Part 11

I pause here for a moment. That must be done. It is admitted by His Excellency the Viceroy that, at this juncture we must do something by which we can present to the enemy a united India, an India which is solid as a rock. How does he propose to do that? How can India be solid as a rock unless she is strong in her rights, how can anybody expect India to stand solid as a rock unless she has got the elementary rights of citizenship, unless she can say 'I am one in this world'? (Cheers). The Viceroy says:--

"We can, I believe, best do so by showing our enemies first that India is solid as a rock, and that the lambent flame of anarchical intrigue will find nothing inflammable in this country, nay, rather will be smothered and extinguished forthwith should it approach, by the deadweight of our unity of purpose."

Now, gentlemen, so far, there is nothing in the speech of His Excellency the Viceroy from which we have any reason to differ. But in the same speech His Excellency disposes of our suggestions in this way:

"But in these days of stress and strain it is idle to ask men to come together who disagree on first principles."

DO WE DISAGREE ON FIRST PRINCIPLES?

I pause for a moment. Do we disagree--we the nationalists of India, do we disagree from the Viceroy on any question of first principles? I venture to think, not. What have we done? We have believed the Message of Hope left to us by His Majesty the King personally--we have believed that that message will be fulfilled--we have had the declaration of the British Cabinet in that behalf and we believed that Responsible Government would be introduced. We have had the message from the Prime Minister asking for our help and sympathy, asking for help in men and money. We have told the Government that in order to do this, the repressive measures must be withdrawn, political prisoners must be set free and a definite scheme of self-government must be put forward. What were we trying to do? Were we not trying to give effect to the message of the British Cabinet? Were we not giving a real response to the message of the Prime Minister? (Cheers). Why should it be said that we differ from the Viceroy on questions of first principles. What are the questions of first principles? It is statements like these which fill us with suspicion and alarm. Do they want that the King's Message will for ever remain unfulfilled and unredeemed?--That the Declaration of the British Parliament will remain a declaration and nothing but a Declaration to the end of the chapter?--Does it come to this: that whatever declaration is made the bureaucracy has made up its mind not to let responsible government be introduced in this country? What difference in first principles can there be, I ask, when all our endeavours have been to give effect to the Message of the Prime Minister?

Then His Excellency goes on to say:

"While they are wrangling over those, while the house is burning, there are those who would exploit England's difficulty. I believe that these people gravely misinterpret India's attitude. I am sure that there are none here who will countenance such a policy. There are those, again, who would wish to bargain. Again I decline to believe that anyone has come to this Conference in a huckstering spirit."

IS WHAT GOVERNMENT DOING NOT BARGAINING?

There are those who would wish to bargain, that is to say, when we are suggesting to the Government in all seriousness that certain measures are necessary for carrying out the Prime Minister's Message we are told that it is bargaining, that we want to exploit England's difficulty! What is England doing now? This is a simple fact and I do not wish to conceal it. What is our interest in the war? Our only interest is our country. What is England doing now? England asks us to help her in this war. And why should we help her? If we are to help her, we must first of all feel that this country is our own country (Cheers)--that India has in fact and not in name, her rightful place in the British Empire (Loud Cheers). That is what we say. That is what great statesmen in England have said again and again. If this is your real intention, tell the people so--tell them "it is your own country, manage your own affairs and defend your own country" and you will then see what we can do (Hear, Hear). The only thing that we want is to feel that this is our country. If it is not our country, what does it matter to us? (Cheers). If it is our country it affects us; it affects our personal interests, it affects our selfish interests, it affects our future--and we are ready for any sacrifice. You say that we want to exploit England's difficulty. And if we say that England is exploiting at this time our helplessness, that would at once be condemned as unwise and unworthy. Those who wish to realise themselves, those who wish to make the people of this country realise that India is their own country, that India is a part, an integral part--not shadowy or imaginary but a real part of the British Empire--well, they are to be condemned as persons who would exploit England's difficulty (Shame). That is how the Conference was held at Delhi.

HIS EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR OF BENGAL'S ADVICE.

From Delhi we come to Bengal. There again we have the speech of His Excellency the Governor. His Excellency advised us--he did not command--His Excellency advised us that we should stop all political agitation at the present moment and he gave two reasons for it. One reason is this:

"Now let me give you my first reason. We have always been slow as a people, as in Great Britain and India to realise how closely the enemy keeps his eye upon us how quick he is to note our actions, indeed our very words, and what a difference it makes to his own morals whether he sees arrayed against him the serried ranks of a united people or whether he detects or thinks he detects in this part of the Empire or in that some note of dissension, some indication of lack of unity of purpose."

Therefore, do not show that you are wanting in a unity of purpose. I was thinking what His Excellency really meant because it seems to me that we are in complete agreement with what His Excellency said. That is the very reason for which we made the suggestions. Let not the enemy think that England is not united in its purpose and that India is not prepared to take its place in the fight. That is the very reason for which we suggested that all causes which led to resentment of the people of this country and drew them away from this united purpose should be removed--that the people of this country should be allowed to feel that India is their own country, that it is their birthright to defend their own country, that it is their right, not right alone but it is their proud privilege to fight the common enemy. His Excellency said we should do nothing so that the enemy could think that we are not united. My answer is: Make us united. It can be done with a stroke of the pen to-morrow if you really want to do it (Hear, Hear). If you do that, the enemy will detect no lack of unity of purpose. It is possible to make it appear that there is no lack of unity of purpose.--Is it not a hundred times more desirable that there should be real unity of purpose?

IF THE KAISER CAME TO CALCUTTA?

"If the Kaiser came to Calcutta what would all the talk of freedom of individual, of the liberty of the subject, of the right of this people or that people to self-determination, of this constitutional reform or that constitutional reforms--what would be the value of all such talk if the Kaiser came to Calcutta?"

Again, I say, we are in complete agreement with His Excellency, the Governor of Bengal. I believe, if the Kaiser came to this country to-morrow there would be no talk of liberty of the subject, of the right of freedom of the individual and of constitutional rights and that is the very reason why I am personally interested in not letting the Kaiser come to Calcutta (Laughter) and that is the very reason why we have been asking the Government again and again, why our leaders have asked the Government repeatedly, to do away with these repressive measures to call forth loyalty, not lip-loyalty but real and genuine loyalty--not loyalty to the Bureaucracy but to the Empire. You cannot call that up by sweet words alone, we want deeds--and as I say, this can be done by a stroke of the pen to-morrow if you really want to do it. (Hear, Hear and Laughter.)

MUST WE FEEL TO ORDER?

His Excellency advanced another reason. It is this:--

"The British people have a temper of their own. Some people call them a stubborn and a stiff-necked race. They are, I believe, a fair and a just people. You can without difficulty reason with them, you can without difficulty excite their interest, excite their sympathy and above all, you can excite their gratitude. But they are people, believe me, who resent, perhaps more deeply than any other people on this earth any suspicion that anybody is bent upon making an attempt to take advantage of them when their backs are against the wall."

Therefore, gentlemen, what does it come to? We must consider that wicked capacity of the German people who are for ever on their watch to find out a flaw in the constitution of this country. You must also regard the temperament of the British nation, who will be angry if you want your rights at this juncture, but the only people whose interests and whose sentiments are to be set at naught are the Indian people (Shame). We are not men! We are not a race! Our feeling need not be considered--our sentiments are nothing! Our feelings must be those of our masters. We must feel to order and suppress our real feelings! (Shame).

NOT OBEDIENCE TO THE BUREAUCRACY BUT LOYALTY TO THE EMPIRE.

Well, gentlemen, I must say that I have read this part of His Excellency's speech with considerable pain. It is the duty of the Government, here, to consult and to consider the sentiments of the people. The people of this country are loyal to the Empire. They may not like the bureaucracy and they do not. And the British Cabinet has declared that the people are not wrong when they say that the Bureaucracy has mismanaged matters. They do not like the Bureaucracy, and for sufficient reasons; but they are loyal to the Empire. Again, my earnest appeal to the Government is: "Take care, do not disregard the people's sentiments. Do not wish to substitute obedience to the Bureaucracy in place of the people's loyalty to the Empire. The people of this country are impatient and they will not bear it."

"For God's sake let this be the last chapter in the story of the great denial." (Loud Cheers).

ADVICE TO STUDENTS.

_There was a huge meeting of students of Bangabashi and Ripon colleges on the 14th January 1921, at Mirzapur Park, when Mr. Das said_:

Srijut Chittaranjan Das, who, on rising to speak, was given a very hearty ovation said "I am unable to deliver any speech to-day. My heart is full, and my voice is choked and I have not power and strength enough to express the feelings that are surging in my mind to-day. God has not given me power to express in language the happiness that you have given me by coming out of your Colleges. I feel it in my heart of hearts that, those of you who have come out, are greater than any of us here, and I humbly bow to you--to the manifestation of strength that you have displayed to-day. I want you to realise that,--to realise the strength in you. It is not yours--it is not human, it is the will--the divine will of the country and the God of our being. It is the will of _Deshamabrika_ that has been manifested through you. What, she is, I do not know, but she is the Goddess of our Nation. I now can say with head erect--blessed be thy waters, Mother Bengal, blessed be thy trees--blessed be thy sons.

I know people will call you mad. People call me mad too. But who are mad really? Are not the merchants and traders who are running after wealth and rolling in luxury--the lawyers and their clients who spend their all and are ruined by litigation--is it not they who are really mad? Whatever people may call you--you have got to realise the truth that is in you. Do stand upon that and stick to it, whatever difficulties may come or whatever sufferings may await you in the path. Dark and difficult are the ways, but Divine Light will guide you. Give up all weakness of the heart. Man can do everything. Remember we are men determined to emancipate our Motherland from bondage. Should we not be able to deliver her from the shackles that bind her?

We shall rather go ignorant than be educated in those schools and colleges. We want to be educated according to our own standard of living, keeping harmony with our past culture and tradition. I do not know what Bolshevism is. We want to realise what is truth--what is eternal--what is in our blood--for the salvation of our country. I want that. I do not want Bolshevism--I do not want industrialism. In short, I do not want Europeanism. I want to be a free man, and be myself again. If that is truth, depending upon that truth, fear not.

Another word, and I have done. I promise before you all, to-day, that, within fifteen days or utmost a month, we shall have a College--a National College established, of which there is no equal here, and where you will get your national education, where you will learn to love your country and appreciate freedom. I want to see that edifice standing on the road-side of Goldighi pulled down brick by brick."

He concluded by saying that even the Medical Students also must come out. They would rather go, he said, without doctors than get the help of those who come out of that Institution aided by the Government.

Mr. Achyutaram of Bangabashi College said that he hailed from Andhra and they learnt all their national lessons at the feet of Bengal. When they saw that Bengal had not been doing anything they were getting disheartened. Now that Bengal was coming to herself again, he would be able to tell his fellow-countrymen in Andhra that things were all right in Bengal. Sriman Nagendranath Ghose said he was a student of Ripon College 1st year sec. B. When they were holding their meeting in the class about Non-Co-operation, a professor of the College remarked that the students were going to listen to the advice of "damned."--The students ought to strike for that if for nothing else.

The President, in bringing the proceedings to a close, said, that it had been already announced that a meeting would take place in College Square at 6 a.m. on Friday. A meeting would also be held at Mirzapur Park, in the afternoon at 4-30 p.m. on the same day. He hoped that on the following day all students from the remaining colleges would come out. Medical Colleges and Engineering Colleges were not to be made exceptions in this matter. The Carmichael Medical College also should be emptied. If they could boycott the examination, the bankrupt University would come down in a day. When Post-Graduate and Law students were coming out, he felt convinced, that no one would attend the convocation.

THE BATTLE OF FREEDOM.

APPEAL TO STUDENTS.

To-day I have to repeat the Message of Freedom. I have been often asked "what is the meaning of this movement." To my mind, the meaning is

## particularly clear. We want Freedom. We want to realise the right of

regulating our own lives. We want to realise the right of building up the great Indian Nation. We want to compel the bureaucracy to recognise that right.

It is unnecessary to refer to the past. It is not my desire to perpetuate bitterness. It is my desire to strengthen our determination to achieve our freedom.

I advocate the method of Non-Co-operation, as every other method has failed. I want you to cling to this method, come what may. This is our last chance and this, at least, will not be in vain.

Do you understand what Non-Co-operation means? You must withdraw your help in moving the powerful machinery of the bureaucracy. Do you realise how you can move this machinery? The bureaucracy works its wicked will through the pleaders, through doctors, through clerks, through their police officers and through Magistrates and Judges. And you now see what the Calcutta University contributes. It contributes all the strength upon which the strength of the bureaucracy depends.

I appeal to you to take away your hands from the wheel of this machinery. The first thing, therefore, is to come out of the Colleges. I make no distinction between the Medical students, between the students of the Engineering Colleges and other students. The problem is not of education, but of Non-co-operation. If you have this in view, how can there be any distinction between classes of students? Is it not clear that all students contribute to the strength of the bureaucracy? And is it possible to defeat this bureaucracy without taking away that help? I have heard arguments based on humanitarian ground; but every humanitarian ground must yield to the supreme necessity of the moment. There is some inconvenience, some apparent want of humanitarian consideration, in every great war. Is it possible that this great war, based on peaceful method as it is, should steer clear of all inconveniences? I do not believe that there will be any the more suffering, because of the withdrawal of medical students. I have given it my anxious thought, and my decision is clear. But even if it does involve great suffering, I should welcome that suffering, rather, than leave one stone in its place in the edifice of a monstrous Education. No, my dear friend, do not delude yourselves. It is easy to quote Scripture to cover your weakness. Believe me, it is not the humanitarian ground which is keeping you away, but the imaginary prospects of worldly advancement which are dangled before your eyes. The method that I advocate is the method of sacrifice. If you have to destroy what you consider your chance of success in life, remember, it is only to defeat the bureaucracy, and to attain Swaraj. How can Swaraj be attained unless you realise your own right clearly, unhesitatingly? How can you compel the bureaucracy to recognise, that, which you yourself do not realise?

Do not listen to those who make careful calculations and tell you that this movement is bound to fail. I warn you against such doubts and hesitations. Even if the students do not realise their rights and their duty, the work of Non-co-operation will go on. But I admit that you may make it more difficult by refusing to join us.

The Battle of Freedom has never been won in the history of the world without sacrifice. The armed organizations of powerful bureaucracies, all over the world, have made armed resistance well nigh impossible. But the Soul is ever free, and he who is free in his mind can never be enslaved. I want you to turn away your face from Europe and from the organization which is of European character. I want you to concentrate your vision on the things which truly belong to us. The very simplicity of our life has become difficult of comprehension, because of the tortuous and complex organization which European culture and education have placed before us. Once you turn your face away from that, you will have faith in methods which belong to us in standards which are really part of our blood and of our bones. What is more simple than the desire and the determination to withdraw your help from that which is false and unrighteous? And yet why do you experience such difficulties in forming that desire and in fixing that determination? The answer is again the same, _viz._, that Monster of education which is rearing up its head in defiance, as it were, of everything which belongs to us and which is dear to our hearts.

I repeat again--Wake up, wake up, wake up. We have slept too long. Realise the sense of your bondage and stand out boldly and firmly on the road to Freedom.--_The Servant._

ADDRESS TO STUDENTS.

_A monster public meeting was held at Mirzapur Square on 21st January, '21 after Mahatma Gandhi's address to the Students. Mr. C. R. Das, when asked to speak, was given a great ovation and said:--_

Gentlemen, it is impossible for me, to-night, to make a speech to you, as my voice has not yet recovered. I desire to say only this--that there is but one duty before you at the present moment. Those of you who have left your Colleges do not go back or you bring discredit on the country, not only on Bengal but on the whole of India. Remember, the success of this movement is in your hands. I said that, the first day I addressed you, and that, I say to-night, again, that the success of this movement is in your hands. We want non-co-operation, we want all Government Institutions--educational or otherwise--should be boycotted. The question to-day is of educational institutions. Do not believe those who say that the Calcutta University is a National University or can even become the National University of Bengal. Avoid that reasoning because it is a false reasoning. The national character of an educational Institution does not lie in the fact as to whether the Professors are Indians or Europeans. The national character of the educational Institutions, to-day, depends on one fact, whether it is, or it is not, connected with the Bureaucratic Government of this country. That is the only test. They lead you astray. I speak with all the conviction there is in my heart, they lead you astray. Who say, that this College, Science College or that College or the other Colleges which are manned by Indians are National Institutions? They are not. They are Bureaucratic institutions and before we attain Swaraj this University, there, a few minutes walk from here, has got to come down. The youths of Bengal must make that perfectly clear. They have taken the first step. The second step is to continue in this boycott.