V.
Valdez, Juan, reformer, 357
Varchi, Bened., his character of Vitt. Colonna, 323
Vasto, Marchese del, educated by Vitt. Colonna, 306 death of, 391
Venice, festivities at, 148
Verri, his history of Milan, 400 his sentiments on the assassination of Duke Sforza, 119
Vigne, delle, Pietro, 10
Virgin, sonnet to, by Vitt. Colonna, 375
Virgin della Bruna, carried from Naples to Rome, 294
Visconti, extinction of, in Milan, 91
Visconti, C., assassin of the Duke, 117
Visconti, Pietro, recent editor of Vitt. Colonna's works, 278
W.
Woman, her social position a test of civilisation, v woman's love should not outlive esteem, 342
Works, good; what sort the church requires, 360
Writing, art of, miraculously acquired by St. Catherine, 58
Z.
Zocchejo, Melchior, Castellano of Ravaldino, his character, 177 his death, _ib._
END OF VOLUME I.
BRADBURY AND EVANS, PRINTERS, WHITEFRIARS.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] See Note.
[2] Quetif et Echard, Script. Ord. Præd., tom. i. p. 679.
[3] "Eique cœlitus datus est a confessionibus et divinorum secretorum conscius."—Quetif et Echard, Script. Ord. Præd., tom. i. p. 679.
[4] Among others, the writer refers to a life of St. Catherine, by Pietro Aretino. That most versatile of literary scamps did, indeed, write such a work; but it is the life of an altogether different St. Catherine!
[5] Vita di Cat., vol. i. p. 19.
[6] It may be noted for the unlearned reader, that, though _catholic_ signifies _universal_, _catha_ has no such sense.
[7] Vita di Cat., vol. i. p. 46.
[8] "Vi contentiate di farmi una grazia si grande."
[9] It may be just mentioned, for the benefit of the English reader, that the name Catherine, as may be seen from any dictionary, is derived from the Greek adjective signifying "pure."
[10] Vita di Cat., vol. i. p. 81.
[11] Vita di Cat., vol. i. p. 114.
[12] _Ibid._, vol. i. p. 153.
[13] That is, by the hand of her secretary; of which more anon.
[14] There is a letter from her to the war commissioners in Florence, written from Avignon, 28th of June, 1376, ten days after her arrival there, in which she speaks of an interview she had had with the Pope on this subject. It is the 197th letter of the collection.
[15] Ammirato, Istorie Fiorentine, vol. v. p. 130. Edit. Florence, 1824.
[16] The "otto della guerra;" a committee of eight, appointed to carry on the war.
[17] Ammirato, vol. v. p. 133.
[18] Muratori, Annali, ad ann. 1376.
[19] Hist. du grand Schis. d'Occid., lib. i. p. 11.
[20] Ughelli, Ital. Sacra, vol. i. col. 45.
[21] Burlamacchi, Epis., vol. i. p. 92.
[22] That is, not only of such things as have occurred since the last confession, but of all the sins of a lifetime.
[23] Supplement. di Script. Eccl., p. 649. Paris, 1686.
[24] Dialogo, etc. Op. di Son Cat., vol. iv. p. 30.
[25] The report of the investigation, which took place on occasion of her canonization, in 1411. This Caffarini was one of her disciples.
[26] This was the Beato Stefano Maconi, one of the amanuenses of the Saint.
[27] The Dialogue, of which an account has been given.
[28] The original is also printed at the end of the volume, for the examination of those who might think that the translation unfairly represented its merits.
[29] This phrase, "with the desire to see in you," occurs in the same position and construction in nearly every letter.
[30] I translate literally. The sense would seem to be, "or if it does so, it does so only," &c.
[31] It is curious to observe the mind perverted by the church doctrine of self-abnegation to such a point as to become incapable of seeing that human nature cannot be more Godlike than when it does justice "for its own natural pleasure."
[32] This phrase, "open the eye of your mind," occurs with wearisome repetition in Catherine's writings.
[33] The expression in the original is, "lie over their heads."
[34] That is to say, whom they pretended to have elected, in order to quiet the populace, who insisted on having a Roman Pope. They _did_ elect the Archbishop of Bari; but gave out that they had elected the Cardinal of St. Peter, intending that to be believed only till they could leave the Conclave and get into safety.
[35] The favours, that is to say, begged of Urban, who of course could grant none such, if he were not Pope. It is in truth clear enough, that the excuses of those Cardinals who deserted the party of Urban, were mere afterthoughts. They deemed him truly enough elected, till they found that they had given themselves a severer master than they had reckoned on.
[36] The construction of this sentence is defective in the original; "truth" in the singular being the nominative case to the two verbs, which are in the plural, as if governed by "servants of God."
[37] The Saint is wrong here, in matter of fact. More than one recognised saint was of the party of Clement, afterwards definitively judged by the Church to have been an anti-Pope. Burlamacchi is sadly gravelled by this awkward fact, and labours hard in his note on the passage to show that the saints of Clement's party were not warm
## partisans in his favour; but if _our_ saint is right, they
must have been damned.
[38] The context would seem to require "ye" in place of "we" here. I translate the phrase as I find it. Burlamacchi has no remark on the passage.
[39] She alludes to the Sorbonne.
[40] That is, the French cardinals, who took part against Urban. It should seem as if some such phrase as "tolerate them" were left out after the words "otherwise not."
[41] Burlamacchi remarks, that this passage seems to indicate that Catherine had an intention of going to Paris.
[42] This last phrase forms the conclusion of every one of the Saint's letters.
[43] Lib. i. cap. i.
[44] Vita di Caterina Sforza, dall'Abate Antonio Burriel, 3 vols. 4to. Bologna, 1795. Burriel was a Spanish priest; and his work, which I shall frequently have occasion to quote, is not deficient in research and painstaking, though it is the production of a thorough-going partisan, and one perfectly imbued with the opinion, that not only kings, but all royal and noble persons, whether mitred or coroneted, can do no wrong.
[45] Guicciardini, lib. i. cap. i.
[46] Burriel, lib. i. cap. i.
[47] Corio, Historia di Milano, ad ann. 1471.
[48] Verri, Storia di Milano, cap. xviii. Corio, all'anno 1471. Rosmini, Istoria di Milano, vol. iii. p. 19. This learned, accurate, and trustworthy History of Milan, was printed in that city in four vols. 4to, 1820.
[49] Burriel, vol. i. p. 27.
[50] Ammirato, Istorie Fiorentine, lib. xxiii., Gonf. 1079.
[51] Ammirato, lib. xxiii., Gonf. 1006.
[52] Note 1.
[53] Du Plessis Mornai, Mystère d'Iniquité, p. 555, _et seq._
[54] Article sixte iv.
[55] Corio, the contemporary annalist of Milan, writes: "_Hebbe due che egli chiamava Nipoti._"—Istor. Mil. p. 974. "Secundo che ciascuno credeva, erano suoi figliúoli."—Machiavelli, St. lib. vii.
[56] Papiensis Cardinalis Epis., 548. Diario di Ste. Infissura, p. 1144.
[57] See Note 2.
[58] Note 3.
[59] Gioviano Pontano, in the first chapter of his book, "De Splendore."
[60] Burriel, lib. i. cap. iii. p. 21.
[61] Vitæ Pontif. et Card. in vita Petri, "sublimes spiritus et imperio idoneos induit."
[62] Ferrario, Costumiere, vol. viii. p. 314.
[63] Infessura says, without intimating any doubt, "fu atossicato,"—"he was poisoned," but he does not say by whom. Rer. Ital. Script., tom. iii. par. 2, p. 1144.
[64] Ist. Mil., p. 976.
[65] See note 4.
[66] Rosmini, vol. iii. p. 34.
[67] Verri, Ist. Mil., chap. xviii.
[68] Note 5.
[69] "Questo mondo è dei solleciti."
[70] Filippo da Bergamo: "Est quippe hæc Catarina inter mulieres nostri sæculi formosissima, et eleganti aspectu, ac per omnes corporis artus mirificè ornata est." Bernardi, her personal attendant for many years, writes that she was "molto formosa del suo corpo."
[71] Paolo Bonoli, Storia di Forlì, 2 vols. 1826; vol. ii. p. 211.
[72] Cardinal Bibbiena to Giuliano de Medici.
[73] Note 6.
[74] Clement XII., A.D. 1730.
[75] Paul III., A.D. 1534.
[76] Vita di Catarina, lib. i. chap. iv. p. 31.
[77] Bernardi. p. 429.
[78] Infessura, apud Muratori, tom. iii. part ii. p. 1146.
[79] Rer. Ital. Scrip. Muratori, tom. xxiii. p. 111.
[80] Ap. Muratori, Rer. Ital. Scrip., tom. xxiii. p. 112.
[81] Jacobus Volaterranus, Rer. Ital. Scrip., tom. xxiii. p. 109.
[82] Jac. Volat, Rer. Ital. Scrip., tom. xxiii. p. 104.
[83] Note 7.
[84] Note 8.
[85] Rer. Ital. Scrip., tom. iii. par. ii. p. 1146.
[86] Rer. Ital. Scrip., tom, xxiii. p. 137.
[87] Bonoli, p. 213.
[88] Jac. Volter., Rer. Ital. Scrip., tom. xxiii. p. 140.
[89] Burriel, p. 50.
[90] Jac. Volter., Rer. Ital. Scrip., tom. xxiii. p. 140.
[91] Burriel, p. 51.
[92] Vecchiazzani, Historia di Forlimpopoli (Rimini, 1647), vol. ii. p. 153; Bonoli, Storia di Forlì, p. 210.
[93] Bonoli, p. 213; Burriel, p. 54.
[94] Burriel, p. 52.
[95] Alberghetti, Storia della Città d'Imola, p. 251.
[96] Burriel, p. 55.
[97] Burriel, p. 75.
[98] Rer. Ital. Script., tom., xxiii. p. 242.
[99] Printed by Fabroni, in his life of Lorenzo, from the original in the Florentine archives.
[100] Note 9.
[101] Burriel, p. 103.
[102] Il Notario di Nantiporto. Ap. Rer. Ital. Script., tom. iii. par. 2, p. 1183.
[103] Rer. Ital. Script., tom. iii. par. 2, p. 1183.
[104] Not. di Nantiporto. Ap. Rer. Ital. Script., tom. iii. par. 2, p. 1183.
[105] Notario di Nantiporto. Rer. Ital. Script., tom. iii. par. 2, p. 1087.—Infessura, same volume, p. 1178.
[106] Note 10.
[107] Notario di Nantiporto. Rer. Ital. Script., tom. iii p. 2, p. 1084.
[108] Infessura, tom. iii., por. ii. p. 1163.
[109] Tom. iii. por. ii. p. 1170.
[110] 12th of August, 1484.
[111] Infessura, tom. iii. por. ii. p. 1185.
[112] Burriel, p. 121.
[113] Burriel, p. 137.
[114] Burriel, p. 169.
[115] Marchesi, Storia di Forlì, lib. ix. p. 554.
[116] Bernardi, Lastri Forlìvesi, p. 117.
[117] Burriel, p. 174.
[118] Burriel, p. 239; Bonoli, p. 235; Vecchiazzani, vol. ii. p. 164; Alberghetti, p. 254; Infessura apud Murat., tom. iii. por. ii. p. 1219.
[119] For the account of the following interesting passages of Catherine's life, the authorities are Burriel, lib. ii. cap. v. vi. vii.; Alberghetti, p. 255, _et seq._; Vecchiazzani, vol. ii. p. 164, _et seq._; and Bonoli, lib. x. The last is on this occasion the best, and has been chiefly followed in the text.
[120] Note 11.
[121] Burriel, p. 430; Bonoli, vol. ii. p. 260.
[122] Burriel, p. 431.
[123] Burriel, p. 450.
[124] Burriel, p. 446.
[125] Burriel, lib. ii. cap. xviii.
[126] Burriel, p. 492.
[127] Guicciardini, lib. i.; Bonoli, vol. ii. p. 270.
[128] Burriel, p. 579.
[129] Bonoli, vol. ii. p. 274; Burriel, p. 579; Vecchiazzani, vol. ii. p. 187.
[130] Cobelli, p. 277.
[131] Note 12.
[132] Burriel, p. 582.
[133] Litta. Famig. de' Medici.
[134] Burriel, lib. iii. chap. ii.
[135] Burriel, p. 629.
[136] Bonoli, vol. ii. p. 277.
[137] Burriel, p. 673.
[138] Opere di Macchiavelli. Italia. 1813, vol. vi. p. 7.
[139] Burriel, p. 725.
[140] Burriel, p. 760.
[141] Bernardi, p. 410.
[142] Burriel, p. 783.
[143] Burriel, p. 817.
[144] Fabio Oliva.
[145] Vecchiazzani, vol. ii. p. 203.
[146] Burriel, p. 823.
[147] Girlhood of Cat. de' Medici, cap. 10.
[148] Note 13.
[149] Storia di Nap., lib, i. cap. 1.
[150] He speaks, indeed, (p. 236) of Sciarra as a brother of Ascanio: adding, that he was illegitimate.
[151] Coppi, Mem. Col., p. 269.
[152] Which is the truly wonderful assertion of M. le Fevre Deumier, in his little volume entitled "Vittoria Colonna;" Paris, 1856, p. 7.
[153] As it would appear they must have been, from the dates given above to show that Vittoria must have been their first child.
[154] Coppi Mem. Col., p. 228.
[155] Coppi. Mem. Col., p. 243.
[156] Book v. chap. ii.
[157] Book xvii. chaps. iii. and iv.
[158] Giovio, Vita del Mar. di Pescara, Venice, 1557, p. 14.
[159] Visconti, Rimi di Vit. Col., p. 39. See portrait prefixed to this volume.
[160] Coppi, Mem. Col., p. 249.
[161] Note 1.
[162] Passeri, p. 122.
[163] Passeri, p. 126.
[164] Passeri, p. 146.
[165] Passeri, p. 151.
[166] Passeri, p. 152.
[167] Passeri, p. 162.
[168] Giovio, Bp. of Como, Life of Pescara, book i.
[169] Filocalo, MS. Life of Pescara, cited by Visconti, p. lxxxii.
[170] Giovio, lib. i.
[171] Visconti, p. 77.
[172] Passeri, p. 197.
[173] Passeri, p. 326.
[174] Passeri, p. 234.
[175] See Note 2.
[176] Ist. Ital., lib. xvi. cap. 4.
[177] Varchi, Storia Fiorentina, vol. i. p. 88, edit. Firenze, 1843.
[178] Varchi, p. 89.
[179] Lettere de Principi, vol. i. p. 87. See Letters from Giberto to Gismondo Santo, and to Domenico Sanli.
[180] Storia, lib. xvii. chap. iv.
[181] Guicciardini, lib. xvii. chap. iv.
[182] Vita, lib. i.
[183] Contemporary copy of the Act of Accusation, cited by Visconti, p. ci.
[184] See Note 3.
[185] See advertisement "ai lettori" of Rinaldo's Corso's edition of the sonnet. Venice, 1558.
[186] Madame Lamaze, Études sur Trois Femmes Celèbres; Paris, 1848, p. 41.
[187] Lettere di Bembo vol. i. p. 115, ed. 1560.
[188] Edit., Serassi pp. 14, 15, 37, 40.
[189] Mem. per la St. di Ferrara. di Antonio Frizzi, vol. iv. p. 333.
[190] Vita., p. cxiii.
[191] Letter dated 11th September 1537, from Bembo's Correspondence cited by Visconti, p. cxv.
[192] Visconti, p. cxiv.
[193] Visconti, p. cxvi.
[194] He left Rome 11th November, 1538. Letter from Contarini to Pole, cited by Ranke. Austin's transl., vol. i. p. 152.
[195] Caracciolo, Vita di Paolo 4, MS. Ranke, Popes, vol. i. p. 136, edit. cit.
[196] Ranke. ed. cit., vol. i. p. 217.
[197] Ed. cit., vol. i. p. 138.
[198] Bembo, Opere, vol. iii. p. 65.
[199] Opere, ed. Ven., p. 164.
[200] Annales, ad. ann. 1540.
[201] Visconti, p. 123.
[202] See Harford's Michael Angelo, vol. ii. p. 148, _et seq._
[203] Note 4.
[204] Harford's Michael Angelo, vol. ii. p. 158.
[205] Coppi. Mem. Col., p. 306.
[206] Especially Adriani, Storia di suoi tempi.
[207] Visconti, p. cxxvii.
[208] Contile, Lettere, p. 19; Venice, 1564.
[209] Note 5.
[210] Visconti, p. cxxxi. Printed also by Tiraboschi, vol. 7.
[211] Note 6.
[212] Lettere del Tolomei. Venezia, 1578.
[213] Visconti, p. cxxxiv.
[214] Condivi. Vita.
[215] See also, in support of the view taken in the text, "Historia di Forlimpopoli, di Matteo Vecchiazzani." Forlimpopoli, 1647. Page 140. Also, "Compendio della Storia della Città d'Imola; da Giuseppe Alberghetti." Imola, 1810. Page 248-9.
[216] The words in the original are "paludamentum" and "soccam" on neither of which does Ducange throw any satisfactory light.
[217] Anne Boleyn, whom Rome always deems to have been the sole cause of England's heresy.
TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES
-Plain text and punctuation errors fixed.
-The index in this e-book was not present in the original book, it has been copied from the second volume.