chapter iv

., note 6, this volume.

[XVII-2] 'Una que llaman Hueitapalan y en otra lengua Xucutaco ... ocho ó diez jornadas de aquella villa de Trujillo.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 469. 'Higueras y Hõduras, que tenian fama de mucho oro y buena tierra.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 233.

[XVII-3] _Cartas_, 315, letter of 13 Oct., 1524. The letter of the emperor commanding him to search both coasts is dated 6 June, 1523.

[XVII-4] Soldiers, 370, including 100 archers and arquebusiers, and 22 horses, says _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 176. 'Por todos çinco navios gruessos ó caravelas é un bergantin.' _Oviedo_, iii. 459.

[XVII-5] Also written Oli, Olit, Olite, Dolid, Dolit. A hidalgo of Baeza. _Oviedo_, iii. 188. See chap. vi. vol. i., _Hist. Mexico_, this series.

[XVII-6] Bernal Diaz describes him as a well formed, strong-limbed man, with wide shoulders and a somewhat fair complexion. Despite the peculiarity of a groove in the lower lip, which gave it the appearance of being split, the face was most attractive. 'Era un Hector en el esfuerço, para combatir.' He was married to a Portuguese, Felipa de Araujo, by whom he had a daughter. _Hist. Verdad._, 176, 177, 240. Further references in chap. vi. vol. i., _Hist. Mexico_, this series.

[XVII-7] The lobes of his ears were shorn by captors, he said, of a fortress which he had aided too obstinately in defending. Bernal Diaz appears to doubt this explanation. _Hist. Verdad._, 176, 177.

[XVII-8] The agent, Alonso de Contreras, had received 8,000 pesos de oro for the purpose, in order that the expedition should not be hampered for want of means, nor be obliged to prey at once upon the natives. _Oviedo_, iii. 459. Cortés estimates the total cost of the expedition at over 50,000 ducats. _Mem._, in _Doc. Inéd._, iv. 227; _Instruc._, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiii. 5; _Gastos_, in _id._, xii. 386, with details of expenses. The purchases were made ere the presence of the fleet should raise prices at Habana, and yet a fanega of maize cost two pesos de oro, a sword eight pesos, a crossbow twenty, and a firelock one hundred; while a shipmaster received eight hundred pesos a month. _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 243.

[XVII-9] 'Se habia confederado el tal Cristóbal Dolit con Diego Velazquez, y que iba con voluntad de no me obedecer, antes de le entregar la tierra al dicho Diego Velazquez y juntarse con él contra mi.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 337. 'Cõcertarõ ... q̃ entre él, y Christoval de Oli, tuviesen aquella tierra de Higueras ... y q̃ el Diego Velazquez le proveeria de lo q̃ huviesse menester.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 177; _Oviedo_, iii. 113; _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 243.

[XVII-10] If not, he would return to Mexico to his wife and estates, and affirm before Cortés that his agreement with Velazquez was subterfuge on his part to obtain stores and men. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 177.

[XVII-11] 'Con que començò a entender que se yua apartando de la obediencia de Cortés.' _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xii.

[XVII-12] _Juarros_, _Guat._, 42-3. It was soon abandoned. See chap. xvi., note 5, this volume.

[XVII-13] This according to _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 269, and _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 467, who do not, however, clearly indicate that Valenzuela was one of Olid's officers. Informed of the wreck, by Casas probably, Cortés sent a vessel for them, which was also wrecked, on the Cuban coast. Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 208, alludes to this party as twenty-five men sent to kidnap Indians.

[XVII-14] 'Cum narium et venarum gutturis summo tumore præ ira, sæpe dedit de tanta animi perturbatione signa, neque a verbis id significantibus abstinuit.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. viii. cap. x.

[XVII-15] Cortés did not overlook the application of the act to his own escapade with Velazquez. In complaining to the emperor, he assumes that many will regard it as a _pena peccati_, but explains that Olid had no share in this expedition, as he himself had had in the one from Cuba. With respect to the present fleet, he regretted not so much the loss of 40,000 pesos de oro as the injury the rebellion must cause the imperial interest, in delay of exploration and settlement and in excesses against Indians. Further, he remarks pointedly, such revolts will deter loyal and enterprising men from embarking their fortune in the service of the crown. _Cartas_, 337.

[XVII-16] _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xiii. Cortés, _Cartas_, 336, calls him 'primo,' which may bear the same interpretation. Oviedo, iii. 517, calls him brother-in-law.

[XVII-17] Fitted out with sails and rigging of vessels seized from traders, and with pressed crews; the fleet was ordered to intercept any communication and aid for Honduras. _Testimonio_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xii. 274-7. They were all the vessels that could be obtained, it seems. One or both of the small craft deserted and took refuge in Cuba, there to leave testimony. See also _Relacion de los Oidores_, in _id._, xiv. 43; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 336. Bernal Diaz places the number of vessels at five and the soldiers at 100, naming 3 conquistadores. _Hist. Verdad._, 194. Out of the 150 the soldiers probably did number 100, and there may have been five vessels, for Herrera states that Cortés sent a ship with stores under Pedro Gonzalez to follow Casas. Off the very coast of Honduras he was overtaken by a storm which drove him back to Pánuco with the belief that the fleet must have perished, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xiii. Gomara, _Hist. Mex._, 243, mentions only two vessels.

[XVII-18] 'Assi estuuieron todo aquel dia,' says Herrera, _loc. cit._, who leaves the reader to suppose that at one time the advantage leant to Olid's side and caused Casas to hoist a flag of truce which was disregarded; but other authorities do not take this view.

[XVII-19] Four soldiers. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 194; without loss, says Herrera.

[XVII-20] 'O esperando con intenciõ de se ir a otra baia a desembarcar,' is one of the suppositions of _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 194. 'Briones ... en teniendo auiso de Francisco de las Casas, se apartò de Christoual de Olid, y tomò la voz de Cortes.' _Herrera_, _ubi sup._ It appears that Briones had by this time gained an advantage over Gil Gonzalez, capturing over 50 of his men; but he now released them under certain conditions. _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 459. Bernal Diaz assumes that Briones' revolt occurred later and that he set out for Mexico.

[XVII-21] After convincing him by means of two or three days of exposure and starvation, as Bernal Diaz and Gomara seem to intimate. Herrera assumes that he won him by kind treatment.

[XVII-22] After the defeat by Briones, Gil Gonzalez seems to have become bewildered. Leaving a few followers at Nito under Diego de Armenta, he embarked in three vessels, touched at San Gil to hang Francisco Riquelme and a clergyman for having led a revolt, and thence proceeded to Choloma. Owing to Briones' defection his capture was intrusted to Juan Ruano. _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xiii. The seizure was effected with the loss of his nephew Gil de Ávila and eight soldiers. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 194; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 459. Oviedo assumes that Gonzalez was entrapped by false promises, iii. 188.

[XVII-23] 'Con un cuchillo de escribanías, que otra arma no tenia ... diciendo: "Ya no es tiempo de sufrir mas este tirano."' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 460.

[XVII-24] 'Aqui del Rey, e de Cortés contra este tirano, que ya no es tiempo de mas sufrir sus tiranias.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 195.

[XVII-25] According to Herrera, the confessor, awed by the proclamation, revealed the hiding-place, after exacting a promise that no harm should befall his protégé. The promise was disregarded on the principle that 'dead man wages no war,' and although Olid _was dead_ when the hour came for execution, yet the _corpse_ was publicly beheaded, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xii. Other authorities do not state how he was discovered or arrested. 'Otro dia por la mañana, hecho su proceso contra él, ambos los capitanes (Casas and Gonzalez) juntamente le sentenciaron á muerte.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 460. 'Assi fenecio su vida, por tener en poco su contrario.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 244. His brother, Antonio de Olid, sought justice before the Consejo de Indias against Casas and Gonzalez for the murder. _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. x. cap. xi.

[XVII-26] In Estremadura.

[XVII-27] 'Halláronse ciento y diez hombres que dijeron que querian poblar, y los demás todos dijeron que se querian ir con Francisco de las Casas.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 460. See also _Informe_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 131, 141. These did not comprise Gonzalez' followers, but may have been all of Olid's and Casas' men who cared to remain in Honduras; yet it seems strange that the latter should have allowed so large a number to abandon a province which they had been sent to occupy.

[XVII-28] Oviedo assumes that Casas would brook no rival after his triumph, and made Gonzalez a prisoner, 'é llevólo en grillos á la Nueva España.' iii. 188-9, 518. The last assertion is even less likely. Affairs had meanwhile changed in Mexico, and like Casas he fell into the hands of Cortés' enemies, who were at first intent on their execution, but ultimately sent both to Spain for trial. One of the charges was the murder of Olid. Gonzalez was wrecked on Fayal Island, but reached Seville in April, 1526, only to be confined in the atarazana, or arsenal. Released on parole, as a knight commander of Santiago, he returned to his home at Ávila, and there died not long after, says Oviedo, deeply repentant of his sins. _Dávila_, _Testimonio_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xii. 362-7.

[XVII-29] _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 245. A minority soon after attempted to replace Medina by the alguacil Orbaneja. _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 133-5. Testimony on the foundation of Trujillo, in _id._, xiv. 44-7.

[XVII-30] Herrera states that Ruano, who captured Gonzalez, had gone to Cuba after Casas' triumph, but the testimony in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 127, etc., shows that he had been picked up by Moreno at San Gil.

[XVII-31] He himself being the probable captain. Some sixteen slaves were kidnapped here, and the rest at San Gil. The account of Moreno's proceedings, by different witnesses, is to be found in _Informacion hecha por órden de Hernan Cortés sobre excesos por Moreno_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 127-79; and in _Relacion de los Oidores_, in _id._, xiv. 39, etc. When the emperor learned of the kidnapping, he angrily ordered the release of the slaves, and their good treatment pending an investigation. _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. x. cap. xi. Cortés intimates that Ruano had used persuasion with Moreno to obtain the command. _Cartas_, 462-3.

[XVIII-1] Herrera assumes stronger reasons, the arrival of the supply vessel sent after Casas with the report that the latter could not have escaped the storm which drove her back to Mexico, and the rumored victory of Olid over both his opponents. But it is pretty certain that Cortés heard nothing of the latter affair, at least while he was in Mexico, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xiii.

[XVIII-2] The safety of Mexico was above other considerations; the road to Honduras was unknown and full of danger; the emperor would punish Olid. Such were the arguments used. Cortés replied that unless prompt chastisement was inflicted others would follow the example, and disorder must follow, with loss to himself of respect and territory. The crown officials demanded in the emperor's name that he should remain. _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 245. Cortés yielded, and wrote to the emperor that he had intended to march through Guatemala but would remain, especially since he expected news from Honduras within two months. _Carta_, Oct. 15, 1524. A few days later he began his march.

[XVIII-3] _Cartas_, Sept. 3, 1526, 395-6.

[XVIII-4] In the letter from Honduras he says October 12, but this very generally accepted date must be a misprint, since in one of the two letters dated at Mexico within the following three days, he writes to the emperor that he would not leave. He could hardly dare to reveal that he had gone, while writing that he was still at Mexico; but he was on the way before November.

[XVIII-5] 'Sacó de aquí ciento y veinte de caballo y veinte escopeteros y otros tantos ballesteros y gente de pié,' besides 4,000 to 5,000 Indians. _Carta de Albornoz_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. 485. A number of Spaniards at least were added on the way to Goazacoalco, where review was held, showing, according to Bernal Diaz, upward of 250 soldiers, beside arrivals from Spain, 130 being horsemen, and 3,000 warriors from different parts of the country, beside servants of caciques. _Hist. Verdad._, 195-7. This agrees with Gomara's 150 cavalry, 150 infantry, 3,000 warriors, and a number of servant-women. _Hist. Mex._, 251. Cortés, at this same review, mentions only 93 horsemen with 150 horses, and 30 and odd foot-soldiers. _Cartas_, 398.

[XVIII-6] Prescott, whose account of this famous expedition and its connecting incidents, indicates both a want of authorities and an imperfect study, mentions only the sovereigns of Mexico and Tlacopan. Helps follows him. But Gomara names also the king of Tezcuco, besides a number of caciques, and gives their tragic fate, as does Ixtlilxochitl with greater detail. _Horribles Crueldades_, 79.

[XVIII-7] Bernal Diaz names a number of the officers and staff servants, as Carranza, mayordomo; Iasso, maestresala, or chief butler; Salazar, chamberlain; Licenciado Pero Lopeza, doctor, a vintner, a pantler, a butler, etc.; 2 pages with lances, 8 grooms, and 2 falconers; 5 musicians, etc.

[XVIII-8] Bernal Diaz relieves his feelings in a loud grumble, which softens as he recalls the consolation to his pride in being given for a time a petty command. _Hist. Verdad._, 197.

[XVIII-9] 'Y aun hasta Nicaragua ... y hasta dõde residia Pedrarias.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 250.

[XVIII-10] See _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 337, 397.

[XVIII-11] The pueblos at the crossing-places are called respectively Tonalan and Agualulco, written in different forms even by the same authority.

[XVIII-12] Cortés calls the province Çupilcon, 35 leagues from Espíritu Santo, a figure which may be correct by the line of march. It was 20 leagues in length, and its extreme eastern pueblo was Anaxuxuca.

[XVIII-13] Guezalapa, or Quetzatlapan.

[XVIII-14] Zagoatan, Zagutan, etc.

[XVIII-15] Ocumba was one of the pueblos discovered up the river.

[XVIII-16] 'Estuvieron muy cerca de se ahogar dos ó tres españoles,' is the prudent form in which Cortés disguises this and other unpleasant facts to the emperor. _Cartas_, 404.

[XVIII-17] An anthropophagous Mexican was here burned alive, as a warning against such indulgences; and a letter was given to the leading cacique to inform other Spaniards that he was a friend to the white man. _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 252; _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. vii. cap. viii.

[XVIII-18] Ascension is the name applied by Cortés to the Gulf of Honduras. While on the way to the capital of Acalan, a messenger came up with letters from Mexico, not of very late date, however, and he was sent back from Izancanac. _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 421-2.

[XVIII-19] The fate of the crew and vessels appears to have been mixed up with the invented narrative of the general disaster, and it was not till after Cortés' return to Mexico, two years later, that inquiries were made which revealed their fate. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 196, 210. Albornoz, one of the rulers appointed by Cortés over Mexico, relates in a letter to the emperor, dated 15 December, 1525, that according to reports from Xicalanco traders to Ordaz, the party of Cortés had been killed seven to eight moons before, in an island city, seven suns distant from Xicalanco, called Cuzamelco. They had been surprised by night and slaughtered with sword and fire. A number of captives had been reserved for the table, but the flesh being found bitter of taste it had been cast into the lake. _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. 485-6.

[XVIII-20] Zaguatapan, Huatipan, etc.

[XVIII-21] 'Y los arboles tan altos que no se podia subir en ellos, para atalayar la tierra.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 253.

[XVIII-22] Cortés names Uzumazintlan, below, and Petenecque, six leagues above, with three other pueblos beyond. _Cartas_, 412. Cortés gave presents in return, and made so forcible an appeal in behalf of his creed, that many returned to burn their idols. _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 254. Bernal Diaz states that four foragers were killed on this river. _Hist. Verdad._, 198.

[XVIII-23] The natives reported two rivers, one very large, and bad marshes, on the three days' road to Acalan. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 198.

[XVIII-24] Apoxpalon, Apaspolon, etc.

[XVIII-25] Bernal Diaz states that he and Mejía led the party.

[XVIII-26] He was one of three Flemish monks who formed the first special mission of friars to New Spain, arriving a year before the famous twelve. _Torquemada_, iii. 424-5. His proper name was De Toit.

[XVIII-27] 'Algunas oy permanezen (1701), y se llaman las Puentes de Cortés.' _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, 40.

[XVIII-28] Bernal Diaz relates at length, with swelling pride, how the great leader humbled himself to him. _Hist. Verdad._, 199. Sandoval dared not trust his own attendants with a secret whereon depended his supper, but went in person with Diaz to convoy it. The friars received liberal contributions from the men, but the Indians were neglected, says Ixtlilxochitl, the kings and caciques alone being given as a favor a little of the maize set aside for the horses. _Horribles Crueldades_, 87.

[XVIII-29] Cortés writes Teutiercas, Tentacras; Gomara, Teuticaccac; Herrera, Titacat.

[XVIII-30] Bernal Diaz's rather confused account states that Cortés demanded bridges to be built, but was told that the caciques of the different pueblos had first to be consulted. Supplies being needed, Mazariegos was sent with 80 men in canoes to different settlements to obtain supplies, and found ready response. The next pueblo reached by the army was deserted and without food. _Hist. Verdad._, 200. The above seems doubtful.

[XVIII-31] The plan is said to have been imparted to sympathizers in Mexico, with the recommendation to rise on a certain day against the colonists. 'Y de aqui creyeron muchos que naciò la fama de la muerte de Cortes.' _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. vii. cap. ix. For this uprising there was opportunity enough, says Gomara, during the anarchy prevalent during Cortés' absence; but the Indians were waiting further orders from Quauhtemotzin. Finally their preparations aroused the suspicions of the colonists, and they took precautions. _Hist. Mex._, 250, 258. According to Cortés the Indians, after killing the Spaniards, were to rouse Honduras and the intermediate country ere they passed on to Mexico. All vessels were to be seized, so as to prevent alarm from being given. _Cartas_, 420.

[XVIII-32] Mexicaltzin, afterward baptized as Cristóbal, to whom the conspirators, says Cortés, had promised a province for his share of the spoil. _Cartas_, 420-1. Bernal Diaz states that the revelation was made by two prominent caciques, Tapia and Juan Velazquez, the latter captain-general under Quauhtemotzin when he was ruler. _Hist. Verdad._, 200. According to Ixtlilxochitl, the Indians were imitating the Spaniards in the festivities which precede Lent, but in such a manner as to arouse the suspicion of Cortés. One cause for the enjoyment was a statement by Cortés that here they would turn back to Mexico. The general called his spy Costemexi, of Ixtapalapan or Mexicaltzinco, and bade him ascertain what was going on. He soon returned to report that the three kings and six courtiers had been engaged in a humorous dispute as to which of the trio the now conquered provinces should belong to. Tlacatecatl, one of the chief lords, thereupon observed that if discord had brought about the fall of the native empire, they had gained instead the supreme happiness of instruction in the true faith. After this came tales and songs. When tortured some years after by Prince Ixtlilxochitl, the spy insisted that he had represented the case only as above stated, but that Cortés chose to interpret it as a malicious plot. _Horribles Crueldades_, 90-3. This version is doubtful in its details, and for the reason that the author's chief effort is to vindicate the natives. The cause for the rejoicing at a return to Mexico from Acalan savors rather of a promise from the conspirators than from Cortés.

[XVIII-33] The kings had formed it, and although they had not been parties to it, yet as subjects they naturally desired the liberty and weal of their lords. _Gomara_, _Herrera_, _Cortés_, _Bernal Diaz_. The two former implicate the three allied kings, the latter only the two of Mexico and Tlacopan.

[XVIII-34] The rest being spared, since they had been guilty chiefly of listening to the plot, says Cortés; 'pero quedaron procesos abiertos para que ... puedan ser castigados,' if required. The execution took place within a few days of the disclosure. _Cartas_, 421. Bernal Diaz, Herrera, and Gomara agree. The latter adds that king Cohuanacoch, of Tezcuco, who had also plotted, died some time before of bad food and water. _Hist. Mex._, 274. Torquemada adds five caciques to the three royal victims, according to the native version. i. 576.

[XVIII-35] _Hist. Verdad._, 200.

[XVIII-36] 'Por carnestollendas ... en Izancanac.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 258-9. On February 26, 1525, specifies Vetancurt; on a Tuesday, three hours before dawn, adds Ixtlilxochitl, who also declares that the native songs and versions place it at Teotilac, and it certainly appears to have been carried out before the capital was reached. The Mexicans were so oppressed by hardships, says Bernal Diaz, that they seemed to be quite indifferent; still, the Spaniards hastened the departure for fear of an uprising. He places the occurrence at a pueblo beyond Acalan. Ixtlilxochitl tells another story. The kings were brought out three hours before dawn for fear of a tumult. The two of Mexico and Tlacopan had already been hanged, and Cohuanacoch was about to be, when his brother, Ixtlilxochitl, being advised, rushed forth and called upon the Indians. Perceiving the danger, Cortés cut the rope and saved the half-strangled king of Tezcuco. He thereupon proceeded to explain to Ixtlilxochitl the just reasons which had brought about the execution. The prince appeared convinced, and dismissed the auxiliaries, who stood ready to fall upon the Spaniards. The chief motive, however, for sparing them, was not the justice of the deed, for he regarded it ever as a treacherous one, but the fear of wars that might result from a revolt and carry desolation over his country, checking the progress of the saving faith. Cohuanacoch, whom Cortés accused as the chief conspirator, was carried with the army in a hammock, suffering severely from the wrenching of the noose. His grief brought about an intestinal hemorrhage, from which he died within a few days. _Horribles Crueldades_, 98-4.

[XVIII-37] 'Y sin auer mas prouãças, Cortes mandò ahorcar al Guatemuz, y al señor de Tacuba.... Y fue esta muerte que les dieron muy injustamente dada, y pareciò mal a todos los que ibamos aquella jornada.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 200. But his account of all this expedition is questionable, and his testimony loses force through the evident fact that he is carried away by sympathy for the kings, who had often favored him, and for the natives to whom his later condition in life bound him rather closely. He certainly admits the strong accusation and the confirmatory admission of the victims, the king of Tlacopan stating, for instance, that he and Quauhtemotzin had declared one death preferable to the daily deaths suffered. Torquemada adopts the version of a Tezcucan manuscript, which relates that Cohuanacoch on one occasion remarked to his royal confrères that, if they chose to be disloyal, the Spaniards might have to regret past injuries. Quauhtemotzin hastened to silence him by observing that walls had ears, which might misunderstand such expressions. A plebeian native reported them, and that very night those who had been present at the conversation, three kings and five caciques, were found hanging from a ceiba-tree. Torquemada will not believe that the Indians intended to revolt, especially since their country was now divided, but that Cortés regarded the kings as a burden, i. 575-6. Cavo, _Tres Siglos_, i. 46-8, agrees, and Gomara even intimates something to this effect in saying that Cortés ought to have preserved so prominent and brave a captive to point the triumph of his victories, but that the dangerous circumstances must have prevented him. _Hist. Mex._, 259. 'Es notorio, que Quauhtemoc y los demás señores murieron sin culpa, y que les levantaron falso testimonio.' Indeed, continues Ixtlilxochitl, when the Indians complained to the kings of maltreatment, they counselled submission. But his story is so full of glaring misstatements and absurdities, and so evident is the desire to relieve his kinsmen from the traitor's brand, that he cannot be relied on. _Horribles Crueldades_, 82, etc.; _Id._, _Relaciones_, _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, ix. 440, etc. Brasseur de Bourbourg follows him implicitly of course, as he does almost any record from native source. There was no witness except the spy, and the princes were not allowed to defend themselves. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 608. He evidently pays no attention whatever to the Spanish versions. Bustamante accepts even more implicitly the records of those whom he prefers to regard as his ancestors. See his edition of Gomara, _Chimalpain_, _Hist. Conq._, ii. 135-6. Cano, who married the cousin and widow of Quauhtemotzin, calls the execution of the three kings a murder, as may be expected from his dislike of Cortés. _Oviedo_, iii. 549. Carried away by hyperbolic flights of fancy, wherein he surpasses even Solis himself, Salazar condemns the deed as based on false testimony, and blames Cortés for irritating the natives by resorting to so rash a measure. _Conq. Mex._, 240-3. Father Duran emphasizes this with well-known sympathy for the native cause. 'Y levantándose contra él algunos testigos falsos le mandó á horcar.' _Hist. Ind._, MS., ii. 522. On imperfect evidence and without a trial, says _Robertson_, _Hist. Am._, ii. 138. Prescott sympathizes with Quauhtemotzin and regards the testimony as insufficient, while Helps, _Cortés_, 208-9, doubts the statements of Bernal Diaz, and refers to the act as cruel practical wisdom. The chief ground for this view is that Cortés, as an hidalgo, would not lie, and can therefore be relied upon. It has not been my fortune to acquire such faith, and I fancy that a closer study of his hero might have changed Sir Arthur Helps' views. Alaman, a Mexican with Spanish sympathies, believes in the conspiracy, but regards the execution as a blot on Cortés. Quauhtemotzin, at least, should have been sent to Spain after the fall of Mexico. _Disert._, i. 214. This certainly would have been the best way to secure and make use of him. Pizarro y Orellana, _Varones Ilvstres_, 114-16, regards the evidence as clear and the execution as just; so does Revilla, although his reasons are not the best. _Solis_, _Conq. Mex._ (ed. 1843), 508.

[XVIII-38] It is not improbable that suspicions as to the thoughts and acts of the kings may have created a prejudice against them, but the suspicions existed already before they left Mexico, as proved by their being taken not only as hostages for the loyalty of their subjects, but as a precaution against their own possible disloyalty. Quauhtemotzin was evidently not the most submissive of men, for he had always been regarded as requiring a close watch, and Cortés brought him chiefly because of his 'bullicioso' character, as he expresses it. It may not be considered unpardonable for the Indian auxiliaries to relieve their feelings in mutinous expressions against the taskmasters and despoilers who were taking them away from home to meet an unknown fate, to endure toil, hunger, and danger. But such sentiments could not be overlooked in the kings. They, as captured leaders, existed only by sufferance, the condition being good behavior. For them even to listen was to encourage, and they were consequently guilty. Not that I blame them. Nay, I would rather blame them for not being more prompt and determined in the patriotic effort. But in resolving to listen, and to act, no doubt, they accepted a risk with a penalty well defined among all peoples. Cortés was not the man to hesitate at almost any deed when private or public interests demanded it; and it needed but little to rouse to blind fury the slumbering suspicions of the soldiers regarding Mexican loyalty. But here we have evidence—not groundless even from a native point of view—to justify the Spaniards in assuming that a conspiracy, or, at least, mutinous talk, was wide-spread, and this among a horde tenfold superior in number; a horde known ever to have cherished unfriendly feelings, and now doubly embittered by suffering. Under the circumstances even saints would not have disregarded testimony however doubtful; and the Castilians were but human. Self-preservation, ay, duty to king, and country, and God, whose several interests they were defending, demanded the prompt suppression of so ominous a danger. What were the best measures? A long campaign in Mexico had impressed Cortés with the belief that a people so trained to abject subservience as the Aztecs, and so bloody in their worship, could be controlled by severity alone, and that the lesson must fall on the leaders. Situated as they were the soldiers could not be expected to guard a large number of captives. Hence no course remained, except capital punishment. According to Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 201, Cortés' distress of mind at the sufferings of the expedition was so increased by this deed that he became sleepless, and, in wandering around one night in a temple forming the camp, he fell from a platform a distance of ten feet, hurting his head severely.

[XVIII-39] On a watercourse falling into Términos. _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 419.

[XVIII-40] 'Pueblos, ò Tierras de Venados.' _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, 43. 'Provincia de Maçatlan, que en su lengua dellos se llama Quiacho.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 422.

[XVIII-41] Called by Cortés Táica, Tahica, and Taiça, the latter not incorrect perhaps, although Atitza or Tayasal may be better.

[XVIII-42] This is probably Lake San Pedro, from which all the fish were caught, over 1,000 in number. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 201.

[XVIII-43] 'Parescia brazo de mar, y aun así creo que lo es, aunque es dulce.' _Cartas_, 427.

[XVIII-44] So write Bernal Diaz and Villagutierre. Pinelo, _Relacion_, 1, 2, has it Taiza or Atitza. Two leagues from shore, says Cortés, on an island known as Peten Itza, Peten signifying island. Its present name is Remedios, and on the ruins of the old pueblo has risen the town of Flores. The name of Peten lives in that of the province. A romantic account is given of the rise of this lake people. The Itzas were a branch of one of the most ancient nations of Yucatan, whose name had descended on them as followers of the hero-god Itzamná. Chichen Itza, their capital, was once a centre of power and wealth in the peninsula, but with the changing fortunes of war came disunion, and in the beginning of the 15th century the feared Itzas had dwindled into a number of petty principalities ruled by caneks. 'El Cazique à quien comunmente llaman Canek.' _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yucathan_, 54. It so happened that one of these fell in love, but found an obstacle in a father, who awarded the object of his affections to a more powerful chief. The canek was not to be thus easily balked. He watched his opportunity, and on the wedding-day broke in upon the festive assembly and carried off the bride. Gathering his warriors, the disappointed rival prepared to wreak vengeance and recover the prize. The Ilium of our hero was not fitted to withstand such hosts, and he had no other alternative than flight. Nor could his subjects hope to escape desolation, and taking up the cause of their leader, they followed him southward in search of a new home, safe from the avenger. Guided by craggy ranges, the refugees came to the smiling valley of Tayasal, with its island-studded lake, bordered by verdure-clad slopes, beyond which rose the shielding forest. Here indeed was a land of promise, where, guarded by Itzamná, they might rear new generations to perpetuate the name and traditions of their race. So runs the story as related by chroniclers, although with their devout frame of mind they give preference to another account, which attributes the migration to the prophecies of their priests, foretelling the coming of a bearded race, with a new faith, to rule over the land. _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, 29-31; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yucathan_, 507. See also _Native Races_, ii. v., etc. The Itzas will be again spoken of in a later volume.

[XVIII-45] 'Y que veria quemar los ídolos.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 30. Which was done, adds Gomara; but this Villagutierre will not allow. Idolatry rather increased, he goes on to show. _Hist. Conq. Itza_, 50. Here three Spaniards, two Indians, and one negro deserted, tired of the constant hardship. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 202.

[XVIII-46] When the conquerors entered a century later to occupy the district, they found more than a score of stone temples on the island alone, and in one of the principal ones this idol. _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, 100-2; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yucathan_, 55; _Native Races_, iii. 483.

[XVIII-47] Nuestra Señora de Marco. _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. i.

[XVIII-48] This was Medrano; 'Chirimia de la yglesia de Toledo.' The victims are named. _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. i. Cortés also admits that great hunger was suffered, yet the swine were only sparingly used.

[XVIII-49] 'Murieron sesenta y ocho caballos despeñados y dejarretados,' etc. _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 433. Bernal Diaz is less clear on this incident. Gomara follows Cortés, although he says that the passage took only eight days, _Hist. Mex._, 263, and Herrera is the only one who enters into the losses sustained in men, a number dying also of diarrhœa from palm-cabbage. _Ubi sup._

[XVIII-50] Cortés describes even these crossings as quite dangerous. The horses swam below the fall in the still water. Three days were passed ere all the horses could crawl into the camp, a league further. _Cartas_, 434.

[XVIII-51] 'Á 15 días del año de 1525.' _Id._; that is, April 15.

[XVIII-52] 'Habia diez dias que no comiamos sino cuescos de palmas y palmitos.' 'Aun de aquellos palmitos sin sal no teniamos abasto, porque se cortaban con mucha dificultad de unas palmas muy gordas y altas, que en todo un dia dos hombres tenian que hacer cortar uno, y cortado, le comian en media hora.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 434, 439.

[XVIII-53] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 202, 204; _Juarros_, _Guat._, 326. Most authors confound Nito and San Gil, and Prescott actually does so with Naco.

[XIX-1] Sixty men and twenty women left by Gonzalez. _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 440. Forty Spaniards and four women, says Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 204.

[XIX-2] 'De todos ellos no habia ocho para poder quedar en la tierra.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, _loc. cit._ Their captain, Armenta, having refused to return with them to Cuba, they had hanged him a few days before, and had elected Nieto, who was ready to execute their wishes. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 204.

[XIX-3] Montagua probably.

[XIX-4] Captain Marin found eight leagues off, on the Naco road, a number of well-supplied villages, from which provisions were forwarded. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 204.

[XIX-5] Bought on credit from the owner, Anton de Carmona or Camargo, says Bernal Diaz, who reduces the stock to seven horses and forty hogs.

[XIX-6] A party had already been sent in this direction, but they returned within ten days disheartened, throwing discredit on the informants, who on their side accused the men of being faint-hearted. _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 441-2.

[XIX-7] Eighty Spaniards had attacked a pueblo, but the Indians returned in greater force and drove them off with some wounded. _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 444.

[XIX-8] It was sought to allure the natives back to aid in carrying supplies, but none came. _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 450. Bernal Diaz relates that the warriors returned to the attack after the flight, only to lose eight men. They now came to sue, and Cortés offered to release the captives if they sent down provisions to the vessel. This they did, but Cortés nevertheless insisted on retaining three families, whereupon the Indians attacked and wounded twelve Spaniards, including the general. _Hist. Verdad._, 205. This writer was not with the expedition, however, but at Naco, so that his account is doubly doubtful.

[XIX-9] 'Quimistlan y Zula y Cholome, que el que menos destos tiene por mas de dos mil casas.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 456. Bernal Diaz also names some places. _Hist. Verdad._, 207.

[XIX-10] He had been buffeted off the coast for nine days, while the land party arrived long before him, over a good road.

[XIX-11] 'Murieron ochenta Españoles sin algunos Indios en este viaje.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 269. Licenciado Lopez escaped to spread the news of Cortés' being alive. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 208.

[XIX-12] Together with Moreno 'in chains.' 'Although I fear that he acted by order of the oidores, and that no justice will be given.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 465-6. He praised the wealth of Honduras, and asked for soldiers. 'Y para dar credito que auia oro, embiò muchas joyas, y pieças ... de lo que truxo de Mexico,' says _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 208. But he is by no means to be relied on.

[XIX-13] Bernal Diaz assumes, contrary to Cortés' clear statement, that Zuazo sent a vessel from Habana with the letter, and that two days before her arrival at Trujillo came two vessels laden with merchandise from the oidores and merchants of Santo Domingo, who had learned of Cortés' whereabouts through a letter from one of the survivors of Ávalos' wrecked ship. _Hist. Verdad._, 208. Gomara states that the vessel from the oidores, laden with thirty-two horses, saddlery, and other useful material, was turned back from Cuba by the survivors of Ávalos' expedition. She touched at Santo Domingo on her way to Honduras. _Hist. Mex._, 270. Cortés shows that the news of Ávalos' shipwreck did not reach him till some time later. _Cartas_, 468-471.

[XIX-14] The staff did all they could to cheer him, and among other efforts to dispel his gloom, Mañueco, the maestresala, made a wager that he would ascend in full armor the steep hill to the new gubernatorial building. Before he could reach the top he fell dead. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 211.

[XIX-15] 'Dejé en aquella villa hasta treinta y cinco de caballo y cincuenta peones.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 470.

[XIX-16] He places this just before the arrival of Zuazo's letter, _Hist. Verdad._, 209, but Cortés now for the first time complains of feeling very ill, from the tossing at sea. _Cartas_, 471.

[XIX-17] 'Martin Dorantes su lacayo.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 271. On October 23, 1525, it seems from a letter of Cortés. _Cartas_, 395. Bernal Diaz intimates that a fear of being seized by his enemies had to do with Cortés' disinclination to go in person. _Hist. Verdad._, 212.

[XIX-18] In concluding the reply to their expostulations, Cortés had observed that he could find plenty of soldiers in Spain and elsewhere to do his bidding. The men commissioned Sandoval to plead their cause in person; to urge the leader to depart, and to hint that they could find governors in Mexico to right them. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 212.

[XIX-19] 'É dos leguas el uno del otro ... el de Papayeca tiene diez y ocho pueblos subjectos, y el de Champagua diez.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 465. The names are also given as Chapaxina, Papaica, etc.

[XIX-20] The two colleagues had been usurping guardians. They were to be taken to Mexico to be impressed with the extent of Spanish power, and to learn submission from its natives. Pizacura died before leaving Honduras. _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 473; _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 272.

[XIX-21] 'Era temido, y acatado, y llamauanle en todas aquellas Provincias: El Capitan Hue, Hue de Marina, q̃ quiere dezir el Capitan viejo que trae a doña Marina.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 207.

[XIX-22] They asked for a Spaniard to settle on each island, as a guardian, but this could not be granted. _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 273. Bernal Diaz says that the vessel escaped, and that she was commanded by Moreno.

[XIX-23] Huilancho, Huilacho, Huyetlato, etc.

[XIX-24] Cortés claims that the province had submitted to him some time before, but he probably received the proffer only now, though pleading a previous allegiance to excuse the interference.

[XIX-25] To assist him against two officers who opposed his attempt to become independent of Pedrarias. _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 476. According to Herrera, Sandoval returned without achieving anything, pleading that he had not enough men, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. vii. Bernal Diaz, who was present, states, on the other hand, that Sandoval appeared against Rojas with sixty men, but made friends with him. Just then came letters from Cortés ordering him to join in returning to Mexico, and he hastened back, Rojas departing at the same time. _Hist. Verdad._, 208. Gomara, following Cortés, assumes that Rojas obeyed a mere message from Trujillo to leave Olancho. _Hist. Mex._, 272.

[XIX-26] Cereceda writes Gaona. _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xx. 61.

[XIX-27] 'Escribí al dicho Francisco Hernandez y á toda la gente que con él estaba en general, y particularmente á algunos de los capitanes de su compañía que yo conoscia, reprendiéndolos la fealdad que en aquello hacian,' etc. _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 474. Bernal Diaz states, on the other hand, that he promised to do his best for him, _Hist. Verdad._, 211, and in this was probably a little truth, as will be seen.

[XIX-28] 'Hernandez ... sent to invite the Marquis to come and receive the province from him.' _Andagoya's Narrative_, 37; _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. vii. Cortés became a marquis a few years later.

[XIX-29] 'Quise luego ir á Nicaragua, creyendo poner en ello algun remedio.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 476.

[XIX-30] Bernal Diaz assumes that when Sandoval was setting out for Mexico, shortly before this, as stated, he received orders to pass through Nicaragua, 'para demandalla a su Magestad en Gouernacion.' _Hist. Verdad._, 212.

[XIX-31] _Id._, 215. 'Para este efeto fletó un navio en la Villa de Medellin.' _Oviedo_, iii. 523. He came in the vessel which had carried the messenger. _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 476.

[XIX-32] Lordship, a title which pertained only to the higher nobility and to the highest offices, and which Cortés, even as governor and captain-general, had not the slightest right to assume.

[XIX-33] Seat of honor for princes and prelates and for the ruling men in a province.

[XIX-34] _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 273; _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. vii.

[XIX-35] Messengers were sent to the pueblos en route ordering them to put the road in order and prepare for his reception. Some of the Mexican auxiliaries were also appointed for the work, says Ixtlilxochitl, but their remaining prince stayed with Cortés. _Horribles Crueldades_, 110.

[XIX-36] 'Recibió el cuerpo de Christo vna mañana porque como estaua tan malo, temia morirse.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 215. Prescott ignores the friar, and assumes that Sandoval persuaded him to leave. But this is only one of the many errors into which he has fallen concerning this expedition, _Mex._, iii. 302.

[XIX-37] The natives were to be punished for persevering in idolatry; although Indians must not be enslaved, yet slaves held lawfully by them might be purchased as such by the colonists. The instructions contain a number of minor rules for the good government of province and towns. _Cortés_, _Escritos Sueltos_, 75-95. Saavedra did not perhaps relish the idea of being left with a comparatively small force, for Bernal Diaz complains that he purposely withheld for some time the order permitting the Naco company to leave for Mexico. _Hist. Verdad._, 215, 219. The leading authorities for Cortés' different expeditions to Honduras are: _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 338, 351, 369, et seq.; _Id._, _Escritos Sueltos_, 70-95, 318; _Id._, _Carta al Rey_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. 481-2; _Albornoz_, _Carta_, in _Id._, i. 484-6; _Peter Martyr_, dec. viii. cap. x.; _Oviedo_, iii. 188-9, 446, 458-9, 517-18; _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 233-4, 243-6, 250-74; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 159, 176-7, 193-216; Letters and Reports by Cortés and other officers to the Emperor and Council, in _Doc. Inéd._, i. 521-4, iv. 226-7, et seq., and in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xii. 268-77, 362-7, 386-403; xiii. 46-7, 108-9, 293-4, 397; xiv. 25-43, et seq.; _Cerezeda_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xx. 61; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Horribles Crueldades_, 78-110; _Chimalpain_, _Conq. Mex._, ii. 106-53; _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. vii.-viii. xii.-xiii.; lib. vi. cap. x. xii.; lib. vii. cap. viii.; lib. viii. cap. iii.-vi.; lib. x. cap. xi. Less important books, which add little or nothing to the preceding, are: _Torquemada_, i. 574-6; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 164; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yucathan_, 44-58; _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, 39-50; _Duran_, _Hist. Ind._, MS., ii. 521-2; _Pinelo_, _Relacion_, 2; _Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 18-20; _Cortés_, _Hist. N. España_, 351-2, 367-9; _Pizarro y Orellana_, _Varones Ilvstres_, 108-16; _Galvano's Discov._, 160-4; _Twee Onderscheydene Togten_, 52-80, 95-107, in _Aa_, _Naaukeurige Versameling_, xi.; _Twee Verscheyde Togten_, 19-76, 94, in _Id._; _Gottfried_, _Reysen_, iv.; _Ogilby's Am._, 91-2; _Salazar_, _Conq. Mex._, 154-8, 211-311; _Revilla_, in _Solis_, _Hist. Mex._ (ed. Mad., 1843), 463-9; _Beaumont_, _Cron. Mich._, iii. 189-92; _Juarros_, _Guat._, 55, 123, 324-7; _Cavo_, _Tres Siglos_, i. 29-30, 46-8; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Méj._, iii. 420; _Laet_, _Nov. Orb._, 318; _Voyages_, _New Col._, i. 347; _World Displayed_, ii. 251; _Lardner's Hist. Discov._, ii. 62; _Gordon's Hist. Ant. Mex._, ii. 203, 209-15, 240-1; _Fancourt's Hist. Yuc._, 39; _Squier's States Cent. Am._, 66; _Rivera_, _Hist. Jalapa_, i. 44; _Bustamante_, _Cuad. Hist._, i. 42; _Alaman_, _Disert._, i. 196-7, 203-23, 234-5; append., 129-37; ii. 17-18; _Rivera_, _Gob. Mex._, i. 17; _Zamacois_, _Hist. Méj._, iv. 178-9, 236-326, 349-53, 369, 739-56; _Cortés_, _Aven. y Conq._, 285-9; _Prescott's Mex._, iii. 276-302; _Helps' Cortés_, ii. 183-228; _Id._, _Span. Conq._, iii. 30-61; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 573-617; _Bussierre_, _Mex._, 339-49, 380; _Larenaudière_, _Mex. et Guat._, 136-7; _Monglave_, _Résumé_, 138; _Armin_, _Alte Mex._, 351-61; _Mayer's Mex. Aztec._, i. 86; _Abbott's Cortés_, 305-29; _Wells' Honduras_, 449-57; _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, i. 53-4.

[XX-1] The reader will remember how, in the last chapter, Cortés treated the messengers bearing this petition.

[XX-2] 'No los osó acometer porque tenia por cierto que habian de matar á él ántes que á nadie.' _Andagoya_, _Rel._, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, iii. 417.

[XX-3] Within the bay formed by Punta de Burica, into which flows, among other small streams, the river known at present as Fonseca. _Cartography Pac. Coast_, MS., ii. 79.

[XX-4] It certainly appears strange that Córdoba, knowing so well the character of his master, should so tamely have delivered himself into his hands. The chroniclers sympathize with any victim of the abhorred governor. 'Estaba muy bien quisto comunmente,' says Oviedo, 'de todos los españoles ... culpaban ... á Pedrarias de inconstante é acelerado é mal juez.' iii. 165-6. His rebellion 'parecio siempre incierto,' is the unstudied qualification of Remesal, _Hist. Chyapa_, 164.

[XX-5] Juan Carrasco and Christóbal de la Torre. _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. ix. cap. vii.

[XX-6] News coming of the approach of a royal governor, Saavedra would send nothing but advice.

[XX-7] 'Estando de acuerdo ciento y cincuenta Caziques.' _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. ix. cap. x.

[XX-8] His achievements are related in vol. i. chaps. ii. and iii. of the _History of Mexico_, this series.

[XX-9] Herrera, who is somewhat contradictory on this point, names Gabriel de Rojas, Garabito, and Diego Álvarez among the ruling men. dec. iv. lib. i. cap. vi. Salcedo, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiv. 47 et seq., gives also a list of the Leon city officials.

[XX-10] The two months' voyage had proved pleasant, being marred only by the death of two men during an attack by the natives of Dominica Island, where they had entered to repair a leaky vessel. _Oviedo_, iii. 116.

[XX-11] 'Por manera que estas mudanças de gobernadores es saltar de la sarten en las brasas.' _Oviedo_, iii. 123.

[XX-12] 'É como era hombre ydiota é sin letras, el se movió por consejo de aquel bachiller Corral, para me haçer matar á trayçion.' _Oviedo_, iii. 122.

[XX-13] See, for instance, _Castilla_, _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xii. 85.

[XX-14] Sandoval, indeed, speaks of the governor as a meritorious servant of the king, traduced by envious persons. _Hist. Carlos V._, i. 218.

[XXI-1] The bitter complaints of Cortés against his rebellious lieutenant evoked from the king merely instructions for Olid to maintain friendly relations with Cortés, and to report to the crown regarding the progress of his conquest. 'El Rey ... no hizo mas demostracion que escriuir á Christoual de Olid, que con Cortes tuuiese toda buena correspondencia, y fuesse dando cuenta a su Magestad, de lo que passaua en aquella tierra, pareciendo que no era mal consejo, la diuision de tan gran gouierno como tenia.' _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xiii.

[XXI-2] His commission is dated November 20th. _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiv. 52.

[XXI-3] Cortés' complaints were numerous and bitter, as may be imagined. In a letter of 1532, for instance, he represents to the king the many valuable services rendered, and the hardship and danger suffered. He had discovered the province of Honduras at his own expense, amounting to over 30,000 castellanos, and the expedition to suppress the revolt of Olid had cost him over 50,000 castellanos, a like amount being also expended by his followers. He had conquered, pacified, and settled over 200 leagues of territory, founding three towns on the best parts of the coast; he had expended over 25,000 castellanos for horses, arms, and provisions, imported from Española and Cuba, and before leaving the country had left a competent captain in charge of the new colonies. _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiii. 6-7.

[XXI-4] For this they were afterward censured. _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. x. cap. xi.

[XXI-5] The royal commission, with the ceremonies attending its reception, is given in _Traslado de una Cédula_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiv. 47 et seq.

[XXI-6] Orders came for investigation and punishment, _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. vi., but the distant Indies possessed as yet too many loop-holes and corners for blind justice.

[XXI-7] Oviedo, iii. 189, states that Diego Mendez de Hinestrosa was left in charge at Trujillo, that Salcedo had already marched out of Trujillo for Nicaragua when the envoys of Pedrarias came up, and that he sent them at once to the audiencia. But he is not well informed.

[XXI-8] Herrera would have us believe that starvation was over the whole country, in all its ghastly horrors, making it a question of life and death between Spaniard and Indian, who devoured each other. dec. iv. lib. i. cap. vii. But this is clearly exaggeration.

[XXI-9] According to Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. ii., Gabriel de Rojas was offered the government, but declined to hold the province except for the king direct; whereupon he was arrested and Garabito given the command. He seems confused, however, while Cereceda's account is most clear on all these points. _Carta_, MS., 3-6. Oviedo is quite brief. iii. 190.

[XXI-10] The present treasurer, Rodrigo del Castillo, was under indictment by the inquisition at Panamá. With Pedrarias came a friar empowered to try his case, by whom he was acquitted, and he thereupon resumed office till Tobilla arrived. _Cerezeda_, _Carta_, MS., 10-11.

[XXI-11] Herrera's lucid definition of the limits reads: 'Desde Leon al puerto de Natiuidad, cien leguas Nortesur, y desde Chorotega, por otro nombre Fõseca, hasta puerto de Cauallos, Nortesur, que auia setenta leguas, y cien leguas de costa por el mar del Norte, y otras tantas por el Sur con mas lo q̃ se le renunciaua, y lo que para adelante pudisse ensancharse descubriendo,' including Nequepia province, or Salvador, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. ii.

[XXI-12] Besides the usual humane injunctions it was ordered that towns should be founded near the Indians, so that they might be brought by example and gentle means to a knowledge of the true faith, and be led to adopt the manners and customs of Christians. To promote this desirable end the royal officers were enjoined to watch strictly over the moral and economic features of the Spanish settlements. The revolted Chorotegas were to be pacified by kindness, and the native slaves brought from Panamá were to be returned. _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. i. cap. viii. See chap, v., note 5, this volume.

[XXI-13] 'Lleuando los Indios cargados, y encadenados, cõ argollas, porq̃ no se boluiessen: y porq̃ vno se canso, por no quitarle el argolla le quitaron la cabeça, y lo dissimulo.' _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. ii.

[XXI-14] Ponce de Leon and Hernando de Soto, for instance, took two cargoes at one time, according to Pizarro, _Relacion_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, v. 209.

[XXI-15] 'Ellos matarõ a los Castellanos q̃ acertaron a hallar fuera del lugar, y los comieron.' _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. ii.

[XXI-16] 'Los quales eran del valle de Olocoton é de su comarca.' _Oviedo_, iv. 100.

[XXI-17] Despite his want of success, says Oviedo, iv. 61, Estete received from Pedrarias another important command, to the prejudice of another officer. The details of the expedition will be given in connection with Salvador.

[XXI-18] Soto alone brought about 100 men to Peru. _Pizarro_, _Rel._, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, v. 211-15; _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. vi. cap. iii.; _Oviedo_, iii. 119-20. This conquest will be spoken of in a later volume of this history.

[XXI-19] In 1527, as has been intimated, there was an outcry for his removal, but with the aid of influential friends he managed to retain his seat. Castillo states that one expedition alone, under Córdoba, had brought over 100,000 pesos de oro into Leon, none of which reached the crown. After beheading Córdoba he had conjured up a partner for him, named Tellez, into whose hands was placed the confiscated estate, so that it might with better pretence be appropriated. _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xii. 84-6.

[XXI-20] 'En fin de Iulio.' _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xv.

[XXI-21] Oviedo, iii. 172, attributes to Pedrarias the release of two millions of souls from dusky bodies during a period of sixteen years. 'Ni han tenido más largas jornadas que caminar dos millones de indios que desde el año de mill é quinientos y catorçe que llegó Pedrarias á la Tierra-Firme hasta quél murió.' Two million murders!

[XXI-22] Additional authorities for the preceding two chapters are: Various documents in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, v. 209, 211-12, 215; also in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 556-7; xii. 84-6; xiv. 54; xvi. 324; _Squier's MSS._, iv. xx. 2-5, 11-43; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 164; _Andagoya_, _Narr._, 32-9; _Chimalpain_, _Hist. Conq._, ii. 181; _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, iii. 416-17; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apolog._, MS., 29; _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, i. 54-9; _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mech._, MS., 322-3; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 616; _Belly_, _Nicaragua_, i. 171-2.

[XXII-1] _Cartas_, 259.

[XXII-2] See p. 493, this volume.

[XXII-3] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 289-90. But this state of things did not last long. Ixtlilxochitl includes Soconusco in a list of provinces which were in revolt in 1523. _Horribles Crueldades_, 65.

[XXII-4] According to Fuentes y Guzman, derived from _Coctecmalan_—that is to say, _Palo de leche_, milk-tree, commonly called _Yerba mala_, found in the neighborhood of Antigua Guatemala. See also _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 257-8. In the Mexican tongue, if we may believe Vazquez, it was called _Quauhtimali_, 'rotten tree.' _Chronica de Guat._, 68. Others derive it from _Uhatezmalha_, signifying 'the hill which discharges water;' and Juarros suggests that it may be from _Juitemal_, the first king of Guatemala, by a corruption, as _Almolonga_ from _Atmulunga_, and _Zonzonate_ from _Zezontlatl_. The meaning of the word would then be 'the kingdom of Guatemala.' _Guat._, i. 4; ii. 259-60.

[XXII-5] See _Native Races_, v., passim.

[XXII-6] There were two royal families among the Cakchiquels. The succession alternated between them. The king's title was Ahpozotzil, while that of the heir of the other branch was Ahpoxahil. The eldest sons of these had respectively the titles of Ahpop Qamahay and Galel Xahil. _Native Races_, ii. 640.

[XXII-7] This Mexican name of Cortés was already known to the natives from sea to sea, and from the far north to the far south; in fact, to them it was almost his only name.

[XXII-8] Gomara surmises that the ships of Andrés Niño were referred to, _Hist. Ind._, 266, while Peter Martyr believes them to have been those of Gil Gonzalez, seen off the coast of Yucatan.

[XXII-9] 'El qual pregunto, si eran de Malinxe, ... Dios caydo del cielo.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 266.

[XXII-10] A carver in wood, and no ordinary pilot, Peter Martyr says, dec. viii. cap. v., while Gomara's words are, 'Treuiño, y era carpintero de naos.' _Hist. Ind._, 266.

[XXII-11] One of the messengers sought to appropriate to himself a quantity of the gold, while his comrade, disapproving, first admonished him, then held his peace, dissembling, and accused him to Cortés of theft. The culprit was convicted, publicly flogged, and banished from New Spain. _Peter Martyr_, dec. viii. cap. v. 'Esta fue la primera entrada, y noticia de Quauhtemallan.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 267.

[XXII-12] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 289; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 267; _Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 4; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 2-3. Gomara erroneously gives 1523 as the year of this embassy, as well as Alvarado's expedition to Tututepec.

[XXII-13] Or Tuzapan, on the coast of Vera Cruz, some leagues south of Tampico.

[XXII-14] Gomara says 200 men, to ratify the treaty of peace with a reasonable present. _Hist. Ind._, 266-67. Remesal states that the embassadors from Guatemala found Cortés at the port of Villa Rica [Vera Cruz] in high good humor, having received the news of his appointment as governor and captain-general of New Spain. _Hist. Chyapa_, 3.

[XXII-15] Vazquez makes no mention of embassadors from the lord of Utatlan; on the contrary, he states that the king of the Cakchiquel nation had invested with independent sovereignty over a portion of his kingdom his brother Ahpoxahil, who held his court at Tecpanatitan [Tzolola]; and that these two rulers, without informing the neighboring lords of their intention, conjointly sent embassadors to Cortés with offers of peace and submission. _Chronica de Gvat._, 68. Brasseur de Bourbourg takes this view, and states that when the secret alliance became known the indignation was general. A confederation for the destruction of the Cakchiquels was formed, and a struggle of fearful bloodiness had been carried on for some months when the confederates received the news that the Tonatiuh was advancing through Soconusco against them. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 630. But Cortés distinctly states that he both sent messengers to Utatlan and received envoys from that city. _Cartas_, 289. See also _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. viii.; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 174.

[XXII-16] Gomara states that at the time of their overtures to Cortés the Guatemalans were at war with Soconusco, and now, encouraged by their alliance, pressed hostilities with increased vigor. _Hist. Ind._, 267. Ixtlilxochitl claims that in 1523 the Mexican princes Ixtlilxochitl and Quauhtemoctzin learned that the provinces of the south coast, among which he includes Soconusco, had risen against those who were friendly to the Christians, and they straightway informed Cortés. _Horribles Crueldades_, 65-6.

[XXII-17] 'Y porque ya yo tenia mucha costa hecha ... y porque dello tengo creido que Dios nuestro Señor y V. S. M. han de ser muy servidos.' _Cartas_, 304.

[XXII-18] For more concerning his character see _Hist. Mex._, i. 73-5, this series.

[XXII-19] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 304. With regard to both date and number authorities differ. Bernal Diaz assigns December 13th as the day of departure; Ixtlilxochitl, December 8th. _Horribles Crueldades_, 71; Fuentes, November 19th, and Vazquez, November 13th. Vazquez states that this last is the date given in the original manuscript of Bernal Diaz, though the printed copy gives December 13th. _Chronica de Gvat._, 523. The number of forces at the second mustering is stated by Cortés to have been 120 horsemen, with 40 spare animals, and 300 foot-soldiers, of whom 130 were cross-bowmen and arquebusiers. There were also several persons of high rank from Mexico and the neighboring cities with the native troops; but the latter were not numerous, on account of the distance of the proposed scene of action. A park of four pieces of artillery completed the equipment. Oviedo follows Cortés. Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 174, gives the number of arquebusiers and cross-bowmen as 120, and that of the horsemen 135, with above 200 Tlascaltecs and Cholultecs, besides 100 picked Mexicans. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. viii., assigns 300 Spaniards, 100 of whom were arquebusiers, with 160 horses. Vazquez, _Chronica de Gvat._, 4, says the force consisted of 300 Spaniards with Tlascaltec, Mexican, and Cholultec allies. Without making any mention of the guns, which the above authorities do not omit, Fuentes says the force was composed of 750 hombres de calidad, as follows: 300 foot-soldiers, arquebusiers, and cross-bowmen, 135 horsemen, and four guns under the artilleryman Usagre, written in Bernal Diaz as Viagre; but 750 must be an error, since the artillerymen would thus number 315; 450 is probably the intended number. To these were added 200 Tlascaltec and Cholultec bowmen, and 100 picked Mexicans. This author, moreover, gives a list of the names of nearly 200 conquistadores. _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 25-7. Gomara has 420 Spaniards, with 170 horses, four pieces of artillery, a great quantity of stores, and a large number of Mexican troops. 'Mucha gente Mexicana.' _Hist. Ind._, 267. Brasseur de Bourbourg gives the forces as 300 foot-soldiers, 120 of whom were arquebusiers or cross-bowmen, 135 horsemen, with four pieces of artillery, 200 warriors of Tlascala and Cholula, 10,000 each of Mexico and Acolhuacan, besides a large number of porters and carriers. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, 632. This last author is supported by Ixtlilxochitl, who states that Ixtlilxochitl and Quauhtemoctzin supplied Cortés each with 10,000 warriors, under the command of able captains. _Horribles Crueldades_, 65-6. And with regard to the native contingent troops, we have additional evidence that they were far more numerous than Cortés chose to represent them to the Spanish monarch. The Xochimilco Indians, whose city lay five leagues from Mexico, sent in a petition for redress of grievances, dated 2d May, 1563, in which they claim to have furnished Alvarado, their encomendero, with 2500 warriors for the conquest of Honduras and Guatemala. _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, viii. 293-4. By royal edict the employment of natives beyond their own borders had been forbidden; hence, to diminish the magnitude of the disobedience, the number was diminished.

[XXII-20] The former were Franciscans, named Juan de Torres and Francisco Martinez de Pontaza, according to Vazquez, _Chronica de Gvat._, 524. This writer enters into a long argument to prove that Bartolomé de Olmedo, of the order of Nuestra Señora de la Merced, could not have accompanied the expedition, as stated by Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 174. Vazquez, with the aid of two other friars, compared the original manuscript of Bernal Diaz with the printed work published in 1632, and found the last mention of Olmedo in the manuscript to be in