Chapter IV

. add: Wackernagel, _Das deutsche Kirchenlied von der ältesten Zeit bis zum Anfang des 17 Jahrhunderts_ (Leipzig, 1864-1877) vols. i. ii.; “Rainerii Sachoni Summa de Catharis et Leonistis” in _the Magna Bibliotheca Patrum_, vol. xiii. (Col. Agrip. 1618), cf. “Comm. Crit. de Rainerii Sachoni Summa” (_Göttingen Osterprogramm_ of 1834); Habler, _Das Wallfahrtbuch des Hermann von Vach, und die Pilgerreisen der Deutschen nach Santiago de Compostella_ (Strassburg, 1899); _Mirabilia Romæ_ (reprint by Parthey, Berlin, 1869); Munzenberger, _Frankfurter und Magdeburger Beichtbuchlein_ (Mainz, 1883); Hasak, _Die letzte Rose_, etc. (Ratisbon, 1883); Hasak, _Der christliche Glaube des deutschen Volkes beim Schluss des Mittelalters_ (Ratisbon, 1868); Höfler, _Denkwürdigkeiten der Charitas Pirckheimer (Quellensamml. z. fränk. Gesch._ iv., 1858); Konrad Stolle, _Thüringische Chronik_ (in _Bibliothek d. lit. Vereins_ (Stuttgardt), xxxiii.).

LATER BOOKS: v. Bezold, _Geschichte der deutschen Reformation_ (Berlin, 1890); Janssen, _Geschichte des deutschen Volkesseit dem Ausgang des Mittelalters_ (17th ed., 1897), vol. i.; Brück, _Der religiöse Unterricht für Jugend und Volk in Deutschland in der zweiten Hälfte des fünfzehnten Jahrhunderts_; Cruel, _Geschichte der deutschen Predigt im Mittelalter_ (Detwold, 1879); Dacheux, _Jean Geiler de Keysersberg_ (Paris, 1876); Walther, _Die deutsche Bibelübersetzung des Mittelalters_ (Brunswick, 1889); Uhlhorn, _Die christliche Liebesthätigkeit im Mittelalter_ (Stuttgart, 1887); Wilken, _Geschichte der geistlichen Spiele in Deutschland_ (Göttingen, 1872).

68 Kalkoff, _Die Depeschen des Nuntius Aleander_, etc. (Halle a. S. 1897), pp. 26, 45-48.

69 No fewer than six editions of his _Postilla_ were published between 1471 and 1508.

70 v. Bezold, _Geschichte der deutschen Reformation_, p. 91 f.

71 Heinzel, _Beschreibung des geistlichen Schauspiels im deutschen Mittelalter_ (Hamburg and Leipzig, 1898); F. J. Mone, _Schauspiele des Mittelalters_, 2 vols. (Karlsruhe, 1846).

72 Hampsen, _Medii Ævi Kalendarium_ (London, 1841), i. 140 f.

73 Tilliot, _Mémoires pour servir à l’histoire de la fête dts fous_ (Lausanne, 1751); cf. Floegel’s _Geschichte des Grotesk-Komischen_ (3rd ed., Leipzig, 1886), pp. 199-242.

74 The old Scottish version is, “To us is borne a barne of bliss,” _Gude and Godlie Ballates_ (Scot. Text Society, Edinburgh, 1897), pp. 51, 250.

75 This may be translated:

“Oh Jesus, Master, meek and mild, Since Thou wast once a little child, Wilt Thou not give this baby mine Thy Grace and every blessing thine? Oh Jesus, Master mild, Protect my little child.

Now sleep, now sleep, my little child, He loves thee, Jesus, meek and mild: He’ll never leave thee nor forsake, He’ll make thee wise and good and great. Oh Jesus, Master mild, Protect my little child.”

76 The old Scotch version was:

“In dulci jubilo, Now let us sing with mirth and jo! Our hartis consolation Lies in præsepio; And schynis as the Sonne Matris in gremio. Alpha es et O, Alpha es et O!

O Jesu parvule, I thirst sair after Thee; Comfort my hart and mind, O Puer optime! God of all grace so kind, Et Princeps Gloriæ, Trahe me post Te, Trahe me post Te!

Ubi sunt gaudia In any place but there, Where that the angels sing Nova cantica, But and the bellis ring In Regis curia! God gif I were there, God gif I were there!”

—(_Gude and Godlie Ballates_ (Scot. Text Society, Edinburgh, 1897), pp. 53. 250.)

There is a variety of English versions: “Let Jubil trumpets blow, and hearts in rapture flow”; “In dulci jubilo, to the House of God we’ll go”; “In dulci jubilo, sing and shout all below.” Cf. Julian, _Dictionary of Hymnology_, p. 564.

77 Wackernagel, _Das deutsche Kirchenlied_, etc., ii. 483 ff.

78 The song began:

“Wöllent ir geren hören Von sant Michel’s wunn; In Gargau ist er gsessen Drei mil im meresgrund.

‘O heilger man, sant Michel, Wie hastu dass gesundt, Dass du so tief hast buwen Wol in des meres grund?’ ”

—(Wackernagel, _Das deutsche Kirchenlied_, etc. ii. 1003.)

79 Konrad Stolle, _Thüringische Chronik_, pp. 128-131 (_Bibliothek des literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart_, xxxiii.).

80 Kolde, _Friedrich der Weise und die Anfänge der Reformation_, p. 14.

81 Lucas Cranach, _Wittenberger Heiligenthumsbuch vom Jahre 1509_, in Hirth’s _Liebhaber-Bibliothek alter Illustratoren in Facsimilien-Reproduktion_, No. vii. (Munich, 1896).

_ 82 Mirabilia Romæ_, ed. by G. Parthey: the quotations are from an old German translation.

83 The title is _Hæ sunt reliquiæ quæ habentur in hac sanctissima ecclesia Compostellana in qua corpus Beati Jacobi Zebedei in integrum_.

84 No. i. of _Drucke und Holzschnitte des 15 und 16 Jahrhunderts_ (Strassburg, 1899).

85 “Zway par schuech der darff er wol, Ein schüssel bei der flaschen; Ein breiten huet den sol er han, Und an mantel sol er nit gan Myt leder wol besezet; Es schnei oder regn oder wehe der wint, Dass in die lufft nicht nezet; Sagkh und stab ist auch dar bey.”

—(Wackernagel, _Das deutsche Kirchenlied von der aeltesten Zeit bis zu Anfang des 17 Jahrhunderts_, ii. 1009.)

86 The hospital at Romans is much praised:

“Da selbst eyn gutter spital ist, Dar inne gybt mann brot und wyn Auch synt die bett hubsch und fyn.”

On the other hand, although the hospital at Montpelier was good enough, its superintendent was a sworn enemy to Germans, and the pilgrims of that nation suffered much at his hands. These hospitals occupy a good deal of space in the pilgrimage song, and the woes of the Germans are duly set forth. If the pilgrim asks politely for more bread:

“Spitelmeister, lieber spitelmeister meyn, Die brot sein vil zu kleine”;

or suggests that the beds are not very clean:

“Spitelmeister, lieber spitelmeister meyn, Die bet sein nit gar reine,”

the superintendent and his daughter (der spitelmeister het eyn tochterlein es mocht recht vol eyn schelckin seyn) declared that they were not going to be troubled with “German dogs.”—Wackernagel, _Das deutsche Kirchenlied_, etc., ii. 1009-1010.

_ 87 Zimmerische Chronik_ (Freiburg i. B. 1881-1882), ii. 314.

_ 88 Ibid._ iii. 474-475 iv. 201.

_ 89 Predigten_, i. 448.

90 Wackernagel, _Das deutsche Kirchenlied_, etc., ii. 554, 1016-1022.

91 Schwaumkell, _Der Cultus der heiligen Anna am Ausgange des Mittelalters_ (Freiburg, 1893).

92 xix. p. 397 ff., xx. p. 159 ff., 329 ff., xxi. p. 43 ff.

_ 93 The Romance of the Rose_, ii. p. 168 (Temple Classics edition).

94 v. Bezold, _Geschichte der deutschen Reformation_, pp. 95 f.

95 Kriegk, _Deutsches Bürgerthum im Mittelalter. Nach urkundlichen Forschungen und mit besonderer Bezichung auf Frankfurt a. M._, pp. 161 ff. (Frankfurt, 1868). Uhlhorn, _Die christliche Liebesthätigkeit im Mittelalter_, pp. 431 ff. (Stuttgart, 1854).

96 Wackernagel, _Das deutsche Kirchenlied_, ii. 768-769; it began:

“Ein zeyt hort ich mit gütter mer von einem schyfflin sagen, Wie es mit tugenden also gar kostlichen war beladen: Zu dem schyfflin gewan ich ein hertz, Ich fand dar yn vil güter gemertz in mancher hande gaden.”

97 The strongest prohibition of the vernacular Scriptures comes from the time of the Albigenses: “Prohibemus etiam, ne libros veteris Testamenti aut novi permittantur habere; nisi forte psalterium, vel brevarium pro divinis officiis, aut horas B. Mariæ aliquis ex devotione habere velit. Sed ne præmissos libros habeant in vulgari translatos, arctissime inhibemus” (_Conc. of Toulouse_ of 1229, c. xiv.). The _Constitutiones Thomæ Arundel_, for the mediæval Church of England, declared: “Ordinamus ut nemo deinceps aliquem textum S. Scripturæ auctoritate sua in linguam Anglicanam vel aliam transferat per viam libri, libelii aut tractatus” (Art. VII., 1408 A.D.).

98 Pope Innocent III. reprobated the translation of the Scriptures into the vernacular, because ordinary laymen, and especially women, had not sufficient intelligence to understand them (_Epistolæ_, ii. 141); and Berthold, Archbishop of Mainz, in his diocesan edict of 1486, asserted that vernaculars were unable to express the profundity of the thoughts contained in the original languages of the Scriptures or in the Latin of the Vulgate.

_ 99 Maima Bibliotheca Patrum_ (Coloniæ Agrippinæ, 1618), xiii. 299.

100 Walther, _Die deutsche Bibelübersetzung des Mittelalters_ (Brunswick, 1889).

101 Gudenaus, _Codex Diplomatic. Anecdota_, iv. 469-475 (1758).

102 Walther, _Die deutsche Bibelübersetzungen des Mittelalters_ (Brunswick, 1889).

103 Sebastian Brand, _Narrenschiff_, Preface, lines 1-4:

“Alle Land ist jetz voll heilger Schrift, Und was der seelen Heil betrifft Bibel und heilger Vater Lehr Und andrer frommen Bücher mehr.”

_ 104 Magna Bibliotheca Patrum_ (Coloniæ Agrippinæ, 1618), vol. xiii. pp. 290-301.

105 SOURCES: Casanova and Guasti, _Poesie di G. Savonarola_ (Florence, 1862); _Scella di Prediche e Scritti di Frà G. Savonarola, con nuovi Documenti intorno alla sua Vita_, by Villari and Casanova (Florence, 1898); Bayonne, _Œuvres Spirituelles choisies de Jerome Savonarola_ (Paris, 1879); _The Workes of Sir Thomas More ... written by him in the Englyshe tonge_ (London, 1557); Erasmus, _Opera Omnia_, ed. Le Clerc (Leyden, 1703-1706); Nichols, _The Epistles of Erasmus from his earliest letters to his fifty-first year, arranged in order of time_ (London, 1901); _Enchiridion Militis Christiani_ (Cambridge, 1685); _The whole Familiar Colloquies of Erasmus_ (London, 1877); Sir Thomas More, _Utopia_ (Temple Classics Series).

LATER WORKS: Villari, _Girolamo Savonarola_, 2 vols. (Florence, 1887-1888; Eng. trans., London, 1890); Seebohm, _The Oxford Reformers: John Colet, Erasmus, and Thomas More_, etc. (London, 1887); Drummond, _Erasmus, his life and character_ (London, 1873); Woltmann, _Holbein and his Time_ (London, 1872); Fronde, _Life and Letters of Erasmus_ (London, 1894); Amiel, _Un libre penseur du 16 siècle: Érasme_ (Paris, 1889); Emmerton, _Desiderius Erasmus of Rotterdam_ (New York. 1899).

_ 106 The Workes of Sir Thomas More, Knyght, sometyme Lorde Chancellour of England, Wrytten by him in the Englysh tonge_ (London, 1557), p. 6 C.

_ 107 The Works of Sir Thomas More, Knyght, sometyme Lorde Chancellor of England, Wrytten by him in the Englysh tonge_ (London, 1557), p. 13 C.

_ 108 Ibid._ 5 A.

_ 109 Ibid._ 6 B.

_ 110 Ibid._ 6 C.

_ 111 Ibid._ 8 D.

_ 112 Ibid._ 6 D.

_ 113 The Works of Sir Thomas More, Knyght, sometyme Lorde Chancellour of England, Wrytten by him in the Englysh tonge_ (London, 1557), 13 F.

_ 114 Ibid._ 12 D.

_ 115 Ibid._ 7 D.

_ 116 Life and Times of Girolamo Savonarola_, p. 771 (Eng. trans., London, 1897).

117 Seebohm, _The Oxford Reformers: John Colet, Erasmus, and Thomas More; being a history of their fellow-work_, 2nd ed. p. 125 (London, 1869). Mr. Seebohm seems to think that the Reformers clung to the mediæval conception of the inspiration of Scripture. Calvin held the same ideas as Colet, and expressed them in the same way. Cf. his comments on Matt. xxvii. 9: “Quomodo Hieremiæ nomen obrepserit, me nescire fateor, _nec anxie laboro_: certe Hieremiæ nomen _errore_ positum esse pro Zacharia, res ipsa ostendit”; and his comment on Acts vii. 16: “quare his locus corrigendus est.”

118 Colet’s abstracts of the _Celestial_ and of the _Terrestrial Hierarchies_ have been published by the Rev. J. H. Lupton (London, 1869), from the MS. at St. Paul’s School. Mr. Lupton has also published Colet’s treatise _On the Sacraments of the Church_ (London, 1867). The best edition of the works of the pseudo-Dionysius is that of Balthasar Corderius, S.J., published at Venice in 1755. The actual writings of the pseudo-Dionysius are not extensive; the editor has added translations, notes, scholia, commentaries, etc., and his folio edition contains more than one thousand pages.

119 “The radical conception is most often due to Dionysius; the passages represent the effervescence produced by the Dionysian conceptions in Colet’s mind.... The fire was indeed very much Colet’s. I find passages which burn in Colet’s abstract, freeze in the original.”—Seebohm, _The Oxford Reformers_, p. 76 (2nd ed., London, 1869). My knowledge of Colet’s sermons comes from the extracts in Mr. Seebohm’s work.

120 Cf. Mr. Lupton’s translation of the _Ecclesiastical Hierarchies_, c. ii. If it be permissible to adduce evidence from the _Utopia_ of Sir Thomas More, the anti-sacerdotal views of the Oxford Reformers went much further. In _Utopia_ confession was made to the head of the family and not to the priests; women could be priests; divorce from bed and board was permitted. Cf. the Temple Classics edition, p. 116 (divorce), p. 148 (women-priests), p. 152 (confession).

121 Seebohm, _The Oxford Reformers_, p. 221 (2nd ed. 1869).

122 Erasmus, _Opera Omnia_ (Leyden, 1703-1706), v. 140.

123 Erasmus, _Opera Omnia_ (Leyden, 1703-1706), v. 26. The sarcasm of Erasmus finds ample confirmation in Kerler’s _Die Patronate der Heiligen_ (Ulm, 1905), where St. Rochus, with fifty-nine companion saints, is stated to be ready to hear the prayers of those who dread the plague; St. Apollonia, with eighteen others, takes special interest in all who are afflicted with toothache; the holy Job, with thirteen companions, is ready to cure the itch; and St. Barbara with St. George figure as protectors against a violent death; cf. pp. 266-273, 419-422, 218-219, 358-359.

124 Erasmus, _Opera Omnia_, v. 35-36.

_ 125 Ibid._ iv. 465.

126 Erasmus, _Opera Omnia_, iv. 481-484.

_ 127 Ibid._ iv. 471-474.

_ 128 Ibid._ iv. 445.

129 Leitschuh, _Albrecht Dürer’s Tagebuch der Reise in die Niederlande_ (Leipzig, 1884), p. 84.

130 SOURCES: Melanchthon, _Historia de vita et actis Lutheri_ (Wittenberg, 1545, in the _Corpus Reformatorum_, vi.); Mathesius, _Historien von ... Martini Lutheri, Anfang, Lere, Leben und Sterben_ (Prague, 1896); Myconius, _Historia Reformations 1517-1542_ (Leipzig, 1718); Ratzeberger, _Geschichte über Luther und seine Zeit_ (Jena, 1850); Kilian Leib, _Annales von 1503-1523_ (vols. vii. and ix. of v. Aretin’s _Beiträge zur Geschichte und Litteratur_, Munich, 1803-1806); Wrampelmeyer, _Tagebuch über Dr. Martin Luther, geführt von Dr. Conrad Cordatus, 1537_ (Halle, 1885); Caspar Cruciger, _Tabulæ chronologicæ actorum M. Lutheri_ (Wittenberg, 1553); Förstemann, _Neues Urkundenbuch zur Geschichte der evangelischen Kirchen-reformation_ (Hamburg, 1842); Kolde, _Analecta Lutherana_ (Gotha, 1883); G. Loesche, _Analecta Lutherana et Melanchthoniana_ (Gotha, 1892); Löscher; _Vollstündige Reformations-Acta und Documenta_ (Leipzig, 1720-1729); Enders, _Dr. Martin Luther’s Briefwechsel_, 5 vols. (Frankfurt, 1884-1893); De Wette, _Dr. Martin Luther’s Briefe, Sendschreiben und Bedenken_, 5 vols. (Berlin, 1825-1828); J. Cochlæus (Rom. Cath.), _Commentarius de actis et scriptis M. Lutheri ... ab anno 1517 usque ad annum 1537_ (St. Victor prope Moguntiam, 1549); V. L. Seekendorf, _Commentarius ... de Lutheranismo_ (Frankfurt, 1692); _Constitutiones Fratrum Heremitarum Sancti Augustini_ (Nürnberg, 1504); _Cambridge Modern History_, II. iv.

LATER BOOKS: J. Köstlin, _Martin Luther, sein Leben und seine Schriften_, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1889); Th. Kolde, _Martin Luther. Eine Biographie_, 2 vols. (Gotha, 1884, 1893); A. Hausrath, _Luther’s Leben_, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1904); Lindsay, _Luther and the German Reformation_ (Edinburgh, 1900); Kolde, _Friedrich der Weise und die Anfänge der Reformation mit archivalischen Beilagen_ (Erlangen, 1881), and _Die deutsche Augustiner-Congregation und Johann v. Staupitz_ (Gotha, 1879); A. Hausrath, _M. Luther’s Romfahrt nach einem gleichzeitigen Pilgerbuche_ (Berlin, 1894); Oergel, _Vom jungen Luther_ (Erfurt, 1899); Jürgens, _Luther von seiner Geburt bis zum Ablassetreil_, 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1846-1847); Krumhaar, _Die Grafschaft Mansfeld im Reformationszeitalter_ (Eisleben, 1845); Buchwald, _Zur Wittenberg Stadt- und Universitätsgeschichte in der Reformationszeit_ (Leipzig, 1893); Kampschulte, _Die Universität Erfurt in ihrem Verkältniss zu dem Humanismus und der Reformation_ (Trier, 1856-1860).

_ 131 Albrecht Dürer’s Tugebuch der Reise in die Niederlande_. Edited by Dr. Fr. Leitschuh (Leipzig, 1884), pp. 28-84.

132 Nicholas, born at Lyre, a village in Normandy, was one of the earliest students of the Hebrew Scriptures; he explained the accepted fourfold sense of Scripture in the following distich:

“_Litera_ gesta docet, quid credas _Allegoria_, _Moralis_ quid agas, quo tendas _Anagogia_.”

Luther used his commentaries when he became Professor of Theology at Wittenberg, and acknowledged the debt; but it is too much to say:

“Si Lyra non lyrasset, Lutherus non saltasset.”

133 There is one persistent contemporary suggestion, that Luther was finally driven to take the step by the sudden death of a companion, for which a good deal may be said. Oergel has shown, from minute researches in the university archives, that a special friend of Luther’s, Hieronymus Pontz of Windsheim, who was working along with him for his Magister’s degree, died suddenly of pleurisy before the end of the examination; that a few weeks after Luther had taken his degree, another promising student whom he knew died of the plague; that the plague broke out again in Erfurt three months afterwards; and that Luther entered the convent a few days after this second appearance of the plague.—Cf. Georg Oergel, _Vom jungen Luther_ (Erfurt, 1899), pp. 35-41.

134 Cf. above, pp. 127 ff.

135 In my chapter on Luther in the _Cambridge Modern History_, ii. p. 114, where notes were not permitted, I have said with too much abruptness that John of Paltz was “the teacher of Luther himself.” Luther was certainly taught the theology of John of Paltz, and the latter was residing in the monastery during two years of Luther’s stay there; but it is more probable that Luther’s actual instructor was Nathin.

136 In the _Tischreden_ (Preger, Leipzig, 1888), i. 27, the saying is attributed to Bartholomæus Usingen, who is erroneously called Luther’s teacher in the Erfurt convent. Usingen did not enter the convent before 1512. He was a professor in the University of Erfurt, not in the convent.

137 N. Selneccer, _Historia . . . D. M. Lutheri_: “Jussus est omissis Sacris Bibliis ex obedientia legere scholastica et sophistica scripta.”

138 Modern Romanists describe all this as the self-torturing of an hysterical youth. They are surely oblivious to the fact that the only great German mediæval Mystic who has been canonised by the Romish Church, Henry Suso, went through a similar experience; and that these very experiences were in both cases looked on by contemporaries as the fruits of a more than ordinary piety.

_ 139 Resolutiones_, Preface.

140 Acts viii. 4.

141 Rom. xiii. 14.

142 Matt. x. 9.

143 Prov. ii. 1.

144 “If we review all the men and women of the West since Augustine’s time, whom, for the disposition which possessed them, history has designated as eminent Christians, we have always the same type; we find marked conviction of sin, complete renunciation of their own strength, and trust in grace, in the personal God who is apprehended as the _Merciful One_ in the humility of Christ. The variations of this frame of mind are innumerable—but the fundamental type is the same. This frame of mind is taught in sermons and in instruction by truly pious Romanists and by Evangelicals; in it youthful Christians are trained, and dogmatics are constructed in harmony with it. It has always produced so powerful an effect, even where it is only preached as the experience of others, that he who has come in contact with it can never forget it; it accompanies him as a pillar of cloud by day and of fire by night; he who imagines that he has long shaken it off, sees it rising up suddenly before him again.”—Harnack’s _History of Dogma_, v. 74 (Eng. trans., London, 1898).

145 The Wolfenbüttel Library contains the Psalter (Vulgate) used by Luther in lecturing on the Psalms. The book was printed at Wittenberg in 1513 by John Gronenberg, and contains Luther’s notes written on the margin and between the printed lines.

146 Luther’s indebtedness to Gerson (Jean Charlier, born in 1363 at Gerson, a hamlet near Rethel in the Ardennes, believed by some to be the author of the _De Imitatione Christi_) has not been sufficiently noticed. It may be partially estimated by Luther’s own statement that most experimental divines, including Augustine, when dealing with the struggle of the awakened soul, lay most stress on that part of the conflict which comes from temptations of the flesh; Gerson confines himself to those which are purely spiritual. Luther, during his soul-anguish in the convent, was a young monk who had lived a humanly stainless life, _sans peur et sans reproche_; Augustine, a middle-aged professor of rhetoric, had been living for years in a state of sinful concubinage.

147 It is commonly said that Luther made use of the _mystical_ passages found in these and other authors; but _mystical_ is a very ambiguous word. It is continually used to express personal or individual piety in general; or this personal religion as opposed to that religious life which is consciously lived within the fellowship of men called the Church, provided with the external means of grace. These are, however, very loose uses of the word. The fundamental problem, even in Christian Mysticism, appears to me to be how to bridge the gulf between the creature and the Creator, while the problem in Reformation theology is how to span the chasm between the sinful man and the righteous God. Hence in mysticism the _tendency_ is always to regard sin as imperfection, while in the Reformation theology sin is always the power of evil and invariably includes the thought of guilt. Luther was no mystic in the sense of desiring to be lost _in_ God: he wished to be saved _through_ Christ.

148 Of course, Luther’s intense individuality appeared in his language from the first. Take as an example a note on Ps. lxxxiv. 4: “As the meadow is to the cow, the house to the man, the nest to the bird, the rock to the chamois, and the stream to the fish, so is the Holy Scripture to the believing soul.”

149 The expression is interesting, because it shows that Luther’s influence had made at least two of his colleagues change their views. Nicholas Amsdorf and Andrew Bodenstein of Carlstadt had come to Wittenberg to teach Scholastic Theology, and Amsdorf had made a great name for himself as an exponent of the older type of that theology.

150 An illustrated catalogue of Frederick’s collection of relics was prepared by Lucas Cranach, and published under the title, _Wittenberger Heiligthumsbuch vom Jahre 1509_. It has been reprinted by G. Hirth of Munich in his _Liebhaber-Bibliothek alter Illustratoren in Facsimile-Reproduktion,_ No. vi.

151 “Amore et studio elucidandæ veritatis hæc subscripta disputabuntur Wittenbergæ, præsidente R. P. Martino Lutther, artium et sacræ theologiæ magistro eiusdemque ibidem lectore ordinario. Quare petit, ut qui non possunt verbis præsentes nobiscum disceptare, agant id literis absentes. In nomine Domini nostri Hiesu Christi. Amen.”

152 SOURCES: Thomas Aquinas, _Summa Theologiæ, Supplementum Tertiæ

## Partis_, Quæstiones xxv.-xxvii.; Alexander of Hales, _Summa

Theologiæ_, iv.; Bonaventura, _Opera Omnia; In Librum Quartum Sententiarum_, dist. xx.; vol. v. 264 tf. (Moguntiæ, 1609); Denzinger, _Enchiridion Symbolorum et Definitionum, quæ de rebus fidei et morum a conciliis œcumenicis et summis pontificibus emanarunt_, 9th ed. (Würzburg, 1900), p. 175; Köhler, _Documenta zum Ablassstreit von 1517_ (Tübingen, 1902).

LATER BOOKS: F. Beringer (Soc. Jes.), _Der Ablass, sein Wesen und Gebrauch_, 12th ed. (Paderborn, 1898); Bouvier, _Treatise on Indulgences_ (London, 1848); Lea, _A History of Auricular Confession and Indulgence in the Latin Church_, 3 vols. (Philadelphia, 1896); Brieger, _Das Wesen des Ablasses am Ausgange des Mittelalters_ (Leipzig, 1897); Harnack, _History of Dogma_, vi. pp. 243-270; Götz, “Studien zur Geschichte des Buss-sacraments” in _Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte_, xv. 321 ff., xvi. 541 ff.; Schneider, _Der Ablass_ (1881); _Cambridge Modern History_, II. iv.

153 The use of the word _satisfaction_ to denote an outward sign of sorrow for sin which was supposed to be well-pleasing to God and to afford reasonable ground for the congregation restoring a lapsed member, is very old—much older than the use of the word to denote the work of Christ. It is found as early as the time of Tertullian and Cyprian.

154 Tertullian was no believer in any indulgence shown to penitent sinners, and his account of the way in which penitents appeared before the congregation to ask for a remission or mitigation of the ecclesiastical sentence pronounced against them is doubtless a caricature, but it may be taken as a not unfair description of what must have frequently taken place: “You introduce into the Church the penitent adulterer for the purpose of melting the brotherhood by his supplications. You lead him into the midst, clad in sackcloth, covered with ashes, a compound of disgrace and horror. He prostrates himself before the widows, before the elders, suing for the tears of all; he seizes the edges of their garments, he clasps their knees, he kisses the prints of their feet. Meanwhile you harangue the people and excite their pity for the sad lot of the penitent. Good pastor, blessed father that you are, you describe the coming back of your goat in recounting the parable of the lost sheep. And in case your ewe lamb may take another leap out of the fold ... you fill all the rest of the flock with apprehension at the very moment of granting indulgence.”—(_De Pudicitia_, 13.)

155 In one book of discipline a man who has committed certain sins is ordered either to go on pilgrimage for ten years, or to live on bread and water for two years, or to pay 12s. a year. Detailed information may be found in Schmitz, _Die Bussbücher und die Bussdisziplin der Kirche_.

_ 156 Summa_, iv. 23.

157 Thomas Aquinas, _Summa Theologiæ_, iii., _Supplementum_, Quæs. xxv. 1.

158 “Du sprichst ‘So ich am letsten in todes not, Ain yeder priester mich zu absolviren not’: Von Schuld ist war, noch mitt von pein, so du bist tod, Ja für ain stund in fegfeür dort. Gabst du des Kaysers güte.”

—(Wackernagel, _Das deutsche Kirchenlied_, etc. ii. 1068.)

159 Bonaventura, _In Librum Quartum Sententiarum_, Dist. xx. Quæst. 5. Alexander of Hales, _Summa_, iv. Quæst. 59; Thomas Aquinas, _Summa_, iii., _Suppl. Quæst._ i. 2.

160 Thomas Aquinas, _Summa Theologiæ_, iii., _Supplem._ Quæstio xxv. 1: “Ecclesia universalis non potest errare ... ecclesia universalis indulgentias approbat et facit. Ergo indulgentiæ aliquid valent ... quia impium esset dicere quod Ecclesia aliquid vanè faceret.”

161 Cf. the hymn, “Der guldin Ablass,” of the fifteenth century, in Wackernagel, ii. 283-284.

162 SOURCES: Köhler, _Luthers 95 Theses samt seinen Resolutionen sowie den Gegenschriften von Wimpina-Tetzel, Eck, und Prierias und den Antworten Luthers darauf_ (Leipzig, 1903); Emil Reich, _Select Documents illustrating Mediæval and Modern History_ (London, 1905).

LATER BOOKS: J. E. Kapp, _Sammlung einiger zum päpstlichen Ablass, überhaupt ... aber zu der ... zwischen Martin Luther und Johann Tetzel hiervongeführten Streitigkeit gehörigen Schriften, mit Einleitungen und Anmerkungen versehen_ (Leipzig, 1721), and _Kleine Nachlese einiger ... zur Erläuterung der Reformationsgeschichte nützlicher Urkunden_ (Four parts, Leipzig, 1727-1733); Bratke, _Luthers 95 Theses und ihre dogmenhistorischen Voraussetzungen_ (Göttingen, 1884); Dieckhoff, _Der Ablassstreit dogmengeschichtlich dargestellt_ (Gotha, 1886); Gröne, _Tetzel und Luther_ (Soest, 1860).

163 The _Obelisks_ of Eck were printed and circulated privately long before they were published; a copy was in Luther’s hand on March 4th, 1518; it was answered by him on March 24th, and was published in the August following.

164 Köhler has collected together the _Ninety-five Theses_, the _Resolutiones_, and the attacks on the _Theses_ by Wimpina-Tetzel, Eck, and Prierias, and published them in one small book (Leipzig, 1903). It is a handbook of reference, and the text of the documents has been carefully examined.

165 The arguments were all founded on Thomas Aquinas, _Summa_, iii., _Supplementum_, Quæstio xxv. l.

166 Thomas de Vio was born at Gæta, a town situated on a promontory about fifty miles north of Naples, and was called Cajetanus from his birthplace. His baptismal name was James, and he took that of Thomas in honour of Thomas Aquinas. He had entered the Dominican Order at the age of sixteen; he was a learned man, a Scholastic of the older Thomist type, and not without evangelical sympathies; but he had the Dominican idea that ecclesiastical discipline must be maintained at all costs.

167 Seidemann, _Die Leipziger Disputation im Jahre 1519_ (Dresden, 1843).

_ 168 Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie_ for 1872, p. 534.

169 Petri Mosellani, “Epistola de Disput. Lips.” in Löscher’s _Reformations Acta et Documenta_ (Leipzig, 1720-1729), i. pp. 242 ff.

_ 170 Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie_ for 1872, p. 535. The diarist is M. Sebastian Froscher.

171 Wace and Buchheim, _Luther’s Primary Works_ (London, 1896).

172 Denzinger, _Enchiridion_, etc. p. 175.

173 In a pamphlet written by Eck in 1519, he had asserted that all the theologians in Germany were opposed to Luther save a few unlearned canons. This called forth, towards the end of the year, _The Answer of an Unlearned Canon_, which was generally ascribed to Bernard Adelmann, a canon of Augsburg, but which was really written by Oecolampadius. Pirkheimer had written a caustic attack on Eck in a satire, in which German coarseness was clothed in elegant latinity, entitled _Eccius Dedolatus_ (_The Corner planed off_, Eck being the German for “corner”), published in _Lateinische Litteraturdenkmüler des 15 und 16 Jahrhundertes_ (Berlin, 1891). Carlstadt had opposed Eck at Leipzig.

174 A copy of Luther’s notice has been preserved in the MS. “Annals” of Peter Schumann in the _Zwickau Ratsschulbibliothek_ at Zwickau. It has been printed in Kolde’s _Analecta Lutherana_ (Gotha, 1883), p. 26: “Quisquis veritatis Evangeliceæ studio teneatur. Adesto sub horam nonam, modo ad templum S. Crucis extra mœnia oppidi, ubi pro veteri et apostolico ritu impii pontificiarum constitutionum et scholasticæ theologiæ libri cremabuntur quandoquidem eo processit audatia inimicorum Evangelii, ut pios ac evangelicos Luteri exusserit. Age pia et studiosa juventus ad hoc pium ac religiosum spectaculum constituito. Fortassis enim nunc tempus est quo revelari Antichristum opportuit.”

175 Fr. v. Bezold has some excellent pages on this subject in his _Geschichte der deutschen Reformation_ (Berlin, 1890), pp. 278 ff. I have used the material he has collected, and added to it from my own reading.

176 SOURCES: _Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser Karl __V._, 3 vols. have been published (Gotha, 1893-1901); Balan, _Monumenta Reformationis Lutheranæ ex tabulis S. Sedis secretis 1521-1525_ (Ratisbon, 1883-1884); Læmmer, _Monumenta Vaticana historiam ecclesiasticam sæculi 16 illustrantia_ (Freiburg, 1861); _Meletematum Romanorum Mantissa_ (Regensburg, 1875); Brieger, _Aleander und Luther 1521: Die vervollständigten Aleander-Depeschen nebst Untersuchungen über den Wormser Reichstag_ (Gotha, 1894); _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_ (London, 1886); _Calendar of Venetian State Papers_, vols. iii.-vi. (London, 1864-1884); _Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the reign of Henry __VIII._, vols. iii.-xix. (London, 1860-1903); V. E. Loescher, _Vollständige Reformations-Acta und Documenta_, 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1713-1722); Spalatin, _Annales Reformationis_ (Leipzig, 1768); _Chronikon_ 2nd vol. of Mencke’s _Scriptores rerum Germanicarum præcipae Saxonicarum_, 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1728-1730); _Historischer Nachlass und Briefe_ (Jena, 1851); also the sources mentioned under the first chapter of this part.

LATER BOOKS: Hausrath, _Aleander und Luther auf dem Reichstage zu Worms_ (Berlin, 1897); Kolde, _Luther und der Reichstag zu Worms 1521_ (Halle, 1883); Friedrich, _der Reichstag zu Worms 1521_ (Munich, 1871); Ranke, _Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation_ (Leipzig, 1881; Eng. trans., London, 1905); Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles __V._ (London, 1902); v. Bezold, _Geschichte der deutschen Reformation_ (Berlin, 1890); Creighton, _A History of the Papacy_, vol. vi. (London, 1897); Gebhardt, _Die Gravamina der deutschen Nation_ (Breshan, 1895).

177 Kalkoff, _Die Depeschen_, etc. pp. 46, 50, 58, 69, etc.

178 He became Archbishop of Brindisi and Orio, and then a Cardinal.

179 Breiger, _Aleander und Luther 1521: Die vervollständigten Aleander-Depeschen_, p. 53 (Gotha, 1884); _non superstitiose verax_, Erasmus said.

180 Kalkoff, _Die Depeschen des Nuntius Aleander_, etc. pp. 19, 20, 23, 24, 265, 266.

181 Brieger, _Aleander und Luther 1521: Die vervollständigten Aleander-Depeschen_ (Gotha, 1884), _Quellen und Furschungen zur Geschichte der Reformation_, i.; Friedensburg, _Eine ungedrückte Depesche Aleanders von seiner ersten Nuntiatur bei Karl_ V., in _Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven_, i. (1897); Kalkoff, _Die Depeschen des Nuntius Aleander vom Wormser Reichstage 1521_ (Halle, 1897, 2nd ed.); Kolde, _Luther und der Reichstag zu Worms 1521_ (Halle, 1883); Hausrath, _Aleander und Luther auf dem Reichstage zu Worms_ (Berlin, 1897); Gebhardt, _Die Gravamina der deutschen Nation_ (Breslau, 1895, 2nd ed.).

182 “Reserved as Charles was, the shock struck out the most outspoken confession of his faith that he ever uttered. Nowhere else is it possible to approach so closely to the workings of his spiritual nature, save in the confidential letters to his brother in the last troubled hours of rule, when he repeated that it was not in his conscience to rend the seamless mantle of the Church.”—Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles __V._, i. 71 (London, 1902). But we have another glimpse in the conversation with his sister Maria, in which he confesses that he had come to think better of the Lutherans, for he had learned to know that they taught nothing outside the Apostles’ Creed. Cf. Kawerau, _Johann Agricola von Eisleben_, p. 100 (Berlin, 1881).

_ 183 Deutsche Reichstagsakten_, etc. ii. 595.

_ 184 Calendar of State Papers, Spanish, 1509-1525_, p. 305 (London, 1866).

185 For an account of the indirect causes which led to the election of Charles, cf. v. Bezohl, _Geschichte des deutschen Reformation_, pp. 193 ff. (Berlin, 1890).

186 Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles __V._, p. 73 (London, 1902).

187 Charles V. had for his confessor Jean Glapion, who figured largely in the preliminary scenes before Luther arrived at Worms. He had a remarkable conversation with Dr. Brück, the Elector of Saxony’s Chancellor, in which he professed to speak for the Emperor as well as for himself. Luther’s earlier writings had given him great pleasure; he believed him to be a “plant of renown,” able to produce splendid fruit for the Church. But the book on the _Babylonian Captivity_ had shocked him; he did not believe it to be Luther’s; it was not in his usual style; if Luther had written it, it must have been because he was momentarily indignant at the papal Bull, and as it was anonymous, it could easily be repudiated; or if not repudiated, it might be explained, and its sentences shown to be capable of a Catholic interpretation. If this were done, and if Luther withdrew his violent writings against the Pope, there was no reason why an amicable arrangement should not be come to. The Papal Bull could easily be got over, it could be withdrawn on the ground that Luther had never had a fair trial. It was a mistake to suppose that the Emperor was not keenly alive to the need for a reformation of the Church; there were limits to his devotion to the Pope; the Emperor believed that he would deserve the wrath of God if he did not try to amend the deplorable condition of the Church of Christ. Such was Glapion’s statement. It is a question how far he was sincere, and how far he could speak for the Emperor. He was a friend and admirer of Erasmus; but the Dutchman had said that no man could conceal his own views so skilfully. The Elector heard that after this conversation Glapion had got from Aleander 400 copies of the Bull against Luther, and had distributed them among Franciscan monks. This made him doubt his sincerity, and he refused to grant him an audience. Cf. _Reichstagsakten_, ii. 477 ff.

188 A study of dates throws light on these bargainings. In Oct. 1520, Charles issued an edict ordering the burning of Luther’s books within his hereditary dominions. In the following weeks Aleander was pressing Charles to make the edict universal; this was declared to be impossible, but (Nov. 28th) Charles wrote to the Elector of Saxony ordering him to produce Luther at Worms, and to hinder him from writing anything more against the Pope; as it were in answer (Dec. 12th), the Pope intimated to Charles that he had withdrawn his briefs about the Inquisition in Spain. The Emperor reached Worms about the middle of December. On Jan. 3rd (1521) the Pope simplified matters for the Emperor by issuing a new Bull, _Decet Romanum_, containing the names of Luther and Hutten; the Diet opened Jan. 28th; Aleander made his three hours’ speech against Luther on Feb. 13; Feb. 19th, the Estates resolved that Luther should appear before them, and not for the simple purpose of recantation—he was to be heard, and to receive a safe conduct; March 6th, the imperial invitation and safe conduct, beginning with the words, _nobilis, derote, nobis dilecte_; Aleander protested vehemently against this address; the Emperor drafted a universal mandate ordering the burning of Luther’s books; this probably was not published; it was withdrawn in favour of a mandate ordering all Luther’s books to be delivered up to the magistrates; this was published in Worms on March 27th, and caused rioting; April 17th and 18th, Luther appeared before the Diet; May 8th, Charles received the Pope’s pledge to take his side against Francis; Diet agreed to the ban against Luther on May 25th; Charles dated the ban May 8th.

_ 189 Calendar of State Papers, Henry __VIII.__ Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic_ (London, 1867), III. i. p. 445.

190 Kalkoff, _Die Depeschen_, etc. p. 106.

191 This was probably the frontispiece of a small book containing four of Hutten’s tracts, and entitled _Gespräch Büchlin: Herr Ulrichs von Hutten. Feber das Erst: Feber das ander: Vadiscus, oder die Römische Dreifaltigkeit: Die Anschawenden_; with the motto, _Odivi ecclesiam malignantium_. It is figured in v. Bezold’s _Geschicte der deutschen Reformation_, p. 307 (Berlin, 1890).

_ 192 Reichtstagsakten_, ii. pp. 495 ff.

_ 193 Ibid._ 515 ff.

_ 194 Reichstsakten_, ii. pp. 518 ff.

195 Brieger, _Aleander und Luther 1521: Die vervollständigten Aleander-Depeschen nebst Untersuchungen über den Wormses Reichstag_ (Gotha, 1884), p .19.

_ 196 Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser Carl __V._ (Gotha, 1896), ii. 466; Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. pp. 19, 20.

197 Cf. p. 267, note.

198 The draft was dated February 15th, and will be found in the _Reichstagsakten_, ii. 507 ff.

199 The answer of the Diet was dated February 19th, and is to be found in the _Reichstagsakten_, ii. 514 ff., and discussions thereanent, pp. 517, 518 f.

200 The second draft edict proposed to summon Luther to make recantation only, and at the same time ordered his books to be burnt, which was equivalent to a condemnation, _Reichstagsakten_, ii. 520.

201 The revised draft edict in its final form was dated March 10th, four days after the citation and safe conduct, and it is probable that it was finally issued by the Emperor for the purpose of frightening Luther, and preventing him obeying the citation and trusting to the safe conduct, _Reichstagsakten_, ii. 529 ff. and notes.

202 Luther received three safe conducts, one from the Emperor in the citation, one from the Elector of Saxony, and one from Duke George of Saxony. _Reichstagsakten_, ii. 526 ff.

203 Cf. Aleander’s letter of April 5th, 1521. Brieger, _Aleander und Luther_, etc. pp. 119 ff.

204 Spalatin’s _Annales Reformationis_ (Cyprian’s edition), p. 38.

_ 205 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 850.

_ 206 Ibid._ p. 850.

_ 207 Ibid._ p. 853, note.

_ 208 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 863.

209 Lingke, _Luther’s Reisegeschichte_, pp. 83 f.

210 Every monk when on a journey had to be accompanied by a brother of the Order. Petzensteiner left his convent and married (July 1522), Kolde, _Analecta Lutherana_, p. 38. For the entry into Worms, cf. _Reichstagsakten_, ii. 850, 859; Balau, _Monumenta_, etc. p. 170.

211 Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. p. 143; _Zeitschrift f. Kirchengeschichte_, iv. 326.

_ 212 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 569; Forstemann, _Urkundenbuch_, 68 f., _Tischreden_, iv. 349; Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. p. 146.

_ 213 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 514, 519 f., 526.

_ 214 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 573.

_ 215 Ibid._ p. 891, where it is said that the imperial entourage and the dependants of the Curia hated a public appearance of Luther worse than foreigners dislike “Einbecker beer.”

216 Cf. Luther’s letters to Cranach (April 21st, 1521), and to the Elector Frederick, De Wette, _Dr. Martin Luthers Briefe_, etc. i. 588, 599.

_ 217 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 545.

_ 218 Ibid._ p. 859.

219 The terms _Orator_ and _Official_ have a great many meanings in Mediæval ecclesiastical Latin. They probably mean here the president of the Archbishop’s Ecclesiastical Court. John Eck was a Doctor of Canon Law. Archbishop Parker signed himself the _Orator_ of Cecil (_Calendar of State Papers, Elizabeth, Foreign Series, 1559-1560_, p. 84).

220 Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. p. 145.

_ 221 Ibid._ p. 145.

222 This paragraph and the succeeding one are founded on the following sources: The official report written by John Eck of Trier; the _Acta Wormaciæ_, a narrative in the handwriting of Spalatin; and the statements of fourteen persons, Germans, Italians, and a Spaniard, all present in the Diet on the 17th and 18th of April 1521.

_ 223 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 574.

_ 224 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 547.

_ 225 Ibid._ p. 549.

_ 226 Ibid._. p. 862.

227 Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. p. 147.

_ 228 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 632.

229 De Wette, _Dr. Martin Luthers Briefe_, etc. i. 589.

_ 230 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), xxiv. 322.

_ 231 Ibid._ lxiv. 369.

232 Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. p. 146.

_ 233 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 633.

_ 234 Ibid._ p. 588.

_ 235 Ibid._ p. 547.

_ 236 Ibid._ p. 633.

237 The names of the books collected and placed on the table have been curiously preserved on a scrap of paper stored in the archives of the Vatican Library; they were all editions published by Frobenius of Basel (_Reichstagsakten_, ii. 548 and note). It may be sufficient to say that among them (twenty-five or so) were the appeal _To the Christian Nobility of the German Nation_, the tract _On the Liberty of a Christian Man_, _The Babylonian Captivity of the Church of Christ_, _Against the Execrable Bull of Antichrist_, some commentaries, and some tracts on religious subjects “not contentious,” says the official record.

238 This was probably an answer to the suggestion made by Glapion to Chancellor Brück, that if Luther would only deny the authorship of the _Babylonian Captivity of the Church of Christ_, which had been published anonymously, matters might be arranged.

239 The sentence, “And I have written some others which have not been named,” was an aside spoken in a lower tone, but distinctly (_Reichstagsakten_, ii. 589, 860).

_ 240 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 548. In Eck’s official report Luther’s answer is given very briefly; instead of Luther’s words the Official says: “As to the other part of the question, whether he wished to retract their contents and to sing another tune (_palinodiam canere_), he began to invent a chain of idle reasons (_causas nectere_) and to seek means of escape (_diffugias quærere_)” (_Reichstagsakten_, ii. 589).

_ 241 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 851, 863: “Wir habent den Luther nit wol horen reden, dann er mit niederer stim geredet” (Kolde, _Analecta_, p. 30 n.).

242 Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. p. 146.

_ 243 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 549. Aleander, writing to Rome, says that the Official went on to say in the name of the Emperor that Luther ought to bear it in mind that he had written many things against the Pope and the Apostolic Chair, and had scattered recklessly many heretical statements which had caused great scandal, and which, if not speedily ended, would kindle such a great conflagration as neither Luther’s recantation nor the imperial power could extinguish; and that he exhorted Luther to be mindful of this (Brieger, _Aleander_, p. 147). In Eck’s official report these remarks are given as the opinions of those princes who did not wish that Luther’s request should be granted; but they must have been included in his speech, for Peutinger confirms the nuncio’s report (_Reichstagsakten_, ii. 589 f., 866).

244 De Wette, _Dr. Martin Luthers Briefe_, i. 587.

_ 245 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 862.

_ 246 Ibid._ p. 853.

_ 247 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 549 n.; _Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), lxiv. 369.

248 “I was on my way to the audience to hear (Luther’s) speech, but the throng was so dense that I could not get through” (Sixtus Oelhafen to Hector Pömer, _Reichstagsakten_, ii. 854).

_ 249 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 864.

250 Walch, xv. 2301.

_ 251 Ibid._ p. 2233.

_ 252 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 853.

253 Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. p. 172.

_ 254 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 549.

_ 255 Ibid._ p. 550.

256 Myconius, _Historia Reformationis_ (Leipzig, 1718), p. 39.

_ 257 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 578.

_ 258 Ibid._ pp. 550 ff., 557 ff., 591 ff. etc.

_ 259 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), lxiv. 370.

260 Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. p. 152.

_ 261 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 530.

_ 262 Desiderii Erasmi Roterodami Opera Omnia_ (Leyden, 1703), iii. 1095: “Jam audio multis persuasum, ex meis scriptis exstitisse totam hanc Ecclesiæ procellam: cujus verissimi rumoris præcipuus auctor fuit Hieronymus Aleander, homo, ut nihil aliud dicam, non superstitiose verax.”

263 Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. p. 41.

_ 264 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 860 n.

_ 265 Ibid._ p. 860.

_ 266 Ibid._ p. 853.

_ 267 Ibid._ pp. 550, 551.

268 Myconius, _Historia Reformationis_, p. 39.

269 Walch, xv. 233.

_ 270 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 861.

_ 271 Reichstagsakten,_ ii. 555.

_ 272 Ibid._ p. 591.

_ 273 Ibid._ p. 861 n.

274 Cochlæus, _Commentarius_, etc. p. 34.

_ 275 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 556-558, 581, 582, 591-594.

276 Aleander wrote that the Emperor said that he did not wish to hear more: _et allora fu detto per Cesar, che bastava et che non volera più udir, ex quo questui negava li Concilii_ (Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. p. 153).

_ 277 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 862 (Dr. Peutinger to the Council of Augsburg). The famous ending: _Hie stehe ich, ich kann nicht anders thun, Gott helfe mir, Amen_, which gives such a dramatic finish to the whole scene, is not to be found in the very earliest records. It first appeared in an account published in Wittenberg without date, but which is probably very early, and also in the 1546 edition of _Luther’s Works_, Various versions are given of the last words Luther uttered—_Gott helf mir, Amen_, in the _Acta Wormaciæ_ (_Reichstagsakten_, ii, 557), which are believed to have been corrected by Luther himself; _So helf mir Gott, denn kein widerspruch kan ich nicht thun, Amen_, is given by Spalatin in his _Annales_ (p. 41). Every description of the scene coming from contemporary sources shows that there was a great deal of confusion; it is most likely that in the excitement men carried away only a general impression and not an exact recollection of the last words of Luther. If it were not for Dr. Peutinger’s very definite statement written almost immediately after the event, there seems to be no reason why the dramatic ending should not have been the real one.

_ 278 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 636.

_ 279 Ibid._ p. 862.

_ 280 Ibid._ p. 558.

_ 281 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 636. Aleander says that Luther alone raised his hand and made this gesture; he was not present; the Spaniard who recounts the incident as given above was a spectator of the scene.

_ 282 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), lxiv. 370; Wrampelmeyer, _Tagebuch über Dr. Martin Luther, geführt von Dr. Conrad Cordatus_, p. 477; _et descendi de pretorio conductus, do sprangen Gesellen herfur, die sagten, __“__Wie, furt yhr yhn gefangen? Das must nicht sein.__”_

_ 283 Reichslagsakten_, ii. 853.

284 Selnecker, _Historia ... D. M. Lutheri_ (1575), p. 108.

285 Cf. p. 264-5. The complete text of the Emperor’s declaration is to be found in the _Reichstagsakten_, ii. 594; Förstemann, _Neues Urkundenbuch zur Geschichte der evangelischen Kirchen-Reformation_ (Hamburg, 1842), i. 75; Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles __V._, i. 70 (London, 1902).

286 Brieger, _Aleander und Luther 1521_, p. 154 (Gotha, 1884): _Dove molti rimasero più pallidi che se fossero stati morti_.

287 Brieger, _Luther und Aleander 1521_ (Gotha, 1884), pp. 208 ff.; Kalkoff, _Die Depeschen des Nuntius Aleander vom Wormser Reichstage 1521_ (Halle, 1897), pp. 235 ff.

288 Leitschuh, _Albrecht Dürer’s Tagebuch der Reise in die Niederlande_ (Leipzig, 1884), pp. 82-84.

289 Kolde, _Analecta Lutherana_ (Gotha, 1883), pp. 31, 32: “Quare, mi doctissime Luthere, si me amas, si reliquos, qui adhuc mecum curam tui habent, Evangeliique Dei, per te tanto labore, tanta cura, tot sudoribus, tot periculis prædicati fac sciamus, an vivas, an captus sis.”

290 Brieger, _Luther und Aleander 1521_ (Gotha, 1884), p. 158; Kalkoff, _Die Depeschen des Nuntius Aleander_ (Halle, 1897), p. 182.

291 Cf. Letter of Cochlæus to the Pope (June 19th) in Brieger’s _Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte_, xviii. p. 118.

292 Brieger, _Luther und Aleander 1521_ (Gotha, 1884), p. 211.

293 The important clauses in the Edict of Worms are printed in Emil Reich’s _Select Documents illustrating Mediæval and Modern History_ (London, 1905), p. 209.

_ 294 Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry __VIII._, III. i. p. cccxxxviii. Letter from Tunstal to Wolsey of date January 21st, 1521.

295 Brieger, _Aleander und Luther 1521_ (Gotha, 1884), p. 263; cf. pp. 249 ff.

_ 296 Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry __VIII._, iii. 449, 485.

_ 297 Act. Parl. Scot._ ii. 295.

298 v. Ranke in his _Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation_ (2nd ed., Leipzig, 1882), ii. 56, and Dr. Burkhardt, archivist at Weimar, in the _Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie_ (Gotha) for 1862, p. 456—both founding on the confessedly imperfect information to be found in Panzer’s _Annalen der älteren deutschen Litteratur_ (1788-1802)—have made the following calculations:—the number of printed books issued in the German language, and within Germany, from 1480-1500, did not exceed forty a year; the years 1500-1512 show about the same average; in the year 1513 the number of books and booklets issued from German presses in the German language was 35; in 1514 it was 47; in 1515, 46; in 1516, 55; in 1517, 37; then Luther’s printed appeals to the German people began to appear in the shape of sermons, tracts, controversial writings, etc., and the German publications of the year 1518 rose to 71, of which no less than 20 were from Luther’s pen; in 1519 the total number was 111, of which 50 were Luther’s; in 1520 the total was 208, of which 133 were Luther’s; in 1521 (when Luther was in the Wartburg), Luther published 20 separate booklets; in 1522, 130; and in 1523 the total number was 498, of which 180 were Luther’s; cf. Weller, _Repertorium Typographicum_ (Nördlingen, 1864-1874), for further information. From Luther’s Letter to the Nürnberg Council (Enders, v. 244), it may be inferred that the first edition of each of his writings was usually sold out in seven or eight weeks.

299 It was Luther’s appeal to the _Christian Nobility of the German Nation_ which taught Ulrich von Hutten the powers of the German language; Strauss, _Ulrich von Hutten, His Life and Times_ (London, 1874), p. 241.

300 A number of the more important of these controversial writings have been reprinted under the title _Flugschriften aus der Reformationszeit_ in the very useful series _Neudrucke deutscher Litteraturwerke_, in the course of publication by Niemeyer of Halle; cf. also Kuczynski, _Thesaurus libellorum historiam Reformatorum illustrantium_ (Leipzig, 1870); O. Schade, _Satiren und Pasquillen aus der Reformationszeit_, 3 vols. (Hanover, 1856-1858).

301 Murner was in England in 1523 hoping for an audience from Henry VIII., in whose defence he had written against Luther. “The king desires out of pity that he should return to Germany, for he was one of the chief stays against the faction of Luther, and ordered Wolsey to pay him £100.” Cf. Letter of Sir Thomas More to Wolsey: _Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry __VIII._, III. ii. 3270.

302 Compare chapter on Social Conditions, pp. 96 ff.

303 Eberlin’s most important pamphlets have been edited by Enders and published in Niemeyer’s _Flugschriften aus der Reformationszeit_, and form Nos. xi. xv. and xviii. of the series (Halle, 1896, 1900, 1902).

304 Oecolampadius is thought by Böcking to have been the author of the celebrated pamphlet, _Neukarsthans_ (Summer, 1521), often attributed to Hutten. Sickingen is one of the speakers; the author shows an acquaintance with Scripture and with theology which Hutten could scarcely command; and the idea of ecclesiastical polity sketched seems lo be taken from Marsilius of Padua.

305 Hulsse, _Die Einführung der Reformation in der Stadt Magdeburg_ (Magdeburg, 1883), p. 46.

306 The woodcut was first used to illustrate Hans Sachs’ poem, “Der gut Hirt und der böss Hirt, Johannis am Zehenden Capitel”; and is given in a facsimile reproduction of several of Hans Sachs’ poems, sacred and secular, entitled _Hans Sachs im Gewande seiner Zeit_, Gotha, 1821. The poems were originally issued as large broad-sheets illustrated with a single woodcut, and were meant to be fixed on the walls of rooms.

307 Many of these Reformation cartoons are to be found in G. Hirth, _Kulturgeschichtliches Bilderbuch aus drei Jahrhunderten_, i. ii. (Munich, 1896), and one or two in the illustrations in von Bezold, _Geschichte der deutschen Reformation_ (Berlin, 1890).

308 The _Passional Christi et Antichristi_ has been reproduced in facsimile by W. Scherer (Berlin, 1885).

309 H. Barge, _Andreas Bodenstein von Karlstadt_, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1905).

310 Cf. Barge, _Andreas Bodenstein von Karlstadt_, i. 357; the letter is printed in ii. 558-559.

311 The ordinance is printed in Richter’s _Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des sechszehnten Jahrhunderts_ (Weimar, 1846), ii. 484; and, with a more correct text, in Sehling’s _Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des 16ten Jahrhunderts_ (Leipzig), 1902, I. i. 697.

312 This _Instruction_ will be found in Enders, _Dr. Martin Luthers Briefwechsel_, iii. 292-295. Its effect on Luther’s return to Wittenberg is discussed at length by von Bezold (_Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte_, xx. 186 ff.), Kawerau (Luther’s _Rückkehr_, etc., Halle, 1902), and by Barge (_Andreas Bodenstein von Karlstadt_, Leipzig, 1905, p. 432 ff.).

313 See his letters to Spalatin in Enders, _Dr. Martin Luthers Briefwechsel_, iii. 271, 286.

314 Johann Kessler, _Sabbata_ (edited by Egli and Schoch, St. Gall, 1902).

315 The edict said: “In the first place, we command that all,

## particularly all princes, estates, and subjects, shall not, after

the expiry of the above twenty days, which terminate on the 14th of the present month of May, offer to Luther either shelter, food, or drink, or help him in any way with words or deeds, secretly or openly. On the contrary, wherever you get possession of him, you shall at once put him in prison and send him to me, or, at any rate, inform me thereof without any delay. For that holy work you shall be recompensed for your trouble and expenses. Likewise you ought, in virtue of the holy constitution and ban of our Empire, to deal in the following way with all the partisans, abettors, and patrons of Luther. You shall put them down, and confiscate their estates to your own profit, unless the said persons can prove that they have mended their ways and asked for papal absolution. Furthermore, we command, under the aforesaid penalties, that nobody shall buy, sell, read, keep, copy, or print any of the writings of Martin Luther which have been condemned by our holy father the Pope, whether in Latin or in German, nor any other of his wicked writings.”

316 The Pope’s instructions to his nuncio will be found in Wrede, _Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser Karl __V._, iii. 393 ff.

317 Compare Gebhardt, _Die Gravamina der Deutschen Nation_, 2nd ed., Breslau, 1895.

318 The _annates_ were the first year’s stipend of an ecclesiastical benefice, usually reckoned at a fixed rate.

319 SOURCES: Baumann, _Quellen zur Geschichte des Bauernkrieges in Ober-Schwaben_ (Stuttgart, 1877); _Die Zwölf Artikel der oberschwäbischen Bauern_ (Kempten, 1896); _Akten zur Geschichte des Bauernkrieges aus Ober-Schwaben_ (Freiburg, 1881); Beger, _Zur Geschichte des Bauernkrieges nach Urkunden zu Karlsruhe_ (in _Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte_, vols. xxi.-xxii., Göttingen, 1862); Ryhiner, _Chronik des Bauernkrieges_ (_Basler Chroniken_, vi., 1902); Waldau, _Materialien zur Geschichte des Bauerkrieges_ (Chemnitz, 1791-1794); Vogt, _Die Korrespondenz des Schwübischen Bundes-Hauptmanns, 1524-1527_ (Augsburg, 1879-1883).

LATER BOOKS: Zimmermann, _Allgemeine Geschichte des grossen Bauernkrieges_, 3 vols. (Stuttgart, 1856); E. Belfort Bax, _The Peasants’ War in Germany_ (London, 1899); Kautsky, _Communism in Central Europe in the time of the Reformation_ (London, 1897); Stern, _Die Socialisten der Reformationszeit_ (Berlin, 1883). The literature on the Peasants’ War is very extensive.

320 Compare above, p. 106.

321 Lindsay, _Luther and the German Reformation_ (Edinburgh, 1900), 169 ff.; Stern, _Die Socialisten der Reformationszeit_, Berlin, 1883.

322 Friedrich, _Astrologie und Reformation, oder die Astrologen als Prediger der Reformation und Urheber des Bauernkrieges_, München, 1864.

323 Cf. “The Twelve Peasant Articles” in Emil Reich, _Select Documents illustrating Mediæval and Modern History_, p. 212.

324 After speaking about the duties of the authorities, he proceeds: “In the case of an insurgent, every man is both judge and executioner. Therefore, whoever can should knock down, strangle, and stab such publicly or privately, and think nothing so venomous, pernicious, and devilish as an insurgent.... Such wonderful times are these, that a prince can merit heaven better with bloodshed than another with prayer.”

325 Luther dissuaded the Landgrave of Hesse from permanently adopting the democratic ecclesiastical constitution drafted by Francis Lambert for the Church of Hesse in 1526. The rejected constitution has been printed by Richter in his _Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des sechszschuten Jahrhunderts_ (Weimar, 1846), i. 56.

326 SOURCES (besides those given in earlier chapters): Ney, “Analecten zur Geschichte des Reichstags zu Speier im Jahr 1526” (_Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte_, viii. ix. xii.); Friedensburg, _Beiträge zum Briefwechsel zwischen Hertzog Georg von Sachsen und Landgraf Philip von Hessen_ (_Neuer Archiv für Sächs. Gesch._ vi.); Balan, _Clementis __VII.__ Epistolæ_ (vol. i. of _Monumenta Sæculi __XVI.__ Historiam illustrantia_, Innsbruck, 1885); Casanova, _Lettere di Carlo __V.__ and Clemente __VII.__ 1527-1533_ (Florence, 1893); Lanz, _Correspondenz des Kaisers Karl __V._ (Leipzig, 1845); Bradford, _Correspondent of Charles __V._ (London, 1850).

LATER BOOKS: Schomburgk, _Die Pack’schen Handel_ (Maurenbrecher’s _Hist. Taschenbuch_, Leipzig, 1882); Stoy, _Erste Bündnisbestrebungen evangelischen Stände_ (Jena, 1888); _Cambridge Modern History_, II. vi.

327 The Diet was accustomed to appoint a Committee of Princes to put in shape their more important ordinances. The ordinance was called a “recess.”

328 A description of the changes in organisation and worship introduced after the decision of the Diet of 1526 is reserved for a separate chapter.

329 Ney, _Geschichte des Reichstages zu Speier in 1529_ (Hamburg, 1880); Tittmann, _Die Protestation zu Speyer_ (Leipzig, 1829).

_ 330 Calendars of State Papers, Foreign Series, of the reign of Elizabeth, 1559-1560_, p. 84.

331 SOURCES: Schirrmacher, _Briefe und Acten zu der Geschichte der Religionsgespräches zu Marburg, 1529, und des Reichstages zu Augsburg, 1530_ (Gotha, 1876); Bucer, _Historische Nachricht von dem Gespräch zu Marburg_ (Simler, _Sammlung_, II. ii. 471 ff.); Rudolphi Collini, “Summa Colloquii Marpurgensis,” printed in Hospinian, _Historia sacramentaria_, ii. 123_b_-126_b_, and in _Zwinglii Opera_, iv. 175-180 (Zurich, 1841); Brieger in _Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte_, i. 628 ff.

LATER BOOKS: Ebrard, _Das Dogma vom heiligen Abendmahl und seine Geschichte_, vol. ii. (Frankfurt a. M. 1846; the author has classified the accounts of the persons present at the conference, and given a combined description of the discussion, pp. 308 n. and 314 ff.); Erichson, _Das Marburger Religiongespräch_ (Strassburg, 1880); Bess, _Luther in Marburg, 1529_ (_Preuss. Jahrbücher_; civ. 418-431, Berlin, 1901).

332 In the _Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent_ the Sacrifice of the Mass is defined in the 22nd Session, and the Eucharist in the 13th Session.

333 Schirrmacher, _Briefe und Acten zu der Geschichte des Religionsgespräches zu Marburg und des Reichstages zu Augsburg, 1530_, pp. 33, 34.

334 There are several contemporary accounts of this meeting at the bridge of the Lech, and of the procession; for one, see Schirrmacher, _Briefe und Acten_, etc. pp. 54-57.

335 It was a somewhat doubtful honour for a city to be chosen as the meeting place of a Diet. The burghers of Augsburg hired 2000 landsknechts to protect them during the session (Schirrmacher, _Briefe und Acten_, p. 52).

336 Förstemann, _Urkundenbuch_, etc. i. 268, 271; Schirrmacher, _Briefe und Acten_, etc. p. 59 and note.

337 SOURCES: Schirrmacher, _Briefe und Acten_; Förstemann, _Urkundenbuch zu der Geschichte des Reichstags zu Augsburg_, 2 vols. (Halle, 1833-1835); and _Archiv für die Geschichte der kirchl. Reformation_ (Halle, 1831).

LATER BOOKS: Moritz Facius, _Geschichte des Reichstags zu Augsburg_ (Leipzig, 1830).

338 Schirrmacher, _Briefe und Acten_, etc. p. 90.

339 The threat is recorded in _Archiv für Schweizerische Geschichte und Landeskunde_, i. 278.

340 Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles __V._, i. 244.

341 Förstemann, _Archiv_, p. 206.

342 Schaff, _The Creeds of the Evangelical Protestant Christian Churches_ (London, 1877), p. 3; cf. _History of the Creeds of Christendom_ (London, 1877), pp. 220 ff.; Müller, _Die Bekenntnisschriften der Reformierten Kirche_ (Leipzig, 1903), pp. 55-100; Tschakert, _Die Augsburgische Konfession_, (Leipzig, 1901).

343 Förstemann, _Urkundenbuch_, i. 39: the worthy Chancellor thought that the document should be drafted “mit gründlicher bewerung derselbigen aus göttlicher schrifft.”

344 Schirrmacher, _Briefe und Acten_, etc. p. 98.

345 Charles knew well that the nuncio would exert all his influence to prevent a settlement. In anticipation of the Diet the Emperor had privately asked Melanchthon to give him a statement of the _minimum_ of concessions which would content the Lutherans. Melanchthon seems to have answered (our source of information is not very definite): the Eucharist in both kinds; marriage of priests permitted; the omission of the canon of the Mass; concession of the Church lands already sequestrated; and the decision of the other matters in dispute at a free General Council. Charles had sent the document to Rome; it had been debated at a conclave of cardinals, who had decided that none of the demands could be granted.

346 One document says: “Es war aber zum ersten die _confutation_ wol bey zweihundert und achtzig bletter lang gewesen, aber die key. Mäj. hat sie selbst also gereuttert und gerobt, das es nicht mehr denn zwölf bletter geblieben sind. Solchs soll Doctor Eck sehr verdrossen und wee gethan haben.”—(Schirrmacher, _Briefe und Acten_, etc. p. 167.)

347 De Wette, _Luther’s Briefe_, etc. iv. 1-182.

_ 348 Ibid._ iv. 41.

349 De Wette, _Luther’s Briefe_, etc. iv. 128.

350 The whole time of the members of the Diet was not spent in theological discussions. We read of banquets, where Lutherans and Romanists sat side by side; of dances that went on far into the night; of what may be called a garden party in a “fair meadow,” where a wooden house was built for the accommodation of the ladies; and of tournaments. At one of them, Ferdinand, the Emperor’s brother, was thrown and his horse rolled over him; and Melanchthon wrote to Luther that six men had been killed at one of these “gentle and joyous” passages of arms.

351 The Romanist majority had resolved to fight the Protestant minority, not in the battlefield, but in the law-courts—_nicht fechten sondern rechten_, was the phrase.

352 When the religious war did begin in 1545, Charles justified the use of force on the grounds that the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse had violated the constitution of the Empire, _had repudiated the decisions of the Reichskammersgericht_, and had protested against the decisions of the Diet.

353 Schmidt, _Zur Geschichte des Schmalkaldischen Bundes_ (_Forsch. zur Deutschen Geschichte_, XXV.); Zangemeister, _Die Schmalkaldischen Artikel von 1537_ (Heidelberg, 1883); _Corpus Reformatorum_, iii. 973 ff.

354 Winckelmann, “Die Verträge von Kadan und Wien” (_Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte_, xi. 212 ff.).

355 Cf. Kolde, _Analecta_, pp. 216 ff., 231 f., 262 f., 278 f., etc.

356 Spiegel, “Johannes Timannus Amsterodamus und die Colloquien zu Worms und Regensburg, 1540-1541” (_Zeitschrift für hist. Theologie_, xlii. (1872) 36 ff.); Moses, _Die Religionsverhandlungen in Hagenau und Worms, 1540-1541_ (Jena, 1889).

357 Heppe, “Urkundliche Beiträge zur Geschichte der Doppelehe des Landgrafen Philip v. Hessen” (_Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie_, xxii. (1852) 263 ff.), cf. xxxviii. 445 ff.; Schultze, _Luther und die Doppelehe des Landgrafen v. Hessen_ (Paderborn (1869)).

358 Luther’s action is usually attributed to his desire not to offend a powerful Protestant leader. A careful study of the original documents in the case—correspondence and papers—does not confirm this view. To my mind, they show on Luther’s part a somewhat sullen and crabbed conscientious fidelity to a conviction which he always maintained. With all his reverence for the word of God, he could never avoid giving a very large authority to the traditions of the Church when they did not plainly contradict a positive and direct divine commandment. The Church had been accustomed to say that it possessed a dispensing power in matrimonial cases of extreme difficulty; and, in spite of his denunciations of the dispensations granted by the Roman Curia, Luther never denied the power. On the contrary, he thought honestly that the Church did possess this power of dispensation even to the length of tampering with a fundamental law of Christian society, provided it did not contradict a _positive_ scriptural commandment to the contrary. The crime of the Curia, in his eyes, was not issuing dispensations in _necessary cases_, but in giving them in cases without proved necessity, _and for money_.

359 Ranke has an interesting study of the character of Maurice in his _Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation_, bk. ix. chap. vi. (vol. v. pp. 161 ff. of the 6th ed., Leipzig, 1882); but perhaps the best is given in Maurenbrecher, _Studien und Skizzen zur Geschichte der Reformationszeit_ (Leipzig, 1874), pp. 135 ff. A man’s deep religious convictions can tolerate strange company in most ages, and the fact that we find Romanist champions in France plunging into the deepest profligacy the one week and then undergoing the agonies of repentance the next, or that Lutheran leaders combined occasional conjugal infidelities and drinking bouts with zeal for evangelical principles, demands deeper study in psychology than can find expression, in the fashion of some modern English historians, in a few cheap sneers.

360 Henninjard, _Correspondance des Reformateurs dans les pays de langue française_ (Geneva and Paris, 1866-1897), i. 47, 48.

_ 361 Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the reign of Henry __VIII._, iii. 284.

362 Kalkoff, _Die Depeschen des Nuntius Aleander_ (Halle, 1897), p. 106.

_ 363 Acts of the Parliament of Scotland_ for 1525 and 1527.

364 Maurenbrecher, _Karl V. und die deutschen Protestanten 1545-1555_ (Düsseldorf, 1865): Jahn, _Geschichte des Schmalkaldischen Krieges_ (Leipzig, 1837); Lo Mang, _Die Darstcllung des Schmalkaldischen Krieges in den Denkwürdigkeiten Karls V._ (Jena, 1890, 1899, 1900); Brandenburg, _Moritz von Sachsen_ (Leipzig, 1898).

365 Schmidt, “Agenda and Letters relating to the _Interim_,” in _Zeitschrift für historisch. Theologie_, xxxviii. (1868) pp. 431 ff., 461 ff.; Beutel, _Über den Ursprung des Augsburger Interim_ (Leipzig, 1888); Meyer, _Der Augsburger Reichstag nach einem fürstlichen Tagebuch_ (_Preus. Jahrb._ 1898, pp. 206-242).

366 Maurice of Saxony was permitted to make some alterations on the _Interim_ for his dominions, and his edition was called the _Leipzig Interim_.

367 One of these broadsides is reproduced in von Bezold’s _Geschichte der deutschen Reformation_ (Berlin, 1890), p. 806.

368 Wolf, _Der Augsburger Religionsfriede_ (Stuttgart, 1890); Brandi, _Der Augsburger Religionsfriede_ (Munich, 1896); Druffel, _Beiträge zur Reichsgeschichte, 1553-1555_ (Munich, 1896).

369 These two unsettled questions became active in the disputes which began the Thirty Years’ War.

370 Pollard, _Cambridge Modern History_, ii. 144.

371 The Religious Peace of Augsburg had important diplomatic consequences beyond Germany. The Lutheran form of faith was recognised to be a _religio licita_ (to use the old Roman phrase) within the Holy Roman Empire, which, according to the legal ideas of the day, included all Western Christendom; and Popes could no longer excommunicate Protestants simply because they were Protestants, without striking a serious blow at the constitution of the Empire. No one perceived this sooner than the sagacious young woman who became the first Protestant Queen of England. In the earlier and unsettled years of her reign, Elizabeth made full use of the protection that a profession of the Lutheran Creed gave to shield her from excommunication. She did so when the Count de Feria, the ambassador of Philip II., threatened her with the fate of the King of Navarre (_Calendar of Letters and State Papers relating to English Affairs, preserved principally in the Archives of Simancas_, i. 61, 62); she suppressed all opinions which might be supposed to conflict with the Lutheran Creed in the Thirty-eight Articles of 1563; she kept crosses and lights on the altar of her chapel in Lutheran fashion. When the Pope first drafted a Bull to excommunicate the English Queen, and submitted it to the Emperor, he was told that it would be an act of folly to publish a document which would invalidate the Emperor’s own election; and when Elizabeth was finally excommunicated in 1570, the charge against her was not being a Protestant, but sharing in “the impious mysteries of Calvin”—the Reformed or Calvinist Churches being outside the Peace of Augsburg.

372 SOURCES: Richter, _Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des sechszehnten Jahrhunderts_ (Weimar, 1846); Sehling, _Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des 16ten Jahrhunderts_ (Leipzig, 1902); Kins, “Das Stipendiumwesen in Wittenberg und Jena ... im 16ten Jahrhundert” (_Zeitschrift für historische Theologie_, xxxv. (1865) pp. 96 ff.); G. Schmidt, “Eine Kirchenvisitation im Jahre 1525” (_Zeitschrift für die hist. Theol._ xxxv. 291 ff.); Winter, “Die Kirchenvisitation von 1528 im Wittenberger Kreise” (_Zeitsch. für hist. Theol._ xxxiii. (1863) 295 ff.); Muther, “Drei Urkunden zur Reformationsgeschichte” (_Zeitschr. für hist. Theol._ xxx. (1860) 452 ff.); Albrecht, _Der Kleine Catechismus für die gemeine Pfarher und Prediger_ (facsimile reprint of edition of 1536; Halle a. S. 1905).

LATER BOOKS: Kästner, _Die Kinderfragen: Der erste deutsche Katechismus_ (Leipzig, 1902); Burkhardt, _Geschichte der deutschen Kirchen- und Schulvisitation im Zeitalter der Reformation_ (Leipzig, 1879); Berlit, _Luther, Murner und das Kirchenlied des 16ten Jahrhunderts_ (Leipzig, 1899).

373 Cf. for the Wittenberg ordinance, Richter, _Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des sechszehnten Jahrhunderts_ (Weimar, 1846), ii. 484, and Sehling, _Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des 16ten Jahrhunderts_ (Leipzig, 1902), r. i. 697; for Leisnig, Richter, i. 10. An account of the Magdeburg ordinance is to be found in Funk, _Mittheilungen aus der Geschichte des evangelischen Kirchenwesens in Magdeburg_ (Magdeburg, 1842), p. 210, and Richter, i. 17.

374 Luther’s early suggestions about the dispensation of the sacraments have been collected by Sehling, I. i. 2, 18. A portion of the hymn-book has been reproduced in facsimile in von Bezold’s _Geschichte der deutschen Reformation_, Berlin, 1890, p. 566.

375 Schaff, _The Creeds of the Evangelical Protestant Churches_, p. 72.

376 Winter, “Die Kirchenvisitation von 1528 im Wittenberger Kreise” (_Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie_, xxxiii. pp. 295-322); and _Visitations Protocolle_ in _Neuen Mittheilungen des thüring.-sächs. Geschichts-Verein zu Halle_, IX. ii. pp. 78 ff.

377 The Visitation of Bishop Hooper of the diocese of Gloucester, made in 1551, disclosed a worse state of matters in England. The Visitor put these simple questions to his clergy: “How many commandments are there? Where are they to be found? Repeat them. What are the Articles of the Christian Faith (the Apostles’ Creed)? Repeat them. Prove them from Scripture. Repeat the Lord’s Prayer. How do you know that it is the Lord’s? Where is it to be found?” Three hundred and eleven clergymen were asked these questions, and only fifty answered them all; out of the fifty, nineteen are noted as having answered _mediocriter_. Eight could not answer a single one of them; and while one knew that the number of the commandments was ten, he knew nothing else [_English Historical Review_ for 1904 (Jan.), pp. 98 ff.].

378 Sehling, _Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des 16ten Jahrhunderts_ (Leipzig, 1902), I. i. 142 ff.

_ 379 Ibid._ I. i. 49.

380 The rites and ceremonies of worship in the Lutheran churches are given in Daniel, _Codex Liturgicus Ecclesiæ Lutheranæ in epitomen redactus_, which forms the second volume of his _Codex Liturgicus Ecclesiæ Universæ_ (Leipzig, 1848).

381 The ordinance establishing the Wittenberg Consistory will be found in Richter, _Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des sechszehnten Jahrhunderts_ (Weimar, 1846), i. 367; and in Sehling, _Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des 16ten Jahrhunderts_ (Leipzig, 1902), I. i. 200. Sehling sketches the history of its institution, I. i. 55.

382 The first half of the first part of Sehling’s _Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des 16 Jahrhunderts_ appeared in 1902, and the second half of the first part in 1904.

383 Cf. article on “Kirchen-Ordnung” in the 3rd edition of Herzog’s _Realencyclopädie fur protestantische Theologie_.

384 Richter, _Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen_, etc. i. 56 ff.

385 SOURCES: Baazius, _Inventarium Eccles. Sveogothorum_ (1642); Pontoppidan, _Annales ecclesiæ Danicæ_, bks. ii., iii. (Copenhagen, 1744, 1747).

LATER BOOKS: Lau, _Geschichte der Reformation in Schleswig-Holstein_ (Hamburg, 1867); Willson, _History of Church and State in Norway_ (London, 1903); Watson, _The Swedish Revolution under Gustavus Vasa_ (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1889); Wiedling, _Schwedische Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation_ (Gotha, 1882); _Cambridge Modern History_, II. xvii. (Cambridge, 1903).

386 Dorner, _History of Protestant Theology_ (Edinburgh, 1871); Köstlin, _Luthers Theologie in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwickelung und in ihrem innern Zusammenhange_ (Stuttgart, 1883); Theodor Harnack, _Luthers Theologie mit besonderer Beziehung auf seine Versöhnungs-und Erlösungslehre_ (Erlangen, 1862-1886); A. Ritschl, _The Christian Doctrine of Justification and Reconciliation_ (Edinburgh, 1872); A. Harnack, _History of Dogma_, vii. (London, 1899); Loofs, _Leitfaden zum Studium der Dogmengeschichte_ (Halle, 1893); Herrmann, _Communion with God_ (London, 1895); Hering, _Die Mystik Luthers in Zusammenhang seiner Theologie_ (Leipzig, 1879); Denifle, _Luther und Lutherthum in der ersten Entwicklung_, vol. i. (Mainz, 1904), vol. ii. (1905); Walther, _Fur Luther wider Rum_ (Halle, 1906).

387 Loofs, _Leitfaden_, etc. p. 345.

_ 388 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), xxxi. 273; in _Die Kleine Antwort auf Herzog Georgen nähestes Buch_.

_ 389 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), xxxi. 278, 279.

390 Harnack, _History of Dogma_, vii. 182.

391 Loofs, _Leitfaden_, etc. p. 346.

_ 392 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), xxii. 15. Cf. xlviii. 5: “If thou holdest faith to be simply a thought concerning God, then that thought is as little able to give eternal life as ever a monkish cowl could give it.”

_ 393 Luther’s Works_ (2nd Erlangen edition), xiii. 301.

_ 394 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), lxiii. 125.

395 The case of Bernard of Clairvaux is especially interesting, for we might almost call him a _doppel-gänger_ (as the Germans would say)—two men in one. In his experimental moods, when he is the great revivalist preacher, exhibited in his sermons on the _Song of Songs_ and elsewhere, everything that the Christian can do, say, or think, comes from the revelation of God’s grace within the individual, while in his more purely theological works he scarcely ever frees himself from the entanglements of Scholastic Theology. The doubleness in Bernard has been dwelt upon by A. Ritschl in his _Critical History of the Christian Doctrine of Justification and Reconciliation_ (Edinburgh, 1872), pp. 95-101.

396 These annotations, glosses, and notes of lectures have been collected and published in volumes iii. and iv. of the Weimar edition of _Luther’s Works_. The most important phrases have been carefully extracted by Loofs in his _Leitfaden_, pp. 345-352.

397 A. Harnack, _History of Dogma_, vii. 183.

_ 398 Ibid._ vii. 184.

_ 399 Luther’s Works_ (2nd Erlangen edition), xv. 540.

_ 400 Luther’s Works_ (2nd Erlangen edition), xv. 542.

_ 401 Luther’s Works_ (2nd Erlangen edition), xiv. 294.

402 Dilthey, _Archiv für Geschichte der Philosophie_, v. ii. 358.

_ 403 Examen Concilii Tridentini_ (Geneva, 1641), pp. 134 f.

404 The mediæval fourfold sense in Scripture was explained by Nicholas de Lyra in the distich:

“_Litera_ gesta docet, quid credas _Allegoria_, _Moralis_ quid agas, quo tendas _Anagogia_.”

It is expounded succinctly by Thomas Aquinas, _Summa Theologiæ_, I. i. 10.

405 Matt. xiii. 31.

406 Song of Songs, ii. 15.

_ 407 Lettres à jeunes gens_, à Eugene l’hermite (Paris, 1863).

408 Cf. above, p. 200.

409 Cf. above, p. 151.

410 Luther is continually reproached for having called the Epistle of James an Epistle of straw; it is forgotten that he uses the term comparatively (_Prefaces to the New Testament; Works_ (Erlangen edition), lxiii. 115): “Summa, Sanct Johannis Evangelium, und seine erste Epistel, Sanct Paulus Epistel, sonderlich die zu Römern, Galatern, Ephesern, und Sanct Peters erste Epistel, das sind die Bücher, die dir Christum zeigen und alles lehren, das dir zu wissen noth und selig ist, ob du schon kein ander Buch noch Lehre nimmermehr sehest noch hörist. Darumb ist Sanct Jakobs Epistel ein recht strohern Epistel _gegen sie_, denn sie doch kein evangelisch Art an ihr hat.”

_ 411 De Libertate_ (Erlangen edition, Latin), xxxv. 222; Rom. i. 1-3.

_ 412 Genevan Catechism; Institutio_, III. ii. 6: “The word itself, _however conveyed to us_, is a mirror in which faith may behold God”; _Second Geneva Catechism._

413 (Dunlop), _A Collection of Confessions of Faith_, ii. 26.

_ 414 Zurich Articles of 1523_, i. ii.

_ 415 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), lvii. 34.

_ 416 Scots Confession_, Art. xix.; (Dunlop), _A Collection of Confessions_, p. 73.

_ 417 Institutio_, I. vii. 5.

_ 418 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), lvii. 35.

_ 419 Ibid._ lxii. 132.

_ 420 Ibid._ (2nd Erlangen edition), viii. 23.

421 It maybe useful to note the statements about the authority of Scripture in the earlier Reformation creeds. The Lutherans, always late in discerning the true doctrinal bearings of their religious certainties, did not deem it needful to assert dogmatically the supreme authority of Scripture until the second generation of Protestantism. The Schmalkald Articles and the Augsburg Confession expressly assert that human traditions are among abuses that ought to be done away with; but they do not condemn them as authorities set up by their opponents in opposition to the word of God, only as things that burden the conscience and incline men to false ways of trying to be at peace with God (_Augsburg Confession_, as given in Schaff, _The Creeds of the Evangelical Protestant Churches_, p. 65; _Schmalkald Articles_, xv.). It was not until 1576, in the Torgau Book, and in 1580 in the _Formula Concordiæ_, that they felt the necessity of declaring dogmatically and in opposition to the Roman Catholics that “the only standard by which all dogmas and all teachers must be valued and judged is no other than the prophetic and apostolic writings of the Old and of the New Testaments” (§ 1).

Zwingli, with the clearer dogmatic insight which he always showed, felt the need of a statement about the theological place of Scripture very early, and declared in the _First Helvetic Confession_ (1536) that “Canonic Scripture, the word of God, given by the Holy Spirit and set forth to the world by the prophets and apostles, the most perfect and ancient of all philosophies, alone contains perfectly all piety and the whole rule of life.” The various Reformed Confessions, inspired by Calvin, followed Zwingli’s example, and the supreme authority of Scripture was set forth in all the symbolical books of the Reformed Churches of Switzerland, France, England, the Netherlands, Scotland, etc.—_The Geneva Confession_ of 1536 (Art. 1), _The Second Helvetic Confession_ of 1562 (Art. 1), _The French Confession_ of 1559 (Arts. 3-6), _The Belgic Confession_ of 1561 (Arts. 4-7), _The Thirty-nine Articles of_ 1563 and 1571 (Art. 6), _The Scots Confession_ of 1560 (Art. 19). It is instructive, however, to note how this is done. The key to the central note in all these dogmatic statements is to be found in the first and second of _The Sixty-seven Theses_ published in 1523 by Zwingli at Zurich, where it is declared that all who say that the Evangel is of no value apart from its confirmation by the Church err and blaspheme against God, and where the sum of the Evangel is “that our Lord Jesus Christ, very Son of God, has revealed to us the will of the heavenly Father, and with His innocence has redeemed us from death and has reconciled us to God.” The main thought, therefore, in all these Confessions is not to assert the formal supremacy of Scripture over Tradition, but rather to declare the supreme value of Scripture which reveals God’s good will to us in Jesus Christ to be received by faith alone over all human traditions which would lead us astray from God and from true faith. The Reformers had before them not simply the theological desire to define precisely the nature of that authority to which all Christian teaching appeals, but the religious need to cling to the divinely revealed way of salvation and to turn away from all human interposition and corruption. They desire to make known that they trust God rather than man. Hence almost all of them are careful to express clearly the need for the Witness of the Holy Spirit.

422 Compare especially the discussions in the first part of the Second Book of the _Summa_.

423 Harnack, _History of Dogma_, vii. 173-174.

_ 424 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), Latin, xxxvi. 506: “Quodsi odit anima mea vocem homoousion, et nolim ea uti, non ero hæreticus, quis enim me coget uti, modo rem teneam, quæ in concilio per scripturas definita est?” It may be remarked that Athanasius himself did not like the word that has become so associated with his name.

_ 425 Luther’s Works_ (2nd Erlangen edition), vi. 358: “Dreyfaltigkeit ist ein recht böse Deutsch, denn in der Gottheit ist die höchste Einigkeit. Etliche nennen es Dreyheit; aber das lautet allzuspöttisch”; he says that the expression is not in Scripture, and adds: “darum lautet es auch kalt and viel besser spräch man Gott denn die Dreyfaltigkeit” (xii. 408).

_ 426 Ibid._ v. 236.

_ 427 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), xlvii. 3, 4.

_ 428 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), xlix. 183, 184.

_ 429 Luther’s Works_ (2nd Erlangen edition), xii. 244.

_ 430 Ibid._ xii. 259.

431 Calvin, _Opera omnia_ (Amsterdam, 1667), viii. 38, 39.

_ 432 Augsburg Confession_, Art. xxi.

433 Müller, _Die Bekenntnisschriften der reformierten Kirche_, pp. 935 f.

434 Müller, _Die Bekenntnisschriften der reformierten Kirche_, pp. 34 ff.

435 Luther’s gradual progress towards his final view of the Church is traced minutely by Loofs, _Leitfaden_, pp. 359 ff.

436 Enders, _Dr. Martin Luthers Briefwechsel_, ii. 345.

437 Enders, _Dr. Martin Luthers Briefwechsel_, i. 253.

_ 438 Luther’s Works_ (Weimar edition), i. 190.

_ 439 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), xii. 249.

440 Calvin, _Institutio_, IV. i. 12.

441 Herrmann, _Communion with God_, p. 149.

_ 442 Luther’s Works_ (2nd Erlangen edition), x. 162.