Part 19

The story of the siege of Quebec is already familiar to readers of these pages. The only further reference to that siege necessary to be made in this place is to chronicle the fact that Colonel Carleton was severely wounded in the hand on the plains of Abraham, and was only a few paces distant from his commander when the latter received his death-wound. For his services on that eventful day he was advanced to the dignity of a Brigadier-General. The next important event in his life necessary to record was his accession to the Governorship of Canada, as successor to General Murray. He was already regarded with great favour by the colonists, who had begun to look up to him as a protector. His character and conduct have been variously judged, some attributing his wisdom and gentleness to native goodness of heart, others to a prudent and far-seeing policy. There is no necessity for inquiring too curiously into his motives. Suffice it to say that he was regarded with the highest favour and admiration by the colonists. The Government of his predecessor, General Murray, had, at the outset, been an essentially military Government, and had been the reverse of popular with French Canadians generally. During his _regime_ the French Canadians seem to have been morbidly given to contemplating themselves as a conquered people, and to have been ever ready to avail themselves of any pretext for establishing a grievance. Nor were such pretexts altogether wanting. The civil and criminal law of England had been introduced into the colony by royal proclamation, and Courts of King's Bench, Common Pleas, and Chancery had been established for its administration. Now, the law of England was a system of which the French Canadians knew nothing, and for which they could hardly be expected to have much enthusiasm. Trial by jury was an especial bugbear to them. It was incomprehensible to them that any man who was conscious of the goodness of his cause should wish to be tried by twelve ignorant men; men who had never studied the principles of law, and who were very imperfectly educated. That a suitor should prefer such a tribunal to an erudite judge, whose life had been spent in the study of jurisprudence, was, to the French Canadians of those days, pretty strong evidence that the said suitor had little confidence in the justness of his plea. Moreover, trials were carried on in the English language, of which the French Canadians in general knew little more than they knew of English law. A native litigant was compelled to plead through an interpreter, and not seldom through an interpreter who could be bribed. Even the higher officials of the courts were sometimes appointed for political reasons, and were utterly unfit for positions of trust. It is not too much to say that there were flagrant instances in which judicial decisions were literally bought and sold. General Murray's report on the condition of the colony, published after his return to England in 1766, affords indisputable evidence that the alleged grievances of the French Canadians were not wholly imaginary. The ex-Governor cannot be suspected of any undue prejudice in favour of the native population. He describes the British colonists of the Province as being, with a few exceptions, the most immoral collection of men he had ever known. Most of them, he alleged, had been followers of the army, of mean education, or soldiers disbanded at the reduction of the troops, who had their fortunes to make, and who were not very solicitous as to how that end was accomplished. They were represented as persons little calculated to conciliate the natives, or to increase the respect of the latter for British laws. The officials sent out from the mother country to conduct the public service are described as venal, mercenary, and ignorant. "The Judge fixed upon to conciliate the minds of 75,000 foreigners to the laws and government of Great Britain," says the report, "was taken from a jail." Both the Judge and the Attorney-General were unacquainted with the Civil Law and with the French language. The chief offices of state were filled by men equally ignorant, who had bought their situations for a price. Such a state of things was little calculated to endear British rule to the French Canadians. The picture is a dark one, but hardly darker than the facts justified. And such was the posture of affairs when Guy Carleton succeeded to office as Murray's successor.

He was wise enough to perceive that such a system could not be lasting, and just enough to desire the establishment of a better one. Scarcely had he succeeded to office before he made some important changes among the higher state officials. He deposed two obnoxious councillors, and set up two better men in their stead. He then turned his attention to law reform. Previous to the Conquest, the law in vogue in the Province had been a modification of the Civil Law known as the "Coutume de Paris." This system, abridged and modified so as to meet the requirements of the colony, he set himself to reëstablish. Under his direction some of the leading French lawyers set to work at the task of compilation. Upon the completion of this work he crossed over to England, taking the compilation with him for the approval of the authorities there. He met with strong opposition, and for some time it seemed doubtful whether he would be able to accomplish the object of his mission. He was subjected to repeated examinations before the law officers of the Crown, and before Committees of the House of Commons. Thurlow, the Attorney-General, opposed the measure with all the forensic learning he could summon to his aid. The Mayor and Corporation of London also threw the weight of their influence into the same scale. The great Edmund Burke exhausted against it all his unrivalled powers of rhetoric. Finally a compromise was effected, and the famous "Quebec Act" was passed. It repealed all the provisions of the royal proclamation of 1763, annulled all the acts of the Governor and Council relative to the civil government and administration of justice, revoked the commissions of judges and other existing officers, and established new boundaries for the Province. It released the Roman Catholics in Canada from all penal restrictions, renewed their dues and tithes to the Roman Catholic clergy from members of their own Church, and confirmed all classes except the religious orders and communities in full possession of their property. The French laws were declared to be the rules for decision relative to property and civil rights, while the English law was established in criminal matters. Both the civil and criminal codes were liable to be altered or modified by the ordinances of the Governor and a Legislative Council. This Council was to be appointed by the Crown, and was to consist of not more than twenty-three, nor fewer than seventeen members. Its power was limited to levying local or municipal taxes, and to making arrangements for the administration of the internal affairs of the Province; the British Parliament reserving to itself the right of external taxation, or the levying of duties on imports and exports. Every ordinance passed by this Council was to be transmitted within six months, at farthest, after enactment, for the approbation of the King, and if disallowed, was to be void on its disallowance becoming known at Quebec. Such were the principal provisions of the Quebec Act, under which Canada was governed for seventeen years. There can be no doubt that its enactment was largely due to Carleton's representations, and it is not to be wondered at if, when he returned to Canada in the autumn of 1774, he was received with rapturous enthusiasm by the French Canadians, who made up nearly the entire population of the colony. The Legislative Council, composed of one-third Catholics and two-thirds Protestants, was inaugurated. The "Continental Congress," which was then in session at Philadelphia, made vain overtures to the Canadians to join them in throwing off the British yoke. The French Canadians believed that they had more to lose than gain by a change. They had not even yet much love for British institutions, but they thought they saw a disposition on the part of the Imperial authorities to accord to them some measure of justice, and were not disposed to rebel. They were moreover greatly attached to the Governor who had fought so gallantly on their behalf. "The man," says M. Bibaud, "to whom the administration of the Government had been entrusted had known how to make the Canadians love him, and this contributed not a little to retain, at least within the bounds of neutrality, those among them who might have been able, or who believed themselves able, to ameliorate their lot by making common cause with the insurgent colonies."

A time soon arrived when the fealty of the French Canadians was to be subjected to a stern and an effectual test. On the 19th of April, 1775, the revolt of the American colonies assumed a positive shape, and the skirmish at Lexington took place. The colonists then proceeded to strike what they believed would prove a deadly blow to Great Britain on this continent. American forces under the command of Ethan Allen and Benedict Arnold passed over to Canada, believing that they would find the country an easy prey. Crown Point, which was invested with a very small garrison, was compelled to yield to the invaders. A similar result followed the attack of the Americans on Fort Ticonderoga, and the capture of the only British sloop of war on Lake Champlain gave them entire supremacy in those waters. Then General Carleton manned himself "to whip the dwarfish war from out his territories." He at once determined to recover the forts which had been lost, and proceeded to raise a militia. But when he appealed to the French Canadians to flock to the side of their seigniors in accordance with the old feudal customs for which they professed so much veneration, and which he himself had been instrumental in restoring to them, he found that he could not count upon their aid. The seigniors, indeed, were most of them chivalrous and willing enough, but the peasantry refused to lift hand in a quarrel which was not of their seeking. Much eloquence has been wasted in attempting to prove that the French Canadian habitans refused on principle to rally at this juncture. It has been said that their hearts warmly sympathized with the struggle of the Americans for freedom, and that they believed that to aid Great Britain would be to strike a blow at liberty itself. The facts of the case do not justify any such assumption. Looking back upon that memorable rebellion by the light of the hundred years which have elapsed since its occurrence, there are not many right-thinking persons of British blood who will be disposed to regret its issue. But the "shot heard round the world," of which Emerson so eloquently sings, produced no echo in the hearts of French Canadians. They were simply indifferent. They had no stomach to draw their swords and perform military service in behalf of a cause which did not appeal to their enthusiasm. Whatever sympathies they had were undoubtedly enlisted on the side of the Americans, but these were too weak to impel them to endanger their lives. They had enjoyed an interval of peace, and many of their most pressing grievances had been redressed. They owed a debt of gratitude to their Governor, and they were willing to repay it by passive fealty; but they were as lukewarm as erst were the people of Laodicea. It was in vain that the seigniors mustered their tenants and expatiated on the nature of feudal services, and the risk of confiscation which they would incur by refusing to render such services in this hour of need. They almost to a man denied the right of their seigniors to exact military services from them. In a word, they refused to fight. The Governor was thus placed in an extremity. He had only two regiments of troops at his disposal--the 7th and the 26th. Their combined strength was about 850 men. The British colonists were even less disposed to draw sword than the native Canadians. The American Congress believed the Canadian people to be favourable to their cause, and resolved to strike a blow which should be decisive. They despatched a force of nearly 2,000 men into Canada by way of the River Richelieu, under the command of Generals Schuyler and Montgomery. Another expedition, consisting of a force of 1,100 men, under Colonel Benedict Arnold, was simultaneously despatched from Boston to Quebec by way of the Rivers Kennebec and Chaudière. The campaign was not badly planned. The larger of these forces was to capture the forts on the way from Albany to Montreal. Upon reaching Montreal that town was to be captured and invested, after which a descent was to be made to Quebec and a junction formed with Arnold.

Carleton's situation was sufficiently embarrassing to have dismayed a man less abundant in energy and less fertile of resource. It only spurred him on to increased exertion. His two small regiments were divided between Montreal and Quebec. The colonists, both British and French, had refused to assist him, and it was doubtful if many of them would not join the ranks of the invaders. Having proclaimed martial law, he invoked ecclesiastical aid. The priests were believed to be all-powerful with the French Canadian population, and he knew that he could count upon the coöperation of the priesthood. He appealed to De Briand, Bishop of Quebec, to rouse the peasantry of his diocese. The Bishop complied with his wishes, and put forth an encyclical letter enjoining the people to bestir themselves in defence of their country and their religion. Even this appeal was in vain. The French Canadians still remained apathetic. Many of the British colonists openly professed their sympathy with the Americans. The Governor then sought to raise a militia by offering liberal land-bounties. This appeal to the cupidity of the colonists was more effectual than the appeals of a more sentimental nature had been, inasmuch as a few volunteers promptly enrolled themselves. Valuable assistance also came in from another quarter. The Province of New York had by this time become an unsafe place of residence for persons of British proclivities. Colonel Guy Johnson, who had just succeeded to the position of British Colonial Agent for Indian Affairs in North America, was compelled to seek safety in Canada. He was accompanied by Joseph Brant and the principal warriors of the Six Nations, who had resolved to "sink or swim with the English." These warriors, with Brant at their head, formed themselves into a Confederacy, and rallied to the side of Governor Carleton. The American armaments were meanwhile steadily advancing to the attack. Early in September the forces under Schuyler and Montgomery reached Isle-aux-Noix. Proclamations were sown broadcast among the Canadians, in which it was stated that the invaders had no design whatever on the lives, the properties, or the religion of the inhabitants, and that their operations were directed against the British only. General Schuyler having returned to Albany, the chief command devolved on Montgomery, who invested Fort St. John, and sent a detachment of troops to attack the fort at Chambly, while Ethan Allen was despatched with a reconnoitring party towards Montreal. Allen being informed that the town was weakly defended, and believing the inhabitants to be favourable to the American cause, resolved to attempt a capture. Carleton had already arrived at Montreal to make dispositions for the protection of the frontier. Learning, on the night of the 24th, that a party of Americans had crossed the river, and were marching on the town, he despatched all his available force, consisting of about 275 men, nearly all of whom were volunteers, against the enemy. The American force, which was only about 250 strong, was compelled to surrender. Allen and his detachment thus became prisoners of war. They were at once sent over to England, where they were confined in Pendennis Castle. Meanwhile General Montgomery was besieging forts St. John and Chambly. Both these fortresses, after a brief and ineffectual resistance, were compelled to surrender. Nearly all the regulars in Canada thus became prisoners of war, and there was nothing to prevent the Americans from advancing upon Montreal, which they at once proceeded to do. To defend it with any hope of success was utterly out of the question, and Carleton, anticipating Montgomery's intention, burned and destroyed all the public stores, and left the town by one way just as the Americans entered at the other. During the night he had a narrow escape from the enemy, who were encamped at Sorel, and whose sentinels he had to pass in an open boat. This he successfully accomplished, and arrived at Quebec on the 19th of November. He hastily made the most judicious arrangements in his power for the defence of the place. He expelled from the city all those who were disaffected. Arnold had meanwhile made his desolate march through the wilderness, and though his forces had suffered terrible privations, and had been greatly reduced in number by starvation and other perils of the march, he was now in a position to coöperate with Montgomery. The united forces succeeded in gaining the city on the 4th of December, and after concocting their plans, they divided their strength, so as to attack the city in several places. The siege lasted throughout the month. Montgomery waited for a night of unusual darkness to make a daring attempt upon the city from the south. Arnold entrenched himself on the opposite side of the city. The provisions of the besiegers began to fail, their regiments were being depleted by sickness, and their light guns made but little impression on the massive walls. At last an assault was ordered. It took place before dawn on the 31st of December (1775). In the midst of a heavy snow storm Arnold advanced through the Lower Town from his quarters near the St. Charles River, and led his 800 New Englanders and Virginians over two or three barricades. The Montreal Bank and several other massive stone houses were filled with British regulars, who guarded the approaches with such a deadly fire that Arnold's men were forced to take refuge in the adjoining houses, while Arnold himself was badly wounded and carried to the rear. Meanwhile Montgomery was leading his New Yorkers and Continentals north along Champlain Street by the river side. The intention was for the two attacking columns, after driving the enemy from the Lower Town, to unite before the Prescott Gate, and carry it by storm. A strong barricade was stretched across Champlain Street from the cliff to the river; but when its guards saw the great masses of the attacking column advancing through the twilight, they fled. In all probability Montgomery would have crossed the barricade, delivered Arnold's men by attacking the enemy in the rear, escaladed Prescott Gate, and gained temporary possession of the place, but that one of the fleeing Canadians, impelled by a strange caprice, turned quickly back and fired the cannon which stood loaded on the barricade. Montgomery and many of his officers and men were struck down by the shot, and the column broke up in panic and fled. The British forces were now concentrated on Arnold's men, who were hemmed in by a sortie from the Palace Gate, and 426 officers and men were made prisoners. The remnant of the American army was compelled to retreat to some distance from the city. On being reinforced, however, during the winter, they made a stand for another attack on Quebec, but disease and famine at last compelled them to retreat. In the spring, reinforcements arrived from England, and Carleton having first possessed himself of Crown Point, launched a fleet on Lake Champlain, which, after several actions, completely annihilated that of the Americans. Further reinforcements soon afterwards arrived from England under the command of Major-General Burgoyne, who thenceforward took the military command. He succeeded in gaining some rather unimportant victories, but was finally compelled to surrender at Saratoga, with his force of 6,000 men. This may be said to have put an end to the war. The French Government recognized the new Republic as an independent nation, and all hope of keeping the latter under British subjection was abandoned.

Governor Carleton, who had done so much to preserve Canada from falling into the hands of the Americans, and whose efforts, considering his limited resources, had been almost incredibly successful, was not a little chagrined at being superseded in his military command. He considered that he had been slighted by the Government, and that his brilliant successes had merited a different reward. And he was right. To him, more than to any other man, is due the praise of having prevented Canada from becoming, at least for the time, a part of the American Republic. Mr. J. M. Lemoine, the historian of Quebec, pays a well-merited compliment to his memory. "Had the fate of Canada on that occasion," says Mr. Lemoine, "been confided to a Governor less wise, less conciliating than Guy Carleton, doubtless the 'brightest gem in the colonial Crown of Britain' would have been one of the stars of Columbia's banner; the star-spangled banner would now be floating on the summit of Cape Diamond."

With a heart smarting under a keen, if not loudly-expressed sense of injustice, Carleton demanded his recall. His successor, Major-General Haldimand, having arrived in Canada in July, 1778, Carleton surrendered the reins of Government to him and proceeded to England. The ministry of the day, however, mollified his resentment, and paid assiduous court to him. Various honours and substantial emoluments were conferred upon him. In 1786 he was raised to the peerage of Great Britain, by the title of Baron Dorchester of Dorchester, in the County of Oxford--a title still borne by his descendant, the fourth Baron. During the same year he was requested to once more take charge of the Canadian Administration. He consented, and came over to this country as Governor-General and Commander-in-Chief of His Majesty's forces in America. He retained both these positions for ten years--a period marked by many important civil reforms, and by the passing of the Constitutional Act of 1791, whereby Canada was divided into two separate Provinces. Lord Dorchester's tenure of office tended to still further endear him to the Canadian people, and to this day his name is held in affectionate remembrance by the inhabitants of the Lower Province where he resided. He took his final departure from our shores in the summer of 1796, amid the heartfelt regret of the people over whose affairs he had so long presided. Upon reaching England he retired to private life, and did not again take any prominent part in public affairs. His old age, like that of King Lear, was "frosty, but kindly," and for twelve years he lived a life of cheerful and dignified repose. He continued to correspond with friends in Canada, and in one of his letters, still extant, expresses a wish to revisit the scenes of his past achievements, and mayhap to lay his bones among them. The wish, however, was not gratified. He died, after a brief illness, on the 10th of November, 1808, in his 83rd year.

He married, on the 22nd of May, 1772, Maria, daughter of Thomas, second Earl of Effingham, by whom he had a family of seven children. His three eldest sons died in his lifetime. He was succeeded by his grandson, Arthur Henry, son of his third son, Christopher.

THE HON. WILLIAM PEARCE HOWLAND,

_C.B., K.C.M.G._