book vii
. 43-45), lays stress upon the necessity of approaching Epipolæ from the western side by Euryâlus, and again asserts that during the hurried retreat of the Athenians great numbers died by leaping from the cliffs, while still more had to throw away their armour. At this time the Athenian army was encamped upon the shore of the Great Harbour, and held trenches and a wall that stretched from that side at least halfway across Epipolæ. It seems therefore strange that, unless their movements were impeded by counterworks and lines of walls, of which we have no information, the troops of Demosthenes should not, at least in their retreat, have been able to pour down over the gentle 324 descent of Epipolæ toward the Anapus, instead of returning to Euryâlus. Anyhow, we can scarcely discern cliffs of more than ten feet upon the southern slope of Epipolæ, nor can we understand why the Athenians should have been forced to take these in their line of retreat. There must have been some artificial defences of which we read nothing, and of which no traces now remain, but which were sufficient to prevent them from choosing their ground. Slight difficulties of this kind raise the question whether the wonderful clearness of Thucydides in detail was really the result of personal observation, or whether his graphic style enabled him to give the appearance of scrupulous accuracy. I incline to think that the author of the sixth and seventh books of the History must have visited Syracuse, and that if we could see his own map of Epipolæ, we should better be able to understand the difficulties of the backward night march of Demosthenes, by discovering that there was some imperative necessity for not descending, as seems natural, upon the open slope of the hill to the south. The position of Euryâlus at the extreme point called Mongibellisi is clear enough. Here the ground, which has been continually rising from the plateau of Achradina (the northern suburb of Syracuse), comes to an abrupt finish. Between Mongibellisi and the Belvedere hill beyond there is a deep depression, and the slope to Euryâlus either from the south or north is gradual. It was a gross piece of neglect on the part of Nikias not to have fortified this spot on his first investment of Epipolæ, instead of choosing Labdalum, which, wherever we may place it, must have been lower down the hill to the east. For Euryâlus is the key to Epipolæ. It was here that Nikias himself ascended in the first instance, and that afterwards he permitted Gylippus to enter and raise the siege, and lastly that Demosthenes, by overpowering the insufficient Syracusan guard, got at night within the lines of 325 the Spartan general. Thus the three most important movements of the siege were made upon Euryâlus. Dionysius, when he enclosed Epipolæ with walls, recognised the value of the point, and fortified it with the castle which remains, and to which, as Colonel Leake believes, Archimedes, at the order of Hiero II., made subsequent additions. This castle is one of the most interesting Greek ruins extant. A little repair would make it even now a substantial place of defence, according to Greek tactics. Its deep foss is cut in the solid rock, and furnished with subterranean magazines for the storage of provisions. The three piles of solid masonry on which the drawbridge rested, still stand in the centre of this ditch. The oblique grand entrance to the foss descends by a flight of well-cut steps. The rock itself over which the fort was raised is honeycombed with excavated passages for infantry and cavalry, of different width and height, so that one sort can be assigned to mounted horsemen and another to foot soldiers. The trap-doors which led from these galleries into the fortress are provided with rests for ladders that could be let down to help a sallying force or drawn up to impede an advancing enemy. The inner court for stabled horses and the stations for the catapults are still in tolerable preservation. Thus the whole arrangement of the stronghold can be traced not dimly but distinctly. Being placed on the left side of the chief gate of Epipolæ, the occupants of the fort could issue to attack a foe advancing toward that gate in the rear. At the same time the subterranean galleries enabled them to pour out upon the other side, if the enemy had forced an entrance, while the minor passages and trap-doors provided a retreat in case the garrison were overpowered in one of their offensive operations. The view from Euryâlus is extensive. To the left rises Etna, snowy, solitary, broadly vast, above the plain of Catania, the curving shore, Thapsus, 326 and the sea. Syracuse itself, a thin white line between the harbour and the open sea, a dazzling streak between two blues, terminates the slope of Epipolæ, and on the right hand stretch the marshes of Anapus rich with vines and hoary with olives.
[121] Epipolæ is in shape a pretty regular isosceles triangle, of which the apex is Mongibellisi or Euryâlus, and the base Achradina or the northern quarter of the ancient city. Thucydides describes it as χωρίου αποκρήμνου τε και υπερ της πόλεως ευθυς κειμένου... εξήρτηται γαρ το αλλο χωρίον και μέχρι της πόλεως επικλινές τέ εστι και επιφανες παν εισο και ωνομαστα υπυ τον Συρακοσίων δια το επιπολης του αλλου ειναι Επιπολαι (vi. 96).]
By far the most interesting localities of Syracuse are the Great Harbour and the stone quarries. When the sluggish policy and faint heart of Nikias had brought the Athenians to the verge of ruin, when Gylippus had entered the besieged city, and Plemmyrium had been wrested from the invaders, and Demosthenes had failed in his attack upon Epipolæ, and the blockading trenches had been finally evacuated, no hope remained for the armament of Athens except only in retreat by water. They occupied a palisaded encampment upon the shore of the harbour, between the mouth of the Anapus and the city; whence they attempted to force their way with their galleys to the open sea. Hitherto the Athenians had been supreme upon their own element; but now the Syracusans adopted tactics suited to the narrow basin in which the engagements had to take place. Building their vessels with heavy beaks, they crushed the lighter craft of the Athenians, which had no room for flank movements and rapid evolutions. A victory was thus obtained by the Syracusan navy; the harbour was blockaded with chains by the order of Gylippus; the Athenians were driven back to their palisades upon the fever-haunted shore. Their only chance seemed to depend upon a renewal of the sea-fight in the harbour. The supreme moment arrived. What remained of the Athenian fleet, in numbers still superior to that of their enemies, steered straight for the mouth of the harbour. The Syracusans advanced from the naval stations of Ortygia to meet them. The shore was thronged with spectators, Syracusans tremulous with the expectation of a decisive success, Athenians on the tenter-hooks 327 of hope and dread. In a short time the harbour became a confused mass of clashing triremes; the water beaten into bloody surf by banks of oars; the air filled with shouts from the combatants and exclamations from the lookers-on: ολοφυρμός, βοή, νικοντες, κρατούμενοι, αλλα οσα εν μεγάλω κινδύνω μέγα στρατόπεδον πολυειδη αναγκάζοιτο φθέγγεσθαι. Then after a struggle, in which desperation gave energy to the Athenians, and ambitious hope inspired their foes with more than wonted vigour, the fleet of the Athenians was finally overwhelmed. The whole scene can be reproduced with wonderful distinctness; for the low shores of Plemmyrium, the city of Ortygia, the marsh of Lysimeleia, the hills above the Anapus, and the distant dome of Etna, are the same as they were upon that memorable day. Nothing has disappeared except the temple of Zeus Olympius and the buildings of Temenitis.
What followed upon the night of that defeat is less easily realised. Thucydides, however, by one touch reveals the depth of despair to which the Athenians had sunk. They neglected to rescue the bodies of their dead from the Great Harbour, or to ask for a truce, according to hallowed Greek usage, in order that they might perform the funeral rites. To such an extent was the army demoralised. Meanwhile within the city the Syracusans kept high festival, honouring their patron Herakles, upon whose day it happened that the battle had been fought. Nikias neglected this opportunity of breaking up his camp and retiring unmolested into the interior of the island. When after the delay of two nights and a day he finally began to move, the Syracusans had blockaded the roads. How his own division capitulated by the blood-stained banks of the Asinarus after a six days' march of appalling misery, and how that of Demosthenes surrendered in the olive-field of Polyzelus, is too well known.
328 One of the favourite excursions from modern Syracuse takes the traveller in a boat over the sandy bar of the Anapus, beneath the old bridge which joined the Helorine road to the city, and up the river to its junction with the Cyane. This is the ground traversed by the army first in their attempted flight and then in their return as captives to Syracuse. Few, perhaps, who visit the spot, think as much of that last
## act in a world-historical tragedy, as of the picturesque compositions
made by arundo donax, castor-oil plant, yellow flags, and papyrus, on the river-banks and promontories. Like miniature palm-groves these water-weeds stand green and golden against the bright blue sky, feathering above the boat which slowly pushes its way through clinging reeds. The huge red oxen of Sicily in the marsh on either hand toss their spreading horns and canter off knee-deep in ooze. Then comes the fountain of Cyane, a broad round well of water, thirty feet in depth, but quite clear, so that you can see the pebbles at the bottom and fishes swimming to and fro among the weeds. Papyrus plants edge the pool; thick and tufted, they are exactly such as one sees carved or painted upon Egyptian architecture of the Ptolemaic period.
With Thucydides still in hand, before quitting Syracuse we must follow the Athenian captives to their prison-grave. The Latomia de' Cappuccini is a place which it is impossible to describe in words, and of which no photographs give any notion. Sunk to the depth of a hundred feet below the level of the soil, with sides perpendicular and in many places as smooth as though the chisel had just passed over them, these vast excavations produce the impression of some huge subterranean gallery, widening here and there into spacious halls, the whole of which has been unroofed and opened to the air of heaven. It is a solemn and romantic labyrinth, where no wind blows rudely, and where orange-trees shoot 329 upward luxuriantly to meet the light. The wild fig bursts from the living rock, mixed with lentisk-shrubs and pendent caper-plants. Old olives split the masses of fallen cliff with their tough, snakelike, slowly corded and compacted roots. Thin flames of pomegranate-flowers gleam amid foliage of lustrous green; and lemons drop unheeded from femininely fragile branches. There too the ivy hangs in long festoons, waving like tapestry to the breath of stealthy breezes; while under foot is a tangle of acanthus, thick curling leaves of glossiest green, surmounted by spikes of dull lilac blossoms. Wedges and columns and sharp teeth of the native rock rear themselves here and there in the midst of the open spaces to the sky, worn fantastically into notches and saws by the action of scirocco. A light yellow calcined by the sun to white is the prevailing colour of the quarries. But in shady places the limestone takes a curious pink tone of great beauty, like the interior of some sea-shells. The reflected lights too, and half-shadows in their scooped-out chambers, make a wonderful natural chiaroscuro. The whole scene is now more picturesque in a sublime and grandiose style than forbidding. There is even one spot planted with magenta-coloured mesembrianthemums of dazzling brightness; and the air is loaded with the drowsy perfume of lemon-blossoms. Yet this is the scene of a great agony. This garden was once the Gethsemane of a nation, where 9000 free men of the proudest city of Greece were brought by an unexampled stroke of fortune to slavery, shame, and a miserable end. Here they dwindled away, worn out by wounds, disease, thirst, hunger, heat by day and cold by night, heart-sickness, and the insufferable stench of putrefying corpses. The pupils of Socrates, the admirers of Euripides, the orators of the Pnyx, the athletes of the Lyceum, lovers and comrades and philosophers, died here like dogs; and the dames of Syracuse stood doubtless on those parapets 330 above, and looked upon them like wild beasts. What the Gorgo of Theocritus might have said to her friend Praxinoe on the occasion would be the subject for an idyll _à la_ Browning! How often, pining in those great glaring pits, which were not then curtained with ivy or canopied by olive-trees, must the Athenians have thought with vain remorse of their own Rhamnusian Nemesis, the goddess who held scales adverse to the hopes of men, and bore the legend 'Be not lifted up'! How often must they have watched the dawn walk forth fire-footed upon the edge of those bare crags, or the stars slide from east to west across the narrow space of sky! How they must have envied the unfettered clouds sailing in liquid ether, or traced the far flight of hawk and swallow, sighing, 'Oh that I too had the wings of a bird!' The weary eyes turned upwards found no change or respite, save what the frost of night brought to the fire of day, and the burning sun to the pitiless cold constellations.
A great painter, combining Doré's power over space and distance with the distinctness of Flaxman's design and the colouring of Alma Tadema, might possibly realise this agony of the Athenian captives in the stone quarries. The time of day chosen for the picture should be full noon, with its glare of light and sharply defined vertical shadows. The crannies in the straight sides of the quarry should here and there be tufted with a few dusty creepers and wild fig-trees. On the edge of the sky-line stand parties of Syracusan citizens with their wives and children, shaded by umbrellas, richly dressed, laughing and triumphing over the misery beneath. In the full foreground there are placed two figures. A young Athenian has just died of fever. His body lies stretched along the ground, the head resting on a stone, and the face turned to the sky. Beside him kneels an older warrior, sunburned and dry with thirst, but full as yet of vigour. He stares with 331 wide despair-smitten eyes straight out, as though he had lately been stretched upon the corpse, but had risen at the sound of movement, or some supposed word of friends close by. His bread lies untasted near him, and the half-pint of water—his day's portion—has been given to bathe the forehead of his dying friend. They have stood together through the festival of leave-taking from Peiræus, through the battles of Epipolæ, through the retreat and the slaughter at the passage of the Asinarus. But now it has come to this, and death has found the younger. Perhaps the friend beside him remembers some cool wrestling-ground in far-off Athens, or some procession up the steps of the Acropolis, where first they met. Anyhow his fixed gaze now shows that he has passed in thought at least beyond the hell around him. Not far behind should be ranged groups of haggard men, with tattered clothes and dulled or tigerish eyes, some dignified, some broken down by grief; while here and there newly fallen corpses, and in one hideous corner a great heap of abandoned dead, should point the ghastly words of Thucydides: τον νεκρον ομου επ' αλλήλοις ξυννενημένων.
Every landscape has some moment of its own at which it should be seen for the first time. Mediæval cities, with their narrow streets and solemn spires, demand the twilight of a summer night. Mediterranean islands show their best in the haze of afternoon, when sea and sky and headland are bathed in aë;rial blue, and the mountains seem to be made of transparent amethyst. The first sight of the Alps should be taken at sunset from some point of vantage, like the terrace at Berne, or the castle walls of Salzburg. If these fortunate moments be secured, all after knowledge of locality and detail serves to fortify and deepen the impression of picturesque harmony. The mind has then conceived a leading thought, which gives ideal unity to scattered memories and invests the 332 crude reality with an æsthetic beauty. The lucky moment for the landscape of Girgenti is half an hour past sunset in a golden afterglow. Landing at the port named after Empedocles, having caught from the sea some glimpses of temple-fronts emergent on green hill-slopes among almond-trees, with Pindar's epithet of 'splendour-loving' in my mind, I rode on such an evening up the path which leads across the Drago to Girgenti. The way winds through deep-sunk lanes of rich amber sandstone, hedged with cactus and dwarf-palm, and set with old gnarled olive-trees. As the sunlight faded, Venus shone forth in a luminous sky, and the deep yellows and purples overhead seemed to mingle with the heavy scent of orange-flowers from scarcely visible groves by the roadside. Saffron in the west and violet in the east met midway, composing a translucent atmosphere of mellow radiance, like some liquid gem—_dolce color d' oriental berillo_. Girgenti, far off and far up, gazing seaward, and rearing her topaz-coloured bastions into that gorgeous twilight, shone like the aë;rial vision of cities seen in dreams or imaged in the clouds. Hard and sharp against the sallow line of sunset, leaned grotesque shapes of cactuses like hydras, and delicate silhouettes of young olive-trees like sylphs: the river ran silver in the hollow, and the mountain-side on which the town is piled was solid gold. Then came the dirty dull interior of Girgenti, misnamed the magnificent. But no disenchantment could destroy the memory of that vision, and Pindar's φιλάγλαος Ακράγας remains in my mind a reality.[122]
[122] Lest I should seem to have overstated the splendour of this sunset view, I must remark that the bare dry landscape of the south is peculiarly fortunate in such effects. The local tint of the Girgenti rock is yellow. The vegetation on the hillside is sparse. There is nothing to prevent the colours of the sky being reflected upon the vast amber-tinted surface, which then glows with indescribable glory.
The temples of Girgenti are at the distance of two miles 333 from the modern town. Placed upon the edge of an irregular plateau which breaks off abruptly into cliffs of moderate height below them, they stand in a magnificent row between the sea and plain on one side, and the city and the hills upon the other. Their colour is that of dusky honey or dun amber; for they are not built of marble, but of sandstone, which at some not very distant geological period must have been a sea-bed. Oyster and scallop shells are embedded in the roughly hewn masonry, while here and there patches of a red deposit, apparently of broken coralline, make the surface crimson. The vegetation against which the ruined colonnades are relieved consists almost wholly of almond and olive trees, the bright green foliage of the one mingling with the greys of the other, and both enhancing the warm tints of the stone. This contrast of colours is very agreeable to the eye; yet when the temples were perfect it did not exist. There is no doubt that their surface was coated with a fine stucco, wrought to smoothness, toned like marble, and painted over with the blue and red and green decorations proper to the Doric style. This fact is a practical answer to those æsthetic critics who would fain establish that the Greeks practised no deception in their arts. The whole effect of the colonnades of Selinus and Girgenti must have been an illusion, and their surface must have needed no less constant reparation than the exterior of a Gothic cathedral. The sham jewellery frequently found in Greek tombs, and the curious mixture of marble with sandstone in the sculptures from Selinus, are other instances that Greeks no less than modern artists condescended to trickery for the sake of effect. In the series of the metopes from Selinus now preserved in the museum at Palermo, the flesh of the female persons is represented by white marble, while that of the men, together with the dresses and other accessories, is wrought of common 334 stone. Yet the basreliefs in which this peculiarity occurs belong to the best period of Greek sculpture, and the groups are not unworthy for spirit and design to be placed by the side of the metopes of the Parthenon. Most beautiful, for example, is the contrast between the young unarmed Hercules and the Amazon he overpowers. His naked man's foot grasps with the muscular energy of an athlete her soft and helpless woman's foot, the roughness of the sandstone and the smoothness of the marble really heightening the effect of difference.
Though ranged in a row along the same cornice, the temples of Girgenti, originally at least six in number, were not so disposed that any of their architectural lines should be exactly parallel. The Greeks disliked formality; the carefully calculated _asymmetreia_ in the disposition of their groups of buildings secured variety of effect as well as a broken surface for the display of light and shadow. This is very noticeable on the Acropolis of Athens, where, however regular may be the several buildings, all are placed at different angles to each other and the hill. Only two of the Girgenti temples survive in any degree of perfection—the so-called Concordia and the Juno Lacinia. The rest are but mere heaps of mighty ruins, with here and there a broken column, and in one place an angle of a pediment raised upon a group of pillars. The foundations of masonry which supported them and the drums of their gigantic columns are tufted with wild palm, aloe, asphodel, and crimson snapdragon. Yellow blossoming sage, and mint, and lavender, and mignonette, sprout in the crevices where snakes and lizards harbour. The grass around is gemmed with blue pimpernel and convolvulus. Gladiolus springs amid the young corn-blades beneath the almond-trees; while a beautiful little iris makes the most unpromising dry places brilliant with its delicate greys and blues. In cooler 335 and damper hollows, around the boles of old olives and under ruined arches, flourishes the tender acanthus, and the road-sides are gaudy with a yellow daisy flower, which may perchance be the ελίχρυσος of Theocritus. Thus the whole scene is a wilderness of brightness, less radiant but more touching than when processions of men and maidens bearing urns and laurel-branches, crowned with ivy or with myrtle, paced along those sandstone roads, chanting pæans and prosodial hymns, toward the glistening porches and hypæthral cells.
The only temple about the name of which there can be no doubt is that of Zeus Olympius. A prostrate giant who once with nineteen of his fellows helped to support the roof of this enormous fane, and who now lies in pieces among the asphodels, remains to prove that this was the building begun by the Agrigentines after the defeat of the Phoenicians at the Himera, when slaves were many and spoil was abundant, and Hellas both in Sicily and on the mainland felt a more than usual thrill of gratitude to their ancestral deity. The greatest architectural works of the island, the temples of Segeste and Selinus, as well as those of Girgenti, were begun between this period and the Carthaginian invasion of 409 B.C. The victory of the Hellenes over the barbarians in 480 B.C., symbolised in the victory of Zeus over the enslaved Titans of this temple, gave a vast impulse to their activity and wealth. After the disastrous incursion of the same foes seventy years later, the western Greek towns of the island received a check from which they never recovered. Many of their noblest buildings remained unfinished. The question which rises to the lips of all who contemplate the ruins of this gigantic temple and its compeer dedicated to Herakles is this: Who wrought the destruction of works so solid and enduring? For what purpose of spite or interest were those vast columns—in the very flutings of which a man can stand with ease—felled like 336 forest pines? One sees the mighty pillars lying as they sank, like swathes beneath the mower's scythe. Their basements are still in line. The drums which composed them have fallen asunder, but maintain their original relation to each other on the ground. Was it earthquake or the hand of man that brought them low? Poggio Bracciolini tells us that in the fifteenth century they were burning the marble buildings of the Roman Campagna for lime. We know that the Senator Brancaleone made havoc among the classic monuments occupied as fortresses by Frangipani and Savelli and Orsini. We understand how the Farnesi should have quarried the Coliseum for their palace. But here, at the distance of three miles from Girgenti, in a comparative desert, what army, or what band of ruffians, or what palace-builders could have found it worth their while to devastate mere mountains of sculptured sandstone? The Romans invariably respected Greek temples. The early Christians used them for churches:—and this accounts for the comparative perfection of the Concordia. It was in the age of the Renaissance that the ruin of Girgenti's noblest monuments occurred. The temple of Zeus Olympius was shattered in the fifteenth century, and in the next its fragments were used to build a breakwater. The demolition of such substantial edifices is as great a wonder as their construction. We marvel at the energy which must have been employed on their overthrow, no less than at the art which raised such blocks of stone and placed them in position.
While so much remains both at Syracuse and at Girgenti to recall the past, we are forced here, as at Athens, to feel how very little we really know about Greek life. We cannot bring it up before our fancy with any clearness, but rather in a sort of hazy dream, from which some luminous points emerge. The entrance of an Olympian victor through the 337 breach in the city walls of Girgenti, the procession of citizens conducting old Timoleon in his chariot to the theatre, the conferences of the younger Dionysius with Plato in his guarded palace-fort, the stately figure of Empedocles presiding over incantations in the marshes of Selinus, the austerity of Dion and his mystic dream, the first appearance of stubborn Gylippus with long Lacedæmonian hair in the theatre of Syracuse,—such picturesque pieces of history we may fairly well recapture. But what were the daily occupations of the Simætha of Theocritus? What was the state dress of the splendid Queen Philistis, whose name may yet be read upon her seat, and whose face adorns the coins of Syracuse? How did the great altar of Zeus look, when the oxen were being slaughtered there by hundreds, in a place which must have been shambles and meat-market and temple all in one? What scene of architectural splendour met the eyes of the swimmers in the Piscina of Girgenti? How were the long hours of so many days of leisure occupied by the Greeks, who had each three pillows to his head in 'splendour-loving Acragas'? Of what sort was the hospitality of Gellias? Questions like these rise up to tantalise us with the hopelessness of ever truly recovering the life of a lost race. After all the labour of antiquary and the poet, nothing remains to be uttered but such moralisings as Sir Thomas Browne poured forth over the urns discovered at Old Walsingham: 'What time the persons of these ossuaries entered the famous nations of the dead, and slept with princes and counsellors, might admit a wide solution. But who were the proprietaries of these bones, or what bodies these ashes made up, were a question above antiquarism; not to be resolved by man, nor easily perhaps by spirits except we consult the provincial guardians, or tutelary observators.' Death reigns over the peoples of the past, and we must fain be satisfied to cry with 338 Raleigh: 'O eloquent, just, and mighty death! whom none could advise, thou hast persuaded; what none hath dared, thou hast done; and whom all the world hath flattered, thou only hast cast out of the world and despised: thou hast drawn together all the far-stretched greatness, all the pride, cruelty, and ambition of men, and covered it all over with these two narrow words, _hic jacet_.' Even so. Yet while the cadence of this august rhetoric is yet in our ears, another voice is heard as of the angel seated by a void and open tomb, 'Why seek ye the living among the dead?' The spirit of Hellas is indestructible, however much the material existence of the Greeks be lost beyond recovery; for the life of humanity is not many but one, not parcelled into separate moments but continuous.
339
ATHENS
Athens, by virtue of scenery and situation, was predestined to be the motherland of the free reason of mankind, long before the Athenians had won by their great deeds the right to name their city the ornament and the eye of Hellas. Nothing is more obvious to one who has seen many lands and tried to distinguish their essential characters, than the fact that no one country exactly resembles another, but that, however similar in climate and locality, each presents a peculiar and well-marked property belonging to itself alone. The specific quality of Athenian landscape is light—not richness or sublimity or romantic loveliness or grandeur of mountain outline, but luminous beauty, serene exposure to the airs of heaven. The harmony and balance of the scenery, so varied in its details and yet so comprehensible, are sympathetic to the temperance of Greek morality, the moderation of Greek art. The radiance with which it is illuminated has all the clearness and distinction of the Attic intellect. From whatever point the plain of Athens with its semicircle of greater and lesser hills may be surveyed, it always presents a picture of dignified and lustrous beauty. The Acropolis is the centre of this landscape, splendid as a work of art with its crown of temples; and the sea, surmounted by the long low hills of the Morea, is the boundary to which the eye is irresistibly led. Mountains and islands and plain alike are made of limestone, hardening here and there into marble, broken 340 into delicate and varied forms, and sprinkled with a vegetation of low shrubs and brushwood so sparse and slight that the naked rock in every direction meets the light. This rock is grey and colourless: viewed in the twilight of a misty day, it shows the dull, tame uniformity of bone. Without the sun it is asleep and sorrowful. But by reason of this very deadness, the limestone of Athenian landscape is always ready to take the colours of the air and sun. In noonday it smiles with silvery lustre, fold upon fold of the indented hills and islands melting from the brightness of the sea into the untempered brilliance of the sky. At dawn and sunset the same rocks array themselves with a celestial robe of rainbow-woven hues: islands, sea, and mountains, far and near, burn with saffron, violet, and rose, with the tints of beryl and topaz, sapphire and almandine and amethyst, each in due order and at proper distances. The fabled dolphin in its death could not have showed a more brilliant succession of splendours waning into splendours through the whole chord of prismatic colours. This sensitiveness of the Attic limestone to every modification of the sky's light gives a peculiar spirituality to the landscape. The hills remain in form and outline unchanged; but the beauty breathed upon them lives or dies with the emotions of the air from whence it emanates: the spirit of light abides with them and quits them by alternations that seem to be the pulses of an ethereally communicated life. No country, therefore, could be better fitted for the home of a race gifted with exquisite sensibilities, in whom humanity should first attain the freedom of self-consciousness in art and thought. Αει δια λαμπροτάτου βαίνοντες αβρος αιθέρος—ever delicately moving through most translucent air—said Euripides of the Athenians: and truly the bright air of Attica was made to be breathed by men in whom the light of culture should begin to shine. Ιοστέφανος is an epithet 341 of Aristophanes for his city; and if not crowned with other violets, Athens wears for her garland the air-empurpled hills—Hymettus, Lycabettus, Pentelicus, and Parnes.[123] Consequently, while still the Greeks of Homer's age were Achaians, while Argos was the titular seat of Hellenic empire, and the mythic deeds of the heroes were being enacted in Thebes or Mycenæ, Athens did but bide her time, waiting to manifest herself as the true godchild of Pallas, who sprang perfect from the brain of Zeus, Pallas, who is the light of cloudless heaven emerging after storms. And Pallas, when she planted her chosen people in Attica, knew well what she was doing. To the far-seeing eyes of the goddess, although the first-fruits of song and science and philosophy might be reaped upon the shores of the Ægean and the islands, yet the days were clearly descried when Athens should stretch forth her hand to hold the lamp of all her founder loved for Europe. As the priest of Egypt told Solon: 'She chose the spot of earth in which you were born, because she saw that the happy temperament of the seasons in that land would produce the wisest of men. Wherefore the goddess, who was a lover both of war and wisdom, selected and first of all settled that spot which was the most likely to produce men likest herself.' This sentence from the 'Timæus' of Plato[124] reveals the consciousness possessed by the Greeks of that intimate connection which subsists between a country and the temper of its race. To us the name Athenai—the fact that Athens by its title even in the prehistoric age was marked out as the appanage of her 342 who was the patroness of culture—seems a fortunate accident, an undesigned coincidence of the most striking sort. To the Greeks, steeped in mythologic faith, accustomed to regard their lineage as autochthonous and their polity as the fabric of a god, nothing seemed more natural than that Pallas should have selected for her own exactly that portion of Hellas where the arts and sciences might flourish best. Let the Boeotians grow fat and stagnant upon their rich marshlands: let the Spartans form themselves into a race of soldiers in their mountain fortress: let Corinth reign, the queen of commerce, between her double seas: let the Arcadians in their oak woods worship pastoral Pan: let the plains of Elis be the meeting-place of Hellenes at their sacred games: let Delphi boast the seat of sooth oracular from Phoebus. Meanwhile the sunny but barren hills of Attica, open to the magic of the sky, and beautiful by reason of their nakedness, must be the home of a people powerful by might of intelligence rather than strength of limb, wealthy not so much by natural resources as by enterprise. Here, and here only, could stand the city sung by Milton:—
Built nobly, pure the air, and light the soil, Athens, the eye of Greece, mother of arts And eloquence, native to famous wits Or hospitable, in her sweet recess, City or suburban, studious walks and shades.
[123] This interpretation of the epithet Ιοστέφανος is not, I think, merely fanciful. It seems to occur naturally to those who visit Athens with the language of Greek poets in their memory. I was glad to find, on reading a paper by the Dean of Westminster on the topography of Greece, that the same thought had struck him. Ovid, too, gives the adjective _purpureus_ to Hymettus.
[124] Jowett's translation, vol. ii. p. 520.
We who believe in no authentic Pallas, child of Zeus, may yet pause awhile, when we contemplate Athens, to ponder whether those old mythologic systems, which ascribed to godhead the foundation of states and the patronage of peoples, had not some glimpse of truth beyond a mere blind guess. Is not, in fact, this Athenian land the promised and predestined home of a peculiar people, in the same sense as that 343 in which Palestine was the heritage by faith of a tribe set apart by Jehovah for His own?
Unlike Rome, Athens leaves upon the memory one simple and ineffaceable impression. There is here no conflict between Paganism and Christianity, no statues of Hellas baptised by popes into the company of saints, no blending of the classical and mediæval and Renaissance influences in a bewilderment of vast antiquity. Rome, true to her historical vocation, embraces in her ruins all ages, all creeds, all nations. Her life has never stood still, but has submitted to many transformations, of which the traces are still visible. Athens, like the Greeks of history, is isolated in a sort of self-completion: she is a thing of the past, which still exists, because the spirit never dies, because beauty is a joy for ever. What is truly remarkable about the city is just this, that while the modern town is an insignificant mushroom of the present century, the monuments of Greek art in the best period—the masterpieces of Ictinus and Mnesicles, and the theatre on which the plays of the tragedians were produced—survive in comparative perfection, and are so far unencumbered with subsequent edifices that the actual Athens of Pericles absorbs our attention. There is nothing of any consequence intermediate between us and the fourth century B.C.. Seen from a distance the Acropolis presents nearly the same appearance as it offered to Spartan guardsmen when they paced the ramparts of Deceleia. Nature around is all unaltered. Except that more villages, enclosed with olive-groves and vineyards, were sprinkled over those bare hills in classic days, no essential change in the landscape has taken place, no transformation, for example, of equal magnitude with that which converted the Campagna of Rome from a plain of cities to a poisonous solitude. All through the centuries which divide us from the age of Hadrian—centuries unfilled, as far as Athens is concerned, 344 with memorable deeds or national activity—the Acropolis has stood uncovered to the sun. The tones of the marble of Pentelicus have daily grown more golden; decay has here and there invaded frieze and capital; war too has done its work, shattering the Parthenon in 1687 by the explosion of a powder magazine, and the Propylæa in 1656 by a similar accident, and seaming the colonnades that still remain with cannon-balls in 1827. Yet in spite of time and violence the Acropolis survives, a miracle of beauty: like an everlasting flower, through all that lapse of years it has spread its coronal of marbles to the air, unheeded. And now, more than ever, its temples seem to be incorporate with the rock they crown. The slabs of column and basement have grown together by long pressure or molecular adhesion into a coherent whole. Nor have weeds or creeping ivy invaded the glittering fragments that strew the sacred hill. The sun's kiss alone has caused a change from white to amber-hued or russet. Meanwhile, the exquisite adaptation of Greek building to Greek landscape has been enhanced rather than impaired by that 'unimaginable touch of time,' which has broken the regularity of outline, softened the chisel-work of the sculptor, and confounded the painter's fretwork in one tint of glowing gold. The Parthenon, the Erechtheum, and the Propylæa have become one with the hill on which they cluster, as needful to the scenery around them as the everlasting mountains, as sympathetic as the rest of nature to the successions of morning and evening, which waken them to passionate life by the magic touch of colour.
Thus there is no intrusive element in Athens to distract the mind from memories of its most glorious past. Walk into the theatre of Dionysus. The sculptures that support the stage—Sileni bending beneath the weight of cornices, and lines of graceful youths and maidens—are still in their 345 ancient station.[125] The pavement of the orchestra, once trodden by Athenian choruses, presents its tessellated marbles to our feet; and we may choose the seat of priest or archon or herald or thesmothetes, when we wish to summon before our mind's eye the pomp of the 'Agamemnon' or the dances of the 'Birds' and 'Clouds.' Each seat still bears some carven name—ΙΕΡΕΩΣ ΤΩΝ ΜΟΥΣΩΝ or ΙΕΡΕΩΣ ΑΣΚΛΗΠΙΟΥ—and that of the priest of Dionysus is beautifully wrought with Bacchic basreliefs. One of them, inscribed ΙΕΡΕΩΣ ΑΝΤΙΝΟΟΥ, proves indeed that the extant chairs were placed here in the age of Hadrian, who completed the vast temple of Zeus Olympius, and filled its precincts with statues of his favourite, and named a new Athens after his own name.[126] Yet we need not doubt that their position round the orchestra is traditional, and that even in their form they do not differ from those which the priests and officers of Athens used from the time of Æschylus downward. Probably a slave brought cushion and footstool to complete the comfort of these stately armchairs. Nothing else is wanted to render them fit now for their august occupants; and we may imagine the long-stoled greybearded men throned in state, each with his wand and with appropriate fillets on his head. As we rest here in the light of the full moon, which simplifies all outlines and heals with tender touch the wounds of ages, it is easy enough to dream ourselves into the belief that the ghosts of dead actors may once more glide across the stage. 346 Fiery-hearted Medea, statuesque Antigone, Prometheus silent beneath the hammer-strokes of Force and Strength, Orestes hounded by his mother's Furies, Cassandra aghast before the palace of Mycenæ, pure-souled Hippolytus, ruthful Alcestis, the divine youth of Helen, and Clytemnestra in her queenliness, emerge like faint grey films against the bluish background of Hymettus. The night air seems vocal with echoes of old Greek, more felt than heard, like voices wafted to our sense in sleep, the sound whereof we do not seize, though the burden lingers in our memory.
[125] It is true, however, that these sculptures belong to a comparatively late period, and that the theatre underwent some alterations in Roman days, so that the stage is now probably a few yards farther from the seats than in the time of Sophocles.
[126] It is not a little surprising to come upon this relic of the worship of the young Bithynian at Athens in the theatre still consecrated by the memories of Æschylus and Sophocles.
In like manner, when moonlight, falling aslant upon the Propylæa, restores the marble masonry to its original whiteness, and the shattered heaps of ruined colonnades are veiled in shadow, and every form seems larger, grander, and more perfect than by day, it is well to sit upon the lowest steps, and looking upwards, to remember what processions passed along this way bearing the sacred peplus to Athene. The Panathenaic pomp, which Pheidias and his pupils carved upon the friezes of the Parthenon, took place once in five years, on one of the last days of July.[127] All the citizens joined in the honour paid to their patroness. Old men bearing olive-branches, young men clothed in bronze, chapleted youths singing the praise of Pallas in prosodial hymns, maidens carrying holy vessels, aliens bending beneath the weight of urns, servants of the temple leading oxen crowned with fillets, troops of horsemen reining in impetuous steeds: all these pass before us in the frieze of Pheidias. But to our imagination must be left what he has refrained from sculpturing, the chariot formed like a ship, in which the most illustrious nobles of Athens sat, splendidly arrayed, beneath the crocus-coloured curtain or 347 peplus outspread upon a mast. Some concealed machinery caused this car to move; but whether it passed through the Propylæa, and entered the Acropolis, admits of doubt. It is, however, certain that the procession which ascended those steep slabs, and before whom the vast gates of the Propylæa swang open with the clangour of resounding bronze, included not only the citizens of Athens and their attendant aliens, but also troops of cavalry and chariots; for the mark of chariot-wheels can still be traced upon the rock. The ascent is so abrupt that this multitude moved but slowly. Splendid indeed, beyond any pomp of modern ceremonial, must have been the spectacle of the well-ordered procession, advancing through those giant colonnades to the sound of flutes and solemn chants—the shrill clear voices of boys in antiphonal chorus rising above the confused murmurs of such a crowd, the chafing of horses' hoofs upon the stone, and the lowing of bewildered oxen.
[127] My purpose being merely picturesque, I have ignored the grave antiquarian difficulties which beset the interpretation of this frieze.
To realise by fancy the many-coloured radiance of the temples, and the rich dresses of the votaries illuminated by that sharp light of a Greek sun, which defines outline and shadow and gives value to the faintest hue, would be impossible. All we can know for positive about the chromatic decoration of the Greeks is, that whiteness artificially subdued to the tone of ivory prevailed throughout the stonework of the buildings, while blue and red and green in distinct, yet interwoven patterns, added richness to the fretwork and the sculpture of pediment and frieze. The sacramental robes of the worshippers accorded doubtless with this harmony, wherein colour was subordinate to light, and light was toned to softness.
Musing thus upon the staircase of the Propylæa, we may say with truth that all our modern art is but child's play to that of the Greeks. Very soul-subduing is the gloom of a 348 cathedral like the Milanese Duomo, when the incense rises in blue clouds athwart the bands of sunlight falling from the dome, and the crying of choirs upborne upon the wings of organ music fills the whole vast space with a mystery of melody. Yet such ceremonial pomps as this are as dreams and the shapes of visions, when compared with the clearly defined splendours of a Greek procession through marble peristyles in open air beneath the sun and sky. That spectacle combined the harmonies of perfect human forms in movement with the divine shapes of statues, the radiance of carefully selected vestments with hues inwrought upon pure marble. The rhythms and the melodies of the Doric mood were sympathetic to the proportions of the Doric colonnades. The grove of pillars through which the pageant passed grew from the living rock into shapes of beauty, fulfilling by the inbreathed spirit of man Nature's blind yearning after absolute completion. The sun himself—not thwarted by artificial gloom, or tricked with alien colours of stained glass—was made to minister in all his strength to a pomp, the pride of which was the display of form in manifold magnificence. The ritual of the Greeks was the ritual of a race at one with Nature, glorying in its affiliation to the mighty mother of all life, and striving to add by human art the coping-stone and final touch to her achievement. The ritual of the Catholic Church is the ritual of a race shut out from Nature, holding no communion with the powers of earth and air, but turning the spirit inwards and aiming at the concentration of the whole soul upon an unseen God. The temple of the Greeks was the house of a present deity; its cell his chamber; its statue his reality. The Christian cathedral is the fane where God who is a spirit is worshipped; no statue fills the choir from wall to wall and lifts its forehead to the roof; but the vacant aisles, with their convergent arches soaring upwards 349 to the dome, are made to suggest the brooding of infinite and omnipresent Godhead. It was the object of the Greek artist to preserve a just proportion between the god's statue and his house, in order that the worshipper might approach him as a subject draws near to his monarch's throne. The Christian architect seeks to affect the emotions of the votary with a sense of vastness filled with unseen power. Our cathedrals are symbols of the universe where God is everywhere pavilioned and invisible. The Greek temple was a practical, utilitarian dwelling-house, made beautiful enough to suit divinity. The modern church is an idea expressed in stone, an aspiration of the spirit, shooting up from arch and pinnacle and spire into illimitable fields of air.
It follows from these differences between the religious aims of Pagan and Christian architecture, that the former was far more favourable to the plastic arts. No beautiful or simple incident of human life was an inappropriate subject for the sculptor, in adorning the houses of gods who were themselves but human on a higher level; and the ritual whereby the gods were honoured was merely an exhibition, in its strength and joyfulness, of mortal beauty. Therefore the Panathenaic procession furnished Pheidias with a series of sculptural motives, which he had only to express according to the principles of his art. The frieze, three feet and four inches in height, raised forty feet above the pavement of the peristyle, ran for five hundred and twenty-four continuous feet round the outside wall of the cella of the Parthenon. The whole of this long line was wrought with carving of exquisite delicacy and supreme vigour, in such low relief as its peculiar position, far above the heads of the spectators, and only illuminated by light reflected from below, required. Each figure, each attitude, and each fold of drapery in its countless groups is a study; yet the whole was a transcript from actual contemporary 350 Athenian life. Truly in matters of art we are but infants to the Greeks.
The topographical certainty which invests the ruins of the Acropolis with such peculiar interest, belongs in a less degree to the whole of Athens. Although the most recent researches have thrown fresh doubt upon the exact site of the Pnyx, and though no traces of the agora remain, yet we may be sure that the Bema from which Pericles sustained the courage of the Athenians during the Peloponnesian war, was placed upon the northern slope looking towards the Propylæa, while the wide irregular space between this hill, the Acropolis, the Areopagus, and the Theseum, must have formed the meeting-ground for amusement and discussion of the citizens at leisure. About Areopagus, with its tribunal hollowed in the native rock, and the deep cleft beneath, where the shrine of the Eumenides was built, there is no question. The extreme insignificance of this little mound may at first indeed excite incredulity and wonder; but a few hours in Athens accustom the traveller to a smallness of scale which at first sight seemed ridiculous. Colonus, for example, the Colonus which every student of Sophocles has pictured to himself in the solitude of unshorn meadows, where groves of cypresses and olives bent unpruned above wild tangles of narcissus flowers and crocuses, and where the nightingale sang undisturbed by city noise or labour of the husbandman, turns out to be a scarcely appreciable mound, gently swelling from the cultivated land of the Cephissus. The Cephissus even in a rainy season may be crossed dryshod by an active jumper; and the Ilissus, where it flows beneath the walls of the Olympieion, is now dedicated to washerwomen instead of water-nymphs. Nature herself remains, on the whole, unaltered. Most notable are still the white poplars dedicated of old to Herakles, and the spreading planes which whisper to the 351 limes in spring. In the midst of so arid and bare a landscape, these umbrageous trees are singularly grateful to the eye and to the sense oppressed with heat and splendour. Nightingales have not ceased to crowd the gardens in such numbers as to justify the tradition of their Attic origin, nor have the bees of Hymettus forgotten their labours: the honey of Athens can still boast a quality superior to that of Hybla or any other famous haunt of hives.
Tradition points out one spot which commands a beautiful distant view of Athens and the hills, as the garden of the Academy. The place is not unworthy of Plato and his companions. Very old olives grow in abundance, to remind us of those sacred trees beneath which the boys of Aristophanes ran races; and reeds with which they might crown their foreheads are thickly scattered through the grass. Abeles interlace their murmuring branches overhead, and the planes are as leafy as that which invited Socrates and Phædrus on the morning when they talked of love. In such a place we comprehend how philosophy went hand in hand at Athens with gymnastics, and why the poplar and the plane were dedicated to athletic gods. For the wrestling-grounds were built in groves like these, and their cool peristyles, the meeting-places of young men and boys, supplied the sages not only with an eager audience, but also with the leisure and the shade that learning loves.
It was very characteristic of Greek life that speculative philosophy should not have chosen 'to walk the studious cloister pale,' but should rather have sought out places where 'the busy hum of men' was loudest, and where youthful voices echoed. The Athenian transacted no business, and pursued but few pleasures, under a private roof. He conversed and bargained in the agora, debated on the open rocks of the Pnyx, and enjoyed discussion in the courts of the 352 gymnasium. It is also far from difficult to understand beneath this over-vaulted and grateful gloom of bee-laden branches, what part love played in the haunts of runners and of wrestlers, why near the statue of Hermes stood that of Erôs, and wherefore Socrates surnamed his philosophy the Science of Love. Φιλοσοφουμεν ανευ μαλακίας is the boast of Pericles in his description of the Athenian spirit. Φιλοσοφία μετα παιδεραστίας is Plato's formula for the virtues of the most distinguished soul. These two mottoes, apparently so contradictory, found their point of meeting and their harmony in the gymnasium.
The mere contemplation of these luxuriant groves, set in the luminous Attic landscape, and within sight of Athens, explains a hundred passages of poets and philosophers. Turn to the opening scenes of the 'Lysis' and the 'Charmides.' The action of the latter dialogue is laid in the palæstra of Taureas. Socrates has just returned from the camp at Potidæa, and after answering the questions of his friends, has begun to satisfy his own curiosity:[128]—
When there had been enough of this, I, in my turn, began to make inquiries about matters at home—about the present state of philosophy, and about the youth. I asked whether any of them were remarkable for beauty or sense—or both. Critias, glancing at the door, invited my attention to some youths who were coming in, and talking noisily to one another, followed by a crowd. 'Of the beauties, Socrates,' he said, 'I fancy that you will soon be able to form a judgment. For those who are just entering are the advanced guard of the great beauty of the day—and he is likely not to be far off himself.'
'Who is he?' I said; 'and who is his father?'
'Charmides,' he replied, 'is his name; he is my cousin, and the son of my uncle Glaucon: I rather think that you know him, although he was not grown up at the time of your departure.'
'Certainly I know him,' I said; 'for he was remarkable even 353 then when he was still a child, and now I should imagine that he must be almost a young man.'
'You will see,' he said, 'in a moment what progress he has made, and what he is like.' He had scarcely said the word, when Charmides entered.
Now you know, my friend, that I cannot measure anything, and of the beautiful, I am simply such a measure as a white line is of chalk; for almost all young persons are alike beautiful in my eyes. But at that moment, when I saw him coming in, I must admit that I was quite astonished at his beauty and stature; all the world seemed to be enamoured of him; amazement and confusion reigned when he entered; and a troop of lovers followed him. That grown-up men like ourselves should have been affected in this way was not surprising, but I observed that there was the same feeling among the boys; all of them, down to the very least child, turned and looked at him as if he had been a statue.
Chaerephon called me and said: 'What do you think of him, Socrates? Has he not a beautiful face?'
'That he has indeed,' I said.
'But you would think nothing of his face,' he replied, 'if you could see his naked form: he is absolutely perfect.'
[128] I quote from Professor Jowett's translation.
This Charmides is a true Greek of the perfect type. Not only is he the most beautiful of Athenian youths; he is also temperate, modest, and subject to the laws of moral health. His very beauty is a harmony of well-developed faculties in which the mind and body are at one. How a young Greek managed to preserve this balance in the midst of the admiring crowds described by Socrates is a marvel. Modern conventions unfit our minds for realising the conditions under which he had to live. Yet it is indisputable that Plato has strained no point in the animated picture he presents of the palæstra. Aristophanes and Xenophon bear him out in all the details of the scene. We have to imagine a totally different system of social morality from ours, with virtues and vices, temptations and triumphs, unknown to our young men. The next scene from the 'Lysis' introduces us to another wrestling-ground 354 in the neighbourhood of Athens. Here Socrates meets with Hippothales, who is a devoted lover but a bad poet. Hippothales asks the philosopher's advice as to the best method of pleasing the boy Lysis:—
'Will you tell me by what words or actions I may become endeared to my love?'
'That is not easy to determine,' I said; 'but if you will bring your love to me, and will let me talk with him, I may perhaps be able to show you how to converse with him, instead of singing and reciting in the fashion of which you are accused.'
'There will be no difficulty in bringing him,' he replied; 'if you will only go into the house with Ctesippus, and sit down and talk, he will come of himself; for he is fond of listening, Socrates. And as this is the festival of the Hermæa, there is no separation of young men and boys, but they are all mixed up together. He will be sure to come. But if he does not come, Ctesippus, with whom he is familiar, and whose relation Menexenus is, his great friend, shall call him.'
'That will be the way,' I said. Thereupon I and Ctesippus went towards the Palæstra, and the rest followed.
Upon entering we found that the boys had just been sacrificing; and this part of the festival was nearly come to an end. They were all in white array, and games at dice were going on among them. Most of them were in the outer court amusing themselves; but some were in a corner of the Apodyterium playing at odd-and-even with a number of dice, which they took out of little wicker baskets. There was also a circle of lookers-on, one of whom was Lysis. He was standing among the other boys and youths, having a crown upon his head, like a fair vision, and not less worthy of praise for his goodness than for his beauty. We left them, and went over to the opposite side of the room, where we found a quiet place, and sat down; and then we began to talk. This attracted Lysis, who was constantly turning round to look at us—he was evidently wanting to come to us. For a time he hesitated and had not the courage to come alone; but first of all, his friend Menexenus came in out of the court in the interval of his play, and when he saw Ctesippus and myself, came and sat by us; and then Lysis, seeing him, followed and sat down with him; and the other boys joined. I should observe that Hippothales, when he saw the 355 crowd, got behind them, where he thought that he would be out of sight of Lysis, lest he should anger him; and there he stood and listened.
Enough has been quoted to show that beneath the porches of a Greek palæstra, among the youths of Athens, who wrote no exercises in dead languages, and thought chiefly of attaining to perfect manhood by the harmonious exercise of mind and body in temperate leisure, divine philosophy must indeed have been charming both to teachers and to learners:—
Not harsh and crabbed, as dull fools suppose, But musical as is Apollo's lute, And a perpetual feast of nectared sweets Where no crude surfeit reigns.
There are no remains above ground of the buildings which made the Attic gymnasia splendid. Nor are there in Athens itself many statues of the noble human beings who paced their porches and reclined beneath their shade. The galleries of Italy and the verses of the poets can alone help us to repeople the Academy with its mixed multitude of athletes and of sages. The language of Simætha, in Theocritus, brings the younger men before us: their cheeks are yellower than helichrysus with the down of youth, and their breasts shine brighter far than the moon, as though they had but lately left the 'fair toils of the wrestling-ground.' Upon some of the monumental tablets exposed in the burying-ground of Cerameicus and in the Theseum may be seen portraits of Athenian citizens. A young man holding a bird, with a boy beside him who carries a lamp or strigil; a youth, naked, and scraping himself after the games; a boy taking leave with clasped hands of his mother, while a dog leaps up to fawn upon his knee; a wine-party; a soul in Charon's boat; a husband parting from his wife: such are the simple 356 subjects of these monuments; and under each is written ΧΡΗΣΤΕ ΧΑΙΡΕ—Friend, farewell! The tombs of the women are equally plain in character: a nurse brings a baby to its mother, or a slave helps her mistress at the toilette table. There is nothing to suggest either the gloom of the grave or the hope of heaven in any of these sculptures. Their symbolism, if it at all exist, is of the least mysterious kind. Our attention is rather fixed upon the commonest affairs of life than on the secrets of death.
As we wander through the ruins of Athens, among temples which are all but perfect, and gardens which still keep their ancient greenery, we must perforce reflect how all true knowledge of Greek life has passed away. To picture to ourselves its details, so as to become quite familiar with the way in which an Athenian thought and felt and occupied his time, is impossible. Such books as the 'Charicles' of Becker or Wieland's 'Agathon' only increase our sense of hopelessness, by showing that neither a scholar's learning nor a poet's fancy can pierce the mists of antiquity. We know that it was a strange and fascinating life, passed for the most part beneath the public eye, at leisure, without the society of free women, without what we call a home, in constant exercise of body and mind, in the duties of the law-courts and the assembly, in the toils of the camp and the perils of the sea, in the amusements of the wrestling-ground and the theatre, in sportful study and strenuous play. We also know that the citizens of Athens, bred up under the peculiar conditions of this artificial life, became impassioned lovers of their city;[129] that the greatest generals, statesmen, poets, orators, artists, historians, and philosophers that the world can boast, were produced in the short space of a century and a half by a city 357 numbering about 20,000 burghers. It is scarcely an exaggeration to say with the author of 'Hereditary Genius,' that the population of Athens, taken as a whole, was as superior to us as we are to the Australian savages. Long and earnest, therefore, should be our hesitation before we condemn as pernicious or unprofitable the instincts and the customs of such a race.
[129] Την της πόλεως δύναμιν καθ' εμεραν εργω θεωμένους και εραστας γιγνομένους αυτης.—Thuc. ii. 43.
The permanence of strongly marked features in of Greece, and the small scale of the whole country, add a vivid charm to the scenery of its great events. In the harbour of Peiræus we can scarcely fail to picture to ourselves the pomp which went forth to Sicily that solemn morning, when the whole host prayed together and made libations at the signal of the herald's trumpet. The nation of athletes and artists and philosophers were embarked on what seemed to some a holiday excursion, and for others bid fair to realise unbounded dreams of ambition or avarice. Only a few were heavy-hearted; but the heaviest of all was the general who had vainly dissuaded his countrymen from the endeavour, and fruitlessly refused the command thrust upon him. That was 'the morning of a mighty day, a day of crisis' for the destinies of Athens. Of all that multitude, how few would come again; of the empire which they made so manifest in its pride of men and arms, how little but a shadow would be left, when war and fever and the quarries of Syracuse had done their fore-appointed work! Yet no commotion of the elements, no eclipse or authentic oracle from heaven, was interposed between the arrogance of Athens and sure-coming Nemesis. The sun shone, and the waves laughed, smitten by the oars of galleys racing to Ægina. Meanwhile Zeus from the watchtower of the world held up the scales of fate, and the balance of Athens was wavering to its fall.
A few strokes of the oar carry us away from Peiræus to a 358 scene fraught with far more thrilling memories. That little point of rock emergent from the water between Salamis and the mainland, bare, insignificant, and void of honour among islands to the natural eye, is Psyttaleia. A strange tightening at the heart assails us when we approach the centre-point of the most memorable battlefield of history. It was again 'the morning of a mighty day, a day of crisis' for the destinies, not of Athens alone, but of humanity, when the Persian fleet, after rowing all night up and down the channel between Salamis and the shore, beheld the face of Phoebus flash from behind Pentelicus and flood the Acropolis of Athens with fire. The Peiræius recalls a crisis in the world's drama whereof the great actors were unconscious: fair winds and sunny waves bore light hearts to Sicily. But Psyttaleia brings before us the heroism of a handful of men, who knew that the supreme hour of ruin or of victory for their nation and themselves had come. Terrible therefore was the energy with which they prayed and joined their pæan to the trumpet-blast of dawn that blazed upon them from the Attic hills. And this time Zeus, when he heard their cry, saw the scale of Hellas mount to the stars. Let Æschylus tell the tale; for he was there. A Persian is giving an account of the defeat of Salamis to Atossa:—
The whole disaster, O my queen, began With some fell fiend or devil,—I know not whence: For thus it was; from the Athenian host A man of Hellas came to thy son, Xerxes, Saying that when black night shall fall in gloom, The Hellenes would no longer stay, but leap Each on the benches of his bark, and save Hither and thither by stolen flight their lives. He, when he heard thereof, discerning not The Hellene's craft, no, nor the spite of heaven, To all his captains gives this edict forth: When as the sun doth cease to light the world, 359 And darkness holds the precincts of the sky, They should dispose the fleet in three close ranks, To guard the outlets and the water-ways; Others should compass Ajax' isle around: Seeing that if the Hellenes 'scaped grim death By finding for their ships some privy exit, It was ordained that all should lose their heads. So spake he, led by a mad mind astray, Nor knew what should be by the will of heaven. They, like well-ordered vassals, with assent Straightway prepared their food, and every sailor Fitted his oar-blade to the steady rowlock. But when the sunlight waned and night apace Descended, every man who swayed an oar Went to the boats with him who wielded armour. Then through the ship's length rank cheered rank in concert, Sailing as each was set in order due: And all night long the tyrants of the ships Kept the whole navy cruising to and fro. Night passed: yet never did the host of Hellene At any point attempt their stolen sally; Until at length, when day with her white steeds Forth shining, held the whole world under sway. First from the Hellenes with a loud clear cry Song-like, a shout made music, and therewith The echo of the rocky isle rang back Shrill triumph: but the vast barbarian host Shorn of their hope trembled; for not for flight The Hellenes hymned their solemn pæan then— Nay, rather as for battle with stout heart. Then too the trumpet speaking fired our foes, And with a sudden rush of oars in time They smote the deep sea at that clarion cry; And in a moment you might see them all. The right wing in due order well arrayed First took the lead; then came the serried squadron Swelling against us, and from many voices One cry arose: Ho! sons of Hellenes, up! Now free your fatherland, now free your sons, Your wives, the fanes of your ancestral gods, 360 Your fathers' tombs! Now fight you for your all. Yea, and from our side brake an answering hum Of Persian voices. Then, no more delay, Ship upon ship her beak of biting brass Struck stoutly. 'Twas a bark, I ween, of Hellas First charged, dashing from a Tyrrhenian galleon Her prow-gear; then ran hull on hull pell-mell. At first the torrent of the Persian navy Bore up: but when the multitude of ships Were straitly jammed, and none could help another, Huddling with brazen-mouthed beaks they clashed And brake their serried banks of oars together; Nor were the Hellenes slow or slack to muster And pound them in a circle. Then ships' hulks Floated keel upwards, and the sea was covered With shipwreck multitudinous and with slaughter. The shores and jutting reefs were full of corpses. In indiscriminate rout, with straining oar, The whole barbarian navy turned and fled. Our foes, like men 'mid tunnies, draughts of fishes, With splintered oars and spokes of shattered spars Kept striking, grinding, smashing us: shrill shrieks With groanings mingled held the hollow deep, Till night's dark eye set limit to the slaughter. But for our mass of miseries, could I speak Straight on for ten days, I should never sum it: For know this well, never in one day died Of men so many multitudes before.
After a pause he resumes his narrative by describing Psyttaleia:—
There lies an island before Salamis, Small, with scant harbour, which dance-loving Pan Is wont to tread, haunting the salt sea-beaches. There Xerxes placed his chiefs, that when the foes Chased from their ships should seek the sheltering isle, They might with ease destroy the host of Hellas, Saving their own friends from the briny straits. Ill had he learned what was to hap; for when God gave the glory to the Greeks at sea, 361 That same day, having fenced their flesh with brass, They leaped from out their ships; and in a circle Enclosed the whole girth of the isle, that so None knew where he should turn; but many fell Crushed with sharp stones in conflict, and swift arrows Flew from the quivering bowstrings winged with murder. At last in one fierce onset with one shout They strike, hack, hew the wretches' limbs asunder, Till every man alive had fallen beneath them. Then Xerxes groaned, seeing the gulf unclose Of grief below him; for his throne was raised High in the sight of all by the sea-shore. Rending his robes, and shrieking a shrill shriek, He hurriedly gave orders to his host; Then headlong rushed in rout and heedless ruin.
Atossa makes appropriate exclamations of despair and horror. Then the messenger proceeds:—
The captains of the ships that were not shattered, Set speedy sail in flight as the winds blew. The remnant of the host died miserably, Some in Boeotia round the glimmering springs Tired out with thirst; some of us scant of breath Escaped, with bare life to the Phocian bounds, And land of Doris, and the Melian Gulf, Where with kind draughts Spercheius soaks the soil. Thence in our flight Achaia's ancient plain And Thessaly's stronghold received us worn For want of food. Most died in that fell place Of thirst and famine; for both deaths were there. Yet to Magnesia came we and the coast Of Macedonia, to the ford of Axius, And Bolbe's canebrakes and the Pangæan range, Edonian borders. Then in that grim night God sent unseasonable frost, and froze The stream of holy Strymon. He who erst Recked nought of gods, now prayed with supplication, Bowing before the powers of earth and sky. But when the hosts from lengthy orisons Surceased, it crossed the ice-incrusted ford. 362 And he among us who set forth before The sun-god's rays were scattered, now was saved. For blazing with sharp beams the sun's bright circle Pierced the mid-stream, dissolving it with fire. There were they huddled. Happy then was he Who soonest cut the breath of life asunder. Such as survived and had the luck of living, Crossed Thrace with pain and peril manifold, 'Scaping mischance, a miserable remnant, Into the dear land of their homes. Wherefore Persia may wail, wanting in vain her darlings. This is the truth. Much I omit to tell Of woes by God wrought on the Persian race.
Upon this triumphal note it were well, perhaps, to pause. Yet since the sojourner in Athens must needs depart by sea, let us advance a little way farther beyond Salamis. The low shore of the isthmus soon appears; and there is the hill of Corinth and the site of the city, as desolate now as when Antipater of Sidon made the sea-waves utter a threnos over her ruins. 'The deathless Nereids, daughters of Oceanus,' still lament by the shore, and the Isthmian pines are as green as when their boughs were plucked to bind a victor's forehead. Feathering the grey rock now as then, they bear witness to the wisdom and the moderation of the Greeks, who gave to the conquerors in sacred games no wreath of gold, or title of nobility, or land, or jewels, but the honour of an illustrious name, the guerdon of a mighty deed, and branches taken from the wild pine of Corinth, or the olive of Olympia, or the bay that flourished like a weed at Delphi. What was indigenous and characteristic of his native soil, not rare and costly things from foreign lands, was precious to the Greek. This piety, after the lapse of centuries and the passing away of mighty cities, still bears fruit. Oblivion cannot wholly efface the memory of those great games while the fir-trees rustle to the sea-wind as of old. Down the gulf we pass, between mountain 363 range and mountain. On one hand, two peaked Parnassus rears his cope of snow aloft over Delphi; on the other, Erymanthus and Hermes' home, Cyllene, bar the pastoral glades of Arcady. Greece is the land of mountains, not of rivers or of plains. The titles of the hills of Hellas smite our ears with echoes of ancient music—Olympus and Cithæron, Taygetus, Othrys, Helicon, and Ida. The headlands of the mainland are mountains, and the islands are mountain summits of a submerged continent. Austerely beautiful, not wild with an Italian luxuriance, nor mournful with Sicilian monotony of outline, nor yet again overwhelming with the sublimity of Alps, they seem the proper home of a race which sought its ideal of beauty in distinction of shape and not in multiplicity of detail, in light and not in richness of colouring, in form and not in size.
At length the open sea is reached. Past Zante and Cephalonia we glide 'under a roof of blue Ionian weather;' or, if the sky has been troubled with storm, we watch the moulding of long glittering cloud-lines, processions and pomps of silvery vapour, fretwork and frieze of alabaster piled above the islands, pearled promontories and domes of rounded snow. Soon Santa Maura comes in sight:—
Leucatæ nimbosa cacumina montis, Et formidatus nautis aperitur Apollo.
Here Sappho leapt into the waves to cure love-longing, according to the ancient story; and he who sees the white cliffs chafed with breakers and burning with fierce light, as it was once my luck to see them, may well with Childe Harold 'feel or deem he feels no common glow.' All through the afternoon it had been raining, and the sea was running high beneath a petulant west wind. But just before evening, while yet there remained a hand's-breadth between the sea and the 364 sinking sun, the clouds were rent and blown in masses about the sky. Rain still fell fretfully in scuds and fleeces; but where for hours there had been nothing but a monotone of greyness, suddenly fire broke and radiance and storm-clouds in commotion. Then, as if built up by music, a rainbow rose and grew above Leucadia, planting one foot on Actium and the other on Ithaca, and spanning with a horseshoe arch that touched the zenith, the long line of roseate cliffs. The clouds upon which this bow was woven were steel-blue beneath and crimson above; and the bow itself was bathed in fire—its violets and greens and yellows visibly ignited by the liquid flame on which it rested. The sea beneath, stormily dancing, flashed back from all its crest the same red glow, shining like a ridged lava-torrent in its first combustion. Then as the sun sank, the crags burned deeper with scarlet blushes as of blood, and with passionate bloom as of pomegranate or oleander flowers. Could Turner rise from the grave to paint a picture that should bear the name of 'Sappho's Leap,' he might strive to paint it thus: and the world would complain that he had dreamed the poetry of his picture. But who could _dream_ anything so wild and yet so definite? Only the passion of orchestras, the fire-flight of the last movement of the C minor symphony, can in the realms of art give utterance to the spirit of scenes like this.
INDEX
Aar, the, i. 20
Abano, ii. 98
Abruzzi, the, ii. 34; iii. 230, 235, 236
Acciaiuoli, Agnolo, ii. 226
Acciauoli, the, iii. 98
Accolti, Bernardo, ii. 83
Accona, iii. 72, 74
Accoramboni, Camillo, ii. 91:
Claudio, ii. 89:
Flaminio, ii. 91, 99, 100, 103 foll., 118 foll., 126:
Marcello, ii. 91 foll., 99, 102, 103, 105:
Mario, ii. 91:
Ottavio, ii. 91:
Scipione, ii. 91:
Tarquinia, ii. 89, 92, 103:
Vittoria, ii. 89-125
Achilles, iii. 286
Achradina, iii. 321, 324
Aci, iii. 287
Aci Castello, iii. 284
Acis and Galatea, iii. 284, 285
Acropolis, the, iii. 339, 344, 347
## Actium, iii. 364
Adda, the, i. 50, 51, 62, 63, 174
Addison, i. 3
Adelaide, Queen of Lothair, King of Italy, ii. 169, 178
Adelaisie (wife of Berald des Baux), i. 80
Adrian VI. (Pope), ii. 251
Adriatic, the, ii. 1, 3, 56, 59
Æ, iii. 319
Æschylus, iii. 162, 271, 345, 358-362
Affò, Padre Ireneo, ii. 363 _note_
Agrigentines, the, iii. 335
Agrigentum, iii. 266
Ajaccio, i. 104-120
Alamanni, Antonio, ii. 328
Alban Hills, ii. 32
Albany, Countess of, i. 352
Alberti, house of the, ii. 213
Alberti, Leo Battista, i. 216; ii. 14, 18, 21-29; iii. 102
Albizzi, the, ii. 50, 209, 213 foll., 221, 224
Albizzi, Maso degli, ii. 213-215
Albizzi, Rinaldo degli, ii. 215, 218, 220, 221, 256
Albula, ii. 127, 128;
Pass of, i. 53
Aleotti, Giambattista, ii. 180
Alexander the Great, iii. 262
Alexander VI., ii. 47, 74, 184, 191, 193, 237, 363 _note_
Alexandria, ii. 19; iii. 189, 190, 201, 253
Alfieri, i. 342, 345-359
Alfonso of Aragon, i. 195, 203; ii. 189, 235
Alps, the, i. 1-67, 122, 123, 126, 133, 209, 258; ii. 8, 129, 168 _et passim_
Amadeo, Gian Antonio, i. 146, 150, 151, 191-193, 243
Amalasuntha, daughter of Theodoric the Ostrogoth, ii. 2, 13
Amalfi, i. 103 _note_; iii. 250-261
Ambrogini family, iii. 101
Ambrogini, Angelo. (_See_ Poliziano, Angelo)
Ambrogini, Benedetto, iii. 101, 102
Ampezzo, the, i. 268
Ana-Capri, iii. 231, 232, 271
Anapus, the, iii. 326, 328
Anchises, iii. 319
Ancona, i. 196, 198; ii. 14, 38, 45, 55, 102, 199; iii. 111
Ancona, Professor d', ii. 276 _note_
Andrea, Giovann', i. 318
Andreini, ii. 269
Angeli, Niccolo, iii. 151
Angelico, Fra, i. 100, 240; ii. 49; iii. 35, 61, 147-149, 151, 248
Angelo, S., ii. 96
Angelo, Giovan. (_See_ Pius IV.)
Angiolieri, Cecco, iii. 1 2
Anguillara, Deifobo, Count of, i. 202
Anjou, house of, ii. 188
Ansano, S., iii. 70
Anselmi, ii. 158
Antegnate, i. 197
Antelao, i. 268, 283
Antibes, i. 102
Antinoë, iii. 191, 205
Antinoopolis, iii. 191, 205
Antinous, iii. 184-197, 200-229
Antipater, iii. 322, 362
Antiquari, Jacobo, iii. 126 _note_
Antonio da Venafro, ii. 47
Aosta, i. 2
Apennines, the, i. 45, 99, 133; ii. 7, 8, 37, 45, 56, 62, 65, 66, 132 foll., 145, 168; iii. 91 _et passim_
Apollonius of Tyana, iii. 216
Apulia, i. 87 _note_; iii. 305
Aquaviva, Dominico d', ii. 94
Aquila, i. 196
Aragazzi, Bartolommeo, iii. 95-100
Aragon, Kings of, i. 79
Arausio, i. 68
Archimedes, iii. 325
Arcipreti family, the, iii. 113
Ardoin of Milan, iii. 299, 300
Aretine, the, ii. 83
Aretino, Pietro, ii. 91
Aretino, Spinello, iii. 304
Aretusi, Cesare, ii. 149 _note_
Arezzo, ii. 214; iii. 7, 91, 96, 151 _note_;
Bishop of, iii. 74
Ariosto, i. 71; ii. 66, 160, 168, 261, 264, 265, 267, 269, 273, 280, 336, 343
Aristides, iii. 196
Aristophanes, i. 84 _note_; iii. 161, 341, 351, 353
Aristotle, i. 249; ii. 74; iii. 309
Aristoxenus, iii. 262, 263
Arles, i. 76-81;
King of, i. 79
Arno, the, iii. 91;
valley of, iii. 41
Arosa, valley of, i. 33
Arqua, i. 167, 168
Arrian, iii. 205
Aruns, iii. 94
Ascham, Roger, ii. 265, 266
Asciano, iii. 86, 87
Asinarus, iii. 327
Assisi, i. 137; ii. 35, 39, 43, 44, 46; iii. 35, 68, 111, 114, 140
Asso, the, iii. 108
Asti, i. 347, 348; ii. 193, 197
Astolphus, ii. 2
Athens, i. 243; iii. 156, 169, 182, 188, 207, 323, 339-364
Athens, Duke of, ii. 207, 208, 233 _note_
Atrani, iii. 251, 254
Attendolo, Sforza, i. 195; ii. 71
Atti, Isotta degli, ii. 17 and _note_, 20
Augustine, S., i. 232
Augustus, Emperor, ii. 1, 14; iii. 215
Aurelius, Marcus, iii. 164, 200
Ausonias, iii. 268
Aversa, iii. 253, 299, 300
Avignon, i. 69-71, 77, 81, 86; ii. 136; iii. 51, 74
Azzo (progenitor of Este and Brunswick), ii. 175
Azzo (son of Sigifredo), ii. 169
Badrutt, Herr Caspar, i. 55
Baffo, i. 259, 260
Baganza, the, ii. 184
Baglioni, the, ii. 16, 47, 71, 236; iii. 81, 113-115, 119-136
Baglioni, Annibale, iii. 132:
Astorre, iii. 113, 114, 121, 122, 125, 126:
Atalanta, iii. 116, 124, 127-129:
Braccio, iii. 134:
Carlo Barciglia, iii. 124:
Constantino, iii. 131:
Eusebio, iii. 131:
Filene, iii. 132:
Galeotto, iii. 124, 132:
Gentile, ii. 42, iii. 122, 132:
Gian-Paolo, ii. 47, 220, iii. 116, 117, 122, 125, 127, 128, 130-132:
Gismondo, iii. 122, 126, 127:
Grifone, iii. 124:
Grifonetto, ii. 47, iii. 113, 114, 124-129:
Guido, iii. 121, 126, 127:
Ippolita, iii. 131:
Malatesta, ii. 253, 254, iii. 127, 132:
Marcantonio, iii. 122, 125, 130:
Morgante, iii. 119 _note_ 2:
Niccolo, iii. 120:
Orazio, iii. 127, 132:
Pandolfo, iii. 120:
Pietro Paolo, ii. 41:
Ridolfo (1), iii. 120, 121:
Ridolfo (2), iii. 133, 134:
Simonetto, iii. 123, 124, 126:
Taddeo, iii. 131:
Troilo, iii. 122, 127
Baiæ, iii. 242
Balzac, ii. 160
Bandello, i. 155, 157, 158, 270; ii. 116, 265, 271, 277
Bandinelli, Messer Francesco, iii. 10-12
Barano, the, ii. 56-58
Barbarossa, Frederick, ii. 69, 201; iii. 7, 271, 290, 306 _note_ 2
Bari, Duke of. (_See_ Sforza, Lodovico)
Bartolo, San, iii. 59
Bartolommeo, Fra, iii. 63, 99
Basaiti, i. 269
Basella, i. 193
Basinio, ii. 18
Basle, i. 1, 2
Bassano, i. 340
Bastelica, i. 109, 113, 115
Bastia, Matteo di, i. 216
Battagli, Gian Battista, i. 216
Battifolle, Count Simone da, iii. 11
Baudelaire, iii. 280
Baveno, i. 19
Bayard, i. 113
Bazzi, Giovannantonio. (_See_ Sodoma)
Beatrice, Countess, iii. 144
Beatrice, Dante's, ii. 6
Beatrice of Lorraine, ii. 170
Beaumarchais, i. 228, 229, 234
Beaumont and Fletcher, ii. 267, 269
Becchi, Gentile, ii. 192
Beethoven, i. 10, 249; ii. 160
Belcari, Feo, ii. 305
Belcaro, iii. 66, 68
Belisarius, ii. 2; iii. 290
Bellagio, i. 186
Bellano, i. 186
Belleforest, ii. 116
Bellini, Gentile, i. 269, 270
Bellini, Gian, i. 263, 269; ii. 55, 135
Bellinzona, i. 180
Bembo, Pietro, ii. 82, 85
Benci, Spinello, iii. 94
Benedict, S., iii. 73, 81, 85, 248
Benevento, iii. 251, 252, 299
Benincasa, Jacopo (father of S. Catherine of Siena), iii. 50
Benivieni, ii. 305
Bentivogli, the, ii. 47, 178, 224
Bentivogli, Alessandro de', i. 155, 156
Bentivogli, Ercole de', ii. 224
Bentivoglio, Ermes, ii. 47
Benzone, Giorgio, i. 194
Beral des Baux, i. 79, 80
Berangère des Baux, i. 80
Berceto, ii. 131, 133
Berenger, King of Italy, ii. 169
Berenger, Raymond, i. 80
Bergamo, i. 190-207; ii. 82
Bernardino, S., iii. 69, 113
Bernardo, iii. 69-75
Bernardo da Campo, i. 61
Berne, i. 20
Bernhardt, Madame, ii. 108
Berni, ii. 270
Bernina, the, i. 37, 55-57, 60, 64, 126; ii. 128
Bernini, ii. 159
Bersaglio, i. 268
Bervic, ii. 149
Besa, iii. 190, 191, 205
Besozzi, Francesco, i. 156
Bevagna, ii. 35, 38
Beyle, Henri, ii. 102
Bianco, Bernardo, i. 177
Bibbiena, Cardinal, ii. 82, 83
Bibboni, Francesco, or Cecco, i. 327-341
Bion, i. 152; ii. 303
Biondo, Flavio, ii. 28
Bisola, Lodovico, ii. 150
Bithynia, iii. 208
Bithynium, iii. 187, 208
Blacas (a knight of Provence), i. 80
Blake, the poet, i. 101, 265; ii. 273; iii. 166, 260
Boccaccio, ii. 7, 160, 208, 260, 261, 265, 270, 272, 273, 277, 334; iii. 16, 50, 248, 293
Bocognano, i. 109-111, 115
Bohemond, Prince of Tarentum, iii. 297, 298
Boiardo, Matteo Maria, ii. 30, 66, 269, 343
Boldoni, Polidoro, i. 183
Bologna, i. 121, 155, 192, 196, 326; ii. 29, 47, 85, 185, 224
Bologna, Gian, ii. 86
Bolsena, iii. 140, 141;
Lake of, iii. 22
Bona of Savoy (wife of Galeazzo Maria Sforza), ii. 230
Bondeno de' Roncori, ii. 178
Bonifazio (of Canossa), ii. 169, 170
Bordighera, i. 102, 103
Bordone, Paris, ii. 109
Borgia family, ii. 66, 117, 363 _note_
Borgia, Cesare, ii. 47, 48, 73, 74, 80, 83, 126, 363 _note_; iii. 131
Borgia, Lucrezia, ii. 363 _note_
Borgia, Roderigo, i. 220. (_See also_ Alexander VI.)
Borgognone, Ambrogio, i. 146-148; iii. 64
Bormio, i. 61, 180
Borromeo family, iii. 14
Borromeo, Carlo, i. 182
Borromeo, Count Giberto, i. 182
Boscoli, i. 341; ii. 246
Bosola, i. 149
Botticelli, Sandro, i. 266; ii. 29, 30; iii. 180 _note_
Bötticher, Charles, iii. 225
Bourbon, Duke of, i. 158;
Constable of, ii. 252
Bracciano, Duke of, ii. 91 foll., 104
Bracciano, second Duke of, ii. 93, 99, 101
Braccio, i. 195, 197, 204, 207; ii. 47; iii. 81
Braccio, Filippo da, iii. 124-126
Bracciolini, Poggio, iii. 96, 336
Bragadin, Aloisio, ii. 101
Bramante, i. 216, 243
Brancacci, Cardinal, iii. 96
Brancaleone, Senator, iii. 336
Brancaleoni family, ii. 66, 69
Bregaglia, i. 35;
valley of, i. 184
Brenner, the, ii. 168
Brenta, the, i. 258
Brescia, i. 63, 200; ii. 103, 169
Brest, Anna Maria, ii. 149
Brianza, the, i. 185, 186
Brolio, iii. 94
Bronte, iii. 279
Browne, Sir Thomas, i. 44; iii. 337
Browning, Robert, ii. 102, 270, 273, 281; iii. 173
Browning, Mrs., ii. 270, 271; iii. 173
Bruni, Lionardo, iii. 96, 98, 99
Buol family, the, i. 35, 36, 40, 41, 49, 61
Buol, Herr, i. 34-36
Buonaparte family, the, i. 119, 120
Buonarroti, Michel Angelo, i. 176, 193, 221, 236, 243, 326; ii. 21, 30, 40, 152, 158, 160, 161, 178, 253, 332; iii. 20, 22, 145, 146, 150, 154, 161
Buonconvento, iii. 72, 76
Burano, i. 258
Burgundy, Duke of, i. 202, 203
Burne-Jones, ii. 29
Busti, Agostino, i. 159, 161, 193
Byron, i. 280; ii. 7, 13, 15, 146, 162, 270, 271
Cadenabbia, i. 121, 173
Cadore, i. 267
Cæsarea, ii. 1
Cagli, ii. 56, 69, 74
Cajano, ii. 221
Calabria, iii. 305;
mountains of, iii.? 288
Calabria, Duke of, iii. 11
Calascibetta, iii. 302
Caldora, Giovanni Antonio, i. 202
Caldora, Jacopo, i. 196
Caligula, i. 134-136; iii. 2, 156, 163, 197, 273, 274
Calles (Cagli), ii. 57
Camargue, the, i. 78, 81
Camerino, Duchy of, i. 185; ii. 47, 73
Campagna, the, ii. 32
Campaldino, ii. 206
Campanella, iii. 20, 270
Campèll (or Campbèll) family, the i. 61, 62 and _note_
Campione, i. 175
Canale, Messer Carlo, ii. 363 _note_
Cannaregio, i. 268, 269, 339
Cannes, i. 103 _note_; ii. 143
Canonge, Jules, i. 81
Canossa, ii. 163-179
Cantù, i. 340
Cap S. Martin, i. 90
Capello, Bianca, ii. 93, 126
Capponi, Agostino, ii. 246
Capponi, Niccolo, ii. 253
Capri, ii. 58; iii. 242, 256, 269-276
Caracalla, i. 135; iii. 197
Cardona, Viceroy, ii. 244
Carducci, Francesco, ii. 253, 325
Carini, Baronessa di, ii. 276
Carlyle (quoted), i. 72
Carmagnola, i. 197, 200, 208; ii. 71
Carmagnuola, Bussoni di, ii. 17 and _note_
Carpaccio, Vittore, i. 269, 270; ii. 42
Carpegna, ii. 64
Carpi, Duchy of, i. 185; ii. 168
Carpi, the princes of, i. 202
Carrara range, the, ii. 134, 146, 218, 238
Casamicciola, iii. 234, 239
Casanova, i. 259, 260
Cascese, Santi da, ii. 224
Casentino, iii. 92
Cassinesi, the, iii. 248
Cassius, Dion, iii. 191, 193, 195-197, 219
Castagniccia, i. 110
Castagno, Andrea del, ii. 233
Castellammare, i. 103 _note_; iii. 232, 250, 276
Casti, Abbé, ii. 270
Castiglione, i. 144, 145; ii. 68, 80, 82; iii. 106, 108
Castro Giovanni, mountains of, iii. 279, 302, 304, 320
Catania, i. 87 _note_; iii. 279, 280, 288, 302, 304, 325
Catherine, S. (of Alexandria), i. 136, 142, 153, 155-157, 178; iii. 55, 61
Catherine, S. (of Sienna), i. 70; iii. 48-65
Catria, iii. 73
Catullus, iii. 180
Cavalcanti, Guido, ii. 261, 308, 325, 343
Cavicciuoli, Messer Guerra, iii. 2
Cavro, i. 109
Cécile (Passe Rose), i. 81
Cefalú, iii. 291
Cellant, Contessa di, i. 157-159
Cellant, Count of, i. 158
Cellini, Benvenuto, i. 2, 189, 240, 241, 328; ii. 25
Celsano, i. 329
Celsus, iii. 211, 219, 220
Cenci, the, ii. 17, 89
Cenci, Beatrice, ii. 102, 270
Ceno, the, ii. 183, 195
Centorbi, iii. 302
Cephalonia, iii. 363
Cephissus, the, iii. 350
Cerami, iii. 304
Cervantes, ii. 160
Cesena, ii. 15, 62
Cetona, iii. 103
Chalcedon, iii. 212
Châlons, the, i. 79
Chapman, George, ii. 268
Charles IV., iii. 6
Charles V., i. 184, 185, 187, 188, 319, 338, 339; ii. 75, 202, 255, 257
Charles VIII., ii. 67, 132, 183, 189 and _note_, 191-197, 238, 328
Charles of Anjou, iii. 315 _note_
Charles the Bold, i. 202
Charles Martel, i. 75
Charles of Valois, ii. 207
Chartres, i. 243
Chateaubriand, ii. 13
Chatterton, ii. 273
Chaucer, ii. 258, 260, 261, 270, 272
Chiana, the, iii. 91; valley of, iii. 90, 97
Chianti, iii. 94
Chiara, S., ii. 36, 37
Chiarelli, the, of Fabriano, ii. 236
Chiavari, iii. 256
Chiavenna, i. 35, 53, 63, 180, 184; ii. 130, 131
Chioggia, i. 257-261
Chiozzia, i. 350, 351
Chiusi, i. 86; ii. 50, 51, 52; iii. 22, 90, 92;
Lake of, iii. 91, 94, 101
Chiusure, iii. 77, 78, 80
Chivasso, i. 19
Christiern of Denmark, i. 205
Chur, i. 49, 65
Cicero, iii. 321
Ciclopidi rocks, iii. 284
Cima, i. 263
Cimabue, iii. 35, 144
Ciminian Hills, ii. 88; iii. 22
Cini family. (_See_ Ambrogini)
Cinthio, ii. 265, 272, 277
Ciompi, the, ii. 208, 209
Cisa, i. 340
Città della Pieve, ii. 51
Città di Castello, ii. 47, 71
Ciuffagni, Bernardo, ii. 30
Clair, S., ii. 37 and _note_
Clairvaux, Abbot of, iii. 70
Claudian, ii. 57, 343, 344
Clemens Alexandrinus, iii. 204, 217, 219
Clement VI., iii. 74, 132
Clement VII., i. 221, 316, 317, 321; ii. 233, 239, 247 foll.; iii. 138 _note_, 247
Climmnus, the, ii. 35, 39
Cloanthus, iii. 319
Clough, the poet, ii. 273
Clusium, iii. 93, 94
Coire, i. 183
Col de Checruit, the, i. 15
Coleridge, S.T., ii. 273; iii. 173
Colico, i. 64, 183
Collalto, Count Salici da, i. 337
Colleoni family, the, i. 194
Colleoni, Bartolommeo, i. 192-208; ii. 71
Colleoni, Medea, i. 193, 204
Collona family, ii. 187
Colma, the, i. 18
Colombini, iii. 69
Colonna, Francesco, iii. 103
Colonna, Giovanni, iii. 125, 254
Colonus, the, iii. 350
Columbus, i. 97; ii. 237
Commodus, i. 135; iii. 164
Comnena, Anna, iii. 297
Como, i. 136, 174-189
Como, Lake of, i. 50, 64, 122, 173, 174, 179, 181, 183-186
Conrad (of Canossa), ii. 178
Conrad, King of Italy, iii. 305
Conradin, iii. 298
Constance, daughter of King Roger of Sicily, iii. 297, 318
Constance of Aragon, wife of Frederick II., iii. 307 _note_
Constantinople, ii. 186; iii. 311
Contado, iii. 90
Copton, iii. 205
Corfu, i. 87 _note_, 103 _note_
Corgna, Bernardo da, iii. 125
Corinth, iii. 212, 322, 342, 362
Cormayeur, valley of, i. 9, 14-16
Correggio, i. 137, 140, 163; ii. 126, 147-162
Corsica, i. 85, 102-120; ii. 286
Corte, i. 110, 111
Corte Savella, ii. 96
Cortina, i. 268
Cortona, ii. 48-51, 214; iii. 90, 92, 151 _note_
Cortusi, the, iii. 6
Corviolo, ii. 170, 178
Coryat, Tom, i. 49
Costa (of Venice), Antonio, ii. 150
Costa (of Rome), ii. 33, 146
Courthezon, i. 81
Covo, i. 197
Cramont, the, i. 15
Credi, Lorenzo di, iii. 35
Crema, i. 194, 209-222
Cremona, i. 209, 213, 215; iii. 6
Crimisus, the, iii. 304, 319
Crotona, iii. 319
Crowne, the dramatist, ii. 159
Cuma, iii. 212
Curtius, Lancinus, i. 159, 193
Cyane, the, iii. 328
Cybo, Franceschetto, ii. 239
Dalcò, Antonio, ii. 150
Dandolo, Gherardo, i. 198
Dandolo, Matteo, iii. 133
Daniel, Samuel (the poet), ii. 263
Dante, i. 29, 80; ii. 5, 6, 13, 15, 23, 65, 70, 136, 137, 160, 170, 206, 207, 261, 262, 269, 273, 277, 305, 343; iii. 2, 19, 25, 36, 43 _note_, 67, 69, 73, 111, 144, 149, 173, 241, 317
D'Arcello, Filippo, i. 195
Davenant, Sir William, ii. 267
David, Jacques Louis, i. 71, 72
Davos, i. 20, 28-47, 49, 53, 58, 65, 183
Davos Dörfli, i. 53
De Comines, Philippe, ii. 190, 193-197; iii. 45 _note_, 69
De Gié, Maréchal, ii. 199
De Musset, iii. 163, 235
De Quincey, ii. 113; iii. 273 _note_
De Rosset, ii. 103
Dekker, Thomas, ii. 267
Del Corvo, ii. 136
Della Casa, Giovanni, i. 331, 333
Della Porta, i. 193
Della Quercia, i. 192
Della Rocca, Giudice, i. 112, 113
Della Rovere family, ii. 66 (_see also_ Rovere)
Della Seta, Galeazzo, i. 329
Demetrius, iii. 113
Demosthenes, iii. 323, 324, 326, 327
Desenzano, i. 173
Dickens, Charles, iii. 39
Dionysius, iii. 322, 325
Dischma-Thal, the, i. 49
Dolce Acqua, ii. 136
Dolcebono, Gian Giacomo, i. 153
Domenico da Leccio, Fra, iii. 83
Dominic, S., i. 221; iii. 61
Donatello, i. 150, 178; ii. 29, 30, 41; iii. 96, 97, 100
Doni, Adone, iii. 114
Doré, Gustave, i. 264; ii. 15
Doria, Pietro, i. 260
Doria, Stephen, i. 113
Dorias, the, i. 97
Dossi, Dosso, i. 166, 170, 172
Drayton, Michael, ii. 263
Druids, the, iii. 29
Drummond, William (the poet), ii. 263
Dryden, i. 2, 6; ii. 7, 270
Duccio, iii. 144, 145
Dürer, Albert, i. 345; ii. 275; iii. 260
Eckermann, ii. 157, 162
Edolo, i. 63
Edrisi, iii. 308, 309
Egypt, iii. 189, 190, 192, 210 foll.
Eichens, Edward, ii. 150
Eiger, the, i. 12
Electra, ii. 135
'Eliot, George,' ii. 270
Emilia, ii. 16
Emilia Pia, ii. 82
Empedocles, i. 87; iii. 172, 173, 174, 181, 337
Empoli, iii. 41, 87
Engadine, the, i. 48, 55, 56, 61, 183; ii. 128
Enna, iii. 302, 303 and _note_
Ennius, iii. 173, 181
Enza, the, ii. 166
Enzio, King, iii. 298
Epicurus, iii. 173, 174, 181
Eridanus, ii. 131
Eryx (Lerici), ii. 142
Este, i. 167
Este family, the, i. 166; ii. 68, 251, 268
Este, Azzo d', iii. 6:
Beatrice d', i. 150:
Cardinal d', ii. 91:
Ercole d', i. 202, ii. 236:
Guelfo d', ii. 177:
Guinipera d', ii. 17;
Lucrezia d', ii. 77, 83:
Niccolo d', ii. 236
Estrelles, the, i. 102
Etna, iii. 93, 103, 198, 279-287, 319, 325, 327
Etruscans, the, i. 49
Euganeans, the, i. 258, 281, 282; ii. 168
Eugénie, Empress, i. 119
Eugenius IV., i. 199; ii. 70, 220
Euhemerus, iii. 173
Euripides, ii. 142, 159 _note_, 335; iii. 89, 215, 340
Eusebius, iii. 197, 219
Everelina, ii. 166
Fabretti, Raffaello, iii. 209
Faenza, ii. 47
Fairfax, Edward, translator of Tasso, ii. 265
Fano, ii. 57, 59, 69
Fanum Fortunæ (Fano), ii. 57
Farnese, Alessandro, i. 317:
Julia, i. 193:
Odoardo, ii. 180:
Pier Luigi, iii. 133:
Ranunzio, ii. 180:
Vittoria, ii. 76
Farnesi family, ii. 75, 90, 117, 180; iii. 336
Faro, the, iii. 301, 320
Favara, iii. 309
Federighi, Antonio, iii. 62
Federigo of Urbino. (_See_ Urbino)
Feltre, Vittorino da, ii. 70
Ferdinand, Grand Duke of Tuscany, ii. 78
Ferdinand of Aragon, ii. 189, 191, 192, 193, 234; iii. 274, 276
Fermo, ii. 47, 90
Ferrara, i. 166, 167, 171; ii. 67, 68, 168, 169, 185, 221; iii. 6
Ferrara, Duke of, i. 206
Ferrari, Gaudenzio, i. 137-139, 141, 162-164, 177
Ferretti, Professor, ii. 179
Ferrucci, Francesco, i. 343; ii. 254
Fesch, Cardinal, i. 118
Fiesole, i. 86
Filelfo, Francesco, ii. 25
Filibert of Savoy, ii. 91
Filiberta, Princess of Savoy, ii. 247
Filippo, i. 149
Filonardi, Cinzio, iii. 133
Fina, Santa, iii. 59
Finiguerra, Maso, i. 218
Finsteraarhorn, the, ii. 130
Fiorenzuola, ii. 197, 284
Flaminian Way, ii. 55, 57
Flaxman, ii. 15
Fletcher, the dramatist, i. 358; ii. 267
Florence, i. 121, 316, 318, 319; ii. 5, 50, 145, 185, 187, 198, 201-257, 259, 305, 306; iii. 7, 10, 21, 132, 151 _note_, 317 _note_, _et passim_
Florence, Duke of, i. 187
Fluela, the, i. 29, 37, 54
Fluela Bernina Pass, the, i. 53
Fluela Hospice, i. 59
Foglia, the, ii. 65
Foiano, ii. 50
Folcioni, Signor, i. 217
Folengo, ii. 270
Folgore da San Gemignano, ii. 53; iii. 1-20, 67, 70
Foligno, ii. 37-41, 45, 46, 52
Fondi, i. 318
Ford, John (the dramatist), ii, 267, 277
Forio, iii. 236, 237
Fornovo, ii. 132, 180-200
Fortini, iii. 68
Forulus (Furlo), ii. 57
Forum Sempronii (Fossombrone), ii. 57
Foscari, the, ii. 98
Fosdinovo, ii. 134-137
Fossato, ii. 52
Fossombrone, ii. 57, 58, 69, 85, 91
Fouquet, i. 80
Francesco, Fra, i. 269
Francesco da Carrara, iii. 6
Francesco Maria I. of Urbino. (_See_ Urbino)
Francesco Maria II. of Urbino. (_See_ Urbino)
Francia, Francesco, ii. 33
Francis I. of France, i. 113, 183, 184
Francis of Assisi, S., i. 99, 100; ii. 23, 44; iii. 57, 58, 61, 113
François des Baux, i. 81
Frederick, Emperor, i. 80
Frederick II., Emperor, iii. 297, 315 and _note_, 316-318
Frere, J.H., ii. 270
Friedrichs, ----, iii. 224
Frisingensis, Otto, iii. 7
Friuli, i. 351
Furka, ii. 130
Furlo, ii. 55
Furlo Pass, ii. 57, 58
Fusina, i. 281
Gaeta, i. 318; iii. 235
Galatea, i. 91
Galileo, ii. 27
Galli Islands, iii. 270
Gallio, Marchese Giacomo, i. 179
Gallo, Antonio di San, iii. 90, 102
Gallo, Francesco da San, ii. 253; iii. 247
Garda, i. 173;
Lake of, ii. 98, 169
Gardon, the, valley of, i. 75
Garfagnana, ii. 168
Garigliano, iii. 247
Gaston de Foix, i. 160, 161, 193; ii. 2, 10
Gattamelata (Erasmo da Narni), i. 197; ii. 41, 71
Gellias, iii. 337
Gelon, iii. 290, 304
Genoa, i. 97, 105, 113, 259; ii. 185; iii. 250, 253, 317 _note_
Gentile, Girolamo, ii. 236
George of Antioch, iii. 307, 311
Gérard, ii. 149
Gerardo da Camino, iii. 6
Ghiacciuolo, ii. 15
Ghibellines, ii. 15, 54, 69, 202 foll.; iii. 17, 43 _note_, 73, 110
Ghiberti, Lorenzo di Cino, ii. 30; iii. 145, 146
Giannandrea, bravo of Verona, ii. 85
Giardini, iii. 287
Giarre, iii. 279
Gibbon, Edward (cited), i. 346
Ginori, Caterina, i. 323, 324
Ginori, Lionardo, i. 323
Giordani, i. 326
Giorgione, i. 345; iii. 247
Giottino, ii. 233 _note_
Giotto, i. 152; ii. 43, 206; iii. 35, 145, 248
Giovanni da Fogliani, ii. 47
Giovenone, i. 139
Giovio, i. 322
Girgenti, iii. 266, 291, 302, 304, 320, 321, 332-338
Giulio Romano, i. 140, 152
Glastonbury, iii. 29, 47
Gnoli, Professor, i. 327 _note_; ii. 102 _note_, 103
Godfrey, the Hunchback, ii. 170
Godfrey, Duke of Lorraine, ii. 170
Goethe, i. 5, 6, 10, 11, 131, 164, 237; ii. 26, 157, 160, 162; iii. 172, 173, 320
Goldoni, i. 259, 345-359
Golo, the, valley of, i. 111
Gonfalonier of Florence, ii. 83, 206, 209, 243, 245, 253
Gonzaga family, ii. 68
Gonzaga, Alessandro, i. 186:
Elisabetta, ii. 73:
Grancesco, ii. 73, 194, 196, 197, 345, 363 _note_:
Giulia, i. 318:
Leonora, ii. 76
Gorbio, i. 85, 91
Gozzoli, Benozzo, i. 137; ii. 35
Graubünden, the, i. 50
Gravedona, i. 181
Gray, the poet, i. 3; ii. 273
Greece, and the Greeks, i. 101, 102, 240, 244; ii. 18; iii. 155 foll., 260 foll., 285-287, 290-292, 320 foll., 339-364
Greene, Robert, ii. 265, 266, 267
Gregory VII., ii. 172, 173-176 (_see also_ Hildebrand)
Gregory XI., iii. 51
Gregory XIII., ii. 88, 95, 96, 97
Grenoble, i. 111
Grigioni, the, i. 49
Grindelwald, iii. 275
Grisons, Canton of the, i. 48, 49, 50, 183, 184, 186, 188
Grivola, the, i. 126
Grosseto, iii. 66
Grote, the historian, iii. 323
Grumello, i. 48, 64
Guarini, ii. 267
Guazzi, the, i. 329
Gubbio, ii. 35, 45, 52-55, 69, 85, 89, 97
Guelfs, ii. 15, 54, 202 foll.; iii. 17, 110, 112
Guérin, ii. 43
Guicciardini, Francesco, i. 319; ii. 75, 255
Guiccioli, Countess, ii. 7
Guidantonio, Count, ii. 70
Guido, iii. 184
Guidobaldo I. (_See_ Urbino)
Guidobaldo II. (_See_ Urbino)
Guillaume de Cabestan, i. 80
Guiscard, Robert, iii. 262, 297, 298, 300
Gyas, iii. 319
Gylippus, iii. 323, 324, 326, 337
Hadrian, iii. 164, 185, 187-205, 208, 210, 212, 224, 225, 226, 228, 343, 345
Halycus, the, iii. 319
Handel, iii. 40
Harmodius, ii. 135; iii. 155
Harrington, Sir John, ii. 265
Harvey, Gabriel, ii. 265
Hauteville, house of, iii. 252, 253, 254, 290, 294 foll.
Hazlitt, ii. 109
Hegesippus, iii. 188
Helbig, iii. 187
Heliogabalus, i. 135; iii. 164
Henry II. of France, i. 316
Henry III., ii. 170
Henry IV., King of Italy, ii. 170, 173-177; iii. 300 _note_
Henry V., Emperor, ii. 178
Henry VI. (of Sicily), iii. 297, 318
Henry VII., Emperor, iii. 72, 76
Hermopolis, iii. 205
Herodotus, iii. 319
Herrick, Robert, ii. 324
Hesiod, ii. 338; iii. 172, 173
Hiero II., iii. 325
Hildebrand, ii. 163, 171, 172; iii. 300 _note_ 2, 305
Himera, the, iii. 304
Hispellum (Spello), ii. 38
Hoby, Thomas, ii. 265
Hoffnungsau, i. 66
Hohenstauffen, house of, ii. 188, 202; iii. 290, 297, 315
Homer, i. 84 _note_; iii. 155, 226, 286, 287, 320
Honorius, Emperor, ii. 2, 57
Horace, ii. 273; iii. 180
Howell, James, ii. 266
Hugh, Abbot of Clugny, ii. 175, 176
Hugo, Victor, iii. 164
Hunt, Leigh, ii. 15, 146, 270
Hymettus, iii. 351
Ibn-Hamûd, iii. 304
Ictinus, iii. 267, 343
Il Medeghino. (_See_ Medici, Gian Giacomo de')
Ilaria del Caretto, iii. 98
Ilario, Fra, ii. 136, 137
Ilissus, the, iii. 350
Imola, ii. 231
Imperial, Prince, i. 119
Inn river, the, i, 54, 55
Innocent III., ii. 203
Innocent VIII., ii. 184
Innsprück, i. 111
Isabella of Aragon, ii. 192
Isac, Antonio, ii. 149
Ischia, iii. 233, 234, 236, 238, 241
Isella, i. 19
Iseo, Lake, i. 173, 174
Ithaca, iii. 364
Itri, i. 318, 319
Jacobshorn, the, ii. 131
James 'III. of England,' ii. 83
Joachim, Abbot, iii. 141, 142
Joan of Naples, i. 81, 195
John XXII., iii. 74
John XXIII., iii. 96
John of Austria, Don, ii. 77
Jonson, Ben, ii. 267, 268
Jourdain (the hangman of the Glacière), i. 72
Judith of Evreux, iii. 303
Julia, daughter of Claudius, ii. 36
Julian, iii. 197
Julier, ii. 127, 128
Julius II., i. 221; ii. 74, 83, 220; iii. 131
Jungfrau, the, i. 12
Justin Martyr, iii. 197, 219
Justinian, ii. 10, 12
Juvara, Aloisio, ii. 150
Juvenal, iii. 181, 199
Keats, the poet, ii. 262, 263, 270, 273
Kelbite dynasty, iii. 292, 301
Killigrew, the dramatist, ii. 159
Klosters, i. 30, 46
La Cisa, the pass, ii. 132, 133
La Madonna di Tirano, i. 61, 62
La Magione, ii. 46-48
La Rosa, i. 59
La Spezzia, ii. 137-139, 143
La Staffa family, the, iii. 113
Lacca, iii. 236
Lamb, Charles, ii. 110
Lampridius, iii. 197
Landona, iii. 127
Lanini, i. 139-142, 162
Lanuvium, iii. 209
Lars Porsena, ii. 52, 93
Laschi, the, i. 329
Le Prese, i. 60
Leake, Colonel, iii. 325
Lecco, i. 183, 185, 186, 188
Legnano, ii. 198
Lenz, i. 65
Leo IX., iii. 300
Leo X., i. 221; ii. 75, 88, 246; iii. 132
Leonardo. (_See_ Vinci, Leonardo da)
Leoncina, Monna Ippolita, ii. 308
Leopardi, Alessandro, i. 207, 326; ii. 62
Lepanto, ii. 77, 93
Lepidus, ii. 27
Lerici, ii. 139, 142-145
Les Baux, i. 77-81; ii. 136
Leucadia, iii. 364
Levezow, Von, iii. 211
Leyva, Anton de, i. 187
Lido, the, i. 280, 283-286; ii. 1
Liguria, the, i. 97; ii. 178, 283
Lilyboeum, iii. 294 _note_
Lioni, Leone, i. 188
L'Isle, i. 72
Livorno, ii. 145, 214
Livy, iii. 94, 171
Lo Spagna, iii. 114
Lodi, i. 216
Lomazzo, i. 137
Lombardy, i. 19, 49, 61, 121, 122, 129, 133-172, 209; ii. 129, 132, 147, 165, 168, 182
Lorenzaccio, ii. 41
Lorenzetti, Ambrogio, iii. 8, 36, 43, 44
Lorenzo, Bernardo di, iii. 105
Loreto, ii. 97
Lothair, King of Italy, ii. 169
Louis XI, ii. 237
Louis of Anjou, i. 195
Lovere, i. 174
Loyola, Ignatius, iii. 61
Lucan (quoted), i. 92
Lucca, ii. 145, 168, 170, 203, 211, 214, 218, 286; iii. 4, 98
Lucca, Pauline, i. 224, 226, 227, 229, 233, 234, 237
Lucera, iii. 315 and _note_
Lucius III., iii. 312
Lucretius, iii. 157-183
Lugano, i. 125, 128, 156, 180
Lugano, Lake, i. 122, 125, 169, 185
Luigi, Pier, ii. 180
Luini, i. 141, 148, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 162, 164-166, 177, 178; iii. 184
Luna, Etruscan, ii. 131
Luziano of Lauranna, ii. 78
Lyly, John, ii. 268
Lysimeleia, iii. 327
Macedonia, iii. 323
Machiavelli, ii. 16, 41, 75, 117, 219, 220, 225, 231, 250; iii. 131
Macugnaga, i. 18, 20; iii. 282
Madrid, iii. 223
Magenta, i. 127
Maggiore, Lake, i. 124, 173
Magnanapoli, ii. 95, 96, 103
Magnani, Giuseppe, ii. 150
Magra, the, ii. 133, 134, 136, 238
Maitani, Lorenzo, iii. 142
Majano, Benedetto da, ii. 30
Malamocco, i. 257, 280, 281
Malaspina family, ii. 134, 136
Malaspina, Moroello, ii. 136
Malaterra, Godfrey, iii. 298
Malatesta family, ii. 15-17, 62, 66, 69, 71, 278; iii. 121
Malatesta, Gian Galeazzo, ii. 16
Malatesta, Giovanni, ii. 15
Malatesta, Sigismondo Pandolfo, i. 135, 202, 203; ii. 14, 16-21, 72; iii. 7
Malfi, Duchess of, i. 149
Malghera, i. 339
Malipiero, Pasquale, i. 200
Maloja, i. 55, ii. 128, 129;
the Pass of, i. 53
Malpaga, i. 205, 206
Manente, M. Francesco, i. 329
Manfred, King, ii. 203
Manfredi, the, ii. 47
Manfredi, Astorre, i. 202; iii. 197
Manfredi, Taddeo, ii. 231
Maniaces, iii. 299, 301
Mansueti, i. 269
Mantegna, i. 176; ii. 100, 197; iii. 180
Mantinea, iii. 207
Mantua, i. 340; ii. 68, 70, 74, 168, 185, 345
Mantua, Dukes of, i. 186, 243
Mantua, Marquis of, ii. 194-196, 199
Marcellinus, Ammianus, iii. 197, 205
Marcellus, iii. 186
March, the, ii. 16, 187
Marches of Ancona, ii. 199
Marecchia, the, ii. 14
Maremma, the, ii. 286; iii. 69, 103
Marenzio, iii. 37
Margaret of Austria, ii. 180
Maria, Galeazzo, i. 149
Maria, Gian, i. 149
Maria Louisa, Duchess of Parma, ii. 149
Marianazzo, robber chieftain, ii. 88
Mariano family, the, i. 139
Marignano, i. 186
Marignano, Marquis of. (_See_ Medici, Gian Giacomo de')
Mark, S., ii. 19
Marlowe, Christopher, ii. 159, 181, 258, 267, 268 and _note_; iii. 228
Maroggia, i. 175
Marseilles, i. 2
Marston, the dramatist, ii. 113, 267, 268
Martelli, Giovan Battista, i. 334, 335
Martelli, Luca, i. 340
Martial, i. 2; iii. 268
Martin V., iii. 95
Martinengo, i. 203
Martinengo family, i. 204
Martini, Biagio, ii. 149
Masaccio, i. 144, 145
Masolino da Panicale, i. 144, 145; ii. 55
Mason (artist), ii. 32, 129
Massinger, Philip, ii. 267
Matarazzo, iii. 121, 122, 128, 130, 134
Matilda, Countess, ii. 165, 168, 170-173, 179; iii. 300 _note_ 2
Matteo of Ajello, iii. 308 _note_, 311
Mauro, S., iii. 248
Mayenfeld, i. 65
Mazara, iii. 281
Mazzorbo, i. 282
Medici family, i. 187, 315-344; ii. 66, 90, 117, 187, 208, 209 foll., 245, 247, 278
Medici, Alessandro de', i. 315-327, ii. 83, 248, 251, 255:
Battista de', i. 188:
Bernardo de', i. 180:
Bianca de', ii. 233:
Casa de', i. 317:
Catherine de', i. 316, ii. 76, 255:
Clarina de', i. 182:
Claudia de', ii. 77:
Cosimo de', i. 319, ii. 225 _note_, iii. 67, 247:
Cosimo (the younger) de', i. 326, 330, 340, ii. 255, 257:
Ferdinand de', (Cardinal), ii. 93:
Francesco di Raffaello de', i. 321, ii. 93, 104:
Gabrio de', i. 188:
Gian Giacomo de' (Il Medeghino), i. 179-188, iii. 67:
Giovanni de', ii. 215, 216, 239, 244, 245, 246 (_see also_ Leo X.):
Giovanni de' (general), ii. 249:
Giuliano, son of Piero de', ii. 83, 226, 232, 233, 239, 318, 334:
Giuliano de' (Duke of Nemours), ii. 239, 244, 245, 247:
Giulio dei (_see_ Clement VII.):
Ippolito de', i. 316-319, ii. 83, 248, 251, 255:
Isabella de', ii. 93, 104, 105:
Lorenzino de', i. 315, 319-335, 338, 341-344, ii. 83, 255:
Lorenzo de' (the Magnificent), ii. 67, 184, 185, 187, 216, 218, 226 foll., 305, 311, 325, 326, 330, iii. 101:
Lorenzo de' (Duke of Urbino) (_see_ Urbino):
Maddalena de', ii. 239:
Piero de', ii. 184, 191, 192, 226, 227, 238, 328, iii. 101:
Pietro de', iii. 247:
Salvestro de', ii. 208
Mediterranean, the, i. 2; ii. 145
Melfi, iii. 300
Melo of Bari, iii. 299
Meloria, the, iii. 253
Menaggio, i. 181, 186, 188
Menander, iii. 72
Mendelssohn, i. 10
Mendrisio, i. 122, 175
Menoetes, iii. 319
Mentone, i. 83-93, 94, 98, 102, 103, 106; iii. 250
Menzoni, ii. 285
Mer de Glace, iii. 282
Meran, i. 111
Mercatello, Gentile, ii. 70
Mesomedes, iii. 201
Messina, iii. 288, 292 and _note_, 301
Mestre, i. 339
Metaurus, or Metauro, the, ii. 38, 58
Mevania (Bevagna), ii. 38
Michelangelo. (_See_ Buonarroti, Michel Angelo)
Michelhorn, ii. 127
Michelozzi, Michelozzo, iii. 96
Middleton, Thomas, ii. 267
Mignucci, Francesco, ii. 90
Milan, i. 14, 19, 20, 50, 121, 124, 136, 152-161, 168, 178, 180, 184, 195, 203, 212, 213, 223 foll.; ii. 185, 186, 190, 191, 224; iii. 151 _note_, 253, 348
Milan, Dukes of, i. 49, 149, 180, 186, 200; ii. 214
Millet, iii. 77
Milton, ii. 160, 258, 262, 263, 269, 274; iii. 25, 35, 37, 38, 158, 169, 342
Mino da Fiesole, ii. 81
Mirandola, Duchy of, i. 185; ii. 168
Mirandola, the Counts of, i. 202
Mirandola, Pico della, ii. 21
Mirano, i. 294
Miseno, iii. 238, 239, 242
Mnesicles, iii. 343
Mnestheus, iii. 319
Modena, i. 170, 172; ii. 168, 169, 221
Molsa, Francesco Maria, i. 326
Monaco, i. 92, 102
Mondello, iii. 294
Monreale, ii. 10; iii. 291, 311-314
Mont Blanc, i. 14, 126, 134:
Cenis, ii. 174:
Cervin, i. 169:
Chétif, i. 14:
Finsteraarhorn, i. 169:
Genêvre, ii. 193:
S. Michel, ii. 167:
de la Saxe, i. 14:
Solaro, iii. 230:
Ventoux, ii. 22
Montalcino, iii. 76, 79, 92
Montalembert, iii. 249
Montalto, Cardinal, ii. 90, 91, 95, 98, 103 (_see also_ Sixtus V.)
Montdragon, i. 68
Monte Adamello, i. 174, ii. 168:
Amiata, iii. 42, 69, 76, 80, 90, 91, 93, 103, 104, 106, 108:
d'Asdrubale, ii. 66:
Aureo, iii. 253:
Calvo, ii. 55:
Carboniano, ii. 168:
Cassino, iii. 248:
Catini, iii. 4:
Catria, ii. 66, 68, 69, iii. 111:
Cavallo, ii. 94:
Cetona, ii. 51, iii. 90, 91:
Coppiolo, ii. 64:
Delle Celle, ii. 168:
di Disgrazia, i. 64:
Epomeo, iii. 234, 236, 237-240, 241:
Fallonica, iii. 103, 110:
Gargano, iii. 299:
Generoso, i. 121-132, 173:
Leone, i. 174:
Nerone, ii. 66:
Nuovo, iii. 242:
Oliveto, i. 166, ii. 82, iii. 8, 69, 73, 74 foll., 151 _note_:
d'Oro, i. 105, 111:
Pellegrino, ii. 176, iii. 294:
Rosa, i. 8, 18, 105, 125, 126, 129, 134, 169:
Rosso, iii. 279:
Rotondo, i. 111, ii. 33:
Salvadore, i. 125, 128:
Soracte, ii. 51:
Viso, i. 126, 134, 169, 174
Montefalco, ii. 35-37, 39, 45, 46
Montefeltro family, ii. 62, 64, 66, 69-72
Montefeltro, Federigo di, i. 207, 208
Montefeltro, Giovanna, ii. 73
Montélimart, i. 68
Montepulciano, ii. 50, 214; iii. 68, 69, 77, 87-102, 109, 110
Montferrat, Boniface, Marquis of, i. 202
Monti della Sibilla, ii. 46
Monza, i. 199
Moors, the, i. 85, 94; iii. 296, 299, 301
Morbegno, i. 49, 51, 64, 186
Morea, the, ii. 18; iii. 339
Morris, William, ii. 271
Morteratsch, the, i. 56
Mozart, i. 223, 227, 229, 231-237, 249; ii. 153
Mühlen, ii. 128
Mulhausen, i. 1
Murano, i. 268, 282, 333; ii. 1
Murillo, ii. 153
Mürren, i. 9, 11, 14
Musset, De, i. 342
Mussulmans, iii. 290, 291, 294 _note_, 302, 305, 307, 316
Naples, ii. 185, 188, 189, 191, 193, 234, 282; iii. 221, 231, 239, 243, 253, 254, 256, 270, 276, 289, 317 _note_
Naples, Queens of, i. 79
Napoleon Buonaparte, i. 50, 106, 118, 119, 120
Narni, i. 86; ii. 34, 38
Nash, Thomas, ii. 265
Nassaus, the, i. 79
Navone, Signor Giulio, iii. 4 _note_
Naxos, iii. 288
Negro, Abbate de, iii. 78, 79
Nera, the, ii. 34, 37, 46
Nero, i. 135; iii. 156, 164
Neroni, Diotisalvi, ii. 226, 256
Niccolini, i. 342
Niccolo da Bari, S., iii. 238
Niccolo da Uzzano, ii. 215
Nice, i. 83, 106; iii. 250
Nicholas II., iii. 300
Nicholas V., ii. 28, 187, 236
Nicholas the Pisan, iii. 260
Nicolosi, iii. 283
Nikias, iii. 288, 324, 326, 327
Nile, the, iii. 190, 201, 205
Niolo, i. 112, 115
Nisi, Messer Nicholò di, iii. 2, 3
Nismes, i. 74-77
Noel, Mr. Roden, i. 10
Norcia, ii. 35, 46; iii. 92
Normans (in Sicily), iii. 290 foll.
Novara, i. 19, 124
Oberland valleys, i. 12
Oddantonio, Duke of Urbino, ii. 70
Oddi family, the, iii. 113, 119, 122, 134
Odoacer, ii. 2
Offamilio, iii. 311
Oglio, the, iii. 6
Olgiati, i. 341
Oliverotto da Fermo, ii. 47, 48
Ombrone, the, iii. 108;
Val d', iii. 90
Oortman, ii. 149
Orange, i. 68, 69
Orange, Prince of, i. 79, 316; ii. 253, 254
Orcagna, iii. 36
Orcia, the, iii. 104, 108
Ordelaffi, Cicco and Pino, i. 202
Origen, iii. 211, 219, 220 Orlando, ii. 42, 43
Ornani, the, i. 114
Orpheus, ii. 346-364
Orsini, the, ii. 47, 91, 157
Orsini, Alfonsina, ii. 239:
Cardinal, ii. 47:
Clarice, ii. 227:
Francesco, ii. 48:
Giustina, iii. 125:
Lodovico, ii. 99, 100, 101, 104, 105, 108:
Paolo, ii. 47, 48:
Paolo Giordano (_see_ Bracciano, Duke of):
Troilo, i. 327 _note_, ii. 93 and _note_:
Virginio (_see_ Bracciano, second Duke of)
Orta, i. 173
Ortler, the, i. 126; ii. 168
Ortygia, iii. 321, 326, 327
Orvieto, i. 86; ii. 51, 136, 362; iii. 5, 82, 111, 137-154
Otho I., ii. 169
Otho III., ii. 15
Otranto, ii. 235
'Ottimati,' the, ii. 242 foll., 251, 254, 255, 257
Overbeck, iii. 187
Ovid, ii. 338, 344; iii. 149, 268, 320, 341 _note_ 1
Padua, i. 152, 197, 260; ii. 41, 98, 99, 101, 104, 168, 218, 221; iii. 6
Pæstum, iii. 250, 259, 261-269
Paganello, Conte, ii. 102
Paglia, the, iii. 137
Painter, William, ii. 117, 265, 272
Palermo, ii. 10; iii. 252, 290-318
Palestrina, iii. 37
Palladio, i. 75, 256; ii. 29
Pallavicino, Matteo, ii. 91
Palma, i. 263, 269
Palmaria, ii. 142
Palmer, Richard, Bishop of Syracuse, iii. 306 _note_
Pancrates, iii. 201, 204, 205
Panizzi, ii. 43
Panormus, iii. 291
Pantellaria, iii. 294 _note_
Paoli, General, i. 111, 115
Paris, i. 20
Parker, ----, ii. 266
Parma, i. 163; ii. 131, 147-162, 168, 180, 184, 196
Parma, Duke of, ii. 76
Parmegiano, ii. 150, 158, 159
Parmenides, iii. 171, 173
Passerini, Silvio (Cardinal of Cortona), ii. 251
Passerini da Cortona, Cardinal, i. 316
Passignano, ii. 48
Pasta, Dr., i. 123, 124 _note_
Patmore, Coventry, iii. 136
Patrizzi, Patrizio, iii. 72
Paul III., i. 318; ii. 88; iii. 120, 133
Pausanias, iii. 207
Pavia, i. 146-151, 158, 176, 184, 189, 198, 212, 351; ii. 182
Pavia, Cardinal of, ii. 75
Pazzi, Francesco, ii. 232, 233, 256, 335
Pazzi, Guglielmo, ii. 233
Peiræeus, iii. 357
Pelestrina, i. 258
Pelusium, iii. 189
Pembroke, Countess of, ii. 265
Penna, Jeronimo della, iii. 124
Pentelicus, i. 210
Pepin, ii. 2
Peretti family, ii. 90, 94
Peretti, Camilla, ii. 90, 98
Peretti, Francesco, ii. 90, 92 foll., 103
Pericles, iii. 343, 350
Persephone, iii. 290
Persius, iii. 165, 172
Perugia, i. 188, 214, 350; ii. 35, 38, 46, 52, 163; iii. 53, 68, 92, 111-136
Perugino, i. 149, 239; ii. 42, 57, 59, 159; iii. 114, 116, 117-119, 184
Perusia Augusta, ii. 45, 46
Peruzzi, i. 152; ii. 49
Pesaro, ii. 59, 69, 76
Pescara, Marquis of, i. 184
Petrarch, i. 72, 73, 74 and _note_, 86, 168; ii. 22, 261, 262, 269, 273, 280, 303, 332, 344, 365-368; iii. 254-256, 308, 316
Petrucci, Pandolfo, ii. 47; iii. 82
Phædrus, iii. 188, 351
Pheidias, i. 239, 246; iii. 155, 346, 349
Philippus, iii. 319
Philistis, Queen, iii. 337
Philostratus, ii. 293
Phlegræan plains, iii. 235, 239
Phoenicians, iii. 290, 291, 335
Piacenza, i. 142-144, 195, 340; ii. 180, 197
'Piagnoni,' the, ii. 253, 254
Piccinino, Jacopo, ii. 234
Piccinino, Niccolò, i. 207; ii. 70
Piccolomini family, iii. 107
Piccolomini, Æneas Sylvius, ii. 23 (_see also_ Pius II.)
Piccolomini, Ambrogio, iii. 72, 74
Piedmont, i. 129
Pienza, iii. 77, 92, 102, 104-107
Piero della Francesca, ii. 72, 322
Piero Delle Vigne, iii. 316
Pietra Rubia, ii. 64
Pietra Santa, ii. 238
Pietro di Cardona, Don, i. 158
Pignatta, Captain, i. 319
Pindar, iii. 162, 215, 289, 332
Pinturicchio, Bernardo, ii. 42; iii. 62, 105, 114
Piranesi, i. 77; ii. 181
Pisa, i. 340; ii. 170, 203, 211, 214, 239, 244; iii. 145, 253, 304, 311
Pisani, the, ii. 30; iii. 71
Pisani, Vittore, i. 259
Pisano, Andrea, iii. 144
Pisano, Giovanni, iii. 112, 144
Pisano, Niccola, ii. 170; iii. 144, 146
Pisciadella, i. 60
Pistoja, ii. 281, 283, 287
Pitré, Signor, ii. 281 _note_
Pitta, Luca, ii. 226, 256
Pitz d'Aela, ii. 127
Pitz Badin, ii. 130
Pitz Languard, i. 55
Pitz Palu, i. 56
Pius II., i. 202; ii. 18; iii. 62, 104, 105
Pius IV., i. 182, 188
Pius IX., iii. 196
Placidia, Galla, ii. 8, 11
Planta, i. 49
Plato, i. 249; iii. 337, 341, 351, 352, 353
Pletho, Gemisthus, ii. 19 and _note_
Plinies, the, i. 177
Plutarch, iii. 199
Po, the, i. 50, 124, 134; ii. 1, 168; iii. 94
Poggio. (_See_ Bracciolini, Poggio)
Polenta, Francesca da, ii. 15
Politian, iii. 102
Poliziano, Angelo, ii. 233, 237, 273, 305, 306, 308, 309, 312, 314, 318, 322, 323, 324, 334, 335, 338, 340, 342-344, 345-364; iii. 101
Polyphemus, i. 91
Pompeii, iii. 232, 244
Pompey, iii. 189
Pontano, iii. 242, 243 _note_
Ponte, Da, i. 227, 236
Pontremoli, i. 340; ii. 133, 183, 194
Pontresina, i. 49, 53, 55
Pope, Alexander, i. 6; ii. 273; iii. 172
Porcari, Stefano, ii. 236
Porcellio, ii. 18
Porlezza, i. 184
Portici, iii. 232
Porto d' Anzio, iii. 273
Porto Fino, ii. 142
Porto Venere, ii. 140-142
Portogallo, Cardinal di, iii. 98
Portus Classis, ii. 1, 8, 11, 12
Poschiavo, i. 49, 60
Poseidonia, iii. 261 foll.
Posilippo, iii. 231, 270, 309
Poussin (cited), i. 262
Poveglia, i. 257
Pozzuoli, iii. 232, 241, 242, 243
Prato, ii. 244, 245
Procida, iii. 238, 239, 242
Promontogno, ii. 130
Provence, i. 68-82
Provence, Counts of, i. 79
Psyttaleia, iii. 358
Ptolemy, iii. 205
Puccini (Medicean) party, the, ii. 222
Pulci, ii. 269, 270
Pythagoras, ii. 24
Quattro Castelli, ii. 165, 171
Quirini, the, i. 331
Rabelais, iii. 161
Radicofani, iii. 69, 90, 91, 103, 106, 111
Ragatz, i. 65
Raimond, Count of Provence, iii. 305
Raimondi, Carlo, ii. 150
Rainulf, Count, iii. 299, 300
Raleigh, Sir Walter, ii. 264
Rametta, iii. 302
Rapallo, iii. 256
Raphael, i. 138-140, 149, 152, 239, 266; ii. 27, 37, 46, 56, 82, 83, 85, 126, 147, 152, 159; iii. 35, 114, 117, 123, 129, 141, 145, 146, 227, 228
Ravello, iii. 259
Ravenna, i. 160; ii. 1-13, 75, 244; iii. 315
Raymond, iii. 52, 53
Recanati, ii. 63
Redi, iii. 95
Reggio d'Emilia, ii. 165, 167-169, 196; iii. 288
Regno, the, i. 196
Rembrandt, i. 345; ii. 156, 275
René of Anjou, King, i. 202
Reni, Guido, ii. 86
Rhætia, i. 49
Rhætikon, the, i. 29
Rhine, the, i. 2
Rhone, the, i. 70, 71, 76, 78
Riario, Girolamo, ii. 231, 232
Ricci, the, ii. 213
Ridolfi, Cardinal, i. 318
Ridolfi, Pietro, iii. 11
Rienzi, i. 70
Rieti, valley of, ii. 34
Rimini, i. 350, 353; ii. 14-31, 60, 70
Rimini, Francesca da, ii. 270
Riviera, the, i. 2, 97, 104; ii. 143
Riviera, mountains of, ii. 142
Robbia, Luca della, ii. 29
Robustelli, Jacopo, i. 61
Rocca d' Orcia, iii. 106, 108
Roccabruna, i. 83, 91, 92
Rodari, Bernardino, i. 175
Rodari, Jacopo, i. 175
Rodari, Tommaso, i. 175, 176
Roger of Hauteville, iii. 295 and _note_, 296 foll.
Roger (the younger) of Hauteville, King of Sicily, iii. 252, 253, 293, 305, 307-311, 318
Rogers, Samuel, ii. 270
Roland, ii. 42, 43
Roma, Antonio da, i. 328, 329
Romagna, ii. 16, 73, 185, 187, 199
Romano, i. 197
Romano, Giulio, i. 243
Rome, i. 2, 49, 68, 75, 139; ii. 10, 32, 88, 89, 187, 259; iii. 22 foll., 85, 156, 323
Ronco, the, ii. 1, 10
Rossellino, Bernardo, iii. 62, 105, 106
Rossetti, Dante Gabriel, ii. 262, 263, 270; iii. 1, 3, 17 foll.
Rousseau, i. 5, 6; ii. 27; iii. 157
Rovere, Francesco della. (_See_ Sixtus IV.)
Rovere, Francesco Maria (Duke of Urbino). (_See_ Urbino)
Rovere, Giovanni della, ii. 73
Rovere, Livia della, ii. 77
Rovere, Vittoria della, ii. 78
Rubens, i. 345
Rubicon, the, ii. 14
Rucellai family, ii. 28
Rumano, i. 204
Rusca, Francesco, i. 177
Ruskin, Mr., i. 10, 125
Rydberg, Victor, iii. 224 _note_, 227
Sabine Mountains, ii. 32, 33, 39, 88
Sacchetti, iii. 12, 13, 16
Saintrè, Jehan de, iii. 13
Salamis, iii. 358, 362
Salerno, iii. 250, 262, 268, 299
Salimbeni, house of, iii. 7
Salimbeni, Niccolò de', iii. 3
Salis, Von, family, i. 50
Salis, Von, i. 49
Salò, ii. 98
Salviati, Cardinal, i. 318
Salviati, Francesco (Archbishop of Pisa), ii. 232, 233
Salviati (Governor of Cortona), ii. 50
Salviati, Madonna Lucrezia, i. 320
Salviati, Madonna Maria, i. 320
Samaden, i. 48, 53, 55
Samminiato, iii. 98
Sampiero, i. 112, 113-115
Sanazzaro, ii. 264 and _note_ 1
S. Agnese, i. 85
S. Erasmo, i. 256, 283
S. Gilles, i. 81, 82
S. Pietro, i. 258
S. Spirito, i. 257
San Gemignano, iii. 3, 59
San Germano, iii. 246, 305
San Giacomo, i. 63
San Lazzaro, i. 280
San Leo, ii. 64
San Marino, ii. 60, 62-64
San Martino, i. 173
San Michele, i. 268
San Moritz, i. 55, 58
San Nicoletto, i. 283, 286
San Quirico, iii. 77, 92, 102, 107-110
San Remo, i. 87 _note_, 93-98, 105; iii. 256
San Rocco, i. 265
San Romolo, i. 98-100, 103
San Terenzio, ii. 143, 144
Sangarius, the, iii. 187
Sanseverino, Roberto, i. 158
Sansovino, i. 337 _note_, ii. 17 _note_
Sant' Elisabetta, i. 283
Santa Agata, ii. 64, 90
Santa Lucia, iii. 232
Santa Maura, iii. 363.
Santi, Giovanni, ii. 56, 59
Sappho, iii. 363
Saracens, iii. 252, 263, 294 _note_, 302 foll., 308, 321
Sardinia, ii. 189, 286
Saronno, i. 137, 156, 161-166
Sarto, Andrea del, i. 345; iii. 100
Sarzana, ii. 131, 134, 143, 183, 238
Sassella, i. 48, 62
Sasso Rancio, i. 173
Savonarola, i. 171; ii. 122, 193, 237, 238, 239-242
Scala, Can Grande della, iii. 6
Scaletta, pass of the, i. 49
Scaligers, the, iii. 318
Scalza, Ippolito, iii. 147
Scandiano, Count of. ii. 67
Scheffer, Ary, ii. 15
Scheggia, ii. 55
Schiahorn, the, i. 54
Schwartzhorn, the, i. 54
Schyn, ii. 127
Sciacca, iii. 281
Scolastica, S., iii. 73
Scott, Sir Walter, ii. 273
Sebastian, S., iii. 184, 185
Seehorn, the, i. 29
Seelisberg, i. 14
Segeste, iii. 291, 319, 335
Selinus, iii. 291, 333, 335, 337
Serafino, Fra, ii. 83
Serbelloni, Cecilia, i. 180
Sergestus, iii. 319
Serio, river, i. 204
Sermini, iii. 68
Sesia, the, i. 19
Sestri, i. 103 _note_; iii. 250
Sforza family, the, i. 146, 155, 179, 184, 185, 197, 244
Sforza, Alessandro, i. 202, ii. 72:
Battista, ii. 72:
Beatrice, i. 176:
Cardinal Ascanio, ii. 91:
Francesco, i. 149, 181, 186, 198, 200, 203, 208, ii. 1717 _note_, 71, 185, 224:
Galeazzo, ii. 236:
Galeazzo Maria, ii. 185, 230, 236, iii. 117:
Giovanni Galeazzo, ii. 185, 192:
Ippolita, i. 155:
Lodovico, i. 149, ii. 185, 186, 191, 193, 194, 236, 238:
Polissena, ii. 17:
Zenobia, iii. 124, 125, 128
Shakspere, ii. 258, 262, 263, 267, 268, 271-274, 277, 335; iii. 36, 37, 166, 280, 282
Shelley, i. 5, 10, 25, 26, 87, 166, 232; ii. 138, 140, 143-145, 270, 271, 273; iii. 172, 186
Shirley, the dramatist, ii. 159
Sicily, i. 103 _note_; ii. 66, 189, 276, 281 _note_, 282; iii. 252, 279 foll., 286, 288, 290 foll., 319 foll.
Sidney, Sir Philip, ii. 263, 264, 266
Siena, i. 166, 187, 192; ii. 42, 185, 214, 281, 286; iii. 1, 7, 10, 12, 41-65, 66 foll., 92, 105 _et passim_
Sigifredo, ii. 168
Signorelli, i. 239; ii. 49, 362; iii. 35, 81, 82, 85, 145, 147-152, 154
Silarus, the, iii. 264
Silchester, i. 214
Silvaplana, ii. 128, 129
Silvretta, the, i. 31
Silz Maria, ii. 129
Simaetha, i. 140
Simeto, the, iii. 279, 304
Simon Magus, iii. 216
Simonetta, La Bella, ii. 318, 322, 335, 343
Simonides, iii. 167
Simplon, the, i. 19, 125
Sinigaglia, ii. 48; iii. 131
Sirmione, i. 173
Sixtus IV., i. 221; ii. 73, 231, 232, 234, 235
Sixtus V., ii. 90, 95, 98
Smyrna, iii. 212
Sobieski, Clementina, ii. 83
Socrates, iii. 155, 329, 351, 352, 353, 354
Soderini, Alessandro, i. 332, 334, 335, 338, 341
Soderini, Maria, i. 320
Soderini, Niccolo, ii. 226
Soderini, Paolo Antonio, ii. 192
Soderini, Piero, ii. 243-245
Sodoma, i. 141, 152, 165, 166; iii. 63, 81, 82-84, 184
Sogliano, ii. 15
Solari, Andrea, i. 148
Solari, Cristoforo (Il Gobbo), i. 149, 176
Solferino, i. 127
Solon, ii. 163; iii. 172, 341
Solza, i. 194
Sondrio, i. 49, 61, 63
Sophocles, ii. 160, 161; iii. 215, 287, 345 _notes_ 1 and 2, 350
Sordello, i. 80
Sorgues river, i. 72
Sorrento, iii. 233, 250, 276-278
Sozzo, Messer, iii. 10, 11
Sparta, iii. 323
Spartian, iii. 192, 193, 197
Spartivento, iii. 288
Spello, ii. 35, 38, 39, 41-43, 45, 46
Spenser, Edmund, ii. 258, 262, 264
Spezzia, Bay of, ii. 135, 146
Splügen, i. 64
Splügen, the, i. 50, 53, 64;
valley of, i. 184
Spolentino, hills of, iii. 92
Spoleto, ii. 35, 38, 45, 46, 170; iii. 111, 120
Sprecher von Bernegg, i. 49
Stabiæ, iii. 246
Staffa, Jeronimo della, iii. 125
Stelvio, the, i. 9, 50, 61
Stephen des Rotrous, Archbishop of Palermo, iii. 306 _note_ 1
Stimigliano, ii. 34
Strabo, iii. 206
Strozzi family, ii. 75
Strozzi, Filippo, i. 318, 321, 326, 344
Strozzi (Governor of Cortona), ii. 50
Strozzi, Palla degli, ii. 222
Strozzi, Pietro, i. 332
Strozzi, Ruberto, i. 331
Suardi, Bartolommeo, i. 154
Subasio, ii. 45
Suetonius, i. 134-136; iii. 164, 196, 199, 272, 274
Sufenas, iii. 209
Superga, the, i. 133, 134
Surrey, Earl of, ii. 261-263, 271
Susa, vale of, i. 134
Süss, i. 55
Swinburne, Mr., ii. 270, 273
Switzerland, i. 1-67, 105, 129
Sybaris, ancient Hellenic city of, ii. 2 _note_; iii. 261
Syracuse, i. 87 _note_; iii. 262, 279, 288, 290, 291, 294 _note_, 304, 320-331
Tacitus, iii. 199
Tadema, Alma, i. 210
Tanagra, iii. 209
Tancred de Hauteville, iii. 294, 295
Taormina, iii. 287, 288, 304
Tarentum, iii. 263
Tarentum, Prince of, i. 79
Tarlati, Guido, iii. 74
Taro, the, i. 340; ii. 132, 183, 184, 195
Tarsus, iii. 212
Tasso, ii. 83, 264, 265, 267, 269, 273, 274, 280, 332, 337, 343
Tavignano, the, valley of, i. 111
Tedaldo, Count of Reggio and Modena, ii. 169
Tennyson, Lord, i. 4; ii. 23, 270, 273, 296; iii. 173
Terlan, i. 63
Terni, ii. 34, 253
Terracina, i. 318; iii. 235
Tertullian, iii. 219
Theocritus, i. 84, 94; ii. 304, 330, 335, 337, 355; iii. 319
Theodoric the Ostrogoth, ii. 2, 10, 11, 13
Theognis, iii. 172
Thomas à Kempis (quoted), i. 98, 100
Thomas of Sarzana, ii. 28
Thrasymene, ii. 45, 46, 48; iii. 90, 91, 101, 111
Thucydides, iii. 321-324, 327, 328, 331
Thuillier, Prefect, i. 109
Tiber, the, ii. 33, 46; iii. 112
Tiberio d'Assisi, ii. 35
Tiberius, ii. 14; iii. 271-274
Ticino, the, i. 124, 211
Tieck, R. iii. 224
Timoleon, iii. 288, 290, 304, 319, 337
Tintoretto, i. 138, 236, 262-267, 269, 281; ii. 147, 156; iii. 158
Tinzenhorn, ii. 127
Tirano, i. 49-53, 61, 62
Titian, i. 337 _note_; ii. 76, 83, 130, 153, 154; iii. 180, 247
Titus, iii. 190
Tivoli, i. 87 _note_; ii. 32; iii. 189, 198, 201, 210
Todi, iii. 111
Tofana, i. 268, 283
Tolomei family, iii. 69
Tolomei, Cristoforo, iii. 70
Tolomei, Fulvia, iii. 70
Tolomei, Giovanni, iii. 8, 70 (_see also_ Bernardo)
Tolomei, Nino, iii. 8, 70
Tommaseo, ii. 283
Tommaso di Nello, iii. 11
Torcello, i. 171, 172, 282; ii. 1
Torre dell' Annunziata, iii. 232
Torre del Greco, iii. 232
Torrensi family, the, iii. 119
Toscanella, iii. 109
Toschi, Paolo, ii. 148-150
Totila, iii. 81
Tourneur, ii. 267
Trajan, ii. 14; iii. 188
Trani, iii. 311
Trapani, iii. 319
Trasimeno, ii. 50
Trastevere, ii. 96
Trebanio, ii. 19
Trelawny, ii. 144, 146
Tremazzi, Ambrogio, i. 327 _note_
Trento, i. 340
Trepievi, the, i. 184, 188
Trescorio, i. 204
Tresenda, i. 63
Trevi, ii. 35, 39, 46, 97; iii. 111
Treviglio, i. 209
Treviso, iii. 6
Trezzo, i. 194
Trinacria, iii. 290
Trinci family, ii. 38, 41
Trinci, Corrado, ii. 40
Troina, iii. 302, 303
Tuldo, Nicola, iii. 53-55
Tunis, iii. 275
Turin, i. 134, 138, 348
Turner, J.M.W., iii. 138, 364
Tuscany, i. 187; ii. 45, 169, 234, 244, 276 foll.; iii. 41 foll., 68, 104
Tuscany, Grand Duke of, ii. 99, 170, 256
Tyrol, the, i. 89
Tyrrhenian sea, the, ii. 183
Ubaldo, S., ii. 54
Uberti, Fazio degli, iii. 10, 16
Udine, i. 351
Ugolini, Messer Baccio, ii. 362
Uguccione della Faggiuola, ii. 136; iii. 4
Ulysses, iii. 288, 320
Umbria, i. 149; ii. 32-59; iii. 68, 119 _note_ 1
Urban II., iii. 304
Urban IV., ii. 177; iii. 141, 142
Urban V., i. 70; ii. 78
Urbino, i. 203; ii. 45, 58, 66-69, 74, 78-87, 185
Urbino, Counts of, ii. 15, 70
Urbino, Federigo, Duke of, i. 203, 207, 316, 317, 326; ii. 48, 66-68, 70-73, 78-81, 231
Urbino, Prince Federigo-Ubaldo of, ii. 77, 78
Urbino, Francesco Maria della Rovere, Duke of, ii. 73-76, 85
Urbino, Francesco Maria II., Duke of, ii. 76-78, 86
Urbino, Guidobaldo, Duke of, ii. 73, 74, 79, 80, 83, 84
Urbino, Guidobaldo II., Duke of, ii. 76, 82
Urbino, Lorenzo de' Medici, Duke of, ii. 75, 76, 247
Valdarno, ii. 218
Valdelsa, iii. 69
Valentinian, iii. 191
Valentino, ii. 64
Valperga, Ardizzino, i. 158
Valsassina, the, i. 184
Valtelline, the, i. 35, 48-51, 53, 58, 61, 64, 180, 184, 186, 188; ii. 168; iii. 94
Valturio, ii. 18
Varallo, i. 19, 136, 138, 164
Varani, the, ii. 47, 71
Varano, Giulia, ii. 76
Varano, Madonna Maria, ii. 85
Varano, Venanzio, ii. 85
Varchi, i. 320-322, 325, 326; iii. 45 _note_
Varenna, i. 173, 186
Varese, i. 144;
Lake of, i. 124, 173, 174
Vasari, Giorgio, ii. 26, 28; iii. 83, 84, 145
Vasco de Gama, ii. 237
Vasto, Marquis del, i. 187
Vaucluse, i. 72-74
Velino, the, ii. 34, 46
Venice, i. 44, 167, 171, 200, 201, 206, 254-315; ii. 1, 2 and _note_, 16, 42, 102; iii. 253, 309, 317 _note_, _et passim_
Ventimiglia, i. 102
Vercelli, i. 136-142; ii. 173; iii. 82
Vergerio, Pier Paolo, i. 331
Verne, M. Jules, ii. 139
Vernet, Horace, i. 71
Verocchio, i. 193, 207
Verona, i. 212; ii. 168; iii. 6, 318
Verucchio, ii. 62
Vespasian, ii. 57
Vespasiano, Florentine bookseller, ii. 80
Vesuvius, iii. 230, 232, 234, 235, 239, 242, 245, 276
Vettori, Paolo, ii. 245
Via Mala, the, ii. 57
Viareggio, ii. 145, 146
Vicenza, i. 75, 328-330
Vico, i. 109, 112, 115
Vico Soprano, ii. 129
Victor, Aurelius, iii. 193, 195
Vietri, iii. 250
Vignole, i. 283
Villa, i. 48, 62
Villafranca, i. 83
Villani, Giovanni, iii. 8
Villani, Matteo, ii. 208; iii. 8, 16
Villeneuve, i. 70
Villon, iii. 1
Vinci, Leonardo da, i. 139, 148, 154, 349; ii. 19, 21, 27, 50, 152, 156; iii. 82, 228, 238
Vinta, M. Francesco, i. 330
Vire, Val de, ii. 291
Virgil, i. 246; ii. 6, 63, 285, 304, 338, 343; iii. 75, 144, 155, 162, 172, 180, 181, 186, 215, 268, 309, 320
Visconti family, the, i. 146, 181, 195; ii. 16, 178, 185, 224, 278; iii. 119, 253
Visconti, Astore, i, 181, 182
Visconti, Bianca Maria, i. 199
Visconti, Ermes, i. 157
Visconti, Filippo Maria, i. 195, 197-199; ii. 215, 224, 235
Visconti, Gian Galeazzo, i. 149, 152; ii. 213
Visconti, Gian Maria, ii. 236
Vitelli, the, ii. 41, 47, 71
Vitelli, Alessandro, ii. 250
Vitelli, Giulia, iii. 132
Vitelli, Vitellozzo, ii. 47, 48
Vitellius, iii. 164
Vittoli, the, i. 114, 115
Vivarini, i. 269
Voltaire, iii. 161
Volterra, ii. 163, 214, 231; iii. 66, 69, 79, 92, 103
Volterra, Bebo da, i. 328-330, 333-341
Volterrano, Andrea, i. 336
Volturno, iii. 239
Volumnii, the, iii. 112
Walker, Frederick, ii. 129; iii. 76
Walter of Brienne. (_See_ Athens, Duke of)
Walter of the Mill, Archbishop of Palermo, iii. 306 _note_, 308
Webster, the dramatist, i. 220; ii. 103-126, 267, 271, 277
Weisshorn, the, i. 54
Whitman, Walt, ii. 24; iii. 172
Wien, i. 45
Wiesen, i. 65; ii. 127
William of Apulia, iii. 298, 299, 305
William the Bad and William the Good of Sicily, iii. 305, 306, 308, 311
Winckelman, iii. 188
Wolfgang, i. 30
Wolfswalk, the, i. 31
Wordsworth, i. 5, 6, 10, 11; ii. 262, 263, 273; iii. 172, 173
Wyatt, Sir Thomas, ii. 261, 262
Xenophanes, iii. 171, 173, 353
Xiphilinus, iii. 192
Zafferana, iii. 282, 283
Zante, iii. 363
Zeno, Carlo, i. 260
Zeus Olympius, iii. 290
Zizers, i. 65