce such a spirit of harmony in the royal council as would promote the interests of both king and country. See the letter, written in Latin, dated from Breda, April 14, in Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau tom. III. p. 71.

[904] Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 322.

[905] Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 235.

[906] "Egit ipsa privatim magnæ Virgini grates, quòd ejus ope tantam urbem sine prælio ac sanguine, Religioni Regique reddidisset." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 328.

[907] Brandt, Reformation in the Low Countries, tom. I. p. 254.

[908] Gachard has transferred to his notes the whole of this sanguinary document. See Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. pp. 550, 551.

[909] "La peine et le mécontentement qu'il a éprouvés, de ce que l'on a fait une chose si illicite, si indécente, et si contraire à la religion chrétienne." Ibid., ubi supra.

[910] Viglius was not too enlightened to enter his protest against the right to freedom of conscience, which, in a letter to his friend Hopper, he says may lead every one to set up his own gods--"lares aut lemures"--according to his fancy. Yet the president was wise enough to see that sufficient had been done at present in breaking up the preachings. "Time and Philip's presence must do the rest." (Epistolæ ad Hopperum, p. 433.) "Those," he says in another letter, "who have set the king against the edict have greatly deceived him. They are having their ovation before they have gained the victory. They think they can dispose of Flemish affairs as they like at Toledo, when hardly a Spaniard dares to show his head in Brussels." Ibid., p. 428.

[911] Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. III. pp. 80-93.--Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 329.

[912] Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 332.

[913] Groen's inestimable collection contains several of Brederode's letters, which may remind one in their tone of the dashing cavalier of the time of Charles the First. They come from the heart, mingling the spirit of daring enterprise with the careless gayety of the _bon vivant_, and throw far more light than the stiff, statesmanlike correspondence of the period on the character, not merely of the writer, but of the disjointed times in which he lived.

[914] Brandt, Reformation in the Low Countries, vol. I. p. 255.--Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 50.--Vander Haer, De Initiis Tumultuum, p. 327.--Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 533.

[915] Margaret's success draws forth an animated tribute from the president of Mechlin. "De manera que los negocios de los payses bajos por la gracia de Dios y la prudencia de esta virtuosa Dama y Princesa con la asistencia de los buenos consejeros y servidores del Rey en buenos terminos y en efecto remediados, las villas reveldes y alteradas amazadas, los gueuses reducidos ó huidos; los ministros y predicantes echados fuera ó presos; y la autoridad de su Magestad establecida otra vez." Renom de Francia, Alborotos de Flandes, MS.

[916] This was fulfilling the prophecy of the prince of Orange, who in his letter to Hoorne tells him, "In a short time we shall refuse neither bridle nor saddle. For myself," he adds, "I have not the strength to endure either." Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. III. p. 72.

[917] Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 333.

[918] See Meteren, (Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 49,) who must have drawn somewhat on his fancy for these wholesale executions, which, if taken literally, would have gone nigh to depopulate the Netherlands.

[919] "Thus the gallowses were filled with carcasses, and Germany with exiles." Brandt, Reformation in the Low Countries, tom. I. p. 257.

[920] "Ex trabibus decidentium templorum, infelicia conformarent patibula, ex quibus ipsi templorum fabri cultoresque pendêrent." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 333.

[921] "Le bruit de l'arrivée prochaine du duc, à la tête d'une armée, fait fuir de toutes parts des gens, qui se retirent en France, en Angleterre, au pays de Clèves, en Allemagne et ailleurs." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 546.

[922] Ibid., ubi supra.

[923] "Par les restrictions extraordinaires que V. M. a mises à mon autorité, elle m'a enlevé tout pouvoir et m'a privée des moyens d'achever l'entier rétablissement des affaires de ce pays: à présent qu'elle voit ces affaires en un bon état, elle en veut donner l'honneur à d'autres, tandis que, moi seule, j'ai eu les fatigues et les dangers." Ibid., p. 523.

[924] "Où l'autorité du Roi est plus assurée qu'elle ne l'était au temps de l'Empereur." Ibid., p. 532.

[925] Brandt, Reformation in the Low Countries, tom. I. p. 258.

[926] "Ledit évêque, dans la première audience qu'il lui a donnée, a usé d'ailleurs de termes si étranges, qu'il l'a mis en colère, et que, s'il eût eu moins d'amour et de respect pour S. S., cela eût pu le faire revenir sur les résolutions qu'il a prises." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 488.

The tart remonstrance of Philip had its effect. Granvelle soon after wrote to the king, that his holiness was greatly disturbed by the manner in which his majesty had taken his rebuke. The pope, Granvelle added, was a person of the best intentions, but with very little knowledge of the world, and easily kept in check by those who show their teeth to him;--"_reprimese quando se le muestran los dientes._" Ibid., tom. II. p. lviii.

[927] "Que lui et le temps en valaient deux autres." Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 199.

The hesitation of the king drew on him a sharp rebuke from the audacious Fray Lorenzo Villavicencio, who showed as little ceremony in dealing with Philip as with his ministers. "If your majesty," he says, "consulting only your own ease, refuses to make this visit to Flanders, which so nearly concerns the honor of God, his blessed Mother, and all the saints, as well as the weal of Christendom, what is it but to declare that you are ready to accept the regal dignity which God has given you, and yet leave to him all the care and trouble that belong to that dignity? God would take this as ill of your majesty, as you would take it of those of your vassals whom you had raised to offices of trust and honor, and who took the offices, but left you to do the work for them! To offend God is a rash act, that must destroy both soul and body." Gachard, Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II., Rapport, p. xlviii.

[928] "Ne extingui quidem posse sine ruinâ victoris." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 338.

Better expressed by the old Castilian proverb, "El vencido vencido, y el vencidor perdido."

[929] "At illos non armis sed beneficiis expugnari." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 339.

[930] Ibid., p. 340.

[931] "Ouy, et que plus est, oserions presques asseurer Vostre Majesté plusieurs des mauvais et des principaulx, voiant ledit prince de Heboli, se viendront réconcilier à luy, et le supplier avoir, par son moien, faveur vers Vostre Majesté." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 519.

[932] The debate is reported with sufficient minuteness both by Cabrera (Filipe Segundo, lib. VII. cap. 7,) and Strada (De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 338). They agree, however, neither in the names of the parties present, nor in the speeches they made. Yet their disagreement in these

## particulars is by no means so surprising as their agreement in the most

improbable part of their account,--Philip's presence at the debate.

[933] "Comme si c'eust esté une saincte guerre." Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 52.

[934] Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 350.

[935] "Il répète," says Gachard, "dans une dépêche du 1er septembre, qu'au milieu des bruits contradictoires qui circulent à la cour, il est impossible de démêler la vérité." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I., Rapport, p. clvi.

[936] "Ceterùm, ut jam jamque iturus, legit comites, conquisivit impedimenta, adornavit naves: mox hiemem, aut negotia variè causatus, primó prudentes, dein vulgum, diutissimè provincias fefellit." Taciti Annales, I. xlvii.

[937] "Es la primera que se me da en mi vida de cosas desta cualidad en cuantas veces he servido, ni de su Magestad Cesárea que Dios tenga, ni de V. M." Documentos Inéditos, tom. IV. p. 354.

[938] A magnanimous Castilian historian pronounces a swelling panegyric on this little army in a couple of lines: "Los Soldados podian ser Capitanes, los Capitanes Maestros de Campo, y los Maestros de Campo Generales." Hechos de Sancho Davila, (Valladolid, 1713,) p. 26.

The chivalrous Brantôme dwells with delight on the gallant bearing and brilliant appointments of these troops, whom he saw in their passage through Lorraine. "Tous vieux et aguerrys soldatz, tant bien en poinct d'habillement et d'armes, la pluspart dorées, et l'autre gravees, qu'on les prenoit plustost pour capitanes que soldats." OEuvres, tom. I. p. 60.

[939]

"Corpus in Italia est, tenet intestina Brabantus; Ast animam nemo. Cur? quia non habuit."

Borgnet, Philippe II. et la Belgique, p. 60.

[940] No two writers, of course, agree in the account of Alva's forces. The exact returns of the amount of the whole army, as well as of each company, and the name of the officer who commanded it, are to be found in the Documentos Inéditos (tom. IV. p. 382). From this it appears that the precise number of horse was 1,250, and that of the foot 8,800, making a total of 10,050.

[941] A poem in _ottava rima_, commemorating Alva's expedition, appeared at Antwerp the year following, from the pen of one Balthazar de Vargas. It has more value in a historical point of view than in a poetical one. A single stanza, which the bard devotes to the victualling of the army, will probably satisfy the appetite of the reader:--

"Y por que la Savoya es montañosa, Y an de passar por ella las legiones, Seria la passada trabajosa Si a la gente faltassen provisiones, El real comissario no reposa. Haze llevar de Italia municiones Tantas que proveyo todo el camino Que jamas falto el pan, y carno, y vino."

[942] Ossorio, Albæ Vita, tom. II. p. 237.--Trillo, Rebelion y Guerras de Flandes, (Madrid, 1592,) fol. 17.--Leti, Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. p. 490.

[943] So say Schiller, (Abfall der Niederlande, s. 363,). Cabrera, (Filipe Segundo, lib. VII. cap. 15,) _et auct. al._ But every schoolboy knows that nothing is more unsettled than the route taken by Hannibal across the Alps. The two oldest authorities, Livy and Polybius, differ on the point, and it has remained a vexed question ever since,--the criticism of later years, indeed, leaning to still another route, that across the Little St. Bernard. The passage of Hannibal forms the subject of a curious discussion introduced into Gibbon's journal, when the young historian was in training for the mighty task of riper years. His reluctance, even at the close of his argument, to strike the balance, is singularly characteristic of his sceptical mind.

[944] "A suidar da quel nido di Demoni, le sceleraggini di tanti Appostati." Leti, Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. p. 487.

[945] The Huguenots even went so far as to attempt to engage the reformed in the Low Countries to join them in assaulting the duke in his march through Savoy. Their views were expressed in a work which circulated widely in the provinces, though it failed to rouse the people to throw off the Spanish yoke. Sec Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 194.

[946] Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. pp. 350-354.--Ossorio, Albæ Vita, tom. II. p. 232 et seq.--Hechos de Sancho Davila, p. 26.--Trillo, Rebelion y Guerras de Flandes, fol. 16, 17.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VII. cap. 15.--Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 52.--Lanario, Guerras de Flandes, fol. 15.--Renom de Francia, Alborotos de Flandes, MS.

Chronological accuracy was a thing altogether beneath the attention of a chronicler of the sixteenth century. In the confusion of dates in regard to Alva's movements, I have been guided as far as possible by his own despatches. See Documentos Inéditos, tom. IV. p. 349 et seq.

[947] Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 354.--Ossorio, Albæ Vita, tom. I. p. 241.

[948] Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 52.--Old Brantôme warms as he contemplates these Amazons, as beautiful and making as brave a show as princesses! "Plus il y avoit quatre cents courtisanes à cheval, belles et braves comme princesses, et huict cents à pied, bien en point aussi." OEuvres, tom. I. p. 62.

[949] "Ninguna Historia nos enseña haya passado un Exercito por Pais tan dilatado y marchas tan continuas, sin cometer excesso: La del Duque es la unica que nos la hace ver. Encantò à todo el mundo." Rustant, Historia del Duque de Alva, tom. II. p. 124.--So also Herrera, Historia General, tom. I. p. 650.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VII. cap. 15.--Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 354.

[950] "Comme le Duc le vid de long, il dit tout haut; Voicy le grand hereticque, dequoq le Comte s'espouvanta: neantmoins, pource qu'on le pouvoit entendre en deux façons, il l'interpreta de bonne part." Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 53.

[951] "Vimos los que allí estábamos que el Duque de Alba usó de grandísimos respetos y buenas crianzas, y que Madama estuvo muy severa y mas que cuando suelen negociar con ella Egmont y estos otros Señores de acá, cosa que fué muy notada de los que lo miraban."

A minute account of this interview, as given in the text, was sent to Philip by Mendivil, an officer of the artillery, and is inserted in the Documentos Inéditos, tom. IV. p. 397 et seq.

[952] This document, dated December 1, 1566, is not to be found in the Archives of Simancas, as we may infer from its having no place in the Documentos Inéditos, which contains the succeeding commission. A copy of it is in the Belgian Archives, and has been incorporated in Gachard's Correspondance de Philippe II. (tom. II., Appendix, No. 88.) It is possible that a copy of this commission was sent to Margaret, as it agrees so well with what the king had written to her on the subject.

[953] To this second commission, dated January 31, 1567, was appended a document, signed also by Philip, the purport of which seems to have been to explain more precisely the nature of the powers intrusted to the duke,--which it does in so liberal a fashion, that it may be said to double those powers. Both papers, the originals of which are preserved in Simancas, have been inserted in the Documentos Inéditos, tom. IV. pp. 388-396.

[954] "Par quoy requerrons à ladicte dame duchesse, nostre seur, et commandons à tous nos vassaulx et subjectz, de obéyr audict duc d'Alve en ce qu'il leur commandera, et de par nous, come aïant telle charge, et comme à nostre propre personne."--This instrument, taken from the Belgian archives, is given entire by Gachard, Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II., Appendix, No. 102.

[955] "Despues que los han visto han quedado todos muy lastimados, y á todos cuantos Madama habla les dice que se quierre ir á su casa por los agravios que V. M. le ha hecho." Carta de Mendivil, ap. Documentos Inéditos, tom. IV p. 399.

[956] Ibid., p. 403.

[957] Ibid., p. 400.

[958] "En todo el sermon no trató cuasi de otra cosa sino de que los españoles eran traidores y ladrones, y forzadores de mugeres, y que totalmente el pais que los sufria era destruido, con tanto escándolo y maldad que merescia ser quemado." Ibid., p. 401.

[959] Yet there was danger in it, if, as Armenteros warned the duke, to leave his house would be at the risk of his life. "Tambien me ha dicho Tomás de Armenteros que diga al Duque de Alba que en ninguna manera como fuera de su casa porque si lo hace será con notable peligro de la vida." Ibid., ubi supra.

[960] "Despues de haberse sentado le dijo el contentamiento que tenia de su venida y que ningún otro pudiera venir con quien ella mas se holgara." Ibid., p. 404.

[961] "Que lo que principalmente traia era estar aquí con esta gente para que la justicia fuese obedecida y respetada, y los mandamientos de S. E. ejecutadas, y que S. M. á su venida hallase esto en la paz, tranquilidad y sosiego que era razon." Ibid., p. 406.

[962] "Podráse escusar con estos diciéndoles que yo soy cabezudo y que he estado muy opinatre en sacar de aquí esta gente, que yo huelgo de que á mí se me eche la culpa y de llevar el odio sobre mí á trueque de que V. E. quede descargada." Ibid., p. 408.

[963] Supplément à Strada, tom. II. p. 524.

[964] "Tenendo per certo che V. M. non vorrà desautorizarmi, per autorizare altri, poi che questo non e giusto, ne manco saria servitio suo, se non gran danno et inconveniente per tutti li negotii." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 505.

[965] "Il y est si odieux qu'il suffirait à y faire haïr toute la nation espagnole." Ibid., p. 556.

[966] Ibid., ubi supra.

[967] "Elle est affectée, jusqu'au fond de l'âme, de la conduite du Roi à son égard." Ibid., p. 567.

[968] Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pay-Bas, tom. II. p. 207.

[969] "Seu vera seu ficta, facilè Gandavensibus credita, ab iisque in reliquum Belgium cum Albani odio propagata." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 368.

[970] See his remarkable letter to the king, of October 21, 1563: "A los que destos merecen, quítenles las caveças, hasta poderlo hacer dissimular con ellos." Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. VII. p. 233.

[971] "Les Espaignols font les plus grandes foulles qu'on ne sçauroit escryre; ils confisquent tout, à tort, à droit, disant que touts sont hérétiques, qui ont du bien, et ont à perdre."

The indignant writer does not omit to mention the "two thousand" strumpets who came in the duke's train; "so," he adds, "with what we have already, there will be no lack of this sort of wares in the country." Lettre de Jean de Hornes, Aug. 25, 1567, Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 565.

[972] Clough, Sir Thomas Gresham's agent, who was in the Low Countries at this time, mentions the licence of the Spaniards. It is but just to add, that he says the government took prompt measures to repress it, by ordering some of the principal offenders to the gibbet. Burgon, Life of Gresham, vol. II. pp. 229, 230.

[973] The duchess, in a letter to Philip, September 8, 1567, says that a hundred thousand people fled the country on the coming of Alva! (Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 357.) If this be thought a round exaggeration, dictated by policy or by fear, still there are positive proofs that the emigration at this period was excessive. Thus, by a return made of the population of London and its suburbs, this very year of 1567, it appears that the number of Flemings was as large as that of all other foreigners put together. See Bulletins de l'Académie Royale de Bruxelles, tom. XIV. p. 127.

[974] Thus Jean de Hornes, Baron de Boxtel, writes to the prince of Orange: "J'ay prins une résolution pour mon faict et est que je fay tout effort de scavoir si l'on poulrast estre seurement en sa maison: si ainsy est, me retireray en une des miennes le plus abstractement que possible sera; sinon, regarderay de chercher quelque résidence en desoubs ung aultre Prince." Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. III. p. 125.

[975] Göthe, in his noble tragedy of "Egmont," seems to have borrowed a hint from Shakespeare's "blanket of the dark," to depict the gloom of Brussels,--where he speaks of the heavens as wrapt in a dark pall from the fatal hour when the duke entered the city. Act IV. Scene I.

[976] Vera y Figueroa, Vida de Alva, p. 89.

[977] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 578.

[978] Ibid., p. 563.

[979] "Qu'il lui avait peiné infiniment que le Roi n'eût tenu compte de monseigneur et de ses services, comme il le méritait." Ibid., ubi supra.

[980] "Que s'il voyait M. de Hornes, il lui dirait des choses qui le satisferaient, et par lesquelles celui-ci connaîtrait qu'il n'avait pas été oublié de ses amis." Ibid., p. 564.

[981] According to Strada, Hoogstraten actually set out to return to Brussels, but, detained by illness or some other cause on the road, he fortunately received tidings of the fate of his friends in season to profit by it and make his escape. De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 358.

[982] Ibid., p. 359.--Ossorio, Albæ Vita, tom. II. p. 248. Also the memoirs of that "Thunderbolt of War," as his biographer styles him, Sancho Davila himself. Hechos de Sancho Davila, p. 29.

A report, sufficiently meagre, of the affair, was sent by Alva to the king. In this no mention is made of his having accompanied Egmont when he left the room where they had been conferring together. See Documentos Inéditos, tom. II. p. 418.

[983] "Et tamen hoc ferro sæpè ego Regis causam non infeliciter defendí." Strada, de Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 359.

[984] Clough, Sir Thomas Gresham's correspondent, in a letter from Brussels, of the same date as the arrest of Egmont, gives an account of his bearing on the occasion, which differs somewhat from that in the text; not more, however, than the popular rumors of any strange event of recent occurrence are apt to differ. "And as touching the county of Egmond, he was (as the saying ys) apprehendyd by the Duke, and comyttyd to the offysers: whereuppon, when the capytane that had charge [of him] demandyd hys weapon, he was in a grett rage; and tooke hys sword from hys syde, and cast it to the grounde." Burgon, Life of Gresham, vol. II. p. 234.

[985] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 574.

[986] Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 359.--Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 54.--Hechos de Sancho Davila, p. 29.--Ossorio, Albæ Vita, tom. II. p. 248.--Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 223.--Documentos Inéditos, tom. IV. p. 418.

[987] Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 226.

[988] "Toutes ces mesures étaient nécessaires, vu la grande autorité du comte d'Egmont en ces pays, qui ne connaissaient d'autre roi que lui." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 582.

[989] Ibid., ubi supra.--Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 54.

[990] "L'emprisonnement des deux comtes ne donne lieu à aucune rumeur; au contraire, la tranquillité est si grande, que le Roi ne le pourrait croire." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 575.

[991] Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 359.

[992] Brandt, Reformation in the Low Countries, vol. I. p. 260.

[993] "Que, s'il apprenait que quelques-uns en fissent, encore même que ce fût pour dire le _credo_, il les châtierait; que, quant aux priviléges de l'Ordre, le Roi, après un mûr examen de ceux-ci, avait prononcé, et qu'on devait se soumettre." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 578.

[994] "Adeò contracto ac penè nullo cum imperio moderari, an utile Regi, an decorum ei quam Rex sororem appellare non indignatur, iliius meditationi relinquere." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 360.

[995] "Il vaut mieux que le Roi attende, pour venir, que tous les actes de rigueur aient été faits; il entrera alors dans le pays comme prince benin et clément, pardonnant, et accordant des faveurs à ceux qui l'auront mérité." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 577.

[996] "An captus quoque fuisset Taciturnus, (sic Orangium nominabat,) atque eo negante dixisse fertur, Uno illo retibus non incluso, nihil ab Duce Albano captum." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 360.

[997] "Grace à Dieu, tout est parfaitement tranquille aux Pays-Bas." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 589.

[998] "Le repos aux Pays-Bas ne consiste pas à faire couper la tête à des hommes qui se sont laissé persuader par d'autres." Ibid., p. 576.

[999] "Os habemos hecho entender que nuestra intencion era de no usar de rigor contra nuestros subegetos que durante las revueltas pasadas pudiesen haber ofendido contra Nos, _sino de toda dulzura y clemencia segun nuestra inclinacion natural_." Documentos Inéditos, tom. IV. p. 440.

[1000] The ordinance, dated September 18, 1567, copied from the Archives of Simancas, is to be found in the Documentos Inéditos, tom. IV. p. 489 et seq.

[1001] "Statimque mercatores decem primarios Tornacenses è portu Flissingano fugam in Britanniam adornantes capi, ac bonis exutos custodiri jubet." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 361.

[1002] "Mais l'intention de S. M. n'est pas de verser le sang de ses sujets, et moi, de mon naturel, je ne l'aime pas davantage." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 576.

[1003] "Novum igitur consessum judicum instituit, exteris in eum plerisque adscitis; quem Turbarum ille; plebes, Sanguinis appellabat Senatum." Reidani Annales, (Lugdunum Batavorum, 1633,) p. 5.

[1004] "Les plus savants et les plus intègres du pays, et de la meilleure vie." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 576.

[1005] Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 300.

[1006] Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 54.

[1007] Viglius, who had not yet seen the man, thus mentions him in a letter to his friend Hopper: "Imperium ac rigorem metuunt cujusdam Vergasi, qui apud eum multum posse, et nescio quid aliud, dicitur." Epist. ad Hopperum, p. 451.

[1008] "Une activité toute juvénile." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 583.

[1009] Ibid., ubi supra.

[1010] Bulletins de l'Académie Royale de Belgique, tom. XVI. par. ii. p. 58.

[1011] Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 242. Hessels was married to a niece of Viglius. According to the old councillor, she was on bad terms with her husband, because he had not kept his promise of resigning the office of attorney-general, in which he made himself so unpopular in Flanders. (Epist. ad Hopperum, p. 495.) In the last chapter of this Book the reader will find some mention of the tragic fate of Hessels.

[1012] "Letrados no sentencian sino en casos probados; y como V. M. sabe, los negocios de Estado son muy diferentes de las leyes que ellos tienen." Bulletins de l'Académie Royale de Belgique, tom. XVI. par. ii. p. 52, note.

[1013] "En siendo el aviso de condemnar á muerte, se decia que estaba muy bien y no habia mas que ver; empero, si el aviso era de menor pena, no se estaba á lo que ellos decian, sino tornabase á ver el proceso, y decianles sobre ello malas palabras, y hacianles ruin tratamiento." Gachard cites the words of the official document. Bulletins de l'Académie Royale de Belgique, tom. XVI. par. ii. p. 67.

[1014] Ibid., p. 68 et seq.

[1015] "Qu'ils seraient et demeureraient à jamais bons catholiques, selon que commandait l'Eglise catholique romaine; que, par haine, amour, pitié ou crainte de personne, ils ne laisseraient de dire franchement et sincèrement leur avis, selon qu'en bonne justice ils trouvaient convenir et appartenir; qu'ils tiendraient secret tout ce qui se traiterait au conseil, et qu'ils accuseraient ceux qui feraient le contraire." Bulletins de l'Académie Royale de Belgique, tom. XVI. par. ii. p. 56.

[1016] Ibid., p. 57.

[1017] Belin, in a letter to his patron, Cardinal Granvelle, gives full vent to his discontent with "three or four Spaniards in the duke's train, who would govern all in his name. They make but one head under the same hat." He mentions Vargas and Del Rio in particular. Granvelle's reply is very characteristic. Far from sympathizing with his querulous follower, he predicts the ruin of his fortunes by this mode of proceeding. "A man who would rise in courts must do as he is bidden, without question. Far from taking umbrage, he must bear in mind that injuries, like pills, should he swallowed without chewing, that one may not taste the bitterness of them;"--a noble maxim, if the motive had been noble. See Levesque, Mémoires de Granvelle, tom. II. pp. 91-94.

[1018] The historians of the time are all more or less diffuse on the doings of the Council of Troubles, written as they are in characters of blood. But we look in vain for any account of the interior organization of that tribunal, or of its mode of judicial procedure. This may be owing to the natural reluctance which the actors themselves felt, in later times, to being mixed up with the proceedings of a court so universally detested. For the same reason, as Gachard intimates, they may not improbably have even destroyed some of the records of its proceedings. Fortunately that zealous and patriotic scholar has discovered in the Archives of Simancas sundry letters of Alva and his successor, as well as some of the official records of the tribunal, which in a great degree supply the defect. The result he has embodied in a luminous paper prepared for the Royal Academy of Belgium, which has supplied me with the materials for the preceding pages. See Bulletins de l'Académie Royale des Sciences, des Lettres et des Beaux Arts de Belgique, tom. XVI. par. ii. pp. 50-78.

[1019] "Hasta que vean en que para este juego que se comiença." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 598.

[1020] "Car l'incertitude où celles-ci se trouvent du sort qu'on leur réserve, les fera plus aisément à consentir aux moyens de finances justes et honnêtes qui seront établis par le Roi." Ibid., p. 590.

[1021] "Porqué creo yo que, con la voluntad de los Estados, no se hallarán estas, que es menester ponerlos de manera que no sea menester su voluntad y consentimiento para ello.... Esto irá en cifra, y aun creo que seria bien que fuese en una cartilla á parte que descifrase el mas confidente." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 590.

[1022] Ibid., p. 610.

[1023] "Para que cada uno piense que á la noche, ó á la mañana, se le puede caer la casa encima." Ibid., tom. II. p. 4.

[1024] "Esto se ha de proponer en la forma que yo propuse á los de Anvers los cuatrocientos mill florines para la ciudadela, y que ellos entiendan que aunque se les propone y se les pide, es en tal manera que lo que se propusiere no se ha de dejar de hacer." Documentos Inéditos, tom. IV. p. 492.

[1025] Thus, for example, when Alva states that the council had declared all those who signed the Compromise guilty of treason, Philip notes, in his own handwriting, on the margin of the letter, "The same should he done with all who aided and abetted them, as in fact the more guilty party." (Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 590.) These private memoranda of Philip are of real value to the historian, letting him behind the curtain, where the king's own ministers could not always penetrate.

[1026] Cornejo, Disension de Flandes, fol. 63 et seq.--Hist. des Troubles et Guerres Civiles des Pays-Bas, pp. 133-136.--Documentos Inéditos, tom. IV. pp. 428-439.--Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. III. p. 119.

[1027] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II. p. 13.

[1028] "Non-seulement afin qu'il servît d'ôtage pour ce que son père pourrait fairs en Allemagne, mais pour qu'il fût élevé catholiquement." Ibid., tom. I. p. 596.

[1029] Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 372.--Vandervynckt, Troubles de Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 261.

[1030] Strada, ubi supra.--Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 243.--Aubéri, Histoire de Hollande, p. 25.

[1031] Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. III. p. 159.

[1032] "Or, il vaut beaucoup mieux avoir un royaume ruiné, en le conservant pour Dieu et le roi, au moyen de la guerre, que de l'avoir tout entier sans celle-ci, au profit du démon et des hérétiques, ses sectateurs." Correspondance de Philippe II. tom. I. p. 609.

[1033] This appears not merely from the king's letters to the duke, but from a still more unequivocal testimony, the minutes in his own handwriting on the duke's letters to him. See, in particular, his summary approval of the reply which Alva tells him he has made to Catherine de Medicis. "Yo lo mismo, todo lo demas que dice en este capitulo, que todo ha sido muy á proposito." Ibid., p. 591.

[1034] Ranke, Civil Wars and Monarchy in France in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, (Eng. trans.,) vol. I. p. 349.

[1035] The cardinal of Lorraine went so far as to offer, in a certain contingency, to put several strong frontier places into Alva's hands. In case the French king and his brothers should die without heirs the king of Spain might urge his own claim through his wife, as nearest of blood, to the crown of France. "The Salic law," adds the duke, "is but a jest. All difficulties will be easily smoothed away with the help of an army." Philip, in a marginal note to this letter, intimates his relish for the proposal. See Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 593.

[1036] The municipality of Brussels, alarmed at the interpretation which the duke, after Margaret's departure, might put on certain equivocal passages in their recent history, obtained a letter from the regent, in which she warmly commends the good people of the capital as zealous Catholics, loyal to their king, and, on all occasions, prompt to show themselves the friends of public order. See the correspondence, ap. Gachard, Analectes Belgiques, p. 343 et seq.

[1037] Documentos Inéditos, tom. IV. p. 481 et seq.

[1038] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 583.

[1039] The king's acknowledgments to his sister are condensed into the sentence with which he concludes his letter, or, more properly, his billet. This is dated October 13, 1568, and is published by Gachard, in the Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II., Appendix No. 119.

[1040] "Elle reçut," says De Thou with some humor, "enfin d'Espagne une lettre pleine d'amitié et de tendresse, telle qu'on a coûtume d'écrire à une personne qu'on remercie après l'avoir dépouillée de sa dignité." Hist. Universelle, tom. V. p. 439.

[1041] A copy of the original is to be found in the Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II., Appendix No. 118.

[1042] The letter has been inserted by Gachard in the Analectes Belgiques, pp. 295-300.

[1043] "Suplicar muy humilmente, y con toda afeccion, que V. M. use de clemencia y misericordia con ellos, conforme á la esperanza que tantas vezes les ha dado, y que tenga en memoria que cuanto mas grandes son los reyes, y se acercan mas á Dios, tanto mas deben ser imitadores de esta grande divina bondad, poder, y clemencia." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 603.

[1044] Ibid., loc. cit.

[1045] Ibid., tom. II. p. 6.

[1046] "Superavitque omnes Elizabetha Angliæ Regina, tam bonæ caræque sororis, uci scribebat, vicinitate in posterum caritura;" "sive," adds the historian, with candid scepticism, "is amor fuit in Margaritam, sive sollicitudo ex Albano successore." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 365.

[1047] Historians vary considerably as to the date of Margaret's departure. She crossed the frontier of the Netherlands probably by the middle of January, 1568. At least, we find a letter from her to Philip when she had nearly reached the borders, dated at Luxembourg, on the twelfth of that month.

[1048] See, among others, Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 128; Guerres Civiles du Pays-Bas, p. 128; De Thou, Hist. Gen., tom. V. p. 439; and Renom de Francia, Alborotos de Flandes, MS., who, in these words, concludes his notice of Margaret's departure: "Dejando gran reputacion de su virtud y un sentimiento de su partida en los corazones de los vasallos de por acá el qual crecio mucho despues ansi continuo quando se describio el gusto de los humores y andamientos de su succesor."

[1049] De Thou, Hist. Gen., tom. V. p. 437.--Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 54.--The latter historian cites the words of the original instrument.

[1050] "Voulans et ordonnans qu'ainsi en soit faict, afin que ceste serieuse sentence serve d'exemple, et donne crainte pour l'advenir, sans aucune esperance de grace." Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 54.

[1051] Among contemporary writers whom I have consulted, I find no authorities for this remarkable statement except Meteren and De Thou. This might seem strange to one who credited the story, but not so strange as that a proceeding so extraordinary should have escaped the vigilance of Llorente, the secretary of the Holy Office, who had all its papers at his command. I have met with no allusion whatever to it in his pages.

[1052] "Au moyen de la patente de gouverneur général que le duc aura reçue, il pourra faire cesser les entraves que mettait le conseil des finances à ce qu'il disposât des deniers des confiscations." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 609.

[1053] Bulletins de l'Académie Royale de Belgique, tom. XVI. par. ii. p. 62.

[1054] Ibid., ubi supra.

[1055] Ibid., p. 63.

[1056] "Le magistrat s'est plaint de l'infraction de ses privilèges, à cause de l'envoi dudit prévôt; mais il faudra bien qu'il prenne patience." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II. p. 13.

[1057] Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. pp. 243-247.

The author tells us he collected these particulars from the memoirs and diaries of eye-witnesses,--confirmed, moreover, by the acts and public registers of the time. The authenticity of the statement, he adds, is incontestable.

[1058] See the circular of Alva to the officers charged with these arrests, in the Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II., Appendix, p. 660.

[1059] "Et, affin que ledict duc d'Alve face apparoir de plus son affection sanguinaire et tyrannicque, il a, passé peu de temps, faict appréhender, tout sur une nuict, [le 3 mars, 1568,] en toutes les villes des pays d'embas, ung grand nombre de ceulx qu'il a tenu suspect en leur foy, et les faict mectre hors leurs maisons et lictz en prison, pour en après, à sa commodité, faire son plaisir et volunté avecque lesdicts prisonniers." Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, tom. III. p. 9.

The extract is from a memorial addressed by William to the emperor, vindicating his own course, and exposing, with the indignant eloquence of a patriot, the wrongs and calamities of his country. This document, printed by Gachard, is a version from the German original by the hand of a contemporary. A modern translation--so ambitious in its style that one may distrust its fidelity--is also to be found in the Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, Supplément, p. 91 et seq.

[1060] "Se prendieron cerca de quinientos.... He mandado justiciar todos," says Alva to the king, in a letter written in cipher, April, 13. 1568. (Documentos inéditos, tom. IV. p. 488.) Not one escaped! It is told with an air of _nonchalance_ truly appalling.

[1061] "Que cada dia me quiebran la cabeza con dudas de que si el que delinquió desta manera meresce la muerte, ó si el que delinquió desta otra meresce destierro, que no me dejan vivir, y no basta con ellos." Documentos Inéditos, tom. IV. p. 488.

[1062] "En este castigo que agora se hace y en el que vendrá despues, de Pascua tengo que pasará de ochocientas cabezas." Ibid., p. 489.

[1063] "Les Bourgeois qui estoyët riches de quarante, soixante, et cent mille florins, il les faysoit attacher à la queuë d'un cheval, et ainsi les faysoit trainer, ayant les mains liées sur les dos, jusques au lieu où on les debvoit pendre." Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 55.

[1064] Ibid., ubi supra.

[1065] "Ille [Vargas] promiscuè laqueo, igne, homines enecare." Reidanus, Annales, p. 6.

[1066] Brandt, Reformation in the Low Countries, vol. I. p. 274.

[1067] "Hark how they sing!" exclaimed a friar in the crowd; "should they not be made to dance too?" Brandt, Reformation in the Low Countries, vol. I. p. 275.

[1068] It will be understood that I am speaking of the period embraced in this portion of the history, terminating at the beginning of June, 1568, when the Council of Blood had been in active operation about four months,--the period when the sword of legal persecution fell heaviest. Alva, in the letter above cited to Philip, admits eight hundred--including three hundred to be examined after Easter--as the number of victims. (Documentos Inéditos, tom. IV. p. 489.) Viglius, in a letter of the twenty-ninth of March, says fifteen hundred had been already cited before the tribunal, the greater part of whom--they had probably fled the country--were condemned for contumacy. (Epist. ad Hopperum, p. 415.) Grotius, alluding to this period, speaks even more vaguely of the multitude of the victims, as _innumerable_. "Stipatæ reis custodiæ, innumeri mortales necati: ubique una species ut captæ civitatis." (Annales, p. 29.) So also Hooft, cited by Brandt: "The gallows, the wheels, stakes, and trees in the highways, were loaden with carcasses or limbs of such as had been hanged, beheaded, or roasted; so that the air, which God had made for respiration of the living, was now become the common grave or habitation of the dead." (Reformation in the Low Countries, vol. I. p. 261.) Language like this, however expressive, does little for statistics.

[1069] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II. p. 4.

[1070] Sentences passed by the Council of Blood against a great number of individuals--two thousand or more--have been collected in a little volume, (Sententien en Indagingen van Alba,) published at Amsterdam, in 1735. The parties condemned were for the most part natives of Holland, Zealand, and Utrecht. They would seem, with very few exceptions, to have been absentees, and, being pronounced guilty of contumacy, were sentenced to banishment and the confiscation of their property. The volume furnishes a more emphatic commentary on the proceedings of Alva than anything which could come from the pen of the historian.

[1071] "Acabando este castigo comenzaré á prender algunos particulares de los mas culpados y mas ricos para moverlos á que vengan á composición." Documentos Inéditos, tom. IV. p. 489.

[1072] "Destos tales se saque todo el golpe de dinero que sea possible." Ibid., ubi supra.

[1073] Sententien van Alva, bl. 122-124.

[1074] "Combien d'Hospitaux, Vefues, et Orphelins, estoyent par ce moyen privés de leur rentes, et moyës de vivre!" Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 55

[1075] Brandt, Reformation in the Low Countries, vol. I. p. 265.

[1076] Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 247.

[1077] Ibid., p. 245.

[1078] "Par laquelle auparavant jamais ouye tyrannie et persécution, ledict duc d'Albe a causé partout telle peur, que aulcuns milles personnes, et mesmement ceulx estans principaulx papistes, se sont retirez en dedens peu de temps hors les Pays-Bas, en considération que ceste tyrannie s'exerce contre tous, sans aulcune distinction de la religion." Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, tom. III. p. 14.

[1079] "Que temo no venga á ser mayor la espesa de los ministros que el útil que dello se sacará." Documentos Inéditos, tom. IV. p. 495.

[1080] "El tribunal todo que hice para estas cosas no solamente no me ayuda, pero estórbame tanto que tengo mas que hacer con ellos que con los delincuentes." Ibid., ubi supra.

[1081] Vargas passed as summary a judgment on the people of the Netherlands as that imputed to the Inquisition, condensing it into a memorable sentence, much admired for its Latinity. "_Hæretici fraxerunt templa, boni nihil faxerunt contrà, ergo debent omnes patibulare._" Reidanus, Annales, p. 5.

[1082] "Quand on l'éveilloit pour dire son avis. il disoit tout endormi, en se frottant ces veux, _ad patibulum_, _ad patibulum_, c'est-à-dire, au gibet, au gibet." Aubéri, Mem. pour servir à l'Hist. de Hollande, p. 22.

[1083] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II. p. 12.

[1084] Brandt, Reformation in the Low Countries, vol. I. pp. 263, 264; et alibi.

[1085] Grotius, Annales, p. 29.--Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 450.

[1086] Campana, Guerra de Fiandra, fol. 38.--Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. IX. p. 555.

[1087] "Valde optaremus tandem aliquam funesti hujus temporis, criminaliumque processuum finem, qui non populum tantum nostrum, sed vicinos omnes exasperant." Viglii, Epist. ad Hopperum, p. 482.

[1088] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II. p. 15.

[1089] "Y quando por esta causa se aventurassen los Estados, y me viniesse á caer el mundo encima." Ibid., p. 27.

Philip seems to have put himself in the attitude of the "justum et tenacem" of Horace. His concluding hyperbole is almost a literal version of the Roman bard:--

"Si fractus illabatur orbis, Impavidum ferient ruinæ."

[1090] Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, Supplément, p. 87.

[1091] "Il n'est pas seulement content de s'employer à la nécessité présente par le moyen par eulx proposé touchant sa vasselle, ains de sa propre personne, et de tout ce que reste en son pouvoir." Ibid., p. 88.

[1092] Ibid., ubi supra.

[1093] The funds were chiefly furnished, as it would seem, by Antwerp, and the great towns of Holland, Zealand, Friesland, and Groningen, the quarter of the country where the spirit of independence was always high. The noble exiles with William contributed half the amount raised. This information was given to Alva by Villers, one of the banished lords, after he had fallen into the duke's hands in a disastrous affair, of which some account will be given in the present chapter. Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II. p. 27.

[1094] "Ipse Arausionensis monilia, vasa algentea, tapetes, cætera supellectilis divendit, digna regio palatio ornamenta, sed exigui ad bellum momenti." Reidanus, Annales, p. 6.

[1095] The "Justification" has been very commonly attributed to the pen of the learned Languet, who was much in William's confidence, and is known to have been with him at this time. But William was too practised a writer, as Groen well suggests, to make it probable that he would trust the composition of a paper of such moment to any hand but his own. It is very likely that he submitted his own draft to the revision of Languet, whose political sagacity he well understood. And this is the most that can be fairly inferred from Languet's own account of the matter: "Fui Dillemburgi per duodecim et tredecim dies, ubi Princeps Orangiæ mihi et aliquot aliis curavit prolixe explicari causas et initia tumultuum in inferiore Germania et suam responsionem ad accusationes Albani." It fared with the prince's "Justification" as it did with the famous "Farewell Address" of Washington, so often attributed to another pen than his, but which, however much it may have been benefited by the counsels and corrections of others, bears on every page unequivocal marks of its genuineness.

The "Justification" called out several answers from the opposite party. Among them were two by Vargas and Del Rio. But in the judgment of Viglius--whose bias certainly did not lie on William's side--these answers were a failure. See his letter to Hopper (Epist. ad Hopperum, p. 458). The reader will find a full discussion of the matter by Groen, in the Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. III. p. 187.

[1096] "En quoy ne gist pas seulement le bien de ce faict, mais aussi mon honeur et réputation, pour avoir promis aus gens de guerre leur paier le dict mois, et que j'aymerois mieulx morir que les faillir à ma promesse." Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, Supplément, p. 89.

[1097] Mendoza, Comentarios, p. 42 et seq.--Cornejo, Disension de Flandres, p. 63.

[1098] Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 56.--De Thou, Hist. Universelle, tom. V. p. 443.

[1099] "Ains, comme gens predestinez à leur malheur et de leur general, crierent plus que devant contre luy jusques à l'appeller traistre, et qu'il s'entendoit avec les ennemis. Luy, qui estoit tout noble et courageux, leur dit: 'Ouy, je vous monstreray si je le suis.'" Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. I. p. 382.

[1100] Brantôme has given us the portrait of this Flemish nobleman, with whom he became acquainted on his visit to Paris, when sent thither by Alva to relieve the French monarch. The chivalrous old writer dwells on the personal appearance of Aremberg, his noble mien and high-bred courtesy, which made him a favorite with the dames of the royal circle. "Un tres beau et tres agreable seigneur, surtout de fort grande et haute taille et de tres belle apparence." (OEuvres, tom. I. p. 383.) Nor does he omit to mention, among other accomplishments, the fluency with which he could speak French and several other languages. Ibid., p. 384.

[1101] See a letter written, as seems probable, by a councillor of William to the elector of Saxony, the week after the battle. Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. III. p. 221.

[1102] It is a common report of historians, that Adolphus and Aremberg met in single combat in the thick of the fight, and fell by each other's hands. See Cornejo, Disension de Flandes, fol. 63; Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 282, _et al._ An incident so romantic found easy credit in a romantic age.

[1103] The accounts of the battle of Heyligerlee, given somewhat confusedly, may be found in Herrera, Hist. del Mundo, tom. I. p. 688 et seq.; Campana, Guerra di Fiandra, (Vicenza, 1602,) p. 42 et seq.; Mendoza, Comentarios, (Madrid, 1592,) p. 43 et seq.; Cornejo, Disension de Flandes, fol. 66 et seq.; Carnero, Guerras de Flandes, (Brusselas, 1625,) p. 24 et seq.; Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 382 et seq.; Bentivoglio, Guerra di Fiandra, p. 192 et seq.

The last writer tells us he had heard the story more than once from the son and heir of the deceased Count Aremberg, who sorely lamented that his gallant father should have thrown away his life for a mistaken point of honor.

In addition to the above authorities, I regret it is not in my power to cite a volume published by M. Gachard since the present chapter was written. It contains the correspondence of Alva relating to the invasion by Louis.

[1104] Viglii, Epist. ad Hopperum, p. 481.--The sentence of the prince of Orange may be found in the Sententien van Alba, p. 70.

[1105] Ibid.--Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 373.--Vera y Figueroa, Vida de Alva, p. 101.

The Hotel de Culemborg, so memorable for its connection with the early meetings of the Gueux, had not been long in possession of Count Culemborg, who purchased it as late as 1556. It stood on the Place du Petit Sablon. See Reiffenberg, Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 363.

[1106] "His tamen Albanus facilè contemptis, quippe à diuternâ rerum experientiâ suspicax, et suopte ingenio ab aliorum consiliis, si ultrò præsertim offerrentur aversus." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 386.

[1107] Ibid., ubi supra.--Guerres Civiles du Pays-Bas, p. 171.--Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 57.

The third volume of the Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau contains a report of this execution from an eye-witness, a courier of Alva, who left Brussels the day after the event, and was intercepted on his route by the patriots. One may imagine the interest with which William and his friends listened to the recital of the tragedy; and how deep must have been their anxiety for the fate of their other friends,--Hoorne and Egmont in particular,--over whom the sword of the executioner hung by a thread. We may well credit the account of the consternation that reigned throughout Brussels. "Il affirme que c'estoit une chose de l'autre monde, le crys, lamentation et juste compassion qu'aviont tous ceux de la ville du dit Bruxelles, nobles et ignobles, pour ceste barbare tyrannie, mais que nonobstant, ce cestuy Nero d'Alve se vante en ferat le semblable de tous ceulx quy potra avoir en mains." P. 241.

[1108] If we are to believe Bentivoglio, Backerzele was torn asunder by horses. "Da quattro cavalli fu smembrato vivo in Brusselles il Casembrot già segretario dell'Agamonte." (Guerra di Fiandra, p. 200.) But Alva's character, hard and unscrupulous as he may have been in carrying out his designs, does not warrant the imputation of an act of such wanton cruelty as this. Happily it is not justified by historic testimony; no notice of the fact being found in Strada, or Meteren, or the author of the Guerres Civiles du Pays-Bas, not to add other writers of the time, who cannot certainly be charged with undue partiality to the Spaniards. If so atrocious a deed had been perpetrated, it would be passing strange that it should not have found a place in the catalogue of crimes imputed to Alva by the prince of Orange. See, in particular, his letter to Schwendi, written in an agony of grief and indignation, soon after he had learned the execution of his friends. Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. III. p. 244.

[1109] Bor, the old Dutch historian, contemporary with these events, says that, "if it had not been for the countess-dowager, Hoorne's step-mother, that noble would actually have starved in prison from want of money to procure himself food!" Arend, Algemeene Geschiedenis des Vaderlands, D. II. St. v. bl. 37.

[1110] "Ce dernier fait chaque jour des aveux, et on peut s'attendre qu'il dira des merveilles, lorsqu'il sera mis à la torture." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 589.

[1111] Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 247.

[1112] The _Interrogatoires_, filling nearly fifty octavo pages, were given to the public by the late Baron Reiffenberg, at the end of his valuable compilation of the correspondence of Margaret. Both the questions and answers, strange as it may seem, were originally drawn up in Castilian. A French version was immediately made by the secretary Pratz,--probably for the benefit of the Flemish councillors of the bloody tribunal. Both the Castilian and French MSS. were preserved in the archives of the house of Egmont until the middle of the last century, when an unworthy heir of this ancient line suffered them to pass into other hands. They were afterwards purchased by the crown, and are now in a fitting place of deposit,--the Archives of the Kingdom of Holland. The MS. printed by Reiffenberg is in French.

[1113] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II. p. 14.

[1114] Supplément à Strada, tom. I. p. 244.

[1115] Ibid., p. 219.--Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 588.

[1116] "La suppliant de prendre en cette affaire la détermination que la raison et l'équité réclament." Ibid., p. 607.

[1117] Ibid., p. 614.

[1118] Ibid., p. 599.

[1119] "Le Comte d'Egmont," said Granvelle, in a letter so recent as August 17, 1567, "disait au prince que leurs menées étaient découvertes; que le Roi faisait des armements; qu'ils ne sauraient lui résister; qu'ainsi il leur fallait dissimuler, et s'accommoder le mieux possible, en attendant d'autres circonstances, pour réaliser leurs desseins." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 56

[1120] "Tout ce qui s'est passé doit être tiré au clair, pour qu'il soit bien constant que dans une affaire sur laquelle le monde entier a les yeux fixés, le Roi et lui ont procédé avec justice." Ibid., p. 669.

[1121] This tedious instrument is given _in extenso_ by Foppens, Supplément à Strada, tom. I. pp. 44-63.

[1122] Indeed, this seems to have been the opinion of the friends of the government. Councillor Belin writes to Granvelle, December 14, 1567: "They have arrested Hoorne and Egmont, but in their accusations have not confined themselves to individual charges, but have accumulated a confused mass of things." Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. I. p. 182.

[1123] For example, see the thirty-eighth article, in which the attorney-general accuses Egmont of admitting, on his examination, that he had parted with one of his followers, suspected of heretical opinions, for a short time only, when, on the contrary, he had expressly stated that the dismissal was final, and that he had never seen the man since. Supplément à Strada, tom. I. p. 40.

[1124] Egmont's defence, of which extracts, wretchedly garbled, are given by Foppens, has been printed _in extenso_ by M. de Bavay, in his useful compilation, Procès du Comte d'Egmont, (Bruxelles, 1854,) pp. 121-153.

[1125] "Suppliant à tous ceux qui la verront, croire qu'il a respondu à tous les articles sincerement et en toute vérité, comme un Gentilhomme bien né est tenu et obligé de faire." Supplément à Strada, tom. I. p. 209.

[1126] Foppens has devoted nearly all the first volume of his "_Supplément_" to pieces illustrative of the proceedings against Egmont and Hoorne. The articles of accusation are given at length. His countrymen are under obligations to this compiler, who thus early brought before them so many documents of great importance to the national history. The obligations would have been greater, if the editor had done his work in a scholar-like way,--instead of heaping together a confused mass of materials, without method, often without dates, and with so little care, that the titles of the documents are not seldom at variance with the contents.

[1127] At least such is the account which Foppens gives of the "Justification," as it is termed, of Hoorne, of which the Flemish editor has printed only the preamble and the conclusion, without so much as favoring us with the date of the instrument. (Supplément à Strada, tom. I. pp. 241-243.) M. de Bavay, on the other hand, has given the defence set up by Egmont's counsel _in extenso_. It covers seventy printed pages, being double the quantity occupied by Egmont's defence of himself. By comparing the two together, it is easy to see how closely the former, though with greater amplification, is fashioned on the latter. Procès du Comte d'Egmont, pp. 153-223.

[1128] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 582.

[1129] "Quoique, avant le départ du duc, il ait été reconnu, dans les délibérations qui ont eu lieu à Madrid en sa présence, que cette prétention n'était pas fondée, le Roi, vu la gravité de l'affaire, a ordonné que quelques personnes d'autorité et de lettres se réunissent de nouveau, pour examiner la question.--Il communique au duc les considérations qui ont été approuvées dans cette junte, et qui confirment l'opinion précédemment émise." Ibid., p. 612.

[1130] The letters patent were antedated, as far back as April 15, 1567, probably that they might not appear to have been got up for the nonce. Conf. Ibid., p. 528.

[1131] "J'espère en la bonté, clémence et justice de Votre Majesté qu'icelle ne voudra souffrir que je sorte vos pays, avec mes onze enfants, pour aller hors d'iceux chercher moyen de vivre, ayant été amenée par feu de bonne mémoire l'Empereur, votre père." Ibid., tom. II. p. 5.

[1132] "Haud facilè sine commiseratione legi à quoquam potest." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 387.

According to Alva's biographer, Ossorio, the appeal of the countess would _probably_ have softened the heart of Philip, and inclined him to an "ill-timed clemency," had it not been for the remonstrance of Cardinal Espinosa, then predominant in the cabinet, who reminded the king that "clemency was a sin when the outrage was against religion." (Albæ Vita, p. 282.) To one acquainted with the character of Philip the "probability" of the historian may seem somewhat less than probable.

[1133] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II. p. 18.

[1134] Supplément à Strada, tom. I. p. 90.

[1135] Ibid., p. 252.--By a decree passed on the eighteenth of May, Egmont had been already excluded from any further right to bring evidence in his defence. The documents connected with this matter are given by Foppens, Ibid., tom. I. pp. 90-103.

[1136] Among the documents analyzed by Gachard is one exhibiting the revenues of the great lords of the Low Countries, whose estates were confiscated. No one except the prince of Orange had an income nearly so great as that of Egmont, amounting to 63,000 florins. He had a palace at Brussels, and other residences at Mechlin, Ghent, Bruges, Arras, and the Hague.

The revenues of Count Hoorne amounted to about 8,500 florins. Count Culemborg, whose hotel was the place of rendezvous for the Gueux, had a yearly income exceeding 31,000 florins. William's revenues, far greater than either, rose above 152,000. Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II. p. 116.

[1137] Supplément à Strada, tom. I. pp. 252-257.

[1138] In a letter dated January 6, 1568, Alva tells the king that Viglius, after examining into the affair, finds the evidence so clear on the point, that nothing more could be desired. Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II. p. 4.

[1139] For the facts connected with the constitution of the _Toison d'Or_, I am indebted to a Dutch work, now in course of publication in Amsterdam (Algemeene Geschiedenis des Vaderlands, van de vroegste tijden tot op heden, door Dr. J. P. Arend). This work, which is designed to cover the whole history of the Netherlands, may claim the merits of a thoroughness rare in this age of rapid bookmaking, and of a candor rare in any age. In my own ignorance of the Dutch, I must acknowledge my obligations to a friend for enabling me to read it. I must further add, that for the loan of the work I am indebted to the courtesy of B. Homer Dixon, Esq., Consul for the Netherlands in Boston.

[1140] M. de Bavay has devoted seventy pages or more of his publication to affidavits of witnesses in behalf of the prosecution. (Procès du Comte d'Egmont, pp. 267-322.) But their testimony bears almost exclusively on the subject of Egmont's dealings with the sectaries,--scarcely warranting the Flemish editor's assertion in his preface, that he has been able to furnish "all the elements of the conviction of the accused by the duke of Alva."

M. de Bavay's work is one of the good fruits of that patriotic zeal which animates the Belgian scholars of our time for the illustration of their national history. It was given to the public only the last year, after the present chapter had been written. In addition to what is contained in former publications, it furnishes us with complete copies of the defence of Egmont, as prepared both by himself and his counsel, and with the affidavits above noticed of witnesses on the part of the government. It has supplied me, therefore, with valuable materials, whether for the correction or the corroboration of my previous conclusions.

[1141] The resistance, to which those who signed the Compromise were pledged, was to the Inquisition, in case of its attempt to arrest any member of their body. Ante, Book II.

[1142] By the famous statute, in particular, of Edward the Third, the basis of all subsequent legislation on the subject. Some reflections, both on this law and the laws which subsequently modified it, made with the usual acuteness of their author, may be found in the fifteenth chapter of Hallam's Constitutional History of England.

[1143] The original document is to be found in the archives of Brussels, or was in the time of Vandervynckt, who, having examined it carefully, gives a brief notice of it. (Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. pp. 256, 257.) The name of its author should be cherished by the historian, as that of a magistrate who, in the face of a tyrannical government, had the courage to enter his protest against the judicial murders perpetrated under its sanction.

[1144] Among other passages, see one in a letter of Margaret to the king, dated March 23, 1567. "Ceulx de son conseil icy, qui s'employent tout fidèlement et diligemment en son service, et entre aultres le comte d'Egmont dont je ne puis avoir synon bon contentement." Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 235.

[1145] M. de Gerlache, in a long note to the second edition of his history, enters into a scrutiny of Egmont's conduct as severe as that by the attorney-general himself,--and with much the same result. (Hist. du Royaume des Pays-Bas, tom. I. pp. 99-101.) "Can any one believe," he asks, "that if, instead of having the 'Demon of the South'for his master, it had been Charles the Fifth or Napoleon, Egmont would have been allowed to play the part he did with impunity so long?" This kind of Socratic argument, as far as it goes, proves only that Philip did no worse than Charles or Napoleon would have done. It by no means proves Egmont to have deserved his sentence.

[1146] Relacion de la Justicia que se hizo de los Contes Agamont y Orne, MS.

[1147] "Marcharent dans la ville en bataille, et avecques une batterie de tambourins et de phiffres si pitieuse qu'il n'y avoit spectateur de si bon coeur qui ne palist et ne pleurast d'une si triste pompe funebre." Mondoucet, ap. Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. I. p. 363.

[1148] De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom V. p. 450.--Guerres Civiles du Pays-Bas, p. 172.--Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 57.--Relacion de la Justicia que se hizo de los Contes Agamont y Orne, MS.

[1149] "Sur quoy le Duc lui repondit fort vivement et avec une espece de colere, qu'il ne l'avoit pas fait venir à Brusselle pour mettre quelque empechement à l'execution de leur sentence, mais bien pour les consoler et les assister à mourir chretiennement." Supplement à Strada, tom. I. p. 259.

[1150] "Venian en alguna manera contentos de pensar que sus causas andaban al cabo, y que havian de salir presto y bien despachados este dia." Relacion de la Justicia, MS.

[1151] "Voicy une sentence bien rigoureuse, je ne pense pas d'avoir tant offencé Sa Majesté, pour meriter un tel traittement; neanmoins je le prens en patience et prie le Seigneur, que ma mort soit une expiation de mes pechés, et que par là, ma chere Femme et mes Enfans n'encourent aucun blame, ny confiscation. Car mes services passez meritent bien qu'on me fasse cette grace. Puis qu'il plait à Dieu et au Roy, j'accepte la mort avec patience." Supplément à Strada, tom. I. p. 259.--These remarks of Egmont are also given, with very little discrepancy, by Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 56; in the Relacion de la Justicia que se hizo de los Contes Agamont y Orne, MS.; and in the relation of Mondoucet, ap. Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. I. p. 364.

[1152] "Et combien que jamais mon intention n'ait esté de riens traicter, ni faire contre la Personne, ni le service de Vostre Majesté, ne contre nostre vraye, ancienne, et catholicque Religion, si est-ce que je prens en patience, ce qu'il plaist à mon bon Dieu de m'envoyer." Supplément à Strada, tom. I. p. 261.

[1153] "Parquoy, je prie a Vostre Majesté me le pardonner, et avoir pitié de ma pauvre femme, enfans et serviteurs, vous souvenant de mes services passez. Et sur cest espoir m'en vois me recommander à la miséricorde de Dieu. De Bruxelles prest à mourir, ce 5 de Juing 1568." Ibid., ubi supra.

[1154] "Et luy donna une bague fort riche que le roy d'Espaigne luy avoit donné lors qu'il fut en Espaigne, en signe d'amitié, pour la luy envoyer et faire tenir." Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. I. p. 361.

[1155] "En après, le comte d'Aiguemont commença à soliciter fort l'advancement de sa mort, disant que puis qu'il devoit mourir qu'on ne le devoit tenir si longuement en ce travail." Mondoucet, Ibid., p. 366.

[1156] "Il estoit vestu d'une juppe de damas cramoisy, et d'un manteau noir avec du passement d'or, les chausses de taffetas noir et le bas de chamois bronzé, son chapeau de taffetas noir couvert de force plumes blanches et noires." Ibid., ubi supra.

[1157] Ossorio, Albæ Vita, p. 287.--Guerres Civiles du Pays-Bas, p. 177.--Relacion de la Justicia, MS.

[1158] This personage, whose name was Spel, met with no better fate than that of the victims whose execution he now superintended. Not long after this he was sentenced to the gallows by the duke, to the great satisfaction of the people, as Strada tells us, for the manifold crimes he had committed. De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 387.

[1159] The executioner was said to have been formerly one of Egmont's servants. "El verdugo, que hasta aquel tiempo no se havia dejado ver, por que en la forma de morir se le tuvo este respeto, hizo su oficio con gran presteza, al qual havia hecho dar aquel maldito oficio el dicho Conde, y dicen aver sido lacayo suyo." Relacion de la Justicia, MS.--This _relacion_ forms part of a curious compilation in MS., entitled "Cartas y Papeles varios," in the British Museum. The compiler is supposed to have been Pedro de Gante, secretary of the duke of Naxera, who amused himself with transcribing various curious "relations" of the time of Charles the Fifth and Philip the Second.

[1160] "Todas las boticas se cerraron, y doblaron por ellos todo el dia las campanas de las Yglesias, que no parecia otra cosa si no dia de juicio." Relacion de la Justicia, MS.

[1161] "Lesquelz pleuroient et regrettoient de voir un si grand capitaine mourir ainsi." Mondoucet, ap. Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. I. p. 367.

[1162] "II se pourmena quelque peu, souhaytant de pouvoir finir sa vie au service de son Prince et du pais." Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 58.

[1163] "Alzò los ojos al cielo por un poco espacio con un semblante tan doloroso, como se puede pensar le tenia en aquel transito un hombre tan discreto." Relacion de la Justicia, MS.

[1164] "En gran silencio, con notable lastima, sin que por un buen espacio se sintiese rumor ninguno." Ibid.

[1165] "Fuere, qui linteola, contemplo periculo, Egmontii cruore consparserint, servaverintque, seu monumentum amoris, seu vindictæ irritamentum." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 394.

[1166] Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 58.--Guerres Civiles du Pays-Bas, p. 177--Relacion de la Justicia, MS.

M. de Bavay has published a letter from one of the bishop of Ypres's household, giving an account of the last hours of Egmont, and written immediately after his death. (Procès du Comte d'Egmont, pp. 232-234.) The statements in the letter entirely corroborate those made in the text. Indeed, they are so nearly identical with those given by Foppens in the Supplément à Strada, that we can hardly doubt that the writer of the one narrative had access to the other.

[1167] "Que avia servido á su magestad veinte y ocho años y no pensaba tener merecido tal payo, pero que se consolaba que con dar su cuerpo á la tierra, saldria de los continuos trauajos en que havia vivido." Relacion de la Justicia, MS.

[1168] "Se despita, maugreant et regrettant fort sa mort, et se trouva quelque peu opiniastre en la confession, la regrettant fort, disant qu'il estoit assez confessé." Mondoucet, ap. Brantôme, tom. I. p. 365.

[1169] "Il étoit agé environ cinquante ans, et étoit d'une grande et belle taille, et d'une phisionomie revenante." Supplément à Strada, tom. I. p. 264.

[1170] "The death of this man," says Strada, "would have been immoderately mourned, had not all tears been exhausted by sorrow for Egmont." De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 396.

For the account of Hoorne's last moments, see Relacion de la Justicia, MS.; Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 58; Supplément à Strada, tom. I. pp. 265, 266; Mondoucet, ap. Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. I. p. 367; De Thou, Hist. Universelle, tom. I. p. 451; Ossorio, Albæ Vita, p. 287.

[1171] "Plusieurs allarent à l'église Saincte Claire où gisoit son corps, baisant le cercueil avec grande effusion de larmes, comme si ce fust esté les saincts ossemens et reliques de quelque sainct." Mondoucet, ap. Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. I. p. 367.

[1172] Arend, Algemeene Geschiedenis des Vaderlands, D. II. St. v. bl. 66.--Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 395.

[1173] "Les gens du comte d'Aiguemont plantèrent ses armes et enseignes de deuil à sa porte du palais; mais le duc d'Albe en estant adverty, les en fit bien oster bientost et emporter dehors." Mondoucet, ap. Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. I. p. 367.

[1174] Mondoucet, the French ambassador at the court of Brussels, was among the spectators who witnessed the execution of the two nobles. He sent home to his master a full account of the tragic scene, the most minute, and perhaps the most trustworthy, that we have of it. It luckily fell into Brantôme's hands, who has incorporated it into his notice of Egmont.

[1175] "La comtesse d'Aiguemont, qui emporta en cette assemblée le bruit d'être la plus belle de toutes les Flamandes." Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 364.

[1176] Gerlache, Hist. du Royaume des Pays-Bas, tom. I. p. 96.

[1177] "Qu'il avoit vu tomber la tête de celui qui avoit fait trembler deux fois la France." Supplément à Strada, tom. I. p. 266.

[1178] Morillon, in a letter to Granvelle, dated August 3, 1567, a few weeks only before Egmont's arrest, gives a graphic sketch of that nobleman, which, although by no friendly hand, seems to be not wholly without truth. "Ce seigneur, y est-il dit, est haut et présumant de soy, jusques à vouloir embrasser le faict de la république et le redressement d'icelle et de la religion, que ne sont pas de son gibier, et est plus propre peur conduire une chasse ou volerie, et, pour dire tout, une bataille, s'il fut esté si bien advisé que de se cognoistre et se mesurer de son pied; mais les flatteries perdent ces gens, et on leur fait accroire qu'ilz sont plus saiges qu'ilz ne sont, et ilz le croient et se bouttent sy avant, que aprèz ilz ne se peuvent ravoir, et il est force qu'ilz facent le sault." Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. I. p. lxix.

[1179] "Je diray de lui que c'estoit le seigneur de la plus belle façon et de la meilleure grace que j'aye veu jamais, fust ce parmy les grandz, parmy ses pairs, parmy les gens de guerre, et parmy les dames, l'ayant veu en France et en Espagne, et parlé à luy." Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. I. p. 369.

An old lady of the French court, who in her early days had visited Flanders, assured Brantôme that she had often seen Egmont, then a mere youth, and that at that time he was excessively shy and awkward, so much so, indeed, that it was a common jest with both the men and women of the court. Such was the rude stock from which at a later day was to spring the flower of chivalry!

[1180] "Posteà in publicâ lætitiâ dum uterque explodendo ad signum sclopo ex provocatione contenderent, superatus esset Albanus, ingenti Belgarum plausu ad nationis suæ decus referentium victoriam ex Duce Hispano." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 391.

[1181] Schiller, in his account of the execution of the two nobles, tells us that it was from a window of the Hôtel de Ville, the fine old building on the opposite side of the market-place, that Alva watched the last struggles of his victims. The _cicerone_, on the other hand, who shows the credulous traveller the _memorabilia_ of the city, points out the very chamber in the Maison du Roi in which the duke secreted himself.--_Valeat quantum._

[1182] "Qu'il avoit procuré de tout son povoir la mitigation, mais que l'on avoit répondu que, si il n'y eut esté aultre offence que celle qui touchoit S. M., le pardon fut esté facille, mais qu'elle ne pouvoit remettre l'offense faicte si grande à Dieu." Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, Supplément, p. 81.

[1183] "J'entendz d'aucuns que son Exc. at jecté des larmes aussi grosses que poix en temps que l'on estoit sur ces exécutions." Ibid., ubi supra.

They must have been as big as crocodiles'tears.

[1184] Ante, Book II.

[1185] "Je suis occupé à réunir mes troupes, Espagnoles, Italiennes, et Allemandes; quand je serai prêt, vous recevrez ma réponse." Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, tom. III. p. xx.

[1186] "Il lui rend compte de ce qu'il a fait pour l'exécution des ordres que le Roi lui donna à son départ, et qui consistaient à arrêter et à châtier exemplairement les principaux du pays qui s'étaient rendus coupables durant les troubles." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II. p. 29.

[1187] "C'a été une chose de grand effet en ce pays, que l'exécution d'Egmont; et plus grand a été l'effet, plus l'exemple qu'on a voulu faire sera fructueux." Ibid., p. 28.

[1188] Ossorio, Albæ Vita, p. 278.

[1189] "V. M. peult considérer le regret que ça m'a esté de voir ces pauvres seigneurs venus à tels termes, et qu'il ayt fallut que moy en fusse l'exécuteur." Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 252.

[1190] "Madame d'Egmont me faict grand pitié et compassion, pour la voir chargée de unze enfans et nuls addressez, et elle, dame sy principale, comme elle est, soeur du comte palatin, et de si bonne, vertueuse, catholicque et exemplaire vie, qu'il n'y a homme qui ne la regrette." Ibid., ubi supra.

[1191] The duke wrote no less than three letters to the king, of this same date, June 9. The _precis_ of two is given by Gachard, and the third is published entire by Reiffenberg. The countess and her misfortunes form the burden of two of them.

[1192] "Il ne croit pas qu'il y ait aujourd'hui sur la terre une maison aussi malheureuse; il ne sait même si la contesse aura de quoi souper ce soir." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II. p. 28.

[1193] "Je treuve ce debvoir de justice estre faict comme il convient et vostre considération très-bonne." Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 255.

[1194] "Mais personne ne peult délaisser de se acquitter en ce en quoy il est obligé." Ibid., ubi supra.

[1195] "Quant à la dame d'Egmont et ses unze enfans, et ce que me y représentez, en me les recommandant, je y auray tout bon regard." Ibid., ubi supra.

[1196] Arend, (Algemeene Geschiedenis des Vaderlands, D. II. St. v. bl. 66,) who gets the story, to which he attaches no credit himself, from a contemporary, Hooft.

[1197] Supplément à Strada, tom. I. p. 252.

[1198] "Laquelle, ainsi qu'elle estoit en sa chambre et sur ces propos, on luy vint annoncer qu'on alloit trancher la teste à son mary." Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. I. p. 368.

Under all the circumstances, one cannot insist strongly on the probability of the anecdote.

[1199] One of her daughters, in a fit of derangement brought on by excessive grief for her father's fate, attempted to make away with herself by throwing herself from a window. Relacion de la Justicia, MS.

[1200] This was the duplicate, no doubt, of the letter given to the bishop of Ypres, to whom Egmont may have intrusted a copy, with the idea that it would be more certain to reach the hands of the king than the one sent to his wife.

[1201] "La misère où elle se trouve, étant devenue veuve avec onze enfans, abandonnée de tous, hors de son pays et loin de ses parents, l'a empêchée d'envoyer plus tôt au Roi la dernière et très-humble requête de son défunt mari." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II. p. 31.

[1202] "De la bénignité et pitié du Roi." Ibid., ubi supra.

[1203] "Ce que m'obligerat, le reste de mes tristes jours, et toute ma postérité, à prier Dieu pour la longue et heureuse vie de V. M." Ibid., ubi supra.

[1204] "S'il ne leur avait pas donné quelque argent, ils mourraient de faim." Ibid., p. 38.

[1205] It seems strange that Göthe, in his tragedy of "Egmont," should have endeavored to excite what may be truly called a meretricious interest in the breasts of his audience, by bringing an imaginary mistress, named Clara, on the stage, instead of the noble-hearted wife, so much better qualified to share the fortunes of her husband and give dignity to his sufferings. Independently of other considerations, this departure from historic truth cannot be defended on any true principle of dramatic effect.

[1206] Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. I. p. 183.

[1207] After an annual grant, which rose from eight to twelve thousand livres, the duke settled on her a pension of two thousand gulden, which continued to the year of his death, in 1578. (Arend, Algemeene Geschiedenis des Vaderlands, D. II. St. v. bl. 66.) The gulden, or guilder, at the present day, is equivalent to about one shilling and ninepence sterling, or thirty-nine cents.

[1208] Philip, Count Egmont, lived to enjoy his ancestral honors till 1590, when he was slain at Ivry, fighting against Henry the Fourth and the Protestants of France. He died without issue, and was succeeded by his brother Lamoral, a careless prodigal, who with the name seems to have inherited few of the virtues of his illustrious father. Arend, Algemeene Geschiedenis des Vaderlands, D. II. St. v. bl. 66.

[1209] Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 259.

[1210] "La mort des comtes d'Egmont et de Hornes, et ce qui s'est passé avec l'électeur de Trèves, servent merveilleusement ses desseins." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II. p. 37.

[1211] "Les exécutions faites ont imprimé dans les esprits une terreur si grande, qu'on croit qu'il s'agit de gouverner par le sang à perpétuité'." Ibid., p. 29.

[1212] "Il n'y a plus de confiance du frère au frère, et du père au fils." Ibid., ubi supra.

[1213] Ibid., ubi supra.

[1214] "Funestum Egmontii finem doluere Belgæ odio majore, quàm luctu." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 394.

[1215] The Flemish councillor, Hessels, who, it may be remembered, had

## particular charge of the provincial prosecutions, incurred still greater

odium by the report of his being employed to draft the sentences of the two lords. He subsequently withdrew from the bloody tribunal, and returned to his native province, where he became vice-president of the council of Flanders. This new accession of dignity only made him a more conspicuous mark for the public hatred. In 1577, in a popular insurrection which overturned the government of Ghent, Hessels was dragged from his house, and thrown into prison. After lying there a year, a party of ruffians broke into the place, forced him into a carriage, and, taking him a short distance from town, executed the summary justice of _Lynch law_ on their victim by hanging him to a tree. Some of the party, after the murder, were audacious enough to return to Ghent, with locks of the gray hair of the wretched man displayed in triumph on their bonnets.

Some years later, when the former authorities were reëstablished, the bones of Hessels were removed from their unhallowed burial-place, and laid with great solemnity and funeral pomp in the church of St. Michael. Prose and verse were exhausted in his praise. His memory was revered as that of a martyr. Miracles were performed at his tomb; and the popular credulity went so far, that it was currently reported in Ghent that Philip had solicited the pope for his canonization! See the curious

## particulars in Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. pp.

451-456.

[1216] "Este es un pueblo tan fácil, que espero que con ver la clemencia de V. M., haciendose el pardon general, se ganarán los ánimos á que de buena gana lleven la obediencia que digo, que ahora sufren de malo." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II. p. 29.

[1217] "Le bruit public qui subsiste encore, divulgue qu'il est mort empoisonné." Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 285.--The author himself does not indorse the vulgar rumor.

[1218] Meteren tells us that Montigny was killed by poison, which his page, who afterwards confessed the crime, put in his broth. (Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 60.) Vandervynckt, after noticing various rumors, dismisses them with the remark, "On n'a pu savoir au juste ce qu'il était devenu." Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 237.

[1219] His revenues seem to have been larger than those of any other Flemish lord, except Egmont and Orange, amounting to something more than fifty thousand florins annually. Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II. p. 115.

[1220] Ibid., Rapport, p. xxxvii.

It was reported to Philip's secretary, Erasso, by that mischievous bigot, Fray Lorenzo Villavicencio; not, as may be supposed, to do honor to the author of it, but to ruin him.

[1221] Correspondance de Philippe II. tom. I. p. 439.

[1222] See the letters of the royal _contador_, Alonzo del Canto, from Brussels. (Ibid., tom. I. pp. 411, 425.) Granvelle, in a letter from Rome, chimes in with the same tune,--though, as usual with the prelate, in a more covert manner. "Le choix de Berghes et Montigny n'est pas mauvais, si le but de leur mission est d'informer le Roi de l'état des choses: car ils sont ceux qui en ont le mieux connaissance, et qui peut-être y ont pris le plus de part." Ibid., p. 417.

[1223] "Autrement, certes, Madame, aurions juste occasion de nous doloir et de V. A. et des seigneurs de par delà, pour nous avoir commandé de venir ici, pour recevoir honte et desplaisir, estantz forcés journellement de véoir et oyr choses qui nous desplaisent jusques à l'âme, et de veoir aussy le peu que S. M. se sert de nous." Ibid. p. 498.

[1224] This letter is dated November 18, 1566. (Ibid., p. 486.) The letter of the two lords was written on the last day of the December following.

[1225] Her letter is dated March 5, 1567. Ibid., p. 516.

[1226] Ibid., p. 535.

[1227] "De lui dire (mais seulement après qu'il se sera assuré qu'une guérison est à peu près impossible) que le Roi lui permet de retourner aux Pays-Bas: si, au contraire, il lui paraissait que le marquis pût se rétablir, il se contenterait de lui faire espérer cette permission." Ibid., ubi supra.

[1228] "Il sera bien, en cette occasion, de montrer le regret que le Roi et ses ministres ont de sa mort, et le cas qu'ils font des seigneurs des Pays-Bas!" Ibid., p. 536.

[1229] Ibid., ubi supra.

[1230] "Elle espère le voir sous peu, puisque le Roi lui a fait dire que son intention était de lui donner bientôt son congé." Ibid., p. 558.--The letter is dated July 13.

[1231] The order for the arrest, addressed to the conde de Chinchon, alcayde of the castle of Segovia, is to be found in the Documentos Inéditos, tom. IV. p. 526.

[1232] This fact is mentioned in a letter of the alcayde of the fortress, giving an account of the affair to the king. Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II. p. 3.

[1233] The contents of the paper secreted in the loaf are given in the Documentos Inéditos, tom. IV. pp. 527-533.--The latter portion of the fourth volume of this valuable collection is occupied with documents relating to the imprisonment and death of Montigny, drawn from the Archives of Simancas, and never before communicated to the public.

[1234] "Il ne les fera point exécuter, mais il les retiendra en prison, car ils peuvent servir à la vérification de quelque point du procès de Montigny lui-même." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II. p. 37.

[1235] Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 60.

[1236] "Et _consommée en larmes et pleurs_ afin que, en considération des services passés de sondit mari, de son jeune âge à elle, qui n'a été en la compagnie de son mari qu'environ quatre mois, et de la passion de Jésus Christ, S. M. veuille lui pardonner les fautes qu'il pourrait avoir commises." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II. p. 94.

[1237] Ibid., p. 123, note.

[1238] Ibid., p. 90.

[1239] "Visto el proceso por algunos de Consejo de S. M. destos sus Estados por mí nombrados para el dicho efecto." Documentos Inéditos, tom. IV. p. 535.

[1240] The sentence may be found, Ibid., pp. 535-537.

[1241] "Porque no viniese á noticia de ninguno de los otros hasta saber la voluntad de V. M." Ibid., p. 533.

[1242] "Así que constando tan claro de sus culpas y delictos, en cuanto al hecho da la justicia no habia que parar mas de mandarla ejecutar." Ibid., p. 539

[1243] "Por estar acá el delincuento que dijeran que se habia hecho entre compadres, y como opreso, sin se poder defender jurídicamente." Ibid., p. 561.

[1244] "Parescia á los mas que era bien darle un bocado ó echar algun género de veneno en la comida ó bebida con que se fuese muriendo poco á poco, y pudiese componer las cosas de su ánima como enfermo." Ibid., ubi supra.

[1245] "Mas á S. M. paresció que desta manera no se cumplía con la justicia." Ibid. ubi supra.--These particulars are gathered from a full report of the proceedings sent, by Philip's orders, to the duke of Alva, November 2, 1570.

[1246] The _garrote_ is still used in capital punishments in Spain. It may be well to mention, for the information of some of my readers, that it is performed by drawing a rope tight round the neck of the criminal, so as to produce suffocation. This is done by turning a stick to which the rope is attached behind his head. Instead of this apparatus, an iron collar is more frequently employed in modern executions.

[1247] This is established by a letter of the cardinal himself, in which he requests the king to command all officials to deliver into his hands their registers, instruments, and public documents of every description,--to be placed in these archives, that they may hereafter be preserved from injury. His biographer adds, that few of these documents--such only as could be gleaned by the cardinal's industry--reach as far back as the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella. Quintinilla, Vida de Ximenes, p. 264.

[1248] M. Gachard, who gives us some interesting particulars of the ancient fortress of Simancas, informs us that this tower was the scene of some of his own labors there. It was an interesting circumstance, that he was thus exploring the records of Montigny's sufferings in the very spot which witnessed them.

[1249] "Así lo cumplió poniéndole grillos para mayor seguridad, aunque esto fué sin órden, porque ni esto era menester ni quisiera S. M. que se hubiera hecho." Documentos Inéditos, tom. IV. p. 561.

[1250] Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 60.

[1251] This lying letter, dated at Simancas, October 10, with the scrap of mongrel Latin which it enclosed, may be found in the Documentos Inéditos, tom. IV. pp. 550-552.

[1252] The instructions delivered to the licentiate Don Alonzo de Arellano are given in full, Ibid., pp. 542-549.

[1253] "Aunque S. M. tenia por cierto que era muy jurídica, habida consideracion á la calidad de su persona y usando con él de su Real clemencia y benignidad habia tenido por bien de moderarla en cuanto á la forma mandando que no se ejecutase en público, sino allí en secreto por su honor, y que se daria á entender haber muerto de aquella enfermedad." Ibid., p. 563.

[1254] The confession of faith may be found in the Documentos Inéditos, tom. IV. p. 553.

[1255] "Si el dicho Flores de Memorancí quisiese ordenar testamento no habrá para que darse á esto lugar, pues siendo confiscados todos sus bienes y por tales crímines, ni puede testar ni tiene de qué." Ibid., p. 548.

[1256] "Empero si todavía quisiere hacer alguna memoria de deudas ó descargos se le podrá permitir como en esto no se haga mencion alguna de la justicia y ejecucion que se hace, sino que sea hecho como memorial de hombre enfermo y que se temia morir." Ibid., ubi supra.

[1257] "Quant aux mercèdes qu'il a accordées, il n'y a pas lieu d'y donner suite." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II. p. 169.

[1258] "En lo uno y en lo otro tuvo las demostraciones de católico y buen cristiano que yo deseo para mí." See the letter of Fray Hernando del Castillo, Documentos Inéditos, tom. IV. pp. 554-559.

[1259] "Fuéle creciendo por horas el desengaño de la vida, la paciencia, el sufrimiento, y la conformidad con la voluntad de Dios y de su Rey, cuya sentencia siempre alabó por justa, mas siempre protestando de su inocencia." Ibid., ubi supra.

[1260] "Y acabada su plática y de encomendarse á Dios todo el tiempo que quiso, e verdugo hizo su oficio dándole garrote." See the account of Montigny's death despatched to the duke of Alva. It was written in cipher, and dated November 2, 1570. Ibid., p. 560 et seq.

[1261] "Poniendo pena de muerte á los dichos escribano y verdugo si lo descubriesen." Ibid., p. 564.

[1262] "Y no será inconveniente que se dé luto á sus criados pues son pocos." La órden que ha de tener el Licenciado D. Alonzo de Arellano, Ibid., p. 542 et seq.

[1263] Ibid., p. 549. Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II p. 159.

[1264] Carta de D. Eugenio de Peralta á S. M., Simancas, 17 de Octubre, 1570, Documentos Inéditos, tom. IV. p. 559.

[1265] "No las mostrando de propósito sino descuidadamente á las personas que paresciere, para que por ellas se divulgue haber fallescido de su muerte natural." Ibid., p. 564.

[1266] "El cual si en lo interior acabó tan cristianamente como lo mostró en lo exterior y lo ha referido el fraile que le confesó, es de creer que se habrá apiadado Dios de su ánima." Carta de S. M. al Duque de Alba, del Escurial, á 3 de Noviembre, 1570, Ibid., p. 565.

[1267] "Esto mismo borrad de la cifra, que de los muertos no hay que hacer sino buen juico." Ibid., ubi supra, note.

[1268] The confiscated estates of the marquis of Bergen were restored by Philip to that nobleman's heirs, in 1577. See Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 235.

[1269] "Attendu que est venu à sa notice que ledict de Montigny seroit allé de vie à trespas, par mort naturelle, en la forteresse de Symancques, où il estoit dernièrement détenu prisonier." Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. II. p. 171.

[1270] For the preceding pages I have been indebted, among other sources, to Sagredo, "Memorias Historicas de los Monarcas Othomanos," (trad. Cast., Madrid, 1684,) and to Ranke, "Ottoman and Spanish Empires;" to the latter in particular. The work of this eminent scholar, resting as it mainly does on the contemporary reports of the Venetian ministers, is of the most authentic character; while he has the rare talent of selecting facts so significant for historical illustration, that they serve the double purpose of both facts and reflections.

[1271] Cervantes, in his story of the Captive's adventures in Don Quixote, tells us that it was common with a renegado to obtain a certificate from some of the Christian captives of his desire to return to Spain; so that if he were taken in arms against his countrymen, his conduct would be set down to compulsion, and he would thus escape the fangs of the Inquisition.

[1272] See the History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, vol. III.

## part ii. chap. 21.

[1273] Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. IX. p. 415 et seq.--Herrera, Historia General, lib. V. cap. 18.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. V. cap. 8.--Segrado, Monarcas Othomanos, p. 234 et seq.

[1274] "Halló Don Alvaro un remedio para la falta del agua que en parte ayudó á la necessidad, y fué, que uno de su campo le mostró, que el agua salada se podía destilar por alambique, y aunque salió buena, y se bevia, no se hazia tanta que bastasse, y se gastava mucha leña, de que tenían falta." Herrera, Historia General, tom. I. p. 434.

[1275] For the account of the heroic defence of Gelves, see--and reconcile, if the reader can--Herrera, ubi supra; Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. IX. pp. 416-421; Leti, Filippo II., tom. I. pp. 349-352; Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. V. cap. 11, 12; Campana, Vita di Filippo II., par. II. lib. 12; Segrado, Monarcas Othomanos, p. 237 et seq.--Sepulveda, De Rebus Gestis Philippi II., pp. 63-87.

[1276] "Questa sola utilità ne cava il Re di quei luoghi per conservatione de quali spende ogni anno gran somma di denari delle sue entrate." Relatione de Soriano, 1560, MS.

[1277] Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. IX. p. 426.--Sepulveda, De Rebus Gestis Philippi II. p. 90.

[1278] The details of the battle were given in a letter, dated September 5, 1558, by Don Alonzo to the king. His father fell, it seems, in an attempt to rescue his younger son from the hands of the enemy. Though the father died, the son was saved. It was the same Don Martin de Cordova who so stoutly defended Mazarquivir against Hassem afterwards, as mentioned in the text. Carta De Don Alonso de Córdova al Rey, de Toledo, MS.

[1279] The tidings of this sad disaster, according to Cabrera, hastened the death of Charles the Fifth (Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 13). But a letter from the imperial secretary, Gaztelu, informs us that care was taken that the tidings should not reach the ear of his dying master. "La muerte del conde de Alcaudete y su desbarato se entendió aquí por carta de Don Alonso su hijo que despachó un correo desde Toledo con la nueva y por ser tan ruyn y estar S. Magd. en tal disposicion no se le dixo, y se tendra cuydado de que tampoco la sepa hasta que plazca á Dios esté libre; porque no sé yo si hay ninguno en cuyo tiempo haya sucedido tan gran desgracia como esta." Carta de Martin de Gaztelu al Secretario Molina, de Yuste, Set. 12, 1558, MS.--The original of this letter, like that of the preceding, is in the Archives of Simancas.

[1280] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VI cap. 10.

[1281] For this siege, the particulars of which are given in a manner sufficiently confused by most of the writers, see Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. IX. p. 431 et seq.; Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VI. cap. 10; Sepulveda, De Rebus Gestis Philippi II., p. 94; Salazar de Mendoza, Monarquia de España, (Madrid, 1770,) tom. II. p. 127; Miniana, Historia de España, pp. 341, 342; Caro de Torres, Historia de las Ordenes Militares, fol. 154.

[1282] According to Cabrera, (Filipe Segundo, lib. VI. cap. 12,) two thousand infidels fell on this occasion, and only ten Christians; a fair proportion for a Christian historian to allow. _Ex uno,_ etc.

[1283] Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. IX. p. 455.

[1284] Campana, Vita di Filippo II., tom. II. p. 138.

[1285] Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. IX. p. 461.

[1286] Ibid., p. 442 et seq.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VI. cap. 13.--Campana, Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. pp. 137-139.--Herrera, Hist. General, lib. X cap. 4.

The last historian closes his account of the siege of Mazarquivir with the following not inelegant and certainly not parsimonious tribute to the heroic conduct of Don Martin and his followers: "Despues de noventa y dos dias que sostuvo este terrible cerco, y se embarcó para España, quedando para siempre glorioso con los soldados que con el se hallaron, ellos por aver sido tan obedientes, y por las hazañas que hizieron, y el por el valor y prudencia con que los governó: por lo qual comparado á qualquiera de los mayores Capitanes del mundo." Historia General, lib. X. cap. 4.

[1287] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VI. cap. 18.--Herrera, Hist. General, tom. I. p. 559 et seq.

[1288] The affair of the Rio de Tetuan is given at length in the despatches of Don Alvaro Bazan, dated at Ceuta, March 10, 1565. The correspondence of this commander is still preserved in the family archives of the marquis of Santa Cruz, from which the copies in my possession were taken.

[1289] Helyot, Hist. des Ordres Réligieux et Militaires, (Paris, 1792, 4to.,) tom. III. pp. 74-78.--Vertot, History of the Knights of Malta, (Eng. trans., London, 1728, fol.,) vol. II. pp. 18-24.

[1290] Boisgelin, on the authority of Matthew Paris, says that, in 1224, the Knights of St. John had 19,000 manors in different parts of Europe, while the Templars had but 9,000. Ancient and Modern Malta, (London, 1805, 4to.,) vol. II. p, 19.

[1291] For an account of the institutions of the order of St. John, see Helyot, Ordres Réligieux, tom. II. p. 58 et seq.; also the Old and New Statutes, appended to vol. II. of Vertot's History of the Knights of Malta.

[1292] The original deed of cession, in Latin, is published by Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. II. p. 157 et seq.

[1293] "Rhodes," from the Greek {Greek: rhodon}. The origin of the name is referred by etymologists to the great quantity of roses which grew wild on the island. The name of _Malta_ (_Melita_) is traced to the wild honey, {Greek: meli}, of most excellent flavor, found among its rocks.

[1294] A recent traveller, after visiting both Rhodes and Malta, thus alludes to the change in the relative condition of the two islands. "We are told that, when L'Isle Adam and his brave companions first landed on this shore, their spirits sank within them at the contrast its dry and barren surface presented to their delicious lost Rhodes; I have qualified myself for adjudging that in most respects the tables are now turned between the two islands, and they certainly afford a very decisive criterion of the results of Turkish and Christian dominion." The Earl of Carlisle's Diary in Turkish and Greek Waters, (Boston, 1855,) p. 204;--an unpretending volume, which bears on every page evidence of the wise and tolerant spirit, the various scholarship, and the sensibility to the beautiful, so characteristic of its noble author.

[1295] For the account of Malta I am much indebted to Boisgelin, "Ancient and Modern Malta." This work gives the most complete view of Malta, both in regard to the natural history of the island and the military and political history of the order, that is to be found in any book with which I am acquainted. It is a large repository of facts crudely put together, with little to boast of on the score of its literary execution. It is interesting as the production of a Knight of St. John, one of the unhappy few who survived to witness the treachery of his brethren and the extinction of his order. The last of the line, he may well be pardoned, if, in his survey of the glorious past, he should now and then sound the trumpet of glorification somewhat too loudly.

[1296] "The galleys of the order alone resisted the fury of the waves; and when Charles the Fifth was told that some vessels appeared still to live at sea, he exclaimed, 'They must, indeed, be Maltese galleys which can outride such a tempest!' The high opinion he had formed of this fleet was fully justified; for the standard of the order was soon in sight." Boisgelin, Ancient and Modern Malta, vol. II. p. 34.

[1297] Ibid., p. 61 et alibi.

[1298] The value of the freight was estimated at more than 80,000 ducats.--"Se estimo la presa mas de ochenta mil ducados, de sedas de levante, y alombras y otras cosas, cada uno piense lo que se diria en la corte del Turco, sobre la perdida desta nave tan poderosa, y tan rica." La Verdadera Relacion de todo lo que el Año de M.D.LXV. ha succedido en la Isla de Malta, por Francisco Balbi de Correggio, en todo el Sitio Soldado, (Barcelona 1568,) fol. 19.

[1299] Ibid., fol. 17.

[1300] Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. II. pp. 192-195.--Sagredo, Monarcas Othomanos, p. 244.--Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 26 et seq.--Boisgelin, Ancient and Modern Malta, vol. II. pp. 71-73.--De Thou, Hist. Universelle, tom. V. pp. 51-53--J. M. Calderon de la Barca, Gloriosa Defensa de Malta, (Madrid, 1796,) p. 28.

[1301] Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. II. p. 197.--Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 28.--The latter chronicler, who gives a catalogue of the forces, makes the total amount of fighting men not exceed six thousand one hundred. He speaks, however, of an indefinite number besides these, including a thousand slaves, who in various ways contributed to the defence of the island.

[1302] "De modo que qu[=a]do los turcos llegaron sobre sant Ermo, hauia ochocientos hombres dentro para pelear." Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 37.

[1303] Ibid., fol. 31.--Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. II. p. 198.

[1304] "En este tiempo ya todos los esclauos assi de sant Juan como de

## particulares estauan en la carcel, que seri[=a] bien mil esclauos. Y quando

los sacauan a trabajar a las postas adonde se trabajaua, los sacauan de dos en dos, asidos de vna cadena." Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 37.

[1305] Ibid., fol. 23.

[1306] Ibid., fol. 21.--Vertot says, of a hundred and sixty pounds'weight. (Knights of Malta, vol. II. p. 202.) Yet even this was far surpassed by the mammoth cannon employed by Mahomet at the siege of Constantinople, in the preceding century, which, according to Gibbon, threw stone bullets of six hundred pounds.

Since the above lines were written, even this achievement has been distanced by British enterprise. The "Times" informs us of some "monster guns," intended to be used in the Baltic, the minimum weight of whose shot is to be three cwt., and the maximum ten.

[1307] Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 26.--The old soldier goes into the composition of the Turkish force, in the general estimate of which he does not differ widely from Vertot.

[1308] Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 84.

[1309] Ibid., ubi supra.

[1310] Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 37 et seq.--Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. II. pp. 200-202.--- Calderon, Gloriosa Defensa de Malta, p. 42.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VI. cap. 24.

[1311] In Vertot's account of this affair, much is said of a nondescript outwork, termed a _cavalier_,--conveying a different idea from what is understood by that word in modern fortifications. It stood without the walls, and was connected with the ravelin by a bridge, the possession of which was hotly contested by the combatants. Balbi, the Spanish soldier, so often quoted,--one of the actors in the siege, though stationed at the fort of St. Michael,--speaks of the fight as being carried on in the ditch. His account has the merit of being at once the briefest and the most intelligible.

[1312] Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 40, 41.--Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. II. pp. 203-205.--Calderon, Gloriosa Defensa de Malta, p. 48 et seq.--Segrado, Monarcas Othomanos, p. 245.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VI. cap. 24.--Herrera, Historia General, lib. XII. cap. 4.

[1313] Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 39

[1314] Ibid., fol. 39-42.--Calderon, Gloriosa Defensa de Malta, p. 46.--De Thou, Hist. Universelle, tom. V. p. 58.--Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. II. p. 204.--Miniana, Hist. de España, p. 350.

[1315] For the preceding pages, setting forth the embassies to La Valette, and exhibiting in such bold relief the character of the grand-master, I have been chiefly indebted to Vertot (Knights of Malta, vol. I. pp. 309-312). The same story is told, more concisely, by Calderon, Gloriosa Defensa de Malta, pp. 60-67; Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VI. cap. 25; De Thou, Hist. Universelle, tom. V. p. 61; Campana, Filippo Secondo, par. II. p. 159; Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 44, 45.

[1316] The remains of Medran were brought over to Il Borgo, where La Valette, from respect to his memory, caused them to be laid among those of the Grand Crosses.--"El gran Maestre lo mando enterrar era una sepultura, adonde se entierran los cavalleros de la gran Cruz, porque esta era la mayor honra, que en tal tiempo le podia hazer, y el muy bien la merecia." Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 51.

[1317] The invention of this missile Vertot claims for La Valette. (Knights of Malta, vol. II. p. 215.) Balbi refers it to a brother of the Order, named Ramon Fortunii. (Verdadera Relacion, p. 48.)

[1318] The first shot was not so successful, killing eight of their own side!--"Mas el artillero, o fuesse la prissa, o fuesse la turbacion que en semejantes casos suele sobre venir en los hombres el se tuvo mas a mano drecha, que no deviera, pues de aquel tiro mato ocho de los nuestros que defendian aquella posta." Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 50.

[1319] Ibid., fol. 49-51.--Calderon, Gloriosa Defensa de Malta, p. 72 et seq.--Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. II. pp. 214-216.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VI. cap. 25.--Sagredo, Monarcas Othomanos, p. 245.--Herrera, Historia General, lib. XII. cap. 6

[1320] "En este assalto y en todos me han dicho cavalleros, que pelear[=o] no solamente ellos, y los soldados, mas que los forçados, bonas vollas, y Malteses murieron con tanto animo, como qualquiera otra persona de mayor estima." Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 51.

[1321] "Que si su señoria Illustrissima tenia otra persona, para tal cargo mejor, [~q] la embiasse, quel lo obedeceria como a tal, mas quel queria quedar en sant Ermo, como privado cavallero, y por sa religion sacrificar su cuerpo." Ibid., fol 44.

[1322] "La escuridad de la noche, fue luego muy clara, por la gr[=a]de c[=a]tidad de los fuegos artificiales, que de ambas partes se arojavan, y de tal manera que los que estavamos en san Miguel, veyamos muy claramente sant Ermo, y los artilleros de sant Angel y de otras partes apuntavan, a la lumbre de los fuegos enemigos." Ibid., fol 48.

[1323] Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 53.

[1324] Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. II. p. 214.

[1325] Ibid., pp. 216, 217.--Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 54.--Calderon, Gloriosa Defensa de Malta, p. 80 et seq.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VI. cap. 25.

[1326] "Ellos como aquellos [~q] la mañana navia de ser su postrer dia en este m[=u]do, unos con otros se confessavan, y rogavan a nuestro señor que por su infinita misericordia, la tuviesse de sus animas, pues le costaron su preciossissima sangre para redemirlas." Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 54.

See also Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. II. pp. 217, 218;--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VI. cap. 25.

[1327] Vertot, whose appetite for the marvellous sometimes carries him into the miraculous, gives us to understand that not one of the garrison survived the storming of St. Elmo. (Knights of Malta, vol. II. p. 219.) If that were so, one would like to know how the historian got his knowledge of what was doing in the fortress the day and night previous to the assault. The details quoted above from Balbi account for this knowledge, and carry with them an air of probability. (Verdadera Relacion, fol. 55.)

[1328] "Luego que entraron los Turcos en sant Ermo, abatieron el est[=a]darte de san Juan, y en su lugar plantaron una vandera del gran Turco, y en todo aquel dia no hizieron otra cosa, que plantar v[=a]deras, y vanderillas por la muralla, segun su costumbre." Ibid., fol. 55.

See also, for the storming of St. Elmo, Calderon, Gloriosa Defensa de Malta, pp. 81-84; Miniana, Hist. de España, p. 351; Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VI. cap. 25; Campana, Filippo Secondo, par. II. p. 159; Sagredo, Monarcas Othomanos, p. 245; Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. II. p. 219 et seq.

[1329] "A todos nos pesava en el anima porque aquellas eran fiestas que solian hazer los cavalleros en tal dia, para honor deste su santo avogado." Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 55.

[1330] Ibid., fol. 58.--Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. II. p. 220.

[1331] Balbi has given a catalogue of the knights who fell in the siege, with the names of the countries to which they respectively belonged. Verdadera Relacion, fol. 56.

[1332] Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. II. p. 219.

No name of the sixteenth century appears more frequently in the ballad poetry of Spain than that of Dragut. The "_Romancero General_" contains many _romances_, some of them of great beauty, reciting the lament of the poor captive chained to the galley of the dread rover, or celebrating his naval encounters with the chivalry of Malta,--"_las velas de la religion,_" as the squadrons of the order were called.

[1333] Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 33.

[1334] The two principal authorities on whom I have relied for the siege of Malta are Balbi and Vertot. The former was a soldier, who served through the siege, his account of which, now not easily met with, was printed shortly afterwards, and in less than three years went into a second edition,--being that used in the present work. As Balbi was both an eye-witness and an actor, on a theatre so limited that nothing could be well hidden from view, and as he wrote while events were fresh in his memory, his testimony is of the highest value. It loses nothing by the temperate, home-bred style in which the book is written, like that of a man anxious only to tell the truth, and not to magnify the cause or the party to which he is attached. In this the honest soldier forms a contrast to his more accomplished rival, the Abbé de Vertot.

This eminent writer was invited to compose the history of the order, and its archives were placed by the knights at his disposal for this purpose. He accepted the task; and in performing it he has sounded the note of panegyric with as hearty a good will as if he had been a knight hospitaller himself. This somewhat detracts from the value of a work which must be admitted to rest, in respect to materials, on the soundest historical basis. The abbé's turn for the romantic has probably aided, instead of hurting him, with the generality of readers. His clear and sometimes eloquent style, the interest of his story, and the dramatic skill with which he brings before the eye the peculiar traits of his actors, redeem, to some extent, the prolixity of his narrative, and have combined, not merely to commend the book to popular favor, but to make it the standard work on the subject.

[1335] By another ordinance, La Valette caused all the dogs in La Sangle and Il Borgo to be killed, because they disturbed the garrisons by night, and ate their provisions by day. Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 29.

[1336] Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. III. p. 2.

[1337] Ibid., p. 4.--Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 64.--Calderon, Gloriosa Defensa de Malta, p. 94.--Sagredo, Monarcas Othomanos, p. 296.

[1338] Calderon, Gloriosa Defensa de Malta, p. 91.--Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. III. p. 3.--De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. V. p. 67.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VI. cap. 26.--Sagredo, Monarcas Othomanos, p. 246

[1339] Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 61, 62, 68.--Calderon, Gloriosa Defensa de Malta, pp. 95-100.--Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. III. pp. 4-7.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VI. cap. 26.--Herrera, Historia General, lib. XII. cap. 7.

[1340] "No avia hombre que no truxesse aljuba, el que menos de grana, muchos de tela de oro, y de plata, y damasco carmesi, y muy buenas escopetas de fez, cimitaras de Alexandria, y de Damasco, arcos muy finos, y muy ricos turbantes." Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 70.

[1341] "Cargadas de gente muy luzida, vista por cierto muy linda, sino fuera tan peligrosa." Ibid., ubi supra.

[1342] "Nuestro predicador fray Ruberto, el qual en todo el assalto yva por todas las postas con un crucifixo en la una mano, y la espada en la otra: animandonos a bien morir, y pelear por la fe de Iesu Christo: y fue herido este dia su paternidad." Ibid., fol. 73.

[1343] "Echo nueve barcas delas mayores a fondo que no se salvo ninguno, y auria en estas barcas ochocientos Turcos." Ibid., fol. 72.

[1344] This seems to have been Balbi's opinion.--"En conclusion, la casa mata del comendador Guiral fue este dia a juyzio de todos la salvacion de la Isla, porque si las barcas ya dichas echavan su g[=e]te en tierra, no les pudieramos resistir en ninguna manera." Ibid., fol. 73.

[1345] Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. III. p. 13.

[1346] Compare Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. III. p. 13, and Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 73.--The latter chronicler, for a wonder, raises the sum total of the killed to a somewhat higher figure than the abbé,--calling it full four thousand.

[1347] The particulars of the assaults on St. Michael and the Spur are given by Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 61-74; and with more or less inaccuracy by Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. III. pp. 8-13; Calderon, Gloriosa Defensa de Malta, pp. 110-116; De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. V. pp. 72-74; Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. V. cap. 26; Herrera, Historia General, lib. XII. cap. 7; Sagredo, Monarcas Othomanos, p. 246; Campana, Vita di Filippo Secondo, tom. II. p. 160.

[1348] Cruel indeed, according to the report of Balbi, who tells us that the Christians cut off the ears of the more refractory, and even put some of them to death,--_pour encourager les autres_.--"Han muerto en esta jornada al trabajo mas de quinientos esclavos; mas los pobres llegaron atal de puros cansados y acabados del trabajo continuo, que no podían estar en pie, y se dexavan cortar las orejas y matar por no poder trabajar mas." Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 66.

[1349] Ibid., fol. 67, 77.--Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. III. p. 18.--Campana, Vita di Filippo Secondo, tom. II. p. 160.

[1350] "En fin era in todo diligente, vigilante y animoso, y jamas se conoscio en su valeroso semblante ninguna señal de temor, antes con su presencia dava esfuerço y animo à sus cavalleros y soldados." Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 77.

[1351] "Luego que todas estas baterias començaron de batir, y todas en un tiempo, era tanto el ruydo y temblor que parecia quererse acabar el m[=u]do, y puedese bien creer que el ruydo fuesse tal, pues se sentia muy claramente dende Caragoça, y dende Catania, que ay ciento y veynte millas de Malta a estas dos ciudades." Ibid., fol. 78.

[1352] Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. III. pp. 21, 22.

[1353] "Dixo publicamente, que el no aguardava socorro ya sino era del omnipotente Dios el qual era el socorro verdadero, y el que hasta entonces nos havia librado, y que ni mas ni menos nos libraria por el avenir, delas manos delos enemigos da su santa fee." Balbi, Verdadera Relación, fol. 81.

[1354] "Esta habla del gran Maestre luego fue divulgada, y asi toda la gente se determino de primero morir que venir a manos de turcos vivos, pero tambien se determino de vender muy bien sus vidas, y asi ya no se tratava de socorro." Ibid., ubi supra.

[1355] "No quedo hombre ni muger de edad para ello que no lo ganasse con devocion grandissima, y con muy firme esperança y fe de yr ala gloria, muriendo en la jornada." Ibid., fol. 71.

[1356] "Tenia mandado, que en todos los dias de assalto se llevassen por todas las postas adonde se peleasse, muchos buyvelos de vino aguado, y pan para refrescar su gente, pues de gente no podia." Ibid., fol. 91.

[1357] "Si todas estas buenas ordenes no uviera, no baeraran fuerças humanas para resistir a tanta furia pertinacia, principalm[=e]te, siendo nosotros tan pocos, y ellos tantos." Ibid., ubi supra.

[1358] "El gran Maestre sin mudarse, ni alterarse de su semblante valeroso, dixo, Vamos a morir alla todos cavalleros, [~q] oy es el dia." Ibid., fol. 90.

[1359] Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. III. p. 24.

[1360] Vertot speaks of this last attack as having been made on the eighteenth of August. His chronology may be corrected by that of Balbi, whose narrative, taking the form of a diary, in which the transactions of each day are separately noted, bears the stamp of much greater accuracy. Balbi gives the seventh of August as the date. For the preceding pages see Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 89-93; Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. III. pp. 18-24; Calderon, Gloriosa Defensa de Malta, pp. 146-150; De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. V. p. 83 et seq.; Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VI. cap. 27; Campana, Vita di Filippo Secondo, tom. II. p. 16; Leti, Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. p. 450.

[1361] "Y sino solenne como en esta religion se suele hazer, alomenos c[=o]trita a lo que las lagrimas de muchos hombres y mugeres davan señal." Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 94

[1362] "Y como el comendador era hombre de linda disposicion, y armado de unas armas doradas y ricas, los turcos tiraron todos a el." Ibid., fol. 76.

[1363] Ibid., ubi supa.--Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. III. p. 14.

[1364] Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 66, 82.

[1365] Ibid. fol. 78.

[1366] "Muchas vezes solo se yva a san Lorenço, y alli en su apartamiento hazia sus oraciones. Y eneste exercicio se occupava quando se tenia algun sosiego." Ibid., fol. 84.

[1367] Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. III. p. 29.

[1368] "Lo qual sabido por el gran Maestre como aquel que jamas penso sino morir el primo por su religion, y por quitar toda sospecha despues de aver hecho llevar en sant Angel todas las reliquias y cosas de mas valor, mando quitar la puente, dando a entender a todo el mundo que enel no avia retirar, sino morir en el Burgo, o defenderlo." Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 94.

See also Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. III. p. 29.; Calderon, Gloriosa Defensa de Malta, p. 167 et seq.

[1369] "Ya seles canocia, que les faltavan muchas pieças que avian embarcado, y cada noche se sentia como las retiravan, ala sorda sin los alaridos que davan al principio quando las plantaron." Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 101.

[1370] Ibid., fol. 106 et seq.--Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. III. p. 33.--Calderon, Gloriosa Defensa de Malta, pp. 172-176.--De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. V. p. 88.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VI. cap. 28.--Campana, Vita di Filippo Secondo, tom. II. p. 166.

[1371] "Como nuestra armada estuvo en parte [~q] la descubriamos claramente, cada galera tiro tres vezes." Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 104.

[1372] "En el retirar su artilleria, tan calladamente que no se sentia sino el chillido de las ruedas, y Dios sabe lo que al gran Maestre pesava, porque siempre tuvo especrança de ganarle parte della, si el socorro se descubriera." Ibid., fol. 105.

[1373] The armory, in the government palace of Valetta, still contains a quantity of weapons, sabres, arquebuses, steel bows, and the like, taken at different times from the Turks. Among others is a cannon of singular workmanship, but very inferior in size to the two pieces of ordnance mentioned in the text. (See Bigelow's Travels in Malta and Sicily, p. 226.) Those glorious trophies of the great siege should have found a place among the national relics.

[1374] "Yo no creo que musica jamas consolasse humanos sentidos, como á nosotros consolo el son de nuestras campanas, alos ocho, dia dela Natividad de nuestra señora. Porque el gran Maestre las hizo tocar todas ala hora que se solia tocar al arma, y avía tres meses que no las aviamos oydo sino para arma." Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 105.

[1375] "Esta mañana pues tocaron la missa, la cual se canto muy de mañana, y en pontifical, muy solemnemente, dando gracias á nuestro señor Dios, y á su bendita madre por las gracias que nos avian hecho." Ibid., ubi supra.

[1376] "No dexando de pelear aquel dia, y en sangrentar muy bien sus espadas." Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 119.

[1377] "Lo qual se vio claramente dende a dos o tres dias porque los cuerpos que se avian ahogado subieron encima del agua, los quales eran tantos que parecian mas de tres mil, y avia tanto hedor en todo aquello que no se podia hombre llegar ala cala." Ibid., fol. 120.

As an offset against the three thousand of the enemy who thus perished by fire and water, the chronicler gives us four Christians slain in the fight, and four smothered from excessive heat in their armor!

[1378] For the preceding pages see Balbi, (Verdadera Relacion, fol. 117-121,) who contrived to be present in the action; also Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. III. pp. 35-37; De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. V. p. 89; Miniana, Hist. de España, p. 353; Campana, Vita di Filippo Secondo, tom. II, p. 160; Herrera, Historia General, tom. I. p. 591; Calderon, Gloriosa Defensa de Malta, p. 180 et seq.

[1379] "Se vinieron al Burgo, tanto por ver la persona del gran Maestre tan dichosa y valerosa, como por ver la grandissima disformidad y llaneza de nuestras baterias." Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 121.

[1380] Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. III. p. 39.

[1381] "Al entrar del qual despues que la Real capitana uvo puesto sus estandartes los pusieron todas las demas, y muy ricos, la Real traya enla flama un crucifixo muy devoto." Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 122.

[1382] "Fueronse para Palacio, adonde dio el gran Maestre a todos muy realmente de cenar, porque ya el governador del Gozo le avia embiado muchos refrescos, y don Garcia y todos los capitanes del armada le presentaron de la misma manera." Ibid., ubi supra.

[1383] Balbi expresses his satisfaction at the good cheer, declaring that the dainties brought by the viceroy, however costly, seemed cheap to men who had been paying two ducats for a fowl, and a real and a half for an egg. Ibid., ubi supra.

[1384] Herrera, Historia General, vol. I. p. 592.

[1385] Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. III. p. 38.

[1386] Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 121.--De Thou reduces the mortality to twenty thousand. (Hist. Universelle, tom. V. p. 592.) Herrera, on the other hand, raises it to forty thousand. (Historia General, tom. I. p. 90.) The whole Moslem force, according to Balbi, was forty-eight thousand, exclusive of seamen. Of these about thirty thousand were Turks. The remainder belonged to the contingents furnished by Dragut and Hassem. Conf., fol. 25 and 121.

[1387] Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 128.--Balbi gives a list of all the knights who perished in the siege. Cabrera makes a similar estimate of the Christian loss. (Filipe Segundo, lib. VI. cap. 28.) De Thou rates it somewhat lower (Hist. Universelle, tom. V. p. 90); and Vertot lower still. (Knights of Malta, vol. III. p. 38.) Yet Balbi may be thought to show too little disposition, on other occasions, to exaggerate the loss of his own side for us to suspect him of exaggeration here.

[1388] "En todo este sitio no se a justiciado sino un solo Italiano Senes el qual mando justiciar Melchior de Robles: porque dixo publicamente estando en el mayor aprieto, que mas valiera que tomaramos las quatro pagas que los turcos nos ofrecian, y el passage." Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 128.

[1389] For this act of retributive justice, so agreeable to the feelings of the reader, I have no other authority to give than Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. III. p. 18.

[1390] Ibid., pp. 39, 40.--Calderon, Gloriosa Defensa de Malta, pp. 189, 190.--De Thou, Hist. Universelle, tom. V. p. 91.

[1391] "Havia en la Isla de Malta quinze mil hombres de pelea, los quales bastaran para resistir a qualquiera poder del gran Turco en campaña rasa." Balbi, Verdadera Relacion, fol. 129.

Besides the Spanish forces, a body of French adventurers took service under La Valette, and remained for some time in Malta.

[1392] Vertot tells us that the projected expedition of Solyman against Malta was prevented by the destruction of the grand arsenal of Constantinople, which was set on fire by a secret emissary of La Valette. (Knights of Malta, vol. III. p. 41.) We should be better pleased if the abbé had given his authority for this strange story, the probability of which is not at all strengthened by what we know of the grand-master's character.

[1393] It was common for the Maltese cities, after the Spanish and Italian fashion, to have characteristic epithets attached to their names. La Valette gave the new capital the title of "_Umillima_,"--"most humble,"--intimating that humility was a virtue of highest price with the fraternity of St. John. See Boisgelin, Ancient and Modern Malta, vol. I. p. 29.

[1394] "Plus de huit mille ouvriers y furent employés; et afin d'avancer plus aisément les travaux, le Pape Pie V. commanda qu'on y travaillât sans discontinuer, même les jours de Fêtes." Helyot, Hist. des Ordres Religieux.

[1395] The style of the architecture of the new capital seems to have been, to some extent, formed on that of Rhodes, though, according to Lord Carlisle, of a more ornate and luxuriant character than its model. "I traced much of the military architecture of Rhodes, which, grave and severe there, has here both swelled into great amplitude and blossomed into copious efflorescence; it is much the same relation as Henry VII.'s Chapel bears to a bit of Durham Cathedral." Diary in Turkish and Greek Waters, p. 200.

The account of Malta is not the least attractive portion of this charming work, to which Felton's notes have given additional value.

[1396] Vertot, Knights of Malta, vol. III. p. 42.

[1397] Ibid., pp. 42-48.--Boisgelin, Ancient and Modern Malta, vol. I. pp. 127-142.

[1398] An interesting description of this cathedral, well styled the Westminster Abbey of Malta, may be found in Bigelow's Travels in Sicily and Malta (p. 190),--a work full of instruction, in which the writer, allowing himself a wider range than that of the fashionable tourist, takes a comprehensive survey of the resources of the countries he has visited, while he criticizes their present condition by an enlightened comparison with the past.

[1399] "Lorsqu'on commence l'Evangile, le Grand-Maître la prend des mains du Page et la tient tonte droite pendant le tems de l'Evangile. C'est la seule occasion où l'on tient l'épée nue à l'Eglise." Helyot, Hist. des Ordres Religieux, tom. III. p. 93.

[1400] Boisgelin, Ancient and Modern Malta, vol. I. p. 35.

The good knight dwells with complacency on the particulars of a ceremony in which he had often borne a part himself. It recalled to his mind the glorious days of an order, which he fondly hoped might one day be restored to its primitive lustre.

[1401] Alfieri, Schiller, and, in our day, Lord John Russell, have, each according to his own conceptions, exhibited the poetic aspect of the story to the eyes of their countrymen. The Castilian dramatist, Montalvan, in his "Príncipe Don Carlos," written before the middle of the seventeenth century, shows more deference to historic accuracy, as well as to the reputation of Isabella, by not mixing her up in any way with the fortunes of the prince of Asturias.

[1402] This correspondence is printed in a curious volume, of the greatest rarity, entitled, Elogios de Don Honorato Juan, (Valencia, 1659,) p. 60 et seq.

[1403] "Egli in collera reiterò con maraviglia et riso di S. M. et de'circumstanti, che mai egli non saria fuggito." Relatione di Badoaro, MS.

[1404] "Reprehendio al Principe su nieto su poca mesura i mucha desenboltura con que vivia i trataba con su tia, i encomendòla su correcion, diziendo era en lo [~q] mas podia obligar a todos." Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. II. cap. 11.

[1405] "Ne attende ad altro che a leggirli gli officii di M. Tullio per acquetare quei troppo ardenti desiderii." Relatione di Badoaro, MS.

[1406] "En lo del estudio esta poco aprovechado, porque lo haze de mala gana y ausy mesmo los otros exercicios de jugar y esgremyr, que para todo es menester premya." Carta de García de Toledo al Emperador, 27 de Agosto, 1557, MS.

[1407] "Hasta agora no se que los medicos ayan tratado de dar ninguna cosa al principe para la colera, ny yo lo consintiera hazer, sin dar primero quenta dello a vuestra magestad." Ibid.

[1408] "Deseo mucho que V. M. fuese servido que el principe diese una buelta por allá para velle por que entendidos los impedimentos que en su edad tiene mandasse V. M. lo que fuera de la horden con que yo le sirvo se deba mudar." Del mismo al mismo, 13 de Abril, 1558, MS.

[1409] So cruel, according to the court gossip picked up by Badoaro, that, when hares and other game were brought to him, he would occasionally amuse himself by roasting them alive!---"Dimostra havere un animo fiero, et tra gli effetti che si raccontana uno è, che alle volte, che dalla caccia gli viene portato o lepre o simile animale, si diletta di vedirli arrostire vivi." Relatione de Badoaro, MS.

[1410] "Da segno di dovere essere superbissimo, perchè non poteva sofferire di stare lungamente nè innanzi al padre nè avo con la berretta in mano, et chiama il padre fratello, et l'avo padre." Ibid.

[1411] "Dice a tutti i propositi tante cose argute che 'l suo ministro ne raccolse un libretto." Ibid.

Another contemporary also notices the precocious talents of the boy, as shown in his smart sayings.--"Dexo de contar las gracias que tiene en dichos maravillosos que andan por boca de todos desparzidos, dexo de contar lo que haze para provar lo que dize." Cordero, Promptuario de Medallas, ap. Castro, Historia de los Protestantes Españoles, p. 328.

[1412] "Le pauvre prince est si bas et exténué, il va d'heure a heure tant affoiblissant, que les plus sages de ceste court en ont bien petite espérance." L'Evêque de Limoges au Roi, 1^er Mars, 1559, ap. Négociations relatives an Règne de François II., p. 291.

[1413] "Delante de la Princesa venia don Carlos a su juramento con mal calor de quartanaria en un cavallo blanco con rico guarnimiento i gualdrapa de oro i plata bordado sobre tela de oro parda, como el vestido galan con muchos botones de perlas i diamantes." Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. V. cap. 7.

[1414] Ibid., ubi supra.

[1415] Strada, in a parallel which he has drawn of the royal youths, gives the palm to Don John of Austria. His portrait of Carlos is as little flattering in regard to his person as to his character.--"Carolus, præter colorem et capillum, ceterùm corpore mendosus; quippe humero clatior, et tibia alterâ longior erat; nee minus dehonestamentum ab indole feroci et contumaci." De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 609.

[1416] "Este dia despues de haber comido queriendo Su Alteza bajar por una escalera escura y de ruines pasos echó el pie derecho en vacio, y dió una vuelta sobre todo el cuerpo, y así cayó de cuatro ó cinco escalones. Dió con la cabeza un gran golpe en una puerta cerrada, y quedó la cabeza abajo y los pies arriba." Relacion de la enfermedad del Príncipe por el Doctor Olivares, Documentos Inéditos, tom. XV. p. 554.

[1417] According to Guibert, the French ambassador, Carlos was engaged in a love adventure when he met with his fall,--having descended this dark stairway in search of the young daughter of the porter of the garden. See Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. I. p. 119.

[1418] Ferreras, Hist. de l'Espagne, tom. IX. p. 429.

[1419] Dr. Olivares bears emphatic testimony to this virtue, little to have been expected in his patient.--"Lo que á su salud cumplia hizo de la misma suerte, siendo tan obediente á los remedios que á todos espantaba que por fuertes y recios que fuesen nunca los reusó, antes todo el tiempo que estuvo en su acuerdo él mismo los pedia, lo cual fué grande ayuda para la salud que Dios le dió." Documentos Inéditos, tom. XV. p. 571.

[1420] Another rival appeared, to contest the credit of the cure with the bones of Fray Diego. This was Our Lady of Atocha, the patroness of Madrid, whose image, held in the greatest veneration by Philip the Second, was brought to the chamber of Carlos, soon after the skeleton of the holy friar. As it was after the patient had decidedly begun to mend, there seems to be the less reason for the chroniclers of Our Lady of Atocha maintaining, as they sturdily do, her share in the cure. (Perada, La Madona de Madrid, (Valladolid, 1604,) p. 151.) The veneration for the patroness of Madrid has continued to the present day. A late journal of that capital states that the queen, accompanied by her august consort and the princess of Asturias, went, on the twenty-fourth of March, 1854, in solemn procession to the church, to decorate the image with the collar of the Golden Fleece.

[1421] "Con todo eso tomando propriamente el nombre de milagro, á mi juicio no lo fué, porque el Príncipe se curó con los remedios naturales y ordinarios, con los cuales se suelen curar otros de la misma enfermedad estando tanto y mas peligrosos." Documentos Inéditos, tom. XV. p. 570.

[1422] Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. I. p. 132.

[1423] "Il aymoit fort à ribler le pavé, et faire à coups d'espée, fust de jour, fust de nuit, car il avoit avec luy dix ou douze enfans d'honneur des plus grandes maisons d'Espagne.... Quand il alloit par les ruës quelque belle dame, et fust elle des plus grandes du pays, il la prenoit et la baisoit par force devant tout le monde; il l'appelloit putain, bagasse, chienne, et force autres injures leur disoit-il." Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. I. p. 323.

[1424] "Dió un bofeton a Don Pedro Manuel, i guisadas i picadas en menudas pieças hizo comer las votas al menestral." Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VII. cap. 22.

De Foix, a French architect employed on the Escorial at this time, informed the historian De Thou of the prince's habit of wearing extremely large leggings, or boots, for the purpose mentioned in the text. "Nam et scloppetulos binos summa arte fabricatos caligis, quæ amplissimæ de more gentis in usu sunt, eum gestare solitum resciverat." (Historiæ sui Temporis, lib. XLI.) I cite the original Latin, as the word _caligæ_ has been wrongly rendered by the French translator into _culottes_.

[1425] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VII. cap. 22.

[1426] "Curilla vos os atreveis a mi, no dexando venir a servirme Cisneros? por vida de mi padre que os tengo de matar" Ibid., ubi supra.

[1427] "Il qual Niccolo lo fece subito et co'parole di Complimento rende gratie à sua Altezza, offerendoli sempre tutto quel che per lui si poteva." Lettera di Nobili, Ambasciatore del Granduca di Toscagna al Re Philippo, 24 di Luglio, 1567, MS.

[1428] "Ci si messe di mezzo Ruigomes et molti altri nè si è mai possuto quietar'fin tanto che Niccolo no'li ha prestato sessantamila scudi co'sua polizza senza altro assegniamento." Ibid.

[1429] "Mostra di esser molto religioso solicitando come fa le prediche et divini officii, anzi in questo si può dir che eccede l'honesto, et suol dire, Chi debbe far Elemosine, se non la danno i Prencipi?" Relatione di Tiepolo, MS.

[1430] "È splendetissimo in tutte le cose et massime nel beneficiar chi lo serve. Il che fa così largamente che necessita ad amarlo anco i servitori del Padre." Ibid.

[1431] "È curioso nel intendere i negozii del stato, ne i quali s'intrometterebbe volontieri, et procura di saper quello che tratta il Padre, et che egli asconde gli fa grande offesa." Ibid.

Granvelle, in one of his letters, notices with approbation this trait in the character of Carlos. "Many are pleased with the prince, others not. I think him modest, and inclined to employ himself, which, for the heir of such large dominions, is in the highest degree necessary." Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. I. p. 128.

[1432] "Mi mayor amigo que tengo en esta vida, que harè lo que vos me pidieredes." Elogios de Honorato Juan, p. 66.

The last words, it is true, may be considered as little more than a Castilian form of epistolary courtesy.

[1433] "Su Alteza añada, y quite todo lo que le pareciere de mi testamento, y este mi Codicilo, que aquello que su Alteza mandare lo doy, y quiero que sea tan valido como si estuviesse expressado en este mi Codicilo, o en el testamento." Ibid., p. 73.

[1434] "Così come sono allegri i Spagnuoli d'haver per loro Sig^re un Rè naturale così stanno molto in dubio qual debbe esser il suo governo." Relatione di Tiepolo, MS.

[1435] Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. I. p. 132.

[1436] Herrera, Historia General, tom. I. p. 680.

[1437] Raumer (Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. I. p. 153), who cites a manuscript letter of Antonio Perez to the councillor Du Vaire, extant in the Royal Library of Paris. A passage in a letter to Carlos from his almoner, Doctor Hernan Suarez de Toledo, has been interpreted as alluding to his intercourse with the deputies from Flanders: "Tambien he llorado, no haber parecido bien que V. A. _hablase a los procuradores_, como dicen que lo hizo, no se lo que fue, pero si que cumple mucho hacer los hombres sus negocios propios, con consejo ageno, por que los muy diestros nunca fian del suyo." The letter, which is without date, is to be found in the archiepiscopal library of Toledo.

[1438] De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 376.

[1439] "È principe," writes the nuncio, "che quello, che ha in cuore, ha in bocca." Lettera del Nunzio al Cardinale Alessandrini, Giugno, 1566, MS.

[1440] "Que eran de grandisimo engaño, y error peligrosisimo, inventado y buscado todo por el demonio, para dar travajo a V. A. y pensar darle á todos, y para desasogear, y aun inquietar la grandeza de la monarquia." Carta de Hernan Suarez al Príncipe, MS.

[1441] The intimate relations of Doctor Suarez with Carlos exposed him to suspicions in regard to his loyalty or his orthodoxy,--we are not told which,--that might have cost him his life, had not this letter, found among the prince's papers after his death, proved a sufficient voucher for the doctor's innocence. Soto, Anotaciones a la Historia de Talabera, MS.

[1442] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VII. cap. 13.--Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 376.--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, (Madrid, 1627,) fol. 37.

[1443] Letter of Fourquevaulx, January 19, 1568 ap. Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. I. p. 85.

[1444] "Avia muchos dias, que el Príncipe mi Señor andaba inquieto sin poder sosegar, y decia, que avia de matar á un hombre con quien estaba mal, y de este dió parte al Señor Don Juan, pero sin declararle quien fuese." De la Prision y Muerte del Príncipe Don Carlos, MS.

[1445] "Pero el Prior le engaño, con persuadirle dixese cual fuese el hombre, por que seria possible poder dispensar conforme à la satisfaccion, que S. A. pudiese tomar, y entonces dixo, que era el Rey su Padre con quien estaba mál, y le havia de matar." Ibid.

[1446] Ibid.

[1447] "Ya avia llegado de Sevilla Garci Alvarez Osorio con ciento y cincuenta mil escudos de los seiscientos mil que le avia embiado a buscar y proveer: y que assi se apercibiesse para partir en la noche siguiente pues la resta le remitirian en polizas en saliendo de la Corte." Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 40.

[1448] Ibid., ubi supra.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VII. cap. 22.

[1449] "Sono molti giorni che stando il Ré fuori comandò segretamente che si facesse fare orationi in alcuni monasterii, acciò nostro Signore Dio indrizzasse bene et felicemente un grand negotio, che si li offeriva. Questo è costume di questo Prencipe veramente molto religioso, quando li occorre qualche cosa da esseguire, che sia importante." Lettera del Nunzio, 24 di Gennaio, 1568, MS.

[1450] "On the next day, when I was present at the audience, he appeared with as good a countenance as usual, although he was already determined in the same night to lay hands on his son, and no longer to put up with or conceal his follies and more than youthful extravagances." Letter of Fourquevaulx, February 5, 1568, ap. Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. I. p. 138.

[1451] Ibid., ubi supra.--Relacion del Ayuda de Camara, MS.

[1452] Relacion del Ayuda de Camara, MS.--Lettera di Nobili, Gennaio 21, 1568, MS.

De Thou, taking his account from the architect Louis de Foix, has provided Carlos with still more formidable means of defence. "Ce Prince inquiet ne dormoit point, qu'il n'eût sous son chevet deux épées nues et deux pistolets chargez. Il avoit encore dans sa garderobe deux arquebuses avec de la poudre et des balles, toujours prêtes à tirer." Hist. Universelle, tom. V. p. 439.

[1453] Ibid., ubi supra.

[1454] "Così S. Mta fece levare tutte l'armi, et tutti i ferri sino à gli alari di quella camera, et conficcare le finestre." Lettera di Nobili, Gennaio 21, 1568, MS.

[1455] "Aquí alço el principe grandes bozes diziendo, mateme Vra Md y no me prenda porque es grande escandalo para el reyno y sino yo me mataré, al qual respondio el rey que no lo hiciere que era cosa de loco, y el principe respondio no lo hare como loco sino como desesperado pues Vra Md me trata tan mal." Relacion del Ayuda de Camara, MS.

[1456] "Erasi di già tornato nel letto il Principe usando molte parole fuor di proposito: le quali non furno asverttite come dette quasi singhiozzando." Lettera di Nobili, Gennaio 25, 1568, MS.

[1457] "Y á cada uno de por sí con lagrimas (segun me ha certificado quien lo vió) les daba cuenta de la prission del Príncipe su hijo." Relacion del Ayuda de Camara, MS.

[1458] "Martes veinte de Enero de 1568, llamó S. M. á su cámara á los de el Consejo de Estado, y estubieron en ella desde la una de la tarde asta las nueve de la noche, no se sabe que se tratase, el Rey hace informacion, Secretario de ella és Oyos, hallase el Rey pressente al examen de los testigos, ay escripto casi un feme en alto." Ibid.

I have two copies of this interesting MS., one from Madrid, the other from the library of Sir Thomas Phillips. Llorente's translation of the entire document, in his Histoire de l'Inquisition, (tom. III. pp. 151-158,) cannot claim the merit of scrupulous accuracy.

[1459] "Unos le llamaban prudente, otros severo, porque su risa i cuchillo eran confines." Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VII. cap. 22.

These remarkable words seem to escape from Cabrera, as if he were noticing only an ordinary trait of character.

[1460] "Mirabanse los mas cuerdos sellando la boca con el dedo i el silencio." Ibid., ubi supra.

[1461] "In questo mezo è prohibito di mandar corriero nessuno, volendo essere Sus Maestà il primo á dar alli Prencipi quest'aviso." Lettera del Nunzio, Gennaio 21, 1568, MS.

[1462] "En fin yo he querido hacer en esta parte sacrificio à Dios de mi propia carne y sangre y preferir su servicio y el bien y beneficio público á las otras consideraciones humanas." Traslado de la Carta que su magestad escrivió à la Reyna de Portugal sobre le prision del Principe su hijo, 20 de Enero, 1568, MS.

[1463] "Solo me ha parecido ahora advertir que el fundamento de esta mi determinacion no depende de culpa, ni inovediencia, ni desacato, ni es enderezada à castigo, que aunque para este havia la muy suficiente materia, pudiera tener su tiempo y su termino." Ibid.

[1464] "Ni tampoco lo he tomado por medio, teniendo esperanza que por este camino se reformarán sus excesos y desordenes. Tiene este negocio otro principio y razon, cuyo remedio no consiste en tiempo, ni medios; y que es de mayor importancia y consideracion para satisfacer yo á la dicha obligacion que tengo á Dios nuestro señor y á los dichos mis Reynos." Ibid.

[1465] "Pues aunque es verdad que en el discurso de su vida y trato haya habido ocasion de alguna desobediencia ó desacato que pudieran justificar qualquiera demostracion, esto no me obligaría á llegar á tan estrecho punto. La necesidad y conveniencia han producido las causas que me han movido muy urgentes y precisas con mi hijo primogenito y solo." Carta del Rey á su Embajador en Roma, 22 de Enero, 1568, MS.

[1466] Letter of Fourquevaulx, ap. Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries vol. I. p. 136.

[1467] "Querria el Papa saber por carta de V. M. la verdad." Carta de Zuñiga al Rey, 28 de Abril, 1568, MS.

[1468] Lorea, Vida de Pio Quinto, (Valladolid, 1713,) p. 131.

[1469] In the Archives of Simancas is a department known as the _Patronato_, or family papers, consisting of very curious documents, of so private a nature as to render them particularly difficult of access. In this department is deposited the correspondence of Zuñiga, which, with other documents in the same collection, has furnished me with some pertinent extracts.

[1470] "Estan en el archivo de Simancas, donde en el año mil i quinientos i noventa i dos los metio don Cristoval de Mora de su Camara en un cofrecillo verde en que se conservan," Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VII. cap. 22.

[1471] It is currently reported, as I am informed, among the scholars of Madrid, that in 1828, Ferdinand the Seventh caused the papers containing the original process of Carlos, with some other documents, to be taken from Simancas; but whither they were removed is not known. Nor since that monarch's death have any tidings been heard of them.

[1472] "Rispose che questo saria el manco, perchè se non fosse stato altro pericolo che della persona del Rè si saria guardata, et rimediato altramente, ma che ci era peggio, si peggio può essere, al che sua Maestà ha cercato per ogni via di rimediare due anni continui, perchè vedeva pigliarli la mala via, ma non ha mai potuto fermare ne regolare questo cervello, fin che è bisognato arrivare a questo." Lettera del Nunzio, Gennaio 24, 1568, MS.

[1473] "Non lascerò però di dirle, ch'io ho ritratto et di luogo ragionevole, che si sospetta del Prencipe di poco Cattolico: et quello, che lo fà credere, è che fin'adesso non li han fatto dir messa." Lettera di Nobili, Gennaio 25, 1698, MS.

[1474] "El Papa alaba mucho la determinacion de V. M. porque entiende que la conservacion de la Christianidad depende de que Dios de à V. M. muchos años de vida y qu edespues tenga tal sucesor que sepa seguir sus pisadas." Carta de Zuñiga, Junio 25, 1568, MS.

[1475] Leti has been more fortunate in discovering a letter from Don Carlos to Count Egmont, found among the papers of that nobleman at the time of his arrest. (Vita di Filippo II. tom. I. p. 543.) The historian is too discreet to vouch for the authenticity of the document, which indeed would require a better voucher than Leti to obtain our confidence.

[1476] De Castro labors hard to prove that Don Carlos was a Protestant. If he fails to establish the fact, he must be allowed to have shown that the prince's conduct was such as to suggest great doubts of his orthodoxy, among those who approached the nearest to him. See Historia de los Protestantes Españoles, p. 319 et seq.

[1477] "Sua Maestà ha dato ordine, che nelle lettere, che si scrivono a tutti li Prencipi et Regni, si dica, che la voce ch'è uscita ch 'l Prencipe havesse cercato di offendere la Real persona sua propria è falsa, et questo medesimo fa dire a bocea da Ruy Gomez all'Imbasciatori." Lettera del Nunzio Gennaio 27, 1568, MS.

[1478] "Si tien per fermo che privaranno il Prencipe della successione, et non lo liberaranno mai." Lettera del Nunzio, Febraio 14, 1568, MS.

[1479] "Para rezarse le diesen las Oras, Breviario i Rosario que pidiese, i libros solamente de buena dotrina i devocion, si quisiese leer y oir." Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, b. VII. cap. 22.

[1480] The _montero_ was one of the body-guard of the king for the night. The right of filling this corps was an ancient privilege accorded to the inhabitants of a certain district named Espinosa de los Monteros. Llorente, Histoire de l'Inquisition, tom. III. p. 163.

[1481] The regulations are given _in extenso_ by Cabrera, (Filipe Segundo, lib. VII. cap. 22,) and the rigor with which they were enforced is attested by the concurrent reports of the foreign ministers at the court. In one respect, however, they seem to have been relaxed, if, as Nobili states, the prince was allowed to recreate himself with the perusal of Spanish law-books, which he may have consulted with reference to his own case. "Hà domandato, che li siano letti li statuti, et le leggi di Spagna: ne'quali spende molto studio. Scrive assai di sua mano, et subito scritto lo straccia." Lettera di Nobili, Giugno 8, 1568, MS.

[1482] "Per questa causa dunque il Rè et Regina vechia di quel regno hanno mandato qui un ambasciatore a far offltio col Rè cattolico per il Prencipe, dolersi del caso, offerirsi di venire la Regina propria a governarlo como madre." Lettera del Nunzio, Marzo 2, 1568, MS.

[1483] Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. II. p. 141.

[1484] Ibid., pp. 146-148.

[1485] "Reyna y Princesa lloran: Don Juan vá cada noche á Palacio, y una fué muy llano, como de luto, y el Rey le riñió, y mandó no andubiesse de aquel modo, sino como solia de antes." Relación del Ayuda de Cámara, MS.

[1486] "Sua Maestà ha fatto intendere a tutte le città del Reyno, che non mandino huomini o imbasciator nessuno, ne per dolersi, ne per cerimonia, ne per altro; et pare che habbia a caro, che nessuno glie ne parli, et così ogn'huomo tace." Lettera del Nunzio, Febraio 14, 1568, MS.

[1487] Letter of Fourquevaulx, April 13, 1568. ap. Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. II. p. 143.

A letter of condolence from the municipality of Murcia was conceived in such a loyal and politic vein as was altogether unexceptionable. "We cannot reflect," it says, "without emotion, on our good fortune in having a sovereign so just, and so devoted to the weal of his subjects, as to sacrifice to this every other consideration, even the tender attachment which he has for his own offspring." This, which might seem irony to some, was received by the king, as it was doubtless intended, in perfect good faith. His indorsement, in his own handwriting, on the cover, shows the style in which he liked to be approached by his loving subjects. "This letter is written with prudence and discretion."--A translation of the letter, dated February 16, 1568, is in Llorente, Histoire de l'Inquisition, tom. III. p. 161.

[1488] Letter of Fourquevaulx, ap. Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries.

[1489] Ibid., ubi supra.

[1490] "Quella per il Rè conteneva specificatamente molti agravii, che in molti anni pretendi, che li siano statti fatti da Sua Maestà, et diceva ch'egli se n'andava fuori delli suoi Regni per no poter sopportare tanti agravii, che li faceva." Lettera del Nunzio, Marzo 2, 1568, MS.

[1491] Ibid.

[1492] "Vi è ancora una lista, dove scriveva di sua mano gli amici, et li nemici suoi, li quali diceva hi havere a perseguitare sempre fino alla morte, tra li quali il primo era scritto il Rè suo padre, di poi Rui Gomez et la moglie, il Presidente, il Duca d'Alba, et certi altri." Lettera del Nunzio, Marzo 2, 1568, MS.

[1493] "No salio el Rey de Madrid, ni aun a Aranjuez, ni a San Lorenço a ver su fabrica, tan atento al negocio del Principe estaba, i sospechoso a las murmuraciones de sus pueblos fieles i reverentes, que ruidos estraordinarios en su Palacio le hazian mirar, si eran tumultos para sacar a su Alteza de su camara." Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VIII. cap. 5.

[1494] "Onde fù chiamato il confessore et il medico, ma egli seguitando nella sua disperatione non volse ascoltare nè l'unno nè l'altro." Lettera del Nunzio, MS.

My copy of this letter, perhaps through the inadvertence of the transcriber, is without date.

[1495] "Ne volendo in alcun modo curare nè il corpo nè l'anima, la quai cosa faceva stare il Rè et gli altri con molto dispiacere, vedendoli massima di continuo crescere il male, et mancar la virtù." Ibid.

[1496] "Vea V. A. que harán y dirán todos quando se entienda que no se confiesa, y se vayan descubriendo otras cosas terribles, que le son tanto, que llegan á que el Santo Oficio tuviera mucha entrada en otro para saber si era cristiano ó no." Carta de Hernán Suarez de Toledo al Príncipe, Marzo 18, 1568, MS.

[1497] "Spogliarsi nudo, et solo con una robba di taffetà su le carni star quasi di continuo ad una finestra, dove tirava vento, caminare con li piedi discalzi per la camara que tuttavia faceva stare adacquata tanto che sempre ci era l'acqua per tutto." Lettera del Nunzio, MS.

[1498] "Farsi raffredare ogni notte due o tre volti il letto con uno scaldaletto pieno di neve, et tenerlo le notte intiere nel letto." Ibid.

[1499] Three days, according to one authority. (Lettera di Nobili di 30 di Luglio, 1568, MS.) Another swells the number to nine days (Carta de Gomez Manrique, MS.); and a third--one of Philip's cabinet ministers--has the assurance to prolong the prince's fast to eleven days, in which he allows him, however, an unlimited quantity of cold water. "Ansi se determinó de no comer y en esta determinacion passaron onze dias sin que bastasen persuasiones ni otras diligencias á que tomase cosa bevida ni que fuese para salud sino aqua fria." Carta de Francisco de Erasso, MS.

[1500] "Doppo essere stato tre giorni senza mangiare molto fantastico et bizzaro mangiò un pasticcio fredolo di quatri perdici con tutta la pasta: et il medesimo giorno bevve trecento once d'aqqua fredda." Lettera di Nobili, Luglio 30 1568, MS.

Yet Carlos might have found warrant for his proceedings, in regard to the use of snow and iced water, in the prescriptions of more than one doctor of his time. De Castro--who displays much ingenuity, and a careful study of authorities, in his discussion of this portion of Philip's history--quotes the writings of two of these worthies, one of whom tells us, that the use of snow had increased to such an extent, that not only was it recommended to patients in their drink, but also to cool their sheets; and he forthwith prescribes a warming-pan, to be used in the same way as it was by Carlos. Historia de los Protestantes Españoles, p. 370.

[1501] "Visitabale el Doctor Olivares Protomedico i salia a consultar con sus conpañeros en presencia de Rui Gomez de Silva la curacion, curso i accidentes de la enfermedad." Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VII. cap. 22.

[1502] "Mostrando molta contritione, et se bene si lassava curare il corpo per non causarsi egli stesso la morte, mostrava pero tanto disprezzo delle cose del mondo, et tanto desiderio delle celesti; che pareva veramente che Nostro Signore Dio gli havesse riserbato il cumulo di tutti le gratie à quel ponto." Lettera del Nunzio, MS.

[1503] "Tanto hanno da durare le mie miserie." Ibid.

[1504] "And so," says Cabrera, somewhat bluntly, "the king withdrew to his apartment with more sorrow in his heart, and less care."--"Algunas oras antes de su fallecimiento, por entre los onbros del Prior don Antonio i de Rui Gomez le echò su benedicion, i se recogiò en su camara c[=o] mas dolor i menos cuidado." Filipe Segundo, lib. VIII. cap. 5.

[1505] "Il Rè non l'ha visitato, ne lassato che la Regina ne la Principessa lo veggiano, forse considerando che poi che già si conosceva disperato il caso suo, queste visite simili poterono più presto conturbare l'una at l'altra delle parti, che aiutarli in cosa nessuna." Lettera del Nunzio, MS.

[1506] "Il Prencipe di Spagna avante la morte diceva, che perdoneva a tutti, et nominatamenta al Padre, che l'haveva carcerato, et a Ruy Gomez, cardinal Presidente Dottor Velasco, et altri, per lo consiglio de'quali credeva essere stato preso." Lettera del Nunzio, Luglio 28, 1568, MS.

[1507] "Et battendosi il petto come poteva, essendoli mancata la virtù a poco a poco, ritirandosi la vita quasi da membro in membro espirò con molta tranquilità et constanza." Lettera del Nunzio, MS.

[1508] "Et testificono quelli, che vi si trovorno che Christiano nessuno può morir più cattolicamente, ne in maggior sentimento di lui." Lettera di Nobili, Luglio 30, 1568, MS.

[1509] See, among others, Quintana, Historia de la Antigüedad Nobleza y Grandeza de la Villa y Corte de Madrid, (1629,) fol. 368; Colmenares, Historia de la Insigne Ciudad de Segovia, (Madrid, 1640,) cap. 43; Pinelo, Anales de Madrid, MS.; Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VIII. cap. 5; Herrera, Historia General, lib. XV. cap. 3; Carta de Francisco de Erasso, MS.; Carta de Gomez Manrique, MS.

[1510] Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. I. p. 147.

Von Raumer has devoted some fifty pages of his fragmentary compilation to the story of Don Carlos, and more especially to the closing scenes of his life. The sources are of the most unexceptionable kind, being chiefly the correspondence of the French ministers with their court, existing among the MSS. in the Royal Library at Paris. The selections made are pertinent in their character, and will be found of the greatest importance to illustrate this dark passage in the history of the time. If I have not arrived at the same conclusions in all respects as those of the illustrious German scholar, it may be that my judgment has been modified by the wider range of materials at my command.

[1511] Llorente, Histoire de l'Inquisition, tom. III. p. 171 et seq.

[1512] "Quoique ces documens ne soient pas authentiques, ils méritent qu'on y ajoute foi, en ce qu'ils sont de certaines personnes employées dans le palais du roi." Ibid., p. 171.

[1513] Thus, for example, he makes the contradictory statements, at the distance of four pages from each other, that the prince did, and that he did not, confide to Don John his desire to kill his father (pp. 148, 152). The fact is, that Llorente in a manner pledged himself to solve the mystery of the prince's death, by announcing to his readers, at the outset, that "he believed he had discovered the truth." One fact he must be allowed to have established,--one which, as secretary to the Inquisition, he had the means of verifying,--namely, that no process was ever instituted against Carlos by the Holy Office. This was to overturn a vulgar error, on which more than one writer of fiction has built his story.

[1514] "Le cicalerie, et novellacce, che si dicono, sono molto indigne d'essere ascoltate, non che scritte, perchè in vero il satisfar al popolaccio in queste simil cose è molto difficile; et meglio è farle, siccome porta il giusto et l'honesto senza curarsi del giudicio d'huomini insani, et che parlono senza ragione di cose impertinenti et impossibili di autori incerti, dappochi, et maligni." Lettera di Nobili, Luglio 30 1568, MS.

[1515] Letter of Antonio Perez to the counsellor Du Vair, ap. Rauner, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. I. p. 153.

[1516] "Mais afin de sauver l'honneur du sang royal, l'arrêt fut exécuté en secret et on lui fit avaler un bouillon empoisoné, dont il mourut quelques heures après, au commencement de sa vingt-troisième année." De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. V. p. 436.

[1517] "Mas es peligroso manejar vidrios, i dar ocasion da tragedias famosas, acaecimientos notables, violentas muertes por los secretos executores Reales no sabidas, i por inesperadas terribles, i por la estrañeza i rigor de justicia, despues de largas advertencias a los que no cuidando dellas incurrieron en crimen de lesa Magestad." Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VII. cap. 22.

The admirable obscurity of the passage, in which the historian has perfectly succeeded in mystifying his critics, has naturally led them to suppose that more was meant by him than meets the eye.

[1518] "Ex morbo ob alimenta partim obstinate recusata, partira intemperanter adgesta, nimiamque nivium refrigerationem, super animi aigritudinem (_si modò vis abfuit_), in Divi Jacobi pervigilio extinctus est." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 378.

[1519] Apologie, ap. Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, tom. V. par. i. p. 389.

[1520] "Parquoy le roi conclud sur ses raisons que le meilleur estoit de le faire mourir; dont un matin on le trouva en prison estouffé d'un linge." Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. I. p. 320.

A taste for jesting on this subject seems to have been still in fashion at the French court as late as Louis the Fourteenth's time. At least, we find that monarch telling some one that "he had sent Bussy Rabutin to the Bastile for his own benefit, as Philip the Second said when he ordered his son to be strangled." Lettres de Madame de Sevigné, (Paris, 1822.) tom. VIII. p. 368.

[1521] A French contemporary chronicler dismisses his account of the death of Carlos with the remark, that, of all the passages in the history of this reign, the fate of the young prince is the one involved in the most impenetrable mystery. Matthieu, Breve Compendio de la Vida Privada de Felipe Segundo, (Span, trans.,) MS.

[1522] The Abbé San Real finds himself unable to decide whether Carlos took poison, or, like Seneca, had his veins opened in a warm bath, or, finally, whether he was strangled with a silk cord by four slaves sent by his father to do the deed, in Oriental fashion. (Verdadera Historia de la Vida y Muerte del Príncipe Don. Carlos, Span, trans., MS.) The doubts of San Real are echoed with formal solemnity by Leti, Vita di Flippo II., tom. I. p. 559.

[1523] Von Raumer, who has given an analysis of this letter of Antonio Perez, treats it lightly, as coming from "a double-dealing, bitter enemy of Philip," whose word on such a subject was of little value. (Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. I. p. 155.) It was certainly a singular proof of confidence in one who was so habitually close in his concerns as the prince of Eboli, that he should have made such a communication to Perez. Yet it must be admitted that the narrative derives some confirmation from the fact, that the preceding portions of the letter containing it, in which the writer describes the arrest of Carlos, conform with the authentic account of that event as given in the text.

It is worthy of notice, that both De Thou and Llorente concur with Perez in alleging poison as the cause of the prince's death. Though even here there is an important discrepancy; Perez asserting it was a slow poison, taking four months to work its effect, while the other authorities say that its operation was immediate. Their general agreement, moreover, in regard to the employment of poison, is of the less weight, as such an agency would be the one naturally surmised under circumstances where it would be desirable to leave no trace of violence on the body of the victim.

[1524] If we may take Brantôme's word, there was some ground for such apprehension at all times. "En fin il estoit un terrible masle; et s'il eust vescu, assurez-vous qu'il s'en fust faict aeroire, et qu'il eust mis le pere en curatelle." OEuvres, tom. I. p. 323.

[1525] "Li più favoriti del Rè erono odiati da lui a morte, et adesso tanto più, et quando questo venisse a regnare si teneriano rovinati loro." Lettera del Nunzio, Febraio 14, 1568, MS.

[1526] Ante. p. 177.

It is in this view that Dr. Salazar de Mendoza does not shrink from asserting, that, if Philip did make a sacrifice of his son, it rivalled in sublimity that of Isaac by Abraham, and even that of Jesus Christ by the Almighty! "Han dicho de él lo que del Padre Eterno, que no perdonó á su propio Hijo. Lo que del Patriarca Abraham en el sacrificio de Isaac su unigénito. A todo caso humano excede la gloria que de esto le resulta, y no hay con quien comparalla." (Dignidades de Castilla y Leon, p. 417.) He closes this rare piece of courtly blasphemy by assuring us that in point of fact Carlos died a natural death. The doctor wrote in the early part of Philip the Third's reign, when the manner of the prince's death was delicate ground for the historian.

[1527] Philip the Second is not the only Spanish monarch who has been charged with the murder of his son. Leovogild, a Visigothic king of the sixth century, having taken prisoner his rebel son, threw him into a dungeon, where he was secretly put to death. The king was an Arian, while the young prince was a Catholic, and might have saved his life if he had been content to abjure his religion. By the Church of Rome, therefore, he was regarded as a martyr; and it is a curious circumstance that it was Philip the Second who procured the canonization of the slaughtered Hermenegild from Pope Sixtus the Fifth.

For the story, taken from that voluminous compilation of Florez, "_La España Sagrada_," I am indebted to Milman's History of Latin Christianity (London, 1854, vol. I. p. 446), one of the remarkable works of the present age, in which the author reviews, with curious erudition, and in a profoundly philosophical spirit, the various changes that have taken place in the Roman hierarchy: and while he fully exposes the manifold errors and corruptions of the system, he shows throughout that enlightened charity which is the most precious of Christian graces, as unhappily it is the rarest.

[1528] Lettera di Nobili, Luglio 30, 1568, MS.

[1529] I have before me another will made by Don Carlos in 1564, in Alcalá de Henares, the original of which is still extant in the Archives of Simancas. In one item of this document, he bequeathes five thousand ducats to Don Martin de Cordova, for his gallant defence of Mazarquivir.

[1530] Lettera del Nunzio, Luglio 28, 1568, MS.--Quintana, Historia de Madrid, fol. 369.

[1531] "Partieron con el cuerpo, aviendo el Rey con la entereza de animo que mantuvo sienpre, conpuesto desde una ventana las diferencias de los Consejos disposiendo la precedencia, cesando assi la competencia." Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VIII. cap. 5.

[1532] The particulars of the ceremony are given by the Nunzio, Lettera di 28 di Luglio, MS.--See also Quintana, Historia de Madrid, fol. 369.

[1533] Pinelo, Anales de Madrid, MS.--Quintana, Historia de Madrid, fol. 369.--Lettera del Nunzio, Luglio 28, 1568, MS.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VIII. cap. 5.

[1534] Carta del Rey á Zuñiga, Agosto 27, 1568, MS.

[1535] "Digo la missa el Cardenal Tarragona, asistiendo á las honras 21 cardenales idemas de los obispos y arzobispos." Aviso de un Italiano plático y familiar de Ruy Gomez de Silva, MS.

[1536] "Oracion funebre," writes the follower of Ruy Gomez, "no la hubo, pero ye hizo estos epitaphios y versos por mi consolacion." Ibid.

Whatever "consolation" the Latin doggerel which follows in the original may have given to its author, it would have too little interest for the reader to be quoted here.

[1537] "Il Rè como padre ha sentito molto, ma come christiano la comporta con quells patienza con che dovemo ricevere le tribulationi, che ci manda Nostro Signore Dio." Lettera del Nunzio, Luglio 24, 1568, MS.

[1538] Raumer has given an extract from this letter, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. I. p. 149.

[1539] Besides Brantôme, and De Thou, elsewhere noticed in this connection, another writer of that age, Pierre Matthieu, the royal historiographer of France, may be thought to insinuate something of the kind, when he tells us that "the circumstance of Isabella so soon following Carlos to the tomb had suggested very different grounds from those he had already given as the cause of his death." (Breve Compendio de la Vida Privada del Rey Felipe Segundo, MS.) But the French writer's account of Philip is nearly as apocryphal as the historical romance of San Real, who, in all that relates to Carlos in particular, will be found largely indebted to the lively imagination of his predecessor.

[1540] "Aussi dit on que cela fut cause de sa mort en partie, avec d'autres subjects que je ne dirai point à ceste heure; car il ne se pouvoit garder de l'aimer dans son ame, l'honorer et reverer, tant il la trouvoit aymable et agréable à ses yeux, comme certes elle l'estoit en tout." Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. V. p. 128.

[1541] "Luy eschappa de dire que c'avoit esté fait fort meschamment de l'avoir fait mourir et si innocentement, dont il fut banny jusques au plus profond des Indes d'Espagne. Cela est tres que vray, à ce que l'on dit." Ibid., p. 132.

[1542] Apologie, ap. Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, tom. V. par. i. p. 389.

Strada, while he notices the common rumors respecting Carlos and Isabella, dismisses them as wholly unworthy of credit. "Mihi, super id quod incomperta sunt, etiam veris dissimilia videntur." De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 379.

[1543] At the head of these writers must undoubtedly be placed the Abbé San Real, with whose romantic history of Don Carlos I am only acquainted in the Castilian translation, entitled "Verdadera Historia de la Vida y Muerte del Principe Don Carlos." Yet, romance as it is, more than one grave historian has not disdained to transplant its flowers of fiction into his own barren pages. It is edifying to see the manner in which Leti, who stands not a little indebted to San Real, after stating the scandalous rumors in regard to Carlos and Isabella, concludes by declaring: "Ma come io sorivo historia, e non romanzo, non posso afirmar nulli di certo, perche nulla di certo hò possuto raccore." Leti, Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. p. 560.

[1544] "Monsieur le prince d'Hespaigne fort extenué, la vint saluer, qu'elle recent avec telle caresse et comportement, que si le père et toute la compaignie en ont receu ung singulier contentement ledit prince l'a encores plus grand, comme il a demonstré depuis et démonstre lorsqu'il la visite, qui ne peut estre souvent; car outre que les conversations de ce pays ne sont pas si fréquentes et faciles qu'en France, sa fièvre quarte le travaille tellement, que de jour en jour il va s'exténuant." L'Evêque de Limoges au Roi, 23 février, 1559. Négociations relatives au Règne de François II., p. 272.

[1545] "Ayant ladite dame mis toute la peine qu'il a esté possible à luy donner, aux soirs, quelque plaisir du bail et autres honnestes passetemps, desquels il a bon besoin, car le pauvre prince est si has et exténué, il va d'heure à heure tant affoiblissant, que les plus sages de oeste court en out bien petite espérance." L'Evêque de Limoges au Roi, 1^er mars, 1569, Ibid., p. 291.

[1546] "La royne et la princesse la visitent bien souvent, et sopent en un jardin qui est auprès de la meson, et le prince avec elles, qui aime la royne singulièrement, de façôn qu'il ne ce peut soler de an dire bien. _Je croys qu'il voudrait estre davantage son parent._" Claude de ... à la Reine Mère, août, 1560, Ibid., p. 460.

[1547] "On entendit aussi très-souvent ce jeune Prince, lorsqu'il sortoit de la chambre de la Reine Elizabeth, avec qui il avoit de longs et fréquens entretiens, se plaindre et marquer sa colère et son indignation, de ce que son pere la lui avoit enlevée." De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. V. p. 434.

[1548] "Vous dirès-ge, madame, que sy se n'estoit la bonne compaignie où je suis en se lieu, et l'heur que j'ai de voir tous les jours le roy mon seigneur, je trouverois se lieu l'un des plus fâcheux du monde. Mais je vous assure, madame, que j'ay un si bon mari et suis si heureuse que, quant il le seroit cent fois davantage, je ne m'y fâcherois point." La Reine Catholique à la Reine Mère, Négociations relatives au Règne de François II. p. 813.

[1549] Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. I. p. 129.

[1550] Ibid., p. 130.

[1551] Ibid., ubi supra.

[1552] "Ceste taille, elle l'accompagnoit d'un port, d'une majesté, d'un geste, d'un marcher et d'une grace entremeslée de l'espagnole et de la françoise en gravité et en douceur." See Brantôme, (OEuvres, tom. V. p. 129,) whose loyal pencil has traced the lineaments of Isabella as given in the text.

[1553] Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. I. p. 131.

[1554] Letter of Fourquevaulx, February 5, 1568, ap. Ibid., p. 139.

[1555] "Gli amici, in primo loco la Regína, la quale diceva che gli era amorevolissima, Don Giovanni d'Austria suo carissimo et diletissimozio," etc. Lettera del Nunzio, Marzo 2, 1568, MS.

[1556] Letter of Fourquevaulx, October 3, 1568, ap. Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. I. p. 158.

[1557] "Pero la Reyna hacia muy poco caudal de lo que los medicos decian dando á entender con su Real condicion y gracioso semblante tener poca necesidad de sus medicinas." Relacion de la Enfermedad y Essequias funebres de la Serenissima Reyna de España Doña Ysabel de Valois, por Juan Lopez, Catedratico del Estudio de Madrid, (Madrid, 1569,) fol. 4.

[1558] Ibid., ubi supra.

The learned professor has given the various symptoms of the queen's malady with as curious a minuteness as if he had been concocting a medical report. As an order was issued, shortly after the publication of the work, prohibiting its sale, copies of it are exceedingly rare.

[1559] Quintana, Historia de Madrid, fol. 390.--Letter of Fourquevaulx, October 3, 1568, ap. Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. I. p. 139.--Juan Lopez, Relacion de la Enfermedad de la Reyna Ysabel, ubi supra.--Pinelo, Anales de Madrid, MS.

[1560] "Porque en efecto, el modo y manera conque ella las trataba, no hera de senora á quien pareciesen servir, sino de madre y compañera." Juan Lopez, Relacion de la Enfermedad de la Reyna Ysabel, loc. cit.

[1561] Ibid.--Pinelo, Anales de Madrid, MS.

[1562] Letter of Fourquevaulx, October 3, 1568, ap. Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. I. p. 159.

[1563] "Habia ordenado se tragese el lignum crucis del Rey nuestro Señor, que es una muy buena parte que con grandismo hornato de oro y perlas de supremo valor S. M. tiene." Juan Lopez, Relacion de la Enfermedad de la Reyna Ysabel.

[1564] Letter of Fourquevaulx, ap. Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. vol. I p. 159.

[1565] Ibid., loc. cit.

The correspondence of the French ambassador, Fourquevaulx, is preserved in MS., in the Royal Library at Paris. Raumer, with his usual judgment, has freely extracted from it; and the freedom with which I have drawn upon him shows the importance of his extracts to the illustration of the present story. I regret that my knowledge of the existence of this correspondence came too late to allow me to draw from the original sources.

[1566] "Bistieron a la Reyna de habito de S. Francisco, y la pusieron en un ataud poniendo con ella la infanta que en poco espacio habiendo racebido agua de Espiritu Santo murió." Juan Lopez, Relacion de la Enfermedad de la Reyna Ysabel.

[1567] "Fue cosa increible el doblar, y chamorear, por todas las parroquias, y monasterios, y hospitales. Lo cual causó un nuebo dolor y grandisimo aumento de aristeza, siendo ya algo tarde los grandes que en la corte se hallaban, y mayordomos de S. M. sacaron el cuerpo de la Reyna, y binieron con el a la Capilla Real." Ibid.

[1568] "Jamais on ne vit peuple si desolé ny si affligé, ni tant jeter de hauts cris, ny tant espandre de larmes qu'il fit.... Que, pour maniere de parler, vous eussiez dit, qu'il l'idolatroit plustost qu'il ne l'honoroit et reveroit." Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. V. p. 131.

[1569] "Puesto el cuerpo por este orden cubierto con un muy rico paño de brocado rodeado el cadalso de muchas achas en sus muy sumtuosos blandones de plata." Juan Lopez, Relacion de la Enfermedad de la Reyna Ysabel, ubi supra.

[1570] "Las damas en las tribunas de donde oye misa con hartos suspiros y sollozos llebaban el contrapunto á la suave, tristé y contemplatiba musica, conque empezaron el oficio la capilla de S. M." Ibid., ubi supra.

[1571] "Las cuales viendo sparta el cuerpo, dieron muchos gritos y suspiros y abriendole la duquesa de Alba, trajo muchos polbos de olores aromaticos de grande olor y fragrancia, y embalsamon a la Reyna: la cual aunque habia pasado tanto tiempo estaba como si entonces acabara de morir, y con tan gran hermosura en el rostro que no parecia esta muerta." Ibid., ubi supra.

[1572] Letter of St. Goar, June 18, 1573, ap. Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. I. p. 163.--Quintana, Historia de Madrid, fol. 370.

[1573] Letter of Catherine de Medicis, ap. Raumer, vol. I. p. 162.

[1574] Letter of Cardinal Guise. Feb. 6, 1569, ap. Ibid., 163.

[1575] The openness with which Carlos avowed his sentiments for Isabella may be thought some proof of their innocence. Catherine de Medicis, in a letter to Fourquevaulx, dated February 28, 1568, says, alluding to the prince's arrest: "I am concerned that the event very much distresses my daughter, as well with regard to her husband as in respect of the prince, who has always let her know the good-will he bears to her." Ibid., p. 141.

[1576] The French historian, De Thou, by no means disposed to pass too favorable a judgment on the actions of Philip, and who in the present case would certainly not be likely to show him any particular grace, rejects without hesitation the suspicion of foul play on the part of the king. "Quelques-uns soupçonnerent Philippe de l'avoir fait empoissoner, parce qu'il lui avoit fait un crime de la trop grande familiarité qu'elle avoit avec Dom Carlos. Il est néanmoins facile de se convaincre du contraire, par la grande et sincère douleur que sa mort causa, tant à la Cour que dans toute l'Espagne; le Roi la pleura, comme une femme qu'il aimoit tres-tendrement." Histoire Universelle, tom. V. p. 437.

[1577] Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. V. p. 137.

Yet Isabella's mother, Catherine de Medicis, found fault with her daughter, in the interview at Bayonne, for having become altogether a Spaniard, saying to her tauntingly, "_Muy Española venis_." To which the queen meekly replied, "It is possible that it may be so; but you will still find me the same daughter to you as when you sent me to Spain." The anecdote is told by Alva in a letter to the king. Carta del Duque de Alva al Rey, MS.

[1578] "Aussi l'appelloit-on _la Reyna de le paz y de la bondad_, c'est-à-dire la Reyn de la paix et de la bonté; et nos François l'appellarent l'olive de paix." Ibid p. 129.

[1579] "Elle est morte au plus beau et plaisant avril de son aage.... Car elle estoit de naturel et de tainct pour durer longtemps belle, et aussi que la vieillesss ne l'eust osé attaquer car sa beauté fut esté plus forte." Ibid., p. 137.