CHAPTER VI

.

SOME RURAL FESTIVALS AND CEREMONIES.

En d' etithei neion malakên pieiran arouran, Eureian, tripolon· polloi d' apotêres en autê Zeugea dineuontes elastreon entha kai entha.

Iliad, xviii. 541-43.

The subject of rural festivals is much too extensive for treatment in a limited space. Here reference will be made only to a few of those ceremonies which illustrate the principles recently elucidated from the folk-lore of Europe by Messrs. Frazer, Gomme, and Mannhardt. [783]

The Akhtîj.

The respect paid to ploughing is illustrated by the early Vedic legend of Sîtâ, who, like the Etruscan Tago, sprung from a furrow. [784] It is only in a later development of the story that she becomes the daughter of Janaka, and wife of Râma Chandra.

The agricultural year in Northern India begins with the ceremony of the Akhtîj, "the undecaying third," which is celebrated on the third day of the light fortnight in the month of Baisâkh, or May. In the North-Western Provinces the cultivator first fees his Pandit to select an auspicious hour on that day for the commencement of ploughing. In most places he does not begin till 3 p.m.; in Mirzapur the time fixed is usually during the night, as secrecy is in most of these rural ceremonies an important part of the ritual.

In Rohilkhand the cultivator goes at daybreak to one of his fields, which must be of a square or oblong shape. He takes with him a brass drinking vessel of water, a branch of the Mango tree, both of which are, as we have seen, efficacious in scaring spirits, and a spade. The object of the rite is to propitiate Prithivî, "the broad world," as contrasted with Dhartî Mâî, or "Mother Earth," and Sesha Nâga, the great snake which supports the world. Whenever Sesha yawns he causes an earthquake.

The Pandit first makes certain observations by which he is able to determine in which direction the snake happens at the time to be lying, because, in order to ease himself of his burden, he moves about beneath the world, and lies, sometimes north and south, north-west and south-east, and so on. This imaginary line having been marked off, the peasant digs up five clods of earth with his spade. This is a lucky number, as it is a quarter more than four. Hence Sawâi, or one and a quarter, has been taken as one of the titles of the Mahârâja of Jaypur. He then sprinkles water five times into the trench with the branch of the sacred mango. The object of this is by a form of sympathetic magic to ensure the productiveness of the crop, and scare the demons of evil which would injure it. In Bombay, at the beginning of the sowing season, a cocoanut is broken and thrown at each side of the plough, so that the soil spirits may leave and make room for Lakshmî, the goddess of prosperity, who is represented by the plough. [785] During all these proceedings the peasant watches the omens most carefully, and if anything inauspicious happens, the ceremony must be discontinued and recommenced at a luckier hour later on in the day. When he gets home, some woman of the family, who must not be a widow, who is naturally considered unlucky, presents him with curds and silver for good luck. He then stays all day in the house, rests, and does no work, and does not even go to sleep. He avoids quarrels and disputes of all kinds, and on that day will give neither grain nor money, nor fire to any one. [786] Next day he eats sweet food and balls of wheaten flour, toasted with curds and sugar, but carefully abstains from salt.

These usages have parallels in the customs of other lands. Thus, the rule against giving fire on the sowing day prevailed in Rome, and is still observed in the rural parts of England. In Iceland and the Isle of Man it is believed that fire and salt are the most sacred things given to man, and if you give them away on May Day you give away your luck for the year; no one will give fire from a house while an unbaptized baby is in it. [787]

In Râjputâna the custom is less elaborate. The first day of ploughing after the rains begin is known as the Halsotiya festival. Omens being favourable, the villagers proceed to the fields, each household carrying a new earthen pot, coloured with turmeric, the virtues of which have been already explained, and full of Bâjra millet. Looking to the north, the home of the gods, they make an obeisance to the earth, and then a selected man ploughs five furrows. The ploughman's hands and the bullock's hoofs are rubbed with henna, and the former receives a dinner of delicacies. [788]

In Mirzapur, only the northern part of the field, that facing the Himâlaya is dug up in five places with a piece of mango wood. The peasant, when he goes home, eats rich food, and abstains from quarrels.

All over the country the people seem to be becoming less careful about these observances. Some, without consulting a Pandit at all, go early to the field on the morning after the Holî fire is lighted, scratch the ground with a ploughshare, and on their return eat cakes and sweetmeats. Others, on the first day after the Holî, when they hear the voice of the Koil, or Indian cuckoo at twilight, go in silence to the field and make a few scratches. [789]

Among the Drâvidian Hill tribes of Mirzapur, the ceremony seems to be merely a formal propitiation of the village godlings. Among the Korwas, before ploughing commences, the Baiga makes an offering of butter and molasses in his own field. This he burns in the name of the village godlings, and does a special sacrifice at their shrine. After this ploughing commences. The Kharwârs, before sowing, take five handfuls of grain from the sowing basket, and pray to Dhartî Mâtâ, the earth goddess, to be propitious. They keep the grain, grind it, and offer it at her annual festival in the month of Sâwan or August. The Pankas only do a burnt offering through the Baiga, and offer up cakes and other food, known as Nêuj. Before the spring sowing, a general offering of five cocks is made to the village godlings by the Baiga, who consumes the sacrifice himself. All these people do not commence agricultural work till the Baiga starts work in his own field, and they prefer to do this on Monday.

In Hoshangâbâd the ceremony is somewhat different. The ploughing is usually begun by the landlord, and all the cultivators collect and assist at the ceremony in his field before they go on to their own. "It is the custom for him to take a rupee and fasten it up in the leaf of the Palâsa tree with a thorn. He also folds up several empty leaves in the same way and covers them all with a heap of leaves. When he has done worship to the plough and bullocks, he yokes them and drives them through the heap, and all the cultivators then scramble for the leaf which contains the rupee. They then each plough their fields a little, and returning in a body, they are met by the daughter or sister of the landlord, who comes out to meet them with a brass vessel full of water, a light in one hand and the wheaten cakes in the other. The landlord and each of the cultivators of his caste put a rupee into her water vessel and take a bit of the cake, which they put on their heads. On the same day an earthen jar full of water is taken by each cultivator to his threshing-floor, and placed to stand on four lumps of earth, each of which bears the name of one of the four months of the rainy season. Next morning as many lumps as are wetted by the leaking of the water jar (which is very porous and always leaks), so many months of rain will there be, and the cultivator makes his arrangements for the sowing accordingly." [790]

In the Himâlaya, again, there is a different ritual: "On the day fixed for the commencement of ploughing the ceremony known as Kudkhyo and Halkhyo takes place. The Kudkhyo takes place in the morning or evening, and begins by lighting a lamp before the household deity and offering rice, flowers, and balls made of turmeric, borax, and lemon juice. The conch is then sounded, and the owner of the field or relative whose lucky day it is, takes three or four pounds of seed-grain from a basin and carries it to the edge of the field prepared for its reception. He then scrapes a portion of the earth with a mattock, and sows a part of the seed. One to five lamps are placed on the ground, and the surplus seed is given away. At the Halkhyo ceremony, the balls as above described are placed on the ploughman, plough, and plough cattle; four or five furrows are ploughed and sown, and the farm servants are fed." [791] This custom of giving away what remains of the seed-grain to labourers and beggars prevails generally throughout Northern India.

A curious rite is performed in Kulu at the rice planting. "Each family in turn keeps open house. The neighbours, men and women, collect at the rice-fields. As soon as a field is ready, the women enter it in line, each with a bundle of young rice in her hands, and advance dabbing the young plants into the slush as they go. The mistress of the house and her daughters, dressed in their gayest, take their stand in front of the line, and supply more bundles of plants as they are wanted. The women sing in chorus as they work; impromptu verses are often put in, which occasion a great deal of laughter. Two or three musicians are generally entertained by the master of the house, who also supplies food and drink of his best for the whole party. The day's work often ends with a tremendous romp, in which every one throws mud at his neighbours, or tries to give him or her a roll in it. No such ceremony is observed in sowing other crops, rice having been formerly, in all probability, the most important crop. It is also the custom to make a rude image of a man in dough and to throw it away as a sacrifice to the Ishta Deotâ or household deity." [792] This can hardly be anything but a survival of an actual sacrifice to appease the field godlings at sowing time. The rude horseplay which goes on is like that at the Saturnalia and on the English Plough Monday.

Going on to the Drâvidian races, the Mundas have a feast in May at the time of sowing for the first rice crop. "It is held in honour of the ancestral shades and other spirits, who, if unpropitiated, would prevent the seed from germinating. A he-goat and a cock are sacrificed." Again in June they have a festival to propitiate the local gods, that they may bless the crops. "In the Mundâri villages everyone plants a branch of the Bel tree in his land, and contributes to the general offering, which is made by the priest in the sacred grove, a fowl, a pitcher of beer, and a handful of rice." In July, again, each cultivator sacrifices a fowl, and after some mysterious rites, a wing is stripped off and inserted in a cleft of a bamboo, and stuck up in the rice-field or dung-heap. If this is omitted, the rice crop, it is supposed, will not come to maturity. It appears more like a charm than a sacrifice. Among the Kols of Chota Nâgpur, there is a special dance, "the women follow the men and change their attitudes and positions in obedience to signals from them." In one special figure "the women all kneel and pat the ground with their hands, in tune of music, as if coaxing the earth to be fertile." [793]

Prohibition of Ploughing.

A clergyman in Devonshire informed Brand that the old farmers in his parish called the three first days of March "Blind Days," which were anciently considered unlucky, and on them no farmer would sow his seed. [794]

In Northern India there are certain days on which ploughing is forbidden, such as the Nâgpanchamî or snake feast held on the fifth of the light half of Sâwan, and the fifteenth of the month Kârttik. Turning up the soil on such days disturbs Seshanâga, the great world serpent and Mother Earth. But Mother Earth is also supposed to sleep on six days in every month--the 5th, 7th, 9th, 11th, 21st, and 24th; or, as others say, the 1st, 2nd, 5th, 7th, 10th, 21st, and 24th. On such days it is inadvisable to plough if it can be possibly avoided. The fifteen days in the month of Kuâr which are devoted to the worship of the Pitri or sainted dead, are also an inauspicious time for agricultural work.

All these ceremonies at the commencement of the agricultural season remind us in many ways of the observance of the festivals of Plough Monday and similar customs in rural England. [795]

The Rakshabandhan and Jâyî Festivals.

We have already noticed the use of the knotted cord or string as an amulet. On the full moon of Sâwan is held the Salono or Rakshabandhan festival, when women tie these amulets round the wrists of their friends. Connected with this is what is known as the barley feast, the Jâyî or Jawâra of Upper India, and the Bhujariya of the Central Provinces. It is supposed to be connected in some way with the famous story of Alha and Udal, which forms the subject of a very popular local epic. They were Râjputs of the Banâphar clan, and led the Chandels in their famous campaign against the Râhtaurs of Kanauj, which immediately preceded, and in fact led up to, the Muhammadan conquest of Northern India. [796]

In connection with this simple rural feast, a most elaborate ritual has been prescribed under Brâhmanical influence, but all that is usually done is that on the seventh day of the light half of Sâwan, grains of barley are sown in a pot of manure, and spring up so rapidly that by the end of the month the vessel is full of long, yellowish-green stalks. On the first day of the next month, Bhâdon, the women and girls take these out, throw the earth and manure into water, and distribute the plants to their male friends, who bind them in their turbans and about their dress. [797]

We have already come across an instance of a similar practice among the Kharwârs at the Karama festival, and numerous examples of the same have been collected by Mr. Frazer. [798] Thus, "in various parts of Italy and all over Sicily it is still customary to put plants in water or in earth on the Eve of St. John, and from the manner in which they are found to be blooming or faded on St. John's Day omens are drawn, especially as to fortune in love. In Prussia two hundred years ago the farmers used to send out their servants, especially their maids, to gather St. John's wort on Midsummer Eve or Midsummer Day. When they had fetched it, the farmer took as many plants as there were persons and stuck them on the wall or between the beams; and it was thought that the person whose plant did not bloom would soon fall sick or die. The rest of the plants were tied in a bundle, fastened to the end of a pole, and set up at the gate or wherever the corn would be brought in at the next harvest. This bundle was called Kupole, the ceremony was known as Kupole's festival, and at it the farmer prayed for a good crop of hay, etc."

We have the same idea in the English rural custom of "wearing the rose." There can be no reasonable doubt that all these rites were intended to propitiate the spirit of vegetation and promote the germination and growth of the next crop. [799]

The Diwâlî, or Feast of Lamps.

The regular Diwâlî, or Feast of Lamps, which is performed on the last day of the dark fortnight in the month of Kârttik, is more of a city than a rural festival. But even in the villages everyone burns a lamp outside the house on that night.

The feast has, of course, been provided with an appropriate legend. Once upon a time an astrologer foretold to a Râja that on the new moon of Kârttik his Kâl, or fate, would appear at midnight in the form of a snake; that the way to avoid this was that he should order all his subjects on that night to keep their houses, streets, and lanes clean; that there should be a general illumination; that the king, too, should place a lamp at his door, and at the four corners of his couch, and sprinkle rice and sweetmeats everywhere.

If the door-lamp went out it was foretold that he would become insensible, and that he was to tell his Rânî to sing the praises of the snake when it arrived. These instructions were carefully carried out, and the snake was so pleased with his reception, that he told the Rânî to ask any boon she pleased. She asked for long life for her husband. The snake replied that it was out of his power to grant this, but that he would make arrangements with Yamarâja, the lord of the dead, for the escape of her husband, and that she was to continue to watch his body.

Then the snake carried off the spirit of the king to Yamarâja. When the papers of the king's life were produced before Yamarâja his age was denoted by a cipher, but the kindly snake put a seven before it, and thus raised his age to seventy years. Then Yamarâja said: "I find that this person has still seventy years to live. Take him back at once." So the snake brought back the soul of the king, and he revived and lived for seventy years more, and established this feast in honour of the event. Much the same idea appears in one of Grimm's German tales. [800]

The original basis of the feast seems to have been the idea that on this night the spirits of the dead revisit their homes, which are cleaned and lighted for their reception. Now it is chiefly observed in honour of Lakshmî, the goddess of wealth and good luck, who is propitiated by gambling. On this night the women make what is called "the new moon lampblack" (Amâwas Kâ Kâjal), which is used throughout the following year as a charm against the Evil Eye, and, as we have already seen, the symbolical expulsion of poverty goes on.

Immediately following this festival is the Bhaiyya Dûj, or "Brothers' second," when sisters make a mark on the foreheads of their brothers and cause them to eat five grains of gram. These must be swallowed whole, not chewed, and bring length of days. The sister then makes her brother sit facing the east, and feeds him with sweetmeats, in return for which he gives her a present.

The Govardhan.

Following the Diwâlî comes what is known as the Govardhan, or Godhan, which is a purely rural feast. In parts of the North-Western Provinces, the women, on a platform outside the house, make a little hut of mud and images of Gaurî and Ganesa; there they place the parched grain which the girls offered on the night of the Diwâlî; near it they lay some thorny grass, wave a rice pounder round the hut, and invoke blessings on their relations and friends. This is also a cattle feast, and cowherds come round half drunk and collect presents from their employers. They sing, "May this house grow as the sugar-cane grows, as Ganga increases at the sacred confluence of Prayâg!"

In the Panjâb "the women make a Govardhan of cowdung, which consists of Krishna lying on his back surrounded with little cottage loaves of dung to represent mountains, in which are stuck stems of grass with tufts of cotton or rag on the top for trees, and by little dung balls for cattle, watched by dung men dressed in little bits of rag. Another opinion is that the cottage loaves are cattle, and the dung balls calves. On this they put the churn-staff, five white sugar-canes, some parched rice, and a lamp in the middle. The cowherds are then called in, and they salute the whole, and are fed with rice and sweets. The Brâhman then takes the sugar-cane and eats a bit, and till then no one must eat, cut, or press cane. Rice-milk is then given to the Brâhmans, and the bullocks have their horns dyed and are extra well fed." [801]

The Emperor Akbar, we are told, used to join in this festival. [802]

The custom in Cawnpur, known as the Dâng, or "Club," Diwâlî is very similar. The cowherds worship Govardhan in the form of a little heap of cowdung decorated with cotton, and go round to the houses of the persons whose cattle they graze, dance to the music of two sticks beaten together and a drum played by a Hindu weaver, and get presents of grain, cloth, or money. [803]

Cattle Festivals.

There are a number of similar usages in various parts of the country solemnized with the object of protecting the herds. Thus in Hoshangâbâd they have the rite of frightening the cattle. "Everyone keeps awake all night, and the herdsmen go out begging in a body, singing, and keeping the cattle from sleeping. In the morning they are all stamped with the hand dipped in yellow paint for the white ones, and white paint for the red ones, and strings of cowries or peacocks' feathers are tied to their horns. Then they are driven out with wild whoops or yells, and the herdsman standing at the doorway smashes an earthen water jar on the last. The neck of this is placed on the gateway leading to the cattle sheds, and preserves them from the Evil Eye. In the afternoon the cattle are all collected together, and the Parihâr priest sprinkles them with water, after which they are secure from all possible evil." [804]

This reminds us of the custom of Manx cattle dealers, who drive their herd through fire on May Day, so as to singe them a little, and preserve them from harm. [805] The same was probably the origin of the bull-running in the town of Stamford of which Brand gives an account. So the Chinese make an effigy of an ox in clay, which after being beaten by the governor, is stoned by the people till they break it in pieces, from which they expect an abundant year.

We have already met with instances where the scape animal merges in a sacrifice. In Garhwâl, at the sacrifice in honour of Devî, the Brâhmans make a circle of flour filled with various sorts of colours. Inside this they sit and repeat sacred verses. Then a male buffalo is made to move round the circle seven times, and everyone throws some holy rice and oats over it. After this the headman of the village strikes it lightly on the back with a sword and makes it run, on which the people follow and hack it to pieces with their swords. [806]

So in Bengal, on the last day of the month Kârttik (October-November) a pig is turned loose among a herd of buffaloes, who are encouraged to gore it to death. The carcase is given to the Dusâdh village menials to eat. The Ahîrs, who practise this strange rite, aver that it has no religious significance, and is merely a sort of popular amusement. They do not themselves partake of any part of the pig. [807] It is plainly a survival of a regular sacrifice, probably intended to promote the fertility of the herds and crops.

Similar customs for the protection of cattle prevail in other parts of the country. Thus, in Mirzapur, at the Diwâlî, a little earthen bell is procured from the village potter, and hung round the necks of the cattle as a protective.

In Berâr, at the Pola festival, the bullocks of the whole village pass in procession under a sacred rope made of twisted grass and covered with mango leaves. The sacred pole of the headman is then borne aloft to the front. He gives the order to advance, and all the bullocks, his own leading the way, file under the rope according to the respective rank of their owners. The villagers vie with each other in having the best decorated and painted bullocks, and large sums are often expended in this way. This rope is supposed to possess the magic power of protecting the cattle from disease and accident. [808]

In Northern India it is a common charm to drive the cattle under a rope fixed over the village cattle path, and among the Drâvidians of Mirzapur, two poles and a cross bar are fixed at the entrance of the village with the same object. The charm is rendered more powerful if a plough beam is sunk in the ground close by.

The custom of the silent tending of cattle has been already mentioned. At the cattle festival in Râjputâna, in the evening the cow is worshipped, the herd having been previously tended. "From this ceremony no rank is excepted; on the preceding day, dedicated to Krishna, prince and peasant all become pastoral attendants of the cow in the form of Prithivî or the Earth." [809] In some places the flowers and other ornaments of the cattle, which they lose in their wild flight, are eagerly picked up and treated as relics bringing good fortune. We have a similar idea in the blessing of cattle in Italy, [810] and this is probably the origin of the observance described by Aubrey, when "in Somersetshire, where the wassaile (which is, I think, Twelfe Eve), the ploughmen have their Twelfe cake, and they go into the ox-house to the cattle, and drink to the ox with the crumpled horn that treads out the corne." [811]

The Sleep of Vishnu.

According to the rural belief, Vishnu sleeps for four months in the year, from the eleventh of the bright half of the month Asârh, the Deosoni Ekâdashî, "the reposing of the god," till the eleventh of the bright half of the month Kârttik, the Deothân, or "god's awakening." So the demon Kumbha Karana in the Râmâyana when he is gorged sleeps for six months. According to Mr. Campbell, [812] during these four months while the god sleeps demons are abroad, and hence there are an unusual number of protective festivals in that period. On the day he retires to rest women mark the house with lines of cowdung as a safeguard, fast during the day, and eat sweetmeats at night. During the four months of the god's rest it is considered unlucky to marry, repair the thatch of a hut, or make the house cots. His rising at the Deothân marks the commencement of the sugar-cane harvest, when the cane mill is marked with red paint, and lamps are lighted upon it. The owner of the crop then does worship in his field, and breaks off some stalks of sugar-cane, which he puts on the boundary. He distributes five canes each to the village Brâhman, blacksmith, carpenter, washerman, and water carrier, and takes five home.

Then on a wooden board about one and a half feet long two figures of Vishnu and his wife Lakshmî are drawn with lines of butter and cowdung. On the board are placed some cotton, lentils, water-nuts, and sweets; a fire sacrifice is offered, and the five canes are placed near the board and tied together at the top. The Sâlagrâma, or stone emblematical of Vishnu, is lifted up, and all sing a rude melody, calling on the god to wake and join the assembly. "Then all move reverently round the emblems, the tops of the cane are broken off and hung on the roof till the Holî, when they are burnt. When the worship has been duly performed, and the officiating Brâhman has declared that the fortunate moment has arrived, the cutting may commence. The whole village is a scene of festivity, and dancing and singing go on frantically. Till this day no Hindu will eat or touch the crop. They believe that even jackals will not eat the cane till then. The real fact is that till then the juice has not properly come up, and the cane is not worth eating. On the first day the cane is cut the owner eats none of it, it would bring him bad luck." [813]

Ceremonies to Avert Blight, etc.

There are various ceremonies intended to save certain crops from the ravages of blight and insects. Blight is very generally attributed to the constant measurement of the soil which goes on during settlement operations, to the irreligious custom of eating beef, or to adultery, or to a demon of the east wind, who can be appeased with prayers and ceremonies. [814] No pious Hindu, if the seed fails, will re-sow his winter crop.

When sugar-cane germinates, the owner of the crop does worship on the next Saturday before noon. On one of the days of the Naurâtrî in the month of Kuâr the cultivator himself, or through his family priest, burns a fire sacrifice in the field and offers prayers. In the month of Kârttik he has a special ceremony to avert a particularly dangerous grub, known as the Sûndi. For this purpose he takes from his house butter, cakes, sweets, and five or six lumps of dough pressed into the shape of a pear, with some clean water. He goes to the field, offers a fire sacrifice, and presents some of the cakes to the field spirit. He then buries one of the lumps of dough at each corner of his field, and, having eaten the rest of the cakes, goes home happy. [815]

When field-mice do injury to the crop the owner goes to a Syâna, or cunning man, who writes a charm, the letters of which he dissolves in water and scatters it over the plants. The ancient Greek farmer was recommended to proceed as follows: "Take a sheet of paper and write on it these words, 'Ye mice here present, I adjure ye that ye injure me not, neither suffer another mouse to injure me. I give you yonder field (specifying the field), but if ever I catch you here again, by the help of the Mother of the gods, I will rend you in seven pieces.' Write this and stick the paper on an unhewn stone in the field where the mice are, taking care to keep the written side uppermost." [816]

General Sleeman gives a case of a cowherd who saw in a vision that the water of the Biyâs river should be taken up in pitchers and conveyed to the fields attacked with blight, but that none of it should be allowed to fall on the ground in the way. On reaching the field a small hole should be made in the bottom of the pitcher so as to keep up a small but steady stream, as the bearer carried it round the border of the field, so that the water might fall in a complete ring except at a small opening which was to be kept dry, so that the demon of the blight could make his escape through it. Crowds of people came to fetch the water, which was not supposed to have any

## particular virtue except that arising from this revelation. [817]

Scaring of Locusts.

Locusts, one of the great pests of the Indian peasant's life, are scared by shouting, lighting of fires, beating of brass pots, and in

## particular, by ringing the temple bell. In Sirsa, the Karwa, a flying

insect which injures the flower of the Bâjra millet, is expelled by a man taking his sister's son on his shoulder and feeding him with rice-milk while he repeats the following charm: "The nephew has mounted his uncle's shoulder. Go, Karwa, to some other field!" [818]

In the Panjâb a popular legend thus explains the enmity between the starling and the locust. Once upon a time the locusts used to come and destroy the crops as they were ripening. The people prayed to Nârâyana, and he imprisoned them in a deep valley in the Himâlaya, putting the starlings to keep them in confinement. Now and again the locusts try to escape and the starlings promptly put them to death. The legend is probably based on the fact that both the starlings and the locusts come from the Hills, and about the same time. [819]

Another device to scare them is based on the well-known principle of treating with high distinction one or two chosen individuals of the obnoxious species, while the rest are pursued with relentless vigour. "In the East Indian island of Bali, the mice which ravage the rice-fields are caught in great numbers and burnt in the same way that corpses are burnt. But two of the captured mice are allowed to live and receive a little packet of white linen. Then the people bow down before them, as before gods, and let them go." [820] So in Mirzapur the Drâvidian tribes, when a flight of locusts comes, catch one, decorate its head with a spot of red lead, salaam to it, and let it go, when the whole flight immediately departs.

Betel Planting.

When cultivators in the North-Western Provinces sow betel, they cook rice-milk near the plants and offer it to the local godling. They divide the offering, and a little coarse sugar is dedicated to Mahâbîr, the monkey god, which is taken home and distributed among the children. This is known as Jeonâr Pûjâ or "the banquet rite." The Barais, who make a speciality of cultivating the plant, have two godlings of their own, Sokha Bâba, the ghost of some famous magician, and Nâgbeli, the "creeper Nâga," or snake, who is connected with the sinuous growth of the tendrils.

In Bengal, the Baruis, a similar caste, worship their patron goddess on the fourth day of the month Baisâkh with offerings of flowers, rice, sweetmeats, and sandal-wood paste. Some do the Navamî Pûjâ in honour of Ushas, or the Aurora, on the sixth day of the waning moon in Asin. Plantains, rice, sugar, and sweetmeats are placed in the centre of the garden, from which the worshippers retire, but after a little time return, and carrying out the offerings, distribute them among the village children. In Bikrampur, Sunjâî, a form of Bhâgawatî, is worshipped.

They do not employ Brâhmans in the worship, because, they say, a Brâhman was the first cultivator of betel. Through his neglect the plant grew so high that he used his sacred thread to fasten up the tendrils, but as it still shot up faster than he could supply thread, its charge was given to a Kâyasth or writer. Hence it is that a Brâhman cannot enter a betel garden without defilement. [821] In another form of the story, the thread of the Brâhman grew up to the sky and became a betel tendril. So, in a Tartar story, the hop plant originates from the bow-string of a man that had been turned into a bear. [822]

All over India, the betel plant, perhaps on account of the delicacy of its growth, is considered as being very susceptible to demoniacal influence, and a woman or a person in a state of ceremonial pollution is excluded from the nursery. We meet with an instance of the same idea among the Ainos. "They prepare for the fishing by observing rules of ceremonial purity, and when they have gone out to fish the women at home must keep strict silence, or the fish would hear them and disappear. When the first fish is caught he is brought home and passed through a small opening at the end of the hut, but not through the door; for if he were passed through the door, the other fish would certainly see him and disappear." [823]

All these protective measures intended to guard the crop from defilement and demoniacal influence are rather like the old English rule of the young men and girls walking round the corn to bless it on Palm Sunday, an observance which Audley drily remarks in his time "gave many a conception." [824]

Sugar-cane Sowing.

When sugar-cane is being planted, the sower is decorated with silver ornaments, a necklace, flowers, and a red mark is made on his forehead. It is considered a favourable omen if a man on horseback come into the field while the sowing is going on. After the sowing is completed, all the men employed come home to the farmer's house and have a good dinner. [825] All surplus seed is carefully destroyed with fire, as it is believed that the plants grown from it would be worthless and produce only flowers and seed.

In the Panjâb, on the first day of sowing, sweetened rice is brought to the field, the women smear the outside of the vessel with it, and it is then distributed to the workmen. Next morning a woman puts on a necklace and walks round the field, winding thread on a spindle. This forms a sacred circle which repels evil influence from the crop. On the night of the Deothân, when Vishnu wakes from his four months' sleep, lamps are lighted on the cane mill, and it is smeared with daubs of red paint. [826]

Cotton Planting.

When the cotton has sprung up, the owner of the field goes there on Sunday forenoon with some butter, sweetmeats, and cakes. He burns a fire sacrifice, offers up some of the food, and eats the remainder in silence. Here we have another instance of the taboo against speaking, which so commonly appears in these rural ceremonies. [827]

When the cotton comes into flower, some parched rice is taken to the field on a Wednesday or Friday; some is thrown broadcast over the plants, and the rest given to children, the object assigned being that the bolls may swell, as the rice does when parched. Many instances of symbolical or sympathetic magic of the same kind might be collected from the usages of other races. Thus, for instance, in Sumatra, the rice is sown by women, who, in sowing, let their hair hang loose down their back, in order that the rice may grow luxuriantly and have long stalks. [828]

When the cotton is ripe and ready for picking, the women pickers go to the north or east quarters of the field with parched rice and sweetmeats. These directions are, of course, selected with reference to the Himâlaya, the home of the gods, and the rising sun. They pick two or three large pods, and then sit down and pull out the cotton in as long a string as possible without breaking it. They hang these threads on the largest cotton plant they can find in the field, round which they sit, and fill their mouths as full as possible with the parched rice, which they blow out as far as they can in each direction; the idea being, of course, the same as in the ceremony when the plant flowers. A fire offering is made and the picking commences. [829]

The custom in Karnâl is very similar. When the pods open and the cotton is ready for picking, the women go round the field eating rice-milk, the first mouthful of which they spit on the field towards the west. The first cotton picked is exchanged for its weight in salt, which is prayed over and kept in the house till the picking is over, when it is distributed among the members of the household and friends. [830]

The Last Sheaf.

In Hoshangâbâd, when the reaping is nearly over, a small patch of corn is left standing in the last field, and the reapers rest a little. Then they rush at this piece, tear it up, and cast it in the air, shouting victory to their deities, Omkâr Mahârâja, Jhamajî, Râmjî Dâs, or other local godlings according to their persuasions. A sheaf is made of this corn, which is tied to a bamboo, stuck up on the last harvest cart, carried home in triumph, and fastened up at the threshing-floor or to a tree, or on the cattle shed, where its services are essential in averting the Evil Eye. [831]

The same custom prevails in the eastern districts of the North-Western Provinces. Sometimes a little patch in the corner of the field is left untilled as a refuge for the field spirit; sometimes it is sown and the corn reaped with a rush and shout and given to the Baiga as an offering to the local godlings, or distributed among beggars.

This is a most interesting analogue of a branch of European folk-lore which has been copiously illustrated by Mr. Frazer. [832] It is the Devon custom of "Crying the Neck." The last sheaf is the impersonation of the Corn Mother, and is worshipped accordingly. We have met already with the same idea in the reservation of small patches of the original forest for the accommodation of the spirits of the jungle.

First-fruits.

There are many customs connected with the disposal of the first-fruits of the crop. The eating of the new grain is attended with various observances, in which the feeding of Brâhmans and beggars takes a prominent place. In Kângra, the first-fruits of corn, oil, and wine, and the first fleece of the sheep are not indeed actually given, but a symbolical offering is made in their stead. These offerings are made to the Jâk or field spirit to whom reference has already been made. The custom has now reached a later stage, for the local Râja puts the right of receiving the offerings on behalf of the Jâk to public auction. [833]

In the same way at Ladâkh, "the main rafters of the houses are supported by cylindrical or square pillars of wood, the top of which, under the truss, is, in the houses of the peasantry, encircled by a band of straw and ears of wheat, forming a primitive sort of capital. It is the custom, I was told, to consecrate the two or three first handsful of each year's crop to the spirit who presides over agriculture, and these bands are thus deposited. Sometimes rams' horns are added to this decoration." [834]

In Northern India the first pressing of the sugar-cane is attended with special observances. When the work of pressing commences, the first piece of sugar made is presented to friends or beggars, as is the first bowl of the extracted juice, and in the western districts of the North-Western Provinces some is offered in the name of the saint Shaikh Farîd, who from this probably gains his title of Shakkarganj, or "Treasury of sugar."

The Santâls have a harvest-home feast in December, at which the Jag Mânjhi, or headman of the village, entertains the people. The cattle are anointed with oil and daubed over with vermilion, and a share of rice-beer is given to each animal. [835]

Everywhere in treading out the grain the rule that the cattle move round the stake in the course of the sun is rigidly observed.

Ceremonies at Winnowing.

Winnowing is a very serious and solemn operation, not lightly to be commenced without due consultation of the stars.

In Hoshangâbâd, when the village priest has fixed a favourable time, the cultivator, his whole family, and his labourers go to the threshing-floor, taking with them the prescribed articles of worship, such as milk, butter, turmeric, boiled wheat, and various kinds of grain. The threshing-floor stake is washed in water, and these things are offered to it and to the pile of threshed grain. The boiled wheat is scattered about in the hope that the Bhûts or spirits may content themselves with it and not take any of the harvested corn. Then the master stands on a three-legged stool, and taking five basketsful from the threshed heap, winnows them. After winnowing, the grain and chaff are collected again and measured; if the five baskets are turned out full, or anything remains over, it is a good omen. If they cannot fill the baskets, the place where they began winnowing is considered unlucky and it is removed a few yards to another part of the threshing-floor. The five basketsful are presented to a Brâhman, or distributed in the village, not mixed with the rest of the harvest.

Winnowing can then go on as convenient, but one precaution must be taken. As long as winnowing goes on the basket must never be set down on its bottom, but always upside down. If this were not done, the spirits would use the basket to carry off the grain. The day's results are measured generally in the evening. This is done in perfect silence, the measurer sitting with his back to the unlucky quarter of the sky, and tying knots to keep count of the number of the baskets. The spirits rob the grain until it is measured, but when once it has been measured they are afraid of detection. [836]

In the Eastern Panjâb, the clean grain is collected into a heap. Preparatory to measuring, the greatest care has to be observed in the preparation of this heap, or evil spirits will diminish the yield. One man sits facing the north, and places two round balls of cowdung on the ground. Between them he sticks in a plough-coulter, a symbol known as Shâod Mâtâ or "the mother of fertility." A piece of the Âkh or swallow-wort and some Dûb grass are added, and they salute it, saying: "O Mother Shâod! Give the increase! Make our bankers and rulers contented!" The man then carefully hides the image of Shâod from all observers while he covers it up with grain, which the others throw over his head from behind. When it is well covered, they pile the grain upon it, but three times during the process the ceremony of Châng is performed. The man stands to the south of the heap and goes round it towards the west the first and third time, and the reverse way the second time. As he goes round, he has the hand furthest from the heap full of grain, and in the other a winnowing fan, with which he taps the heap. When the heap is finished they sprinkle it with Ganges water, and put a cloth over it till it is time to measure the grain. A line is then drawn on the ground all round the heap, inside which none but the measurer must go. All these operations must be performed in profound silence. [837]

In Bareilly, when the whole of the grain and chaff has been winnowed, all the dressed grain is collected into a heap. "The winnower, with his basket in his right hand, goes from the south towards the west, and then towards the north, till he reaches the pole to which the treading-out cattle have been tethered. He then returns the same way, goes to the east till he reaches the pole, and back again to the south; then he places the basket on the ground and utters some pious ejaculation. Then an iron sickle, a stick of the sacred Kusa grass, and a bit of swallow-wort, with a cake of cowdung in a cleft stick, are placed on the heap, and four cakes of cowdung at the four corners; and a line is traced round it with cowdung. A fire offering is then made, and some butter and coarse sugar are offered as sacrifice. Water is next thrown round the piled grain and the remainder of the sugar distributed to those present." [838]

In the Etah District, the owner of the field places to the north of the pile of grain a threshing-floor rake, a bullock's muzzle, and a rope at a distance of three spans from the piled grain; and between these things and the pile he lays a little offering consisting of a few ears of grain, some leaves of the swallow-wort, and a few flowers. These things are laid on a piece of cowdung. He then covers the pile of grain with a cloth to protect it from thieving Bhûts, and puts in a basket three handfuls of grain as the perquisite of the village priest who lights the Holî fire. Something is also laid by for the village beggars. Then he sprinkles a little grain on the cloth, and fills a basket full of grain which he pours back on the pile as an emblem of increase. He then bows to the gods who live in the northern hills, and mutters a prayer; it is only at this time that he breaks the silence with which the whole ceremony is performed. The cloth is then removed, and the rite is considered complete.

Measurement of Grain.

All these precautions are based on principles which have been already discussed, and we meet in them with the familiar fetishes and demon-scarers, of which we have already quoted instances--the iron implements, the sacred grasses and plants, water and milk, cowdung, the winnowing fan, and so on.

All over Northern India a piece of cowdung, known as Barhâwan, "that which gives the increase," is laid on the piled grain, and a sacred circle is made with fire and water round it. Silence, as we have already seen, is a special element in the worship. All this rests on the idea that until the grain is measured, vagrant Bhûts will steal or destroy it. This is something like the principle of travellers, who keep a cowry or two in their purses, so that thieves may not be able to divine the contents. So, in a Talmudic legend we read, "It is very difficult for devils to obtain money, because men are careful to keep it locked or tied up; and we have no power to take anything that is measured or counted; we are permitted to take only what is free and common." [839]

In the Eastern Panjâb grain must not be measured on the day of the new or full moon, and Saturday is a bad day for it. It must be begun at dawn, or sunset, or midnight, when the Bhûts are otherwise engaged. Four men go inside the enclosure line with a wooden measuring vessel, and no one must come near them till they have finished. They sit facing the north and spread a cloth on the ground. One fills the measure from the heap with the winnowing fan, another empties it on the cloth, substituting an empty one for it. The man who has the measure puts down for every measure filled a small heap of grains of corn, by which the account is kept. Perfect silence must be observed till the whole operation is finished, and especially all counting aloud of the number of measures must be avoided. But when once the grain is measured, it is safe from the Evil Eye; the people are at liberty to quarrel over the division of it. [840]

The same rule of silence often appears in the custom of Europe. Favete linguis was the principle on such occasions in Rome. So in the "Tempest" Prospero says,--

"Hush and be mute, Or else our spell is marred."

In the Highlands, on New Year's Day, a discreet person is sent to draw a pitcher of water from the ford, which is drunk next day as a charm against the spell of witchcraft, the malignity of Evil Eyes, and the

## activity of all infernal agency. So the baker who makes the bannocks on

Shrove Tuesday must be mute as a stone; the cake on St. Mark's Eve must be made in silence, and the same is the rule on St. Faith's Day. [841]

The same rule of secrecy and silence is observed in the worship of Dulha Deo. Among the Gaiti Gonds, their great festival is held after the ingathering of the rice harvest, when they proceed to a dense part of the jungle, which no woman is permitted to enter, and where, to represent the great god, a copper coin has been hung up, enclosed in a joint of bamboo. Arriving at the spot, they take down the copper god in his case, and selecting a small area about a foot square, they lay on it the copper coin, before which they arrange as many small heaps of uncooked rice as there are deities worshipped by them. The chickens brought for sacrifice are loosed and permitted to feed on the rice, after which they are killed and their blood sprinkled between the copper coin and the rice. Goats are also offered, and their blood presented in the same manner. Until prohibited by the Hindus, sacrifices of cows were also common. On the blood some country spirits is poured as a libation to their deities. The copper coin is now lifted, replaced in its bamboo case, which is shut up with leaves, wrapped up in grass, and returned to its place in the tree, to remain there till it is required on the following year. [842]

The Holî: Its Origin.

The most famous and interesting of the village festivals is the Holî, which is held in the early spring, at the full moon of Phâlgun. One account of its origin describes it as founded in honour of a female demon or Râkshasî called Dundhas, "she who would destroy many."

Another account connects the observance with the well-known legend of Hiranya-kasipu, "golden-dressed," and his son Prahlâda. Hiranya-kasipu was, it is said, a Daitya, who obtained from Siva the sovereignty of the three worlds for a million years, and persecuted his pious son Prahlâda because he was such a devoted worshipper of Vishnu. Finally the angry god, in his Nara-sinha or man-lion incarnation, slew the sinner.

Harnâkas, as the father is called in the modern version of the story, was an ascetic, who claimed that the devotion of the world was to be paid to him alone. His son Prahlâda became a devotee of Vishnu, and performed various miracles, such as saving a cat and her kittens out of the blazing kiln of a potter. His father was enraged at what he considered the apostasy of his son, and with the assistance of his sister Holî or Holikâ, commenced to torture Prahlâda. Many attempts on his life failed, and finally Vishnu himself entered a pillar of heated iron, which had been prepared for the destruction of Prahlâda, and tore Harnâkas to pieces. Then Holî tried to burn herself and Prahlâda together, but the fire left him unscathed and she was consumed. The fire is now supposed to be burnt in commemoration of this tragedy.

This legend has been localized at a place called Deokali near Irichh in the Jhânsi District, where Hiranya-kasipu is said to have had his palace. Just below it is a deep pool, into which Prahlâda was flung by the orders of his father, and the mark of the foot of the martyr is still shown on a neighbouring rock. [843]

Another legend identifies Holî with the witch Pûtanâ, who attempted to destroy the infant Krishna by giving him her poisoned nipple to suck. [844]

Lastly, a tale told at Hardwâr brings us probably nearer the real origin of the rite. Holikâ or Holî was, they say, sister of Sambat or Sanvat, the Hindu year. Once, at the beginning of all things, Sambat died, and Holî in her excessive love for her brother insisted on being burnt on his pyre, and by her devotion he was restored to life. The Holî fire is now burnt every year to commemorate this tragedy.

Propitiation of Sunshine.

There seems to be little doubt that the custom of burning the Holî fire rests on the same basis as that of similar observances in Europe. The whole subject has recently been copiously illustrated by Mr. J. G. Frazer. [845] His conclusion is that "they are sun charms or magical ceremonies intended to ensure a proper supply of sunshine for men, animals, and plants. We have seen that savages resort to charms for making sunshine, and we need not wonder that primitive man in Europe has done the same. Indeed, considering the cold and cloudy climate of Europe during a considerable portion of the year, it is natural that sun charms should have played a much more prominent part among the superstitious practices of European peoples than among those of savages who live near the equator. This view of the festival in question is supported by various considerations drawn partly from the rites themselves, partly from the influences they are believed to exert on the weather and on vegetation. For example, the custom of rolling a burning wheel down a hill-side, which is often observed on these occasions, seems a very natural imitation of the sun's course in the sky, and the imitation is particularly appropriate on Midsummer Day, when the sun's annual declension begins. Not less graphic is the imitation of his apparent revolution by swinging a burning tar barrel round a pole. The custom of throwing blazing discs, shaped like suns, into the air, is probably also a piece of imitative magic." [846] In these, as in so many cases, the magic force is supposed to take effect through mimicry or sympathy.

It is true, of course, that the climatic conditions of Northern India do not, as a rule, necessitate the use of incantations to produce sunshine. But it must be remembered that the native of the country does not look on the fierceness of the summer sun with the same dread as is felt by Europeans. To him it is about the most pleasant and healthy season of the year, and people who are sometimes underfed and nearly always insufficiently dressed have more reason to fear the chills of December and January than the warmth of May and June. It is also usually recognized in popular belief that seasonable and sufficient rainfall depends on the due supply of sunshine.

The Holî Observances.

The Holî, while generally observed in Northern India, is performed with special care by the cowherd classes of the land of Braj, or the region round the city of Mathura, where the myth of Krishna has been localized, and it is here that we meet with some curious incidents which are undoubtedly survivals of the most primitive usages.

The ceremonies in vogue at Mathura have been very carefully recorded by Mr. Growse. [847] He notes "the cheeriness of the holiday-makers as they throng the narrow, winding streets on their way to and from the central square of the town of Barsâna, where they break into groups of bright and ever varying combinations of colour, with the buffooneries of the village clowns, and the grotesque dances of the lusty swains, who, with castanets in hand, caricature in their movements the conventional graces of the Indian ballet girl.

"Then follows a mock fight between the men of the adjoining village of Nandgânw and the women of Barsâna. The women have their mantles drawn down over their faces and are armed with long, heavy bamboos, with which they deal their opponents many shrewd blows on the head and shoulders. The latter defend themselves as best they can with round leather shields and stag horns, as they dodge in and out among the crowd, and now and again have their flight cut off, and are driven back upon the crowd of excited viragoes. Many laughable incidents occur. Not unfrequently blood is drawn; but an accident of this kind is regarded rather as an omen of good fortune, and has never been known to give rise to any ill-feeling. Whenever the fury of their female assailants appears to be subsiding, it is again excited by the men shouting at them snatches of ribald rhymes."

The Lighting of the Holî Fire.

Next day the Holî fire is lit. By immemorial custom, the boys are allowed to appropriate fuel of any kind for the fire, the wood-work of deserted houses, fences, and the like, and the owner never dares to complain. We have the same custom in England. The chorus of the Oxfordshire song sung at the feast of Gunpowder Plot runs,--

A stick and a stake For King James's sake; If you won't give me one, I'll take two, The better for me, The worse for you.

This is chanted by the boys when collecting sticks for the bonfire, and it is considered quite lawful to appropriate any old wood they can lay hands on after the recitation of these lines. [848]

Mr. Growse goes on to describe how a large bonfire had been stacked between the pond and the temple of Prahlâda (who, as we have already seen, is connected with the legend), inside which the local village priest, the Kherapat or Panda, who was to take the chief part in the performance of the day, was sitting, telling his beads. At 6 p.m. the pile was lit, and being composed of the most inflammable materials, at once burst into a tremendous blaze. The lads of the village kept running close round it, jumping and dancing and brandishing their bludgeons, while the Panda went round and dipped in the pond, and then with his dripping turban and loin-cloth ran back and made a feint of passing through the fire. In reality he only jumped over the outermost verge of the smouldering ashes, and then dashed into his cell again, much to the dissatisfaction of the spectators, who say that the former incumbent used to do it much more thoroughly. If on the next recurrence of the festival the Panda shows himself equally timid, the village proprietors threaten to eject him as an impostor from the land which he holds rent-free, simply on the score of his being fire-proof.

It is hardly necessary to say that this custom of jumping through the fire prevails in many other places. We have already had an instance of it in the case of the fire worship of Râhu. In Greece people jump through the bonfires lighted on St. John's Eve. The Irish make their cattle pass through the fire, and children are passed through it in the arms of their fathers. The passing of victims through the fire in honour of Moloch is well known. [849]

The Throwing of the Powder.

In the Indian observance of the Holî next followed a series of performances characterized by rude horseplay and ribald singing. Next day came the throwing of the powder. "Handfuls of red powder, mixed with glistening talc, were thrown about. Up to the balconies, above and down on the heads of the people below; and seen through this atmosphere of coloured cloud, the frantic gestures of the throng, their white clothes and faces all stained with red and yellow patches, and the great timbrels with branches of peacocks' feathers, artificial flowers and tinsel stars stuck in their rims, borne above the players' heads, and now and then tossed up in the air, combined to form a curious and picturesque spectacle."

Then followed another mock fight between men and women, conducted with perfect good-humour on both sides, and when it was all over, many of the spectators ran into the arena, and rolled over and over in the dust, or streaked themselves with it on the forehead, taking it as the dust hallowed by the feet of Krishna and the Gopîs.

The Holî in Mârwâr.

Colonel Tod gives an interesting account of the festival as performed at Mârwâr. He describes the people as lighting large fires into which various substances, as well as the common powder, were thrown; and around which groups of children danced and screamed in the streets, "like so many infernals; until three hours after sunrise of the new moon of the month of Chait, these orgies are continued with increased vigour; when the natives bathe, change their garments, worship, and return to the ranks of sober citizens, and princes and chiefs receive gifts from their domestics." [850]

The Ashes of the Holî Fire.

The belief in the efficacy of the Holî fire in preventing the blight of crops, and in the ashes as a remedy for disease, has been already noticed. So in England, the Yule log was put aside, and was supposed to guard the house from evil spirits. [851]

The Basis of the Holî Rite.

We have seen that the primary basis of this and similar rites is probably the propitiation of sunshine. But the present observances in India are probably a survival of a very much more primitive cultus. We have already seen that in one form of the popular legend, Holî is the sister of Sambat, the year, and revived him from death by burning herself with his corpse. We find the same idea in Nepâl, where a wooden post adorned with flags is erected in front of the palace, and this is burned at night, representing the burning of the body of the old year, and its re-birth with each succeeding spring. [852]

The Drâvidian Hill tribes of Mirzapur do not perform the Holî ceremony like their Hindu neighbours, but on the same date the Baiga burns a stake, a ceremony which is known as Sambat Jalânâ, or "the burning of the old year."

In Kumaun each clan puts up the Chîr or rag-tree. A middle-sized tree or a large branch is cut down and stripped of its leaves. Young men go round and beg scraps of cloth, which are tied to the tree, and it is then set up in the middle of the village. Near it the Holî fire is burnt. On the last day the tree itself is burnt, and the people jump over the ashes as a cure for itch and similar diseases. While the tree is burning, men of other clans try to snatch away some of the rags. It is regarded as being very propitious to be able to do this, and the clan which loses is not allowed to set up the tree again. Faction fighting in order to gain the right of setting up the tree has practically ceased under British law. [853]

The ceremony in another form appears at Gwâlior. There, instead of a tree, they burn large heaps of cowdung fuel. The Marwâris erect a nude figure known as Nathurâm, made of bricks, of a most disgusting shape. This, when the pile of cowdung cakes is consumed, is broken to pieces with blows of shoes and bludgeons. Another beautifully carved image of the same kind is paraded through the bazars and kept safely from year to year. This Nathurâm is said to have been a scamp from some part of Northern India, who went to Mârwâr and seduced a number of women, until he was detected and put to death. He then became a malignant ghost and began to torment women and children, and now his spirit can be appeased only by a series of indecent songs and gestures performed by the women. No Mârwâri household is without an image of Nathurâm, and a representation of him is laid with the married pair after the wedding, while barren women and those whose children die pray to him for offspring. He is in short a phallic fetish.

The Holî, then, in its most primitive form, is possibly an aboriginal usage which has been imported into Brâhmanism. This is specially shown by the functions of the Kherapat or village priest, who lights the fire. He is sometimes a Brâhman, but often a man drawn from the lower races. As we have seen, his duties among the Drâvidian races are performed by the Baiga, who is always drawn from the non-Aryan races. It seems probable that the legends connecting the rite with Prahlâda and Krishna are a subsequent invention, and that the fire is really intended to represent the burning of the old year and the re-birth of the new, which they pray may be more propitious to the families, cattle, and crops of the worshippers. The observance seems also to include certain ceremonies intended to scare the evil spirits which bring disease and famine. The compulsory entry of the local priests into the fire can hardly be anything but a survival of human sacrifice, intended to secure the same results; and the dancing, singing, waving of flags, screaming, the mock fight, and the throwing of red powder, a colour supposed, as we have seen, to be obnoxious to evil spirits, are probably based on the same train of ideas.

Finally comes the indecency of word and gesture, which is a distinct element in the rite. There seems reason to believe that in the worship of certain deities in spring, promiscuous intercourse was regarded as a necessary part of the ceremony. [854] This appears at what is called the Kâhi ka Mela in Kulu, in which indecency is supposed to scare evil spirits. [855] We have already noticed the practice of indecency as a rain charm, and it seems at least a plausible hypothesis that the unchecked profligacy which prevails among the Hindus at the spring feast and at the Kajalî in autumn may be intended to repel evil spirits which check the fecundity of men, animals, and crops. The same idea probably also underlies the licentious observance of the Karama among the Drâvidian races. The same theory explains similar usages in Europe, such as the Lupercalia, Festum Stultorum, Matronalia Festa, Liberalia, and our own All Fools' Day, where the indecent part of the performance has disappeared under the influence of a purer faith and a higher morality, and a little kindly merriment is its only survival.

Of the mock fight as a charm for rain we have spoken already, and at the Holî it may be merely a fertility charm. Of these mock fights we have numerous instances in the customs of Northern India. Thus, in Kumaun, in former days at the Bagwâh festival the males of several villages used to divide into two bodies and sling stones at each other across a stream. The results were so serious that it was suppressed after the British occupation of the country. [856] The people in some places attribute the increase of cholera and other plagues to its discontinuance. In the plains, the custom survives in what is known as the Barra, when the men of two villages have a sort of Tug of War with a rope across the boundary of the village. Plenty is supposed to follow the side which is victorious.

Another of these spring rites is that known as the Râli ka Mela in Kângra, the Râli being a sort of rude image of Siva or Pârvatî. The girls of the village in March take baskets of Dûb grass and flowers, of which they make a heap in a selected place. Round this they walk and sing for ten days, and then they erect two images of Siva and Pârvatî, who are married according to the regular rites. At the conjunction or Sankrânt in the month of Baisâkh the images are flung into a pool and mock funeral obsequies are performed. The object of the ceremonial is said to be to secure a good husband. [857]

In Gorakhpur this spring rite takes the form of hunting and crucifying a monkey on the village boundary. This is said to be intended to scare these animals, which injure the crops. But the rite seems to be intended to secure fertility, and is possibly the survival of an actual sacrifice.

Of the same class is what is known in the Hills as the Badwâr rite, where a Dom, one of the menial castes, is made to slide down a rope from a high precipice. The intention is to promote the fertility of the crops and expel the demons of disease.

Marriage of the Powers of Vegetation.

Mr. Frazer has collected instances of the marriage of the powers of vegetation, of which we have a survival in the English King and Queen of the May. This seems to be the explanation of the remarkable rite among the Kharwârs, of which Mr. Forbes has given an account. [858]

"One of the most remarkable of the Kharwâr deities is called Durgâgiya Deotâ; this spirit rejoices in the name of Mûchak Rânî. She is a Chamârin by caste, and her home is on a hill called Buhorâj; her priests are Baigas. All the Kharwârs regard her with great veneration, and offer up pigs and fowls to her several times during the year. Once a year, in the month of Aghan, what is called the Kâruj Pûjâ takes place in her honour.

"The ceremony is performed in the village threshing-floor, when a kind of bread and kids are offered up. Once in three years the ceremony of marrying the Rânî is performed with great pomp. Early in the morning of the bridal day both men and women assemble with drums and horns, form themselves into procession and ascend the hill, singing a wild song in honour of the bride and bridegroom. One of the party is constituted the priest, who is to perform the wedding ceremony. This man ascends the hill in front of the procession, shouting and dancing till he works himself into a frenzy. The procession halts at the mouth of a cave, which does, or is supposed to, exist on the top of the hill. The priest then enters the cave and returns bearing with him the Rânî, who is represented as a small oblong-shaped and smooth stone, daubed over with red lead. After going through certain antics, a piece of Tasar silk cloth is placed on the Rânî's head, and a new sheet is placed below her, the four corners being tied up in such a manner as to allow the Rânî, who is now supposed to be seated in her bridal couch, to be slung on a bamboo, and carried like a dooly or palanquin.

"The procession then descends the hill and halts under a Banyan tree till noon, when the marriage procession starts for the home of the bridegroom, who resides on the Kandi hill.

"On their arrival there, offerings, consisting of sweetened milk, two copper pice, and two bell-metal wristlets, are presented to the bride, who is taken out of her dooly and put into the cave in which the bridegroom, who, by the way, is of the Agariya caste, resides. This cave is supposed to be of immense depth, for the stone goes rolling down, striking the rocks as it falls, and the people all listen eagerly till the sound dies out, which they say it does not do for nearly half an hour.

"When all is silent, the people return rejoicing down the hill, and finish off the evening with a dance. The strangest part of the story is that the people believe that the caves on the two hills are connected, and that every third year the Rânî returns to her father's house. They implicitly believe that the stone yearly produced is the same. The village Baigas could probably explain the mystery.

"In former times the marriage used to take place every year, but on one occasion, on the morning succeeding the marriage ceremony, the Rânî made her appearance in the Baiga's house. The Baiga himself was not present, but his wife, who was at home, was very indignant at this flightiness on the part of the Rânî, and the idea of her going about the country the morning after her marriage so shocked the Baigâin's sense of propriety, that she gave the Rânî a good setting down, and called upon her to explain herself, and as she could give no satisfactory account of her conduct, she was punished by being married every three years, instead of yearly as before."

The mock marriage of Ghâzi Miyân, to which some reference has been already made, a very favourite rite among the Musalmâns and low Hindu castes of the North-Western Provinces, is very possibly the survival of some non-Aryan rite of this kind, performed to secure the annual revival of the year and the powers of vegetation.

The Drâvidian Saturnalia.

Some of the Drâvidian tribes enjoy the Saturnalia in other forms.

Thus, the Gond women have the curious festival known as Gurtûtnâ or "breaking of the sugar." "A stout pole about twelve or fifteen feet high is set up, and a lump of coarse sugar with a rupee in it placed on the top; round it the Gond women take their stand, each with a little green tamarind rod in her hands. The men collect outside, and each has a kind of shield made of two parallel sticks joined with a cross-piece held in the hand to protect themselves from the blows. They make a rush together, and one of them swarms up the pole, the women all the time plying their rods vigorously; and it is no child's play, as the men's backs attest next day. When the man gets to the top, he takes the piece of sugar, slips down, and gets off as rapidly as he can. This is done five or six times over with the greatest good-humour, and generally ends with an attack of the women en masse upon the men. It is the regular Saturnalia for the women, who lose all respect, even for a settlement officer; and on one occasion when he was looking on, he only escaped by the most abject submission and presentation of rupees." [859]

The Bhîls of Gujarât plant a small tree or branch firmly in the ground. The women stand near it, and the men outside. One man rushing in tries to uproot the tree, and the men and women fall upon him and beat him so soundly that he has to retire. He is succeeded by another, who is belaboured in the same way, and this goes on till one man succeeds in bearing off the tree, but seldom without a load of blows which cripples him for days. [860]

All these mock combats have their parallels in English customs, such as the throwing of the hood at Haxey, the football match at Derby, the fighting on Lammas Day at Lothian, and hunting of the ram at Eton. [861]

The Desauli of the Hos.

The Hos of Chutia Nâgpur have a similar festival, the Desauli held in January, "when the granaries are full of grain, and the people are, to use their own expression, 'full of devilry!' They have a strange notion that at this period men and women are so overcharged with vicious propensities that it is absolutely necessary for the safety of the person to let off steam by allowing for the time full vent to the passions. The festival, therefore, becomes a sort of Saturnalia, during which servants forget their duty to their masters, children their reverence for their parents, men their respect for women, and women all notions of gentleness, modesty, and delicacy; they become raging Bacchantes. It opens with a sacrifice to Desauli of three fowls, a cock and two hens, one of which must be black, and offered with some flowers of the Palâsa tree (Butea frondosa), bread made from rice flour and sesamum seeds. The sacrifice and offering are made by the village priest, if there be one, or if not by any elder of the village who possesses the necessary legendary lore; and he prays that during the year they are going to enter on they and their children may be preserved from all misfortune and sickness, and that they may have seasonable rain and good crops. Prayer is also made in some places for the souls of the departed. At this period an evil spirit is supposed to infest the locality, and to get rid of it, men, women, and children go in procession round and through every part of the village with sticks in their hands, as if beating for game, singing a wild chant and vociferating loudly, till they feel assured that the bad spirit must have fled, and they make noise enough to frighten a legion. These religious ceremonies over, the people give themselves up to feasting, drinking immoderately of rice-beer till they are in a state of wild ebriety most suitable for the purpose of letting off steam." [862]

With these survivals of perhaps the most primitive observances of the races of Northern India we may close this survey of their religion and folk-lore. To use Dr. Tylor's words in speaking of savage religions generally, "Far from its beliefs and practices being a rubbish heap of miscellaneous folly, they are consistent and logical in so high a degree as to begin, as soon as even roughly classified, to display the principles of their formation and development; and these principles prove to be essentially rational, though working in a mental condition of intense and inveterate ignorance." [863]

BIBLIOGRAPHY.

"Academy," the, London, v.d.

"Aîn-i-Akbari," translation by Professor Blochmann and Colonel Jarrett, Calcutta, v.d.

"Asiatic Quarterly Review," London, v.d.

"Asiatic Researches," Calcutta, v.d.

"Athenæum," London, v.d.

Atkinson, E. T., "Himâlayan Gazetteer," 3 vols., Allahabad, 1882-84.

Aubrey, J., "Remaines of Gentilisme and Judaisme," edited by J. Britten, Folk-lore Society, London, 1881.

Ball, V., "Jungle Life in India," London, 1880.

Barth, A., "Religions of India," London, 1882.

Beal, S., "Travels of Fah Hian and Sangyun," London, 1869.

Beale, T. W., "Oriental Biographical Dictionary," Calcutta, 1887.

Benjamin, S. G. W., "Persia and the Persians," London, 1887.

Bernier, F., "Travels in the Moghul Empire," edited by A. Constable, London, 1891.

Bholanâth Chandra, "Travels of a Hindu," 2 vols., London, 1869.

Black, G. B., "Folk Medicine," Folk-lore Society, London, 1883.

Brand, J., "Observations on Popular Antiquities," London, 1877.

Briggs, Lieut.-Col. J., "History of the rise and fall of the Muhammadan Power in India till the year 1612, by Muhamad Qâsim Farishta," 4 vols., London, 1829.

Buchanan, F. H., "Eastern India," 3 vols., London, 1833.

Burton, R., "Anatomy of Melancholy," London, 1883.

Burton, Sir R., "Arabian Nights," 12 vols., London, 1894.

"Calcutta Review," Calcutta, v.d.

Campbell, A., "Santâl Folk-tales," Pokhuria, 1891.

Campbell, J. F., "Popular Tales of the West Highlands," Glasgow, 4 vols., 1890.

Campbell, Major-General J., "A Personal Narrative of Thirteen Years' Service among the Wild Tribes of Khondistan," London, 1864.

Campbell, J. S., "Notes on the Spirit Basis of Belief and Custom," Bombay, 1885.

Carnegy, P., "Notes on the Races, Tribes and Castes inhabiting the Province of Oudh," Lucknow, 1868.

Chambers, R., "Book of Days," 2 vols., London, n. d.

Chevers, N., "A Manual of Medical Jurisprudence for India," Calcutta, 1870.

Clouston, "Popular Tales and Fictions," 2 vols., Edinburgh, 1887.

Colebrooke, H. P., "Miscellaneous Essays," London, 1837.

"Contemporary Review," the, London, v.d.

Conway, M. D., "Demonology and Demon Lore," 2 vols., London, 1879.

Cooper, W. M., "Flagellation and the Flagellants," London, 1870.

Cox, Sir G. W., "Introduction to the Science of Comparative Mythology and Folk-lore," London, 1881.

Cox, Sir G. W., "Mythology of the Aryan Nations," 2 vols., London, 1870.

Cox, Miss M. R., "Cinderella," Folk-lore Society, London, 1893.

Cunningham, Major-General A., "Archæological Survey Reports," Calcutta, v.d.

Cunningham, Major-General A., "The Bhilsa Topes, a Buddhist Monument in Central India," London, 1854.

"Dabistân," the, Translation of, by D. Shea and A. Troyer, Paris, 1843.

Dalton, Col. E. T., "Descriptive Ethnology of India," Calcutta, 1872.

Dey, Lâl Bihâri, "Folk-tales of Bengal," London, 1879.

Dey, Lâl Bihâri, "Govinda Sâmanta," London, 1874.

De Gubernatis, A., "Zoological Mythology, or the Legends of Animals," 2 vols., London, 1872.

Dowson, Professor J., "A Classical Dictionary of Hindu Mythology and Religion, Biography, History and Literature," London, 1879.

Duncker, Max, "The History of Antiquity," translation by E. Abbot, 5 vols., London, 1877-83.

Dutt, R. C, "History of Civilization in Ancient India," 3 vols., Calcutta, 1889.

Dyer, T. F. T., "Popular Customs," London, 1876.

Dyer, T. F. T., "Folk-lore of Shakespeare," London, 1883.

Elliot, Sir H. M., "Supplement to the Glossary of Indian Terms," Roorkee, 1860.

Elliot, Sir H. M., "History of India as told by its own Historians," edited by Professor Dowson, 8 vols., London, 1867-77.

Elliott, Sir C. A., "Settlement Report of Hoshangâbâd," Allahabad, 1867.

"Encyclopædia Britannica," 9th edition, Edinburgh, 1875.

Ewald, H., "Antiquities of Israel," translation by H. S. Solly, London, 1876.

Ewald, G. H. A., "The History of Israel," translation by R. Martineau, 4th edition, London, 1867-85.

Farrer, J. A., "Primitive Manners and Customs," London, 1879.

Fausböll, V., "The Buddhist Jâtakas," Copenhagen, 1861.

Ferguson, J., "History of Indian Architecture," London, 1878.

Ferguson, J., "Tree and Serpent Worship," London, 1868.

Ferrier, J. P., "Caravan Journeys and Wanderings in Persia, Afghânistân, Turkestân and Belûchistân," London, 1856.

"Folk-lore," London, v.d.

"Folk-lore Record," London, v.d.

Forbes, H. O., "A Naturalist's Wanderings in the Eastern Archipelago," London, 1885.

Forbes, J., "Oriental Memoirs," London, 1813.

Forlong, J. G. R., "Rivers of Life," 2 vols., London, 1883.

Forsyth, Captain J., "Highlands of Central India," 2nd edition, London, 1889.

"Fortnightly Review," London, v.d.

Frazer, J. G., "The Golden Bough," 2 vols., London, 1890.

Frazer, J. G., "Totemism," London, 1887.

Frere, Miss M., "Old Deccan Days," London, 1870.

Führer, A., "Monumental Antiquities and Inscriptions of the North-West Provinces and Oudh," Allahabad, 1891.

Ganga Datt Upreti, "Proverbs and Folk-lore of Kumaun and Garhwâl," Ludhiana, 1894.

"Gazetteer of Berâr," Bombay, 1870.

"Gazetteer of Bombay," Bombay, v.d.

"Gazetteer of Central Provinces," Nagpur, 1870.

"Gazetteer of Himâlayan Districts of the North-Western Provinces," by E. T. Atkinson, 3 vols., Allahabad, 1882-84.

"Gazetteer of Oudh," 3 vols., Allahabad, 1870.

"Gazetteer of Râjputâna," 3 vols., Calcutta, v.d.

"Gesta Romanorum," translation by C. Swan and W. Hooper, London, 1888.

Goldziher, I., "Mythology among the Hebrews," translation by J. Martineau, London, 1877.

Gordon-Cumming, Miss C. F., "From the Hebrides to the Himalayas," 2 vols., London, 1876.

Gregor, Rev. W., "Notes on the Folk-lore of the North-East of Scotland," Folk-lore Society, London, 1881.

Grierson, G., "Bihâr Peasant Life," Calcutta, 1885.

Grimm, "Teutonic Mythology," translation by J. S. Stallybrass, 4 vols., London, 1880-88.

Grimm, "Household Tales," translated by Margaret Hunt, 2 vols., London, 1884.

Grote, G., "History of Greece," 12 vols., London, 1869.

Growse, F. S., "Mathura, a District Memoir," Allahabad, 1885.

Growse, F. S., "Râmâyan of Tulasi Dâs," Allahabad, 1877-80.

Gunthorpe, Major E. J., "Notes on the Criminal Tribes of Bombay, Berar and the Central Provinces," Bombay, 1882.

Hardy, E. S., "Manual of Buddhism," London, 1880.

Hartland, E. S., "Science of Fairy Tales," London, 1891.

Hartland, E. S., "Legend of Perseus," London, 1894-95.

Haug, M., "Aitareya Brâhmanam of the Rig Veda," 2 vols., Bombay, 1863.

Hearn, W. E., "The Aryan Household," London, 1879.

Heber, Bishop R., "Narrative of a journey through the Upper Provinces of India," 2 vols., London, 1861.

Henderson, W., "Notes on the Folk-lore of the Northern Counties of England and the Border," Folk-lore Society, London, 1879.

Herklots, G. A., "Qânûn-i-Islâm," Madras, 1863.

Herodotus, translated by G. Rawlinson, 4 vols., 3rd edition, London, 1875.

Hewitt, J. F., "The Ruling Races of Prehistoric Times," London, 1894.

Hislop, Rev. S., "Papers relating to the Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces," Nagpur, 1866.

Hughes, T. P., "Dictionary of Islâm," London, 1885.

Hunt, R., "Popular Romances of the West," 3rd edition, London, 1881.

Ibbetson, D. C. J., "Panjâb Ethnography," Calcutta, 1883.

"Indian Antiquary," the, Bombay, v.d.

Jacobs, J., "Celtic Fairy Tales," London, 1892.

Jacobs, J., "English Fairy Tales," London, 1890.

Jacobs, J., "Indian Fairy Tales," London, 1891.

Jones, W., "Finger-ring Lore," London, 1877.

Knowles, J. H., "Folk-tales of Kashmîr," London, 1888.

Lane, E. W., "Account of the Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians," 2 vols., London, 1871.

Lang, A., "Custom and Myth," London, 1885.

Lang, A., "Myth, Ritual and Religion," London, 1887.

Leland, C. G., "Etruscan Roman Remains in Popular Tradition," London, 1892.

Letourneau, C., "Sociology based on Ethnography," London, 1881.

Lubbock, Sir J., "Origin of Civilization and Primitive Condition of Man," London, 1882.

Lyall, Sir A. C., "Asiatic Studies," London, 1882.

Maclagan, E. D., "Panjâb Census Report," Calcutta, 1892.

Malcolm, Sir J., "Memoir of Central India," 2 vols., London, 1823.

Manning, Mrs., "Ancient and Mediæval India," 2 vols., London, 1869.

"Manu, Institutes of," translated by Sir W. Jones and G. C. Haughton, London, 1869.

"Memoirs of the Anthropological Society of London," 3 vols., London, 1865-70.

Mîr Hasan Ali, Mrs., "Observations on the Musalmâns of India," 2 vols., London, 1832.

Moens, S. M., "Bareilly Settlement Report," Allahabad, 1874.

Muir, J., "Original Sanskrit Texts," 5 vols., London, 1868-70.

Müller, F. Max, "Chips from a German Workshop," 4 vols., London, 1867.

Müller, F. Max, "History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature," London, 1859.

"North Indian Notes and Queries," Allahabad, v.d.

O'Brien, E., "Glossary of the Multâni Language," Lahore, 1881.

Oldfield, H. A., "Sketches from Nepâl," 2 vols., London, 1880.

Oldham, W., "Memoirs of the Ghâzipur District," 2 vols., Allahabad, 1870-76.

"Panjâb Notes and Queries," 4 vols., Allahabad, 1883-87.

"Proceedings Asiatic Society of Bengal," Calcutta, v.d.

"Proceedings Royal Asiatic Society," London, v.d.

Rajendra Lâla Mitra, "Indo-Aryans," 2 vols., London and Calcutta, 1881.

Reid, J. R., "Azamgarh Settlement Report," Allahabad, 1881.

Rhys, J., "Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion, as illustrated by Celtic Heathendom," London, 1888.

Risley, H. H., "Tribes and Castes of Bengal," 2 vols., Calcutta, 1891.

Robertson-Smith, W., "Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia," Cambridge, 1885.

Rousselet, L., "India and its Native Princes," London, 1890.

Rowney, H. B. (Shoshee Chunder Dutt), "Wild Tribes of India," London, 1882.

Schliemann, H., "Ilios," London, 1880.

Schrader, O., "Prehistoric Antiquities," London, 1890.

Scott, Sir W., "Letters on Demonology and Witchcraft," London, 1884.

Sherring, M. A., "The Sacred City of the Hindus," London, 1868.

Sherring, M. A., "Hindu Tribes and Castes," 3 vols., Calcutta, 1872-81.

Sleeman, W. H., "Journey Through the Kingdom of Oudh," 2 vols., London, 1858.

Sleeman, W. H., "Rambles and Recollections of an Indian Official," 2 vols., edited by V. A. Smith, London, 1893.

Spencer, H., "Principles of Sociology," 3rd edition, 2 vols., London, 1885.

Starcke, C. N., "The Primitive Family," London, 1889.

Stokes, Miss M., "Indian Fairy Tales," London, 1880.

Tawney, C. H., "Katha Sarit Sâgara," 2 vols., Calcutta, 1880.

Temple, R. C., "Legends of the Panjâb," Bombay, v.d.

Temple, R. C., "Proper Names of Panjâbis," Bombay, 1883.

Temple, R. C., "Wideawake Stories," Bombay, 1884.

Tennent, Sir J. E., "Ceylon," 2nd edition, 2 vols., 1859.

Thomas, E., "Chronicles of the Pathân Kings of Delhi," London, 1871.

"Thugs, Illustrations of the History and Practices of the," London, 1837.

Tod, J., "Annals and Antiquities of Râjasthân," 2 vols., Calcutta, 1884.

Trumbull, H. C., "The Blood Covenant," London, 1887.

Tylor, E. B., "Researches into the Early History of Mankind," London, 1865.

Tylor, E. B., "Primitive Culture," 2 vols., London, 1873.

Wake, C. S., "Serpent-worship," London, 1888.

Ward, W., "View of the History, Literature, and Religion of the Hindus," Madras, 1863.

Westropp, H. M., "Primitive Symbolism," London, 1885.

Wheeler, J. T., "History of India," 3 vols., London, 1867-74.

Whitney, W. D., "Oriental and Linguistic Studies," New York, 1873.

Wilde, Lady, "Ancient Legends, Mystic Charms and Superstitions of Ireland," London, 1888.

Williams, Sir Monier, "Sanskrit-English Dictionary," Oxford, 1872.

Williams, Sir Monier, "Brâhmanism and Hinduism," 4th edition, London, 1891.

Wilson, J., "Indian Caste," 2 vols., Bombay, 1877.

Wilson, H. H., "Works," 12 vols., London, 1862-71.

Wilson, H. H., "Vishnu Purâna," London, 1840.

Wilson, J., "Karnâl Settlement Report," Lahore, 1886.

Wright, D., "History of Nepâl," Cambridge, 1877.

Wright, F. N., "Memorandum on the Agriculture of Cawnpur," Allahabad, 1877.

Yule, H., "The Book of Ser Marco Polo," 2 vols., London, 1871.

NOTES

[1] For some of the literature of the Evil Eye see Tylor, "Early History," 134; Henderson, "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 187 sq.; Westropp, "Primitive Symbolism," 58 sqq.; Gregor, "Folk-lore of North-East Scotland," 8.

[2] "Natural History," vii. 2.

[3] Ibbetson, "Panjâb Ethnography," 117.

[4] Lady Wilde, "Legends," 24.

[5] Campbell, "Notes," 207.

[6] On this see valuable notes by W. Cockburn in "Panjâb Notes and Queries," i. 14.

[7] For many lists of such names see Temple, "Proper Names of Panjâbis," 22 sqq.; "Indian Antiquary," viii. 321 sq.; x. 321 sq.; "Panjâb Notes and Queries," i.26, 51; iii. 9.

[8] Gregor, "Folk-lore of North-East Scotland," 35.

[9] "Folk-lore," iii. 85.

[10] Lady Wilde, "Legends," 20.

[11] "Folk-lore," i. 273; Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," i. 242; Lubbock, "Origin of Civilization," 243; Farrer, "Primitive Manners," 119 sq.

[12] "Notes," 400.

[13] Cunningham, "Archæological Reports," vii. 6.

[14] "Folk-lore," ii. 179.

[15] "Bombay Gazetteer," v. 45 sq.

[16] "Folk-lore," iv. 147.

[17] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," ii. 42.

[18] Leland, "Etruscan Roman Remains," 53.

[19] Gregor, "Folk-lore of North-East Scotland," 7.

[20] Brand, "Observations," 753.

[21] Campbell, "Notes," 184.

[22] "Notes," 34.

[23] Gregor, "Folk-lore of North-East Scotland," 5, 60, 62.

[24] Reg. vs. Lalla, "Nizâmat Adâlat Reports," 22nd September, 1853.

[25] Gubernatis, "Zoological Mythology," ii. 281.

[26] "Folk-lore," i. 154.

[27] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 386, 575; ii. 64.

[28] Brand, "Observations," 339.

[29] "Primitive Manners," 293.

[30] Lady Wilde, "Legends," 181.

[31] "Etruscan Roman Remains," 264.

[32] "Bombay Gazetteer," v. 123; and for another instance, see Jarrett, "Aîn-i-Akbari," ii. 197.

[33] Lâl Bihâri Dê, "Folk-tales," 108 sqq.; Wilson, "Indian Caste," ii. 174.

[34] Campbell, "Notes," 69.

[35] Brand, "Observations," 344, 733.

[36] v. 21.

[37] For further examples see Campbell, "Notes," 126 sqq.

[38] Temple, "Wideawake Stories," 83; Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i.478.

[39] Cunningham, "Archæological Reports," vii. 50.

[40] Campbell, "Notes," 119.

[41] "North Indian Notes and Queries," iii. 53.

[42] Brand, "Observations," 733.

[43] "Anatomy of Melancholy," 434.

[44] Henderson, "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 146; Leland. "Etruscan Roman Remains," 267.

[45] Hunt, "Popular Romances," 213.

[46] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," iii. 67.

[47] Campbell, "Notes," 49 sq.

[48] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 115, 270, 272.

[49] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," i. 51.

[50] Risley, "Tribes and Castes," ii. 209.

[51] Brand, "Observations," 166.

[52] Leland, "Etruscan Roman Remains," 260, 279; Hartland, "Legend of Perseus," ii. 258 sqq.

[53] "Folk-lore," iv. 358, 361.

[54] Brand, loc. cit., 724.

[55] Campbell, "Notes," 131; Tylor, "Primitive Culture," ii. 439.

[56] Brand, loc. cit., 668.

[57] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," ii. 198.

[58] Schrader, "Prehistoric Antiquities," 163 sqq.

[59] Gregor, "Folk-lore of North-East Scotland," 45; Lady Wilde, "Legends," 205.

[60] "Folk-lore," ii. 292; Rhys, "Lectures," 446, 553; Campbell, "Popular Tales," Introduction, lxx.; ii. 98; Hartland, "Legend of Perseus," i. 37.

[61] Brand, "Observations," 355.

[62] Frazer, "Golden Bough," i. 125.

[63] "Bombay Gazetteer," xii. 117.

[64] Campbell, "Notes," 95.

[65] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 261, 321.

[66] Brand, "Observations," 58.

[67] Hartland, "Legend of Perseus," ii. 289.

[68] Dalton, loc. cit., 261.

[69] "Settlement Report," 274.

[70] "North Indian Notes and Queries," ii. 29.

[71] Campbell, "Notes," 92.

[72] Growse, "Râmâyana," 99.

[73] Frazer, "Totemism," 26 sq.

[74] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 157, 161, 191, 219, 251.

[75] Bholanâth Chandra, "Travels of a Hindu," i. 326; "Panjâb Notes and Queries," i. 27, 99; Farrer, "Primitive Manners," 125.

[76] Campbell, "Notes," p. 134.

[77] Yule, "Marco Polo," ii. 69,99; Herodotus, v. 6; and for the Dacians, Pliny, "Natural History," vii. 10; xxii. 2.

[78] Loc. cit., ii. 218.

[79] Hislop, "Papers," ii., note; Risley, "Tribes and Castes," i. 292.

[80] Brand, "Observations," 399. For the Indian versions of Cinderella and her shoe, see "North Indian Notes and Queries," iii. 102, 121.

[81] "Legend of Perseus," i. 171.

[82] Hunt, "Popular Romances," 409.

[83] Campbell, "Notes," 105.

[84] "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 86.

[85] Brand, "Observations," 335.

[86] Campbell, "Notes," 91, quoting Chambers, "Book of Days," 720.

[87] Leland, "Etruscan Roman Remains," 93.

[88] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," iv. 132; Campbell, "Notes," 284.

[89] Brand, "Observations," 121.

[90] Brand, "Observations," 598.

[91] Rhys, "Lectures." 348; Miss Cox, "Cinderella," 489; Grimm, "Household Tales," ii. 429; Hartland, "Legend of Perseus," i. 12.

[92] Knowles, "Folk-lore of Kashmîr," 333.

[93] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 283.

[94] Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," i. 254, note, 301.

[95] "History of Indian Architecture," 57 sqq.; Cunningham, "Archæological Reports," ii. 87; xvi. 8 sqq.

[96] Monier-Williams, "Brâhmanism and Hinduism," 203.

[97] Aubrey, "Remaines," 57.

[98] "Notes," 177.

[99] Westropp, "Primitive Symbolism," 58 sqq., 61 sqq.

[100] "Bombay Gazetteer," xviii. 473, 426.

[101] "Settlement Report," 59 sqq.

[102] Tod, "Annals," i. 383, note, 411, note.

[103] Campbell, "Notes." 251.

[104] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," ii. 44.

[105] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," iii. 186.

[106] "Folk-lore," ii. 75; Lady Wilde, "Legends," 110; Brand, "Observations," 754.

[107] Lady Wilde, loc. cit., 79.

[108] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 337; ii. 233, 358.

[109] ii. 279.

[110] "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 61.

[111] Tod, "Annals," i. 457; "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 169.

[112] Brand, "Observations," 359.

[113] Trumbull, "Blood Covenant," 65; Lubbock, "Origin of Civilization," 25; Tylor, "Early History," 128 sq.; Jones, "Finger-ring Lore," 91 sqq.

[114] Knowles, "Folk-tales," 23.

[115] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 61; ii. 80; Lane, "Arabian Nights," i. 9.

[116] Miss Frere, "Old Deccan Days," 230, 236.

[117] Knowles, "Folk-tales," 467.

[118] Risley, "Tribes and Castes," ii. 49; Tawney, loc. cit., i. 300.

[119] Henderson, "Folk-lore of Northern Counties," 155; Gregor, "Folk-lore of North-East Scotland," 145.

[120] "Notes and Queries," i. ser. iv. 500.

[121] Leland, "Etruscan Roman Remains," 259.

[122] Lady Wilde, "Legends," 195, 197, 199.

[123] "Settlement Report," 278, 286.

[124] "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 15.

[125] Tod, "Annals," i. 415; Henderson, "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 20.

[126] Knowles, "Folk-tales of Kashmîr," 71; Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 340.

[127] Risley, "Tribes and Castes." i. 173, 315.

[128] Leland, "Etruscan Roman Remains," 168.

[129] Risley, loc. cit., i. 425.

[130] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 576, quoting Lenormant, "Chaldean Magic and Sorcery," 141; Ralston, "Songs of the Russian People," 288.

[131] Campbell, "Notes," 60.

[132] Harland, "Science of Fairy Tales," 79 sqq.

[133] Growse, 146.

[134] "Primitive Culture," i. 120.

[135] Frazer, "Golden Bough," ii. 151.

[136] Henderson, "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 48; Lady Wilde, "Legends," 146 sqq.

[137] Lâl Bihâri Dê, "Govinda Sâmanta," i. 12.

[138] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," ii. 66. It has been suggested that the idea arose from the Sanskrit word sasin, meaning "hare-marked" or "the moon"; but this seems rather putting the cart before the horse. Conway, "Demonology," i. 125; Gubernatis, "Zoological Mythology," ii. 8; Aubrey, "Remaines," 20, 109.

[139] "Bombay Gazetteer," vi. 126; Gregor, "Folk-lore of North-East Scotland," 128; Lady Wilde, "Legends," 179.

[140] Tod, "Annals," ii. 577 sq.

[141] Malcolm, "Central India," i. 253, note.

[142] Tawney, loc cit., ii. 128.

[143] Blochmann, "Aîn-i-Akbari," i. 91.

[144] "Annals," i. 694.

[145] Malcolm, "Central India," i. 12, note.

[146] "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 137, 207; ii. 28; iii. 18; "Panjâb Notes and Queries," i. 15, 87, 137.

[147] Growse, "Mathura," 128.

[148] Gregor, "Folk-lore of North-East Scotland," 200 sq.

[149] "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 15.

[150] Hunt, "Popular Romances," 379; "Contemporary Review," xlviii. 108; Gregor, "Folk-lore of North-East Scotland," 206.

[151] Monier-Williams, "Brâhmanism and Hinduism," 293.

[152] Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," i. 153.

[153] Gregor, loc. cit., 206; Conway, "Demonology," i. 53; Farrer, "Primitive Manners," 23.

[154] "Bombay Gazetteer," xii. 107; Campbell, "Notes," 394.

[155] Risley, "Tribes and Castes," ii. 34.

[156] Brand, "Observations," 450.

[157] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 219.

[158] "Folk-lore," i. 155.

[159] Knowles, "Folk-tales," 401.

[160] Leland, "Etruscan Roman Remains," 260.

[161] "North Indian Notes and Queries," ii. 10; iii. 90.

[162] "Folk-lore," iv. 257.

[163] "Himâlayan Gazetteer," ii. 832; Tylor, "Primitive Culture," ii. 126; Wilson, "Essays," ii. 292; Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," i. 147.

[164] Risley, "Tribes and Castes," ii. 19.

[165] Lady Wilde, "Legends," 83.

[166] "Zoological Mythology," i. 49.

[167] Frazer, "Golden Bough," i. 154.

[168] "Bombay Gazetteer," viii. 159.

[169] Lady Wilde, "Legends," 83.

[170] Henderson, "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 14, 271; Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 305, 546; Tylor, "Primitive Culture," ii. 194 sq; "Contemporary Review," xlviii. 113; Grierson, "Behâr Peasant Life," 388; "Folk-lore," ii. 26, 294.

[171] "Bombay Gazetteer," xii. 109; "Illustrations of the History and Practices of the Thags," 9.

[172] Risley, "Tribes and Castes," ii. 75.

[173] "Notes," 214, 473.

[174] "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 264.

[175] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 202 sq.

[176] "Folk-lore," iv. 360.

[177] "Settlement Report," 263 sq.

[178] Hislop, "Papers," 19.

[179] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 274.

[180] "Principles of Sociology," i. 161.

[181] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 12; Tylor, "Primitive Culture," ii. 33 sq.

[182] "North Indian Notes and Queries," ii. 7; iii. 17; Campbell, "Notes," 495.

[183] Frazer, "Golden Bough," i. 196.

[184] "Bombay Gazetteer," iii. 220.

[185] Leland, "Etruscan Roman Remains," 281.

[186] "Legend of Perseus," ii. 320.

[187] Temple, "Wide-awake Tales," 414; "Legends of the Panjâb," i. Introduction xix.; "Folk-lore," ii. 236; Miss Cox, "Cinderella," 504; Clouston, "Popular Tales," i. 341; Campbell, "Santâl Folk-tales," 16; Grimm, "Household Tales," ii. 382.

[188] Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," i. 157, 206; Tylor, "Primitive Culture," i. 482; Lubbock, "Origin of Civilization," 37; Farrer, "Primitive Manners," 21 sq.

[189] Gubernatis, "Zoological Mythology," i. 49.

[190] "Descriptive Ethnology," 205.

[191] Lady Wilde, "Legends," 118, 140.

[192] "Bombay Gazetteer," xii. 118; "Folk-lore," iv. 245.

[193] "Travels in the Himâlaya," i. 342.

[194] Risley, "Tribes and Castes," i. 126, 174, 395; ii. 71; "Bombay Gazetteer," xiii. 187; Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 218.

[195] Hunt, "Popular Romances," 82.

[196] Brand, "Observations," 519.

[197] Tylor, "Primitive Culture," ii. 152.

[198] Risley, loc. cit., ii. 326.

[199] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 204 sq.

[200] Dyer, "Popular Customs," 57.

[201] Ibid., 199.

[202] Ibid., 398.

[203] "Folk-lore," ii. 310.

[204] Leland, "Etruscan Roman Remains," 345.

[205] "North Indian Notes and Queries," iii. 35.

[206] "Remaines," 95; Henderson, "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 57.

[207] Gregor, "Folk-lore of North-East Scotland," 213.

[208] Frazer, "Contemporary Review," xlviii. 117; Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," i. 195.

[209] Campbell, "Notes," 334.

[210] Numbers xix. 15.

[211] "Annals," ii. 542.

[212] Grimm, "Household Tales," ii. 402; Clouston, "Popular Tales," i. 380.

[213] Lane, "Arabian Nights," i. 71; Lâl Bihâri Dê, "Folk-tales," 198, 274.

[214] Brand, "Observations," 435.

[215] Lâl Bihâri Dê, "Folk-tales of Bengal," 198, 206; "Govinda Sâmanta," i. 135; "North Indian Notes and Queries," iii. 199.

[216] "Folk-lore," ii. 286.

[217] "Notes," 165.

[218] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 25.

[219] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 229; ii. 116; Tylor, "Primitive Culture," i. 476; ii. 148, 215.

[220] Tawney, loc. cit., ii. 338, 511.

[221] "Notes," 146 sq.

[222] Tawney, loc. cit., i. 337, 204; ii. 427, 83.

[223] Temple, "Wide-awake Stories," 317; "Indian Antiquary," xi. 260 sq.; Leland, "Etruscan Roman Remains," 163.

[224] As if from Jaksh, "to eat;" a more probable derivation is Yaksh, "to move," "to worship."

[225] Spencer Hardy, "Manual of Buddhism," 269; Conway, "Demonology," i. 151 sq.

[226] "Bombay Gazetteer," v. 133, 236.

[227] Frazer, "Golden Bough," ii. 17.

[228] "Himâlayan Gazetteer," iii. 117.

[229] Ibid., ii. 833; "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 56.

[230] Ganga Datt, "Folk-lore," 71.

[231] Aubrey, "Remaines," 59; Henderson, "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 263.

[232] Ghoghar in Bombay takes the form of a native seaman or Lascar, "Bombay Gazetteer," iv. 343.

[233] Jacobs, "English Fairy Tales."

[234] "Principles of Sociology," i. 359.

[235] "Primitive Culture," ii. 221, 89.

[236] "Golden Bough," i. 39.

[237] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 56, 40, 43, 283; Hislop, "Papers," 10.

[238] "Brihatsanhita," Rajendra Lâla Mitra, "Indo-Aryans," i. 245.

[239] Campbell, "Notes," 225.

[240] Forlong, "Rivers of Life;" Westropp, "Primitive Symbolism."

[241] Groome, "Encyclopædia Britannica," s.v. "Gypsies."

[242] "Calcutta Review," xxvi. 512.

[243] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 174; ii. 181, 592, 286.

[244] Ibid., ii. 270.

[245] "North Indian Notes and Queries," iii. 123; Grimm, "Household Tales," ii. 429.

[246] Ibid., ii. 142.

[247] Grimm, "Household Tales," ii. 596.

[248] Temple, "Wide-awake Stories," 413.

[249] Knowles, "Folk-tales," 184; Grimm, loc. cit., ii. 428.

[250] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 153; ii. 387, 460.

[251] Dyer, "Popular Customs," 467.

[252] Führer, "Monumental Antiquities," 304; "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 4, 37; "Bombay Gazetteer," ii. 355.

[253] "Golden Bough," i. 61.

[254] "North Indian Notes and Queries," ii. 112.

[255] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 129, 132, 141, 186, 188.

[256] Hislop, "Papers," 20.

[257] "Berâr Gazetteer," 29, 31.

[258] Growse, "Mathura," 70, 76 sqq., 83, 420, 470, 458.

[259] "Himâlayan Gazetteer," iii. 47.

[260] Moorcroft, "Travels," i. 211.

[261] "North Indian Notes and Queries," iii. 16.

[262] Conway, "Demonology," i. 315 sq.; Farrer, "Primitive Manners," 309; Sir W. Scott, "Letters on Demonology," 79; Gregor, "Folk-lore of North-East Scotland," 116, 179; Henderson, "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 278.

[263] "Oudh Gazetteer," i. 566; Führer, "Monumental Antiquities," 304. See instances collected by Hartland, "Legend of Perseus," ii. 35 sqq.

[264] Henderson, loc. cit., 273.

[265] Campbell, "Notes," 221 sq.

[266] "Calcutta Review," lxix. 364 sq.

[267] Campbell, "Notes," 237.

[268] Haug, "Aitareya Brâhmanam," ii. 486 sq.

[269] Cunningham, "Bhilsa Topes," 24; "Archæological Reports," i. 5 sq.; Ferguson, "Eastern Architecture," 69; Führer, "Monumental Antiquities," 127.

[270] "Himâlayan Gazetteer," ii. 783.

[271] Campbell, "Notes," 238.

[272] Tod, "Annals," i. 611.

[273] See instances collected by Wake, "Serpent Worship," 18.

[274] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," ii. 293.

[275] Ibbetson, "Panjâb Ethnography," 118; "Panjâb Notes and Queries," ii. 55; O'Brien, "Multâni Glossary," 82.

[276] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," ii. 74; Elliot, "Supplementary Glossary," 26.

[277] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 148, 281, 283; Rousselet, "India and its Native Princes," 369 sq.

[278] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 162.

[279] Sleeman, "Rambles and Recollections," ii. 18; Tylor, "Primitive Culture," ii. 225.

[280] "Quarterly Review," cxiv. 226; "Folk-lore," iii. 88.

[281] Hunt, "Popular Romances," 420.

[282] Temple, "Legends of the Panjâb," i. 473.

[283] Campbell, "Notes," 234.

[284] Mullaly, "Notes on Madras Criminal Tribes," 20.

[285] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," iii. 38.

[286] i. 287.

[287] Ward, "Hindus," ii. 13, quoted by Campbell, "Notes," 229.

[288] Lâl Bihâri Dê, "Folk-tales," 280.

[289] Campbell, loc. cit., 229.

[290] "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 207.

[291] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 189.

[292] "Sirsa Settlement Report," 154.

[293] Wilson, "Works," iii. 68.

[294] Campbell, "Notes," 248.

[295] Rhys, "Lectures," 359.

[296] Kelly, "Curiosities," 159; Conway, "Demonology," i. 126; Gubernatis, "Zoological Mythology," i. 225; Dyer, "Popular Customs," 274; Brand, "Observations," 616.

[297] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 439.

[298] Campbell, "Santâl Folk-tales," 54.

[299] Campbell, "Notes," 239.

[300] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 109, 220, 234.

[301] Campbell, loc. cit., 232.

[302] Ibbetson, "Panjâb Ethnography," 119.

[303] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," ii. 42; "North Indian Notes and Queries," ii. 27.

[304] "Eastern India," iii. 555.

[305] "North Indian Notes and Queries," ii. 151 sq.

[306] "Notes," 461.

[307] "Bombay Gazetteer," vii. 61.

[308] Risley, "Tribes and Castes," ii. 201.

[309] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 194.

[310] Ibid., 319.

[311] Atkinson, "Himâlayan Gazetteer," ii. 912.

[312] Wright, "History of Nepâl," 33.

[313] "Settlement Report," 38.

[314] "Archæological Reports," x. 177.

[315] "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 15.

[316] "Settlement Report," 167.

[317] "Bombay Gazetteer," iii. 221.

[318] Oppert, "Original Inhabitants," 73.

[319] "Totemism," 33 sqq.

[320] Campbell, "Notes," 250.

[321] Manning, "Ancient India," ii. 330 sq.; Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 185.

[322] "Primitive Culture," ii. 239.

[323] Monier-Williams, "Brâhmanism and Hinduism," 319 sqq.

[324] Wheeler, "History of India," i. 148; "Gazetteer Central Provinces," lxiii.; lxxii.; Campbell, "Notes," 269; Ferguson, "Tree and Serpent Worship," Appendix D; Elliot, "Supplementary Glossary," s.v. "Gaur Taga"; Tod, "Annals," i. 38; Atkinson, "Himâlayan Gazetteer," ii. 280 sqq., 297; Temple, "Legends of the Panjâb," i. 414 sq.

[325] Bhekal Nâg is perhaps the Sanskrit bheka, "frog." It has been suggested that the gypsy Beng or Devil is connected with Bheka, and thus allied to serpent-worship (Groome, "Encyclopædia Britannica," Art. "Gypsies"). Sir G. Cox ("Introduction," 87, note) makes out Bheki, or "the squatting frog," to be an old name for the sun. For the Himâlayan snake shrines see Atkinson, loc. cit., ii. 374 sq.

[326] Oldham, "Contemporary Review," April, 1885.

[327] Oldfield, "Sketches," ii. 204; Wright, "History," 85.

[328] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," ii. 173, 544.

[329] "Calcutta Review," li. 304 sq.; liv. 25 sq.; Ferguson, "Eastern Architecture," 289; "Central Provinces Gazetteer," 86.

[330] Tawney, loc. cit. i. 577.

[331] Ibid., i. 312; ii. 225.

[332] "Archæological Reports," vii. 4.

[333] "Settlement Report," 121.

[334] Beal, "Travels of Fah Hian," 67 sq.

[335] "Archæological Reports," i. 274.

[336] Wright, "History of Nepâl," 85, 141.

[337] Henderson, "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 289; "Gloucestershire Folk-lore," 23.

[338] Führer, "Monumental Antiquities," 144.

[339] Beal, loc. cit., 90.

[340] "Eastern India," ii. 149.

[341] Growse, "Mathura," 55, 58.

[342] Ibid., 71.

[343] "Reports," xxi. 2, "Academy," 23rd April, 1887.

[344] Sherring, "Sacred City," 75, 87 sqq.; Führer, "Monumental Antiquities," 211. For weather snakes see Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 438.

[345] "Brâhmanism and Hinduism," 323.

[346] Tawney, loc. cit., i. 32, 55, 538; ii. 568.

[347] Gangadatta, "Folk-lore of Kumaun," Introduction, vii.

[348] Ibbetson, "Panjâb Ethnography," 114; "Legends of the Panjâb," i. 426.

[349] "Principles of Sociology," i. 345; Gubernatis, "Zoological Mythology," ii. 407 sq.; Wake, "Serpent-worship," 105; Tylor, "Primitive Culture," ii. 240.

[350] Leland, "Etruscan Roman Remains," 132.

[351] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," i. 2.

[352] Tod, "Annals," i. 777 sqq.

[353] Clouston, "Popular Tales," i. 127; Grimm, "Household Tales," ii. 405; Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," ii. 454; Jacobs, "English Fairy Tales," 207, 251.

[354] Gubernatis, "Zoological Mythology," ii. 407; Clouston, loc. cit., i. 126.

[355] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," ii. 91.

[356] Conway, "Demonology," i. 353 sq.

[357] Miss Frere, "Old Deccan Tales," 33; Lâl Bihâri Dê, "Folk-tales," 19.

[358] "Oriental Memoirs," ii. 19, 385.

[359] Knowles, "Folk-tales," 492.

[360] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 182.

[361] Tawney, loc. cit., ii. 99; Temple, "Legends of the Panjâb," i. Introduction, xv.; "Wideawake Stories," 193, 331.

[362] Atkinson, "Himâlayan Gazetteer," ii. 851.

[363] Tod, "Annals," i. 614; Wright, "History," 37.

[364] Rousselet, "India and its Native Princes," 28.

[365] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," iii. 75.

[366] "Eastern India," ii. 481.

[367] Grierson, "Bihâr Peasant Life," 405; "Maithili Chrestomathy," 23 sqq., where examples of the songs are given; "Panjâb Notes and Queries," iii. 38.

[368] Atkinson, "Himâlayan Gazetteer," ii. 836.

[369] "Settlement Report," 120 sq.

[370] "Natural History," xxxvii. 10.

[371] "Gazetteer," xi. 36.

[372] "Popular Tales," ii. 385.

[373] Führer, "Monumental Antiquities," 28.

[374] Hardy, "Manual of Buddhism," 146.

[375] "Oudh Gazetteer," i. 597.

[376] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," i. 15.

[377] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 564; ii. 315.

[378] Temple, "Wideawake Stories," 304, 424; "Panjâb Notes and Queries," i. 15, 76.

[379] Sleeman, "Rambles," i. 42; Conway, "Demonology," i. 354.

[380] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," iii. 92, 59.

[381] "Remaines," 39. He perhaps refers to Tavernier, "Travels," Ball's Edition), i. 42; ii. 249.

[382] "Custom and Myth," ii. 197.

[383] Frazer, "Totemism," 1; and his article on "Totemism," in "Encyclopædia Britannica," 9th Edition.

[384] "Principles of Sociology," i. 367.

[385] "Origin of Civilization," 260, and Mr. Frazer's criticism, loc. cit.

[386] "Tribes and Castes," Introduction.

[387] Frazer, "Golden Bough," i. 13, note.

[388] Robertson-Smith, "Kinship," 17.

[389] Leland, "Etruscan Roman Remains," 90.

[390] Quoted by McLennan, "Fortnightly Review," 1869, p. 419.

[391] O'Brien, "Multâni Glossary," 260 sq.

[392] "Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh," s.v.v.

[393] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 254; Risley, "Tribes and Castes," ii. 327.

[394] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," ii. 91.

[395] Frazer, "Golden Bough," ii. 95.

[396] "Dissertation on the Proper Names of Panjâbis," 155 sq.

[397] "Totemism," 3 sqq.

[398] Yule, "Marco Polo," i. 52.

[399] Hardy, "Manual of Buddhism," 251.

[400] Max Müller, "Ancient Sanskrit Literature," 290.

[401] "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 10; ii. 215; iii. 144; Ball, "Jungle Life," 455 sqq.

[402] Dalton "Descriptive Ethnology," 126, 162, 165 sq., 179, 185, 209, 231, 265.

[403] "Jungle Life," 600.

[404] Campbell, "Notes," 7.

[405] "Râjputâna Gazetteer," i. 223.

[406] Rhys, "Lectures," 508.

[407] Dalton, loc. cit., 327.

[408] Risley, "Tribes and Castes," Introduction, xlvii.

[409] Conway, "Demonology," i. 27; "Herodotus," ii. 73.

[410] Dalton, loc. cit., 131, note; Ball, loc. cit., 89; Robertson-Smith, "Kinship," 306 sq.

[411] "Berâr Gazetteer," 187.

[412] Campbell, "Notes," 8 sqq.

[413] Gubernatis, "Zoological Mythology," ii. 68; and see Lang, "Custom and Myth," 113.

[414] Conway, "Demonology," i. 144.

[415] Tod, "Annals," i. 599.

[416] Gubernatis, loc. cit., ii. 13.

[417] "Golden Bough," ii. 26 sqq., 58.

[418] "Asiatic Studies," 264.

[419] "Archæological Reports," vi. 137.

[420] Führer, "Monumental Antiquities," 88.

[421] "Tribes and Castes," ii. Appendix; Dalton, loc. cit., 162, note, 213, 254.

[422] Lyall, "Asiatic Studies," 9 sq.

[423] Ferrier, "Caravan Journey," 186.

[424] Muir, "Ancient Sanskrit Texts," v. 425 sq.; Lâl Bihâri Dê, "Folk-tales of Bengal," 193 sq., 277; Temple, "Legends of the Panjâb," 48 sqq.; "Wideawake Stories," 277 sqq.; Campbell, "Popular Tales," i. 2; Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," ii. 323; and for fidelity tests, Grimm, "Household Tales," i. 453; Tawney, loc. cit., ii. 601; Clouston, "Popular Romances," i. 43, 173.

[425] Tylor, "Primitive Culture," i. 352, note; "Wideawake Stories," 419 sqq.; "Panjâb Notes and Queries," iv. 201; Knowles, "Folk-tales of Kashmîr," 192; Tawney, loc. cit., i. 123; Grimm, loc. cit., ii. 400; Hunt, "Popular Romances," 178.

[426] Also see Rhys, "Lectures," 206; Lang, "Custom and Myth," 52.

[427] "Notes," 163.

[428] Hunt, "Popular Romances," 418.

[429] "Modern Egyptians," i. 325.

[430] "Popular Romances," 177.

[431] "Popular Romances," 412, 415.

[432] Führer, "Monumental Antiquities," 173.

[433] "Bombay Gazetteer," xi. 56; xvii. 698.

[434] Robertson-Smith, "Kinship," 49; Lubbock, "Origin of Civilization," 306; Tylor, "Primitive Culture," ii. 164; Conway, "Demonology," ii. 284.

[435] Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," i. 268; Lang, "Custom and Myth," i. 270.

[436] "Indo-Aryans," ii. 70 sqq.; "Journal Asiatic Society, Bengal," 1876; Max Müller, "Ancient Sanskrit Literature," 408 sq.; Muir, "Ancient Sanskrit Texts," i., ii., passim; Wilson, "Rig Veda," i. 59, 63; "Essays," ii. 247 sqq.; Atkinson, "Himâlayan Gazetteer," ii. 800, 867.

[437] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 336; ii. 253, 338; Temple, "Wideawake Stories," 147; Lâl Bihâri Dê, "Folk-tales," 194; Miss Frere, "Old Deccan Days," 6; "North Indian Notes and Queries," ii. 111, 129; iii. 105.

[438] Burton, "Arabian Nights," iv. 376.

[439] Tawney, loc. cit., i. 212; ii. 616.

[440] "North Indian Notes and Queries," iii. 65.

[441] Ibid., ii. 22.

[442] "Central India," ii. 210.

[443] Campbell, "Khondistân," passim; Frazer, "Golden Bough," i. 384 sqq.; "Râjputâna Gazetteer," ii. 47; Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 130, 147, 176, 285 sq., 281.

[444] Chevers, "Medical Jurisprudence," 406, 411.

[445] Campbell, "Notes," 339: Wilson, "Indian Caste," ii. 22 sq.; "Bombay Gazetteer," x. 114.

[446] Wright, "History," 11, note.

[447] Ball, "Jungle Life," 580.

[448] "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 112, 148. And for other instances, see Balfour, "Cyclopædia," iii. 477 sqq.

[449] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," iii. 75.

[450] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 157, 214.

[451] Knowles, "Folk-tales," 2.

[452] Leland, "Etruscan Roman Remains," 294; Grimm, "Household Tales," i. 396; Hartland, "Legend of Perseus," i. 98.

[453] "Report Inspector-General Police, N.-W.P., 1870," page 93; "Panjâb Notes and Queries," ii. 205; iii. 74, 162; Chevers, "Medical Jurisprudence," 842, 396; Campbell, "Notes," 338.

[454] "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 148; iii. 71.

[455] Robertson-Smith, "Kinship," 48 sq.

[456] Risley, "Tribes and Castes," i. 456; Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 220.

[457] "Folk-lore," iv. 260.

[458] "North Indian Notes and Queries." iii. 40.

[459] Ibid., 106.

[460] "Bombay Gazetteer," ii. 349; xiv. 49.

[461] Führer, "Monumental Antiquities," 194.

[462] For similar instances see "Archæological Reports," v. 98; "Bombay Gazetteer," xx. 144; "Folk-lore Records," iii. Part II. 182; "Oudh Gazetteer," iii. 253; "Indian Antiquary," xi. 117; "Calcutta Review," lxxvii. 106; Lâl Bihâri Dê, "Folk-tales," 130; "Panjâb Notes and Queries," iii. 110; "North Indian Notes and Queries," ii. 27, 63, 93; Campbell, "Santâl Folk-tales," 106.

[463] "Bombay Gazetteer," iv. 276.

[464] Campbell, "Notes," 348.

[465] "Settlement Report," 126.

[466] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 146, 281; Risley, "Tribes and Castes," i. 115.

[467] Wright, "History," 35 sq., 156, note, 126, 205, 265.

[468] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," ii. 594.

[469] Ibid., i. 306.

[470] Yule, "Marco Polo," ii. 165.

[471] Henderson, "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 54, 200 sqq.

[472] "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 190.

[473] Miss Cox, "Cinderella," 485; Knowles, "Kashmîr Tales," 199; Clouston, "Popular Tales," i. 88; Rhys, "Lectures," 241; Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," ii. 612.

[474] "Folk-lore Record," iii. Part II. 283. For the commonplace Momiâî which is used as an application by women before parturition, see Watt's "Dictionary of Economic Products," ii. 115.

[475] Führer, "Monumental Antiquities," 284.

[476] Buchanan, "Eastern India," i. 526.

[477] "Oudh Gazetteer," i. 303; ii. 415.

[478] Atkinson, "Himâlayan Gazetteer," ii. 311, note, 792 sq.

[479] "Oudh Gazetteer," i. 61.

[480] "Himâlayan Gazetteer," ii. 282.

[481] Macaulay, "Battle of Lake Regillus," Introduction.

[482] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 220.

[483] "North Indian Notes and Queries," iii. 2.

[484] Campbell, "Notes," 30.

[485] Rhys, "Lectures," 193.

[486] Hunt, "Popular Romances," 427.

[487] Forbes, "Wanderings of a Naturalist," 103.

[488] Henderson, "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 165; Brand, "Observations," 621.

[489] "Principles of Sociology," i. 109 sq., 310; Tylor, "Primitive Culture," i. 353.

[490] "Asiatic Studies," 16.

[491] "Illustrations of the History and Practice of the Thags." 46 sqq.

[492] Tod, "Annals," i. 615; "Panjâb Notes and Queries," iii. 221.

[493] Oldfield, "Sketches," 344, 352.

[494] "North Indian Notes and Queries," iii. 54.

[495] Wilson, "Essays," ii. 188; Risley, "Tribes and Castes," i. 16, 67, 93, 451.

[496] Campbell, "Notes," 9.

[497] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," ii. 20 sq., 93.

[498] Tod, "Annals," ii. 320.

[499] Habakkuk i. 16; Isaiah xxi. 5.

[500] Dyer, "Popular Customs," 400; Brand, "Observations," 209, 773; Aubrey, "Remaines," 25.

[501] Lady Wilde, "Legends," 116.

[502] Grimm, "Teutonic Mythology," 934; Frazer, "Golden Bough," ii. 164.

[503] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 187, note, 247.

[504] "Idylls," iii. 31.

[505] Henderson, "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 52; Gregor, "Folk-lore of North-East Scotland," 43, 92.

[506] Dalton, loc. cit., 218.

[507] "Academy," 23rd July, 1887; "Gentleman's Magazine," July, 1887; Henderson, loc. cit., 233; Brand, "Observations," 233; Lady Wilde, "Legends," 207.

[508] Brand, "Observations," 354.

[509] "Calcutta Review," xviii. 60.

[510] "Folk-lore," i. 157; ii. 293.

[511] Campbell, "Notes," 53.

[512] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," iii. 202; Leland, "Etruscan Roman Remains," 79.

[513] "Calcutta Review," xviii. 51.

[514] Cox, "Mythology of the Aryan Nations," ii. 119, note.

[515] Chambers, "Book of Days," i. 94 sq.

[516] Dalton, loc. cit., 252, 258.

[517] "Primitive Culture," ii. 277.

[518] "Principles of Sociology," i. 158, 273.

[519] "Tribes and Castes of the N.-W. P. and Oudh," s. v. "Agnihotri."

[520] Grimm, "Household Tales," ii. 547.

[521] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 322.

[522] Oldfield, "Sketches," ii. 242; Wright, "History," 35; and compare Prescott, "Peru," i. chap. 3; Lubbock, "Origin of Civilization," 312.

[523] Lady Wilde, "Legends," 126.

[524] Abul Fazl appears to have confused Sûraj Sankrânti or the entrance of the sun into a constellation with Sûrya-Kânta or "sun-beloved," the sun-crystal or lens, which gives out heat when exposed to the rays of the sun.

[525] Blochmann, "Aîn-i-Akbari," i. 48.

[526] Leland, "Etruscan Roman Remains," 103.

[527] "Folk-lore," iv. 359.

[528] Dyer, "Popular Customs," 92.

[529] "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 199.

[530] Hugel, "Travels," quoted by Jarrett, "Aîn-i-Akbari," ii. 314.

[531] "Settlement Report," 121.

[532] "North Indian Notes and Queries," ii. 117; Hunt, "Popular Romances," 81; Campbell, "Popular Tales," ii. 82.

[533] Conway, "Demonology," i. 225.

[534] Rajendra Lâla Mitra, "Indo-Aryans," i. 146.

[535] Ferguson, "Tree and Serpent Worship," 88; "History of Indian Architecture," 60; Cunningham, "Bhilsa Topes," 9; Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," i. 254 sq.

[536] "Central Provinces Gazetteer," 63; "Panjâb Notes and Queries," ii. 8; "North Indian Notes and Queries," ii. 93.

[537] iv. 82.

[538] Monier-Williams, "Hinduism and Brâhmanism," 309.

[539] Tennent, "Ceylon, ii. 132; Ferguson, "Indian Architecture," 184, with engraving; Tylor, "Early History," 116.

[540] "Oudh Gazetteer," ii. 370.

[541] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 342; ii. 135, 230, 302, 363; "North Indian Notes and Queries," iii. 13; Clouston, "Popular Tales," i. 448.

[542] Lâl Bihâri Dê, "Folk-tales," 139.

[543] Tawney, loc. cit., i. 499; ii. 276; Grimm, "Household Tales," No. 33; i. 357; Knowles, "Folk-tales of Kashmîr," 432; Campbell, "Santâl Folk-tales," 22; Miss Cox, "Cinderella," 496; Campbell, "Popular Tales," i. 283.

[544] Temple, "Wideawake Stories," 74, 412; Lâl Bihâri Dê, loc. cit., 40, 106, 134, 138, 155, 210, 223; "Cinderella," 526; "North Indian Notes and Queries," iii. 13; Clouston, loc. cit., i. 223.

[545] Campbell, "Notes," 259.

[546] "Rig Veda," iv. 33; Datt, "History of Civilization," i. 72 sq., 79; Monier-Williams, "Brâhmanism and Hinduism," 329.

[547] Wright, "History," 165; "Iliad," v. 265 sqq.; Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," ii. 593.

[548] Tawney, ibid., i. 130, 574, quoting Grimm, "Teutonic Mythology," i. 392.

[549] Campbell, "Popular Tales," Introduction, lxxviii.

[550] Miss Cox, "Cinderella," 476; Clouston, "Popular Tales," i. 373.

[551] Clouston, loc. cit., i. 417; Grimm, "Household Tales," ii. 479; Tawney, loc. cit., ii. 261; Clouston, ibid., 110, 218; Tawney, ibid., i. 13.

[552] Rousselet, "India and its Native Princes," 116.

[553] "Indian Antiquary," xi. 325 sq.; "Panjâb Notes and Queries," ii. 2.

[554] Campbell, "Notes," 392.

[555] "Germania," 10.

[556] Henderson, "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 142.

[557] Gubernatis, "Zoological Mythology," i. 332.

[558] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," i. 113.

[559] "Annals," ii. 319.

[560] Lubbock, "Origin of Civilization," 275.

[561] Campbell, "Notes," 292.

[562] Hislop, "Papers," Appendix, i. iii.

[563] Burton, "Arabian Nights," ii. 340.

[564] Knowles, "Folk-tales," 90; Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," ii. 168; Clouston, "Popular Tales," i. 97; Grimm, "Household Tales," ii. 419.

[565] Tawney, loc. cit., i. 37, 78; ii. 28, 32; Grimm, loc. cit., ii. 404; Tawney, loc. cit., ii. 107.

[566] Gubernatis, loc. cit., ii. 160.

[567] Forsyth, "Highlands of Central Indian," 278; Tod, "Annals," ii. 660; Rowney, "Wild Tribes," 139; Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 214; Frazer, "Golden Bough," ii. 110.

[568] Trumbull, "Blood Covenant," 312; Tylor, "Primitive Culture," i. 309; Sleeman, "Rambles," i. 153 sqq.

[569] "Folk-lore," i. 169; Lyall, "Asiatic Studies," 13; Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," i. 323; Conway, "Demonology," i. 313 sq.; Scott, "Letters on Demonology," 174.

[570] "Berâr Gazetteer," 62; Wright, "History of Nepâl," 38; Frazer, "Golden Bough," ii. 101.

[571] Dalton, loc. cit., 132, 133, 158, 214.

[572] "Berâr Gazetteer," 191 sq.; "Hoshangâbâd Settlement Report," 255 sq.

[573] See for example Knowles, "Kashmîr Folk-tales," 3, 45, 46.

[574] Dalton, loc. cit., 33.

[575] Knowles, loc. cit., 47; Campbell, "Santâl Tales," 18.

[576] Wright, "History," 169.

[577] "Annals," ii. 669.

[578] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 280.

[579] "Rambles and Recollections," i. 154 sqq.

[580] "Zoological Mythology," i. 160 sq.

[581] Wright, "History," 161; Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," ii. 348 sq.

[582] "North Indian Notes and Queries," iii. 65.

[583] Temple, "Wideawake Stories," 116; Campbell, "Santâl Folk-tales," 40; Clouston, "Popular Tales," i. 146.

[584] Sherring, "Sacred City," 63, 65.

[585] "Notes," 276.

[586] Cox, "Mythology of the Aryan Nations," ii. 336.

[587] "Journal Asiatic Society, Bengal," lix. 212. The horror with which the Homeric Greeks regarded the eating of a corpse by dogs comes out very strongly in the Iliad.

[588] "Indian Antiquary," v. 358 sq.

[589] "Original Inhabitants," 157 sq.

[590] "Archæological Reports," xxiii. 26.

[591] "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 118.

[592] Campbell, "Notes," 276 sq.

[593] Wright, "History," 39 sq.

[594] Hislop, "Papers," 6.

[595] "Folk-lore," iii. 127; "Panjâb Notes and Queries," iii. 94, 148; iv. 46, 150, 173; "North Indian Notes and Queries," iii. 18, 67; Knowles, "Folk-tales of Kashmîr," 36, 429; Clouston, "Popular Tales," ii. 166; Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," ii. 90; "Gesta Romanorum," Introd. xlii.

[596] Conway, "Demonology," i. 134; Gregor, "Folk-lore of North-East Scotland," 126 sq.

[597] "Remaines," 53.

[598] Risley, "Tribes and Castes," i. 79 sq.

[599] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," i. 88.

[600] "Journal Asiatic Society, Bengal," 1847, p. 234.

[601] "Household Tales," ii. 444.

[602] Atkinson, "Himâlayan Gazetteer," ii. 329.

[603] "Folk-lore," iv. 351; "Gesta Romanorum," 25.

[604] Brand, "Observations," 583.

[605] Robertson-Smith, "Kinship," 194.

[606] "Demonology," i. 122.

[607] "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 15.

[608] Brand, "Observations," 785.

[609] "Epigrams," i. 6.

[610] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," iv. 131; Moorcroft, "Travels," i. 22; "Journal Asiatic Society Bengal," 1840, p. 572; "Aîn-i-Akbari," i. 289.

[611] Miss Cox, "Cinderella," 473.

[612] Muir, "Ancient Sanskrit Texts," i. 24 sq.; iii. 166, 310 sq.; McLennan, "Fortnightly Review," 1870, 198 sq.

[613] Cox, "Mythology of the Aryan Nations," i. 107, 437 sq.; ii. 49 sq.

[614] Romesh Chandra Datt, "History of Indian Civilization," i. 253 sq.

[615] Bühler, "Sacred Laws," Part i. 64, 119, note.

[616] Rajendra Lâla Mitra, "Indo-Aryans," ii. 134; Muir, "Ancient Sanskrit Texts," i. 24 sqq.

[617] Schliemann, "Ilios," 112; Rawlinson, "Herodotus," ii. 27 sq., 41; Ewald, "History of Israel," ii. 4; Robertson-Smith, "Kinship," 196; Frazer, "Golden Bough," ii. 40.

[618] Campbell, "Notes," 285.

[619] Gubernatis, "Zoological Mythology," i. 3 sqq.; Cox, "Introduction," 151 sqq.; Kuenen, "Religion of Israel," i. 236 sq.; Goldziher, "Mythology among the Hebrews," 226, 343; Wake, "Serpent-worship," 35; Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," i. 340; McLennan, "Fortnightly Review," 1870, p. 199.

[620] "Golden Bough," ii. 60.

[621] Hartland, "Legend of Perseus," i. 158.

[622] Sellon, "Memoirs Anthropological Society of London," i. 328.

[623] "Institutes," xi. 60, 80.

[624] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 227.

[625] "North Indian Notes and Queries," iii. 215.

[626] Atkinson, "Himâlayan Gazetteer," ii. 914; "Râjputâna Gazetteer," ii. 67.

[627] "North Indian Notes and Queries," iii. 39.

[628] Miss Gordon-Cumming, "From the Hebrides to the Himâlaya," i. 141.

[629] Atkinson, loc. cit., ii. 771; Wright, "History of Nepâl," 82.

[630] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," iii. 109.

[631] "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 154.

[632] Dyer, "Popular Customs," 18.

[633] Yule, "Marco Polo," ii. 341.

[634] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 283.

[635] "Indian Antiquary," i. 348 sq.

[636] Atkinson, "Himâlayan Gazetteer," ii. 913.

[637] Jarrett, "Aîn-i-Akbari," ii. 348, quoting Erskine; "Babar," Introduction, 47.

[638] "Rambles," i. 199 sqq.

[639] "Central India," i. 329, note; ii. 164.

[640] Balfour, "Journal Asiatic Society Bengal," xiii. N.S.; Gunthorpe, "Notes on Criminal Tribes of Berâr," 36.

[641] Ball, "Jungle Life," 165; "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 60; "Calcutta Review," lxxx. 53, 58.

[642] Gubernatis, "Zoological Mythology," i. 75.

[643] "Notes," 287.

[644] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 131.

[645] "Golden Bough," ii. 93.

[646] Manu, "Institutes," ii. 41.

[647] Burton, "Arabian Nights," ii. 508; Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 166; Clouston, "Popular Tales," i.; "Gesta Romanorum," Tale xviii.

[648] Wright, "History," 81.

[649] Blochmann, "Aîn-i-Akbari," i. 121.

[650] Führer, "Monumental Antiquities," 8, 73, 105, 188; Cunningham, "Archæological Reports," i. 225.

[651] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 73, 177, 328 sq.; ii. 102, 215, 500, 540; Knowles, "Kashmîr Folk-tales," 17.

[652] Black, "Folk Medicine," 152.

[653] Führer, loc. cit., 161.

[654] Campbell, "Notes," 267.

[655] Brand, "Observations," 739.

[656] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," iv. 2.

[657] Hunt, "Popular Romances," 377.

[658] For the crow in English folk-lore, see Henderson, "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 126; Gregor, "Folk-lore of N.E. Scotland," 135 sq.

[659] Gubernatis, "Zoological Mythology," ii. 253 sq.; "Panjâb Notes and Queries," i. 27.

[660] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," ii. 64, 73.

[661] Balfour, "Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal," N.S. xiii.

[662] Monier-Williams, "Brâhmanism and Hinduism," 301; Atkinson, "Himâlayan Gazetteer," ii. 329.

[663] "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 15.

[664] Lady Wilde, "Legends," 81 sq., 172; "Panjâb Notes and Queries," iii. 24; Brand, "Observations," 732; Henderson, "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 239 sq.; Aubrey, "Remaines," 197; "North Indian Notes and Queries," ii. 215.

[665] "Mythology of the Aryan Nations," ii. 219 sq.

[666] "Notes," 264.

[667] "Folk-lore," iv. 350.

[668] Grimm, "Teutonic Mythology," iii. 977.

[669] Leland, "Etruscan Roman Remains," 354.

[670] Robertson-Smith, "Kinship," 196 sq.

[671] "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 12, 42, 60; ii. 29; iii. 161; Grimm, "Household Tales," i. 367; ii. 428, 573.

[672] McLennan, "Fortnightly Review," vi. 582.

[673] Knowles, "Kashmîr Folk-tales," 449.

[674] Brand, "Observations," 699.

[675] Rhys, "Lectures," 175.

[676] Ferguson, "History of Indian Architecture," 54; Tennent, "Ceylon," i. 484.

[677] Gubernatis, "Zoological Mythology," ii. 307 sqq.

[678] Lady Wilde, "Legends," 177.

[679] Hislop, "Papers," 6.

[680] "North Indian Notes and Queries," iii. 178.

[681] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," ii. 105.

[682] Brand, "Observations," 701.

[683] Leland, "Etruscan Roman Remains," 272.

[684] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," iii. 81; "North Indian Notes and Queries," iii. 162.

[685] "Zoological Mythology," i. 375.

[686] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," ii. 18.

[687] Temple, "Wideawake Stories," 139, 205, 255 sqq.

[688] "Folk-lore," iii. 342.

[689] "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 4, 38.

[690] Rhys, "Lectures," 553.

[691] Lady Wilde, "Legends," 238 sq.

[692] Rousselet, "India and its Native Princes," 402; "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 76; ii. 57, 93; iii. 130.

[693] Atkinson, "Himâlayan Gazetteer," ii. 380, 775.

[694] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 24, 207; ii. 599.

[695] Knowles, "Folk-tales," 27, 158.

[696] Cox, "Mythology of the Aryan Nations," i. 292, note; ii. 25 sq.

[697] Hartland, "Science of Fairy Tales," 65.

[698] Buchanan, "Eastern India," iii. 532.

[699] Grimm, "Household Tales," ii. 407.

[700] Tawney, loc. cit., ii. 271.

[701] "Gloucestershire Folk-lore," 9.

[702] Tawney, loc. cit., ii. 594; Grimm, loc. cit., i. 357.

[703] Hunt, "Popular Romances," 130.

[704] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," iii. 8.

[705] Brand, "Observations," 685.

[706] "Katha Sarit Sâgara," ii. 39.

[707] Buchanan, "Eastern India," ii. 157.

[708] Dyer, "Popular Customs," 270.

[709] For the European witch, consult among other authorities Scott, "Letters on Demonology and Witchcraft," passim; Chambers, "Book of Days," i. 356 sq.; Gregor, "Folk-lore of North-East Scotland," 69 sq.; Conway, "Demonology," ii. 317, 327; Lubbock, "Origin of Civilization," 245 sq.

[710] "Asiatic Studies," 79 sqq., 89 sqq.

[711] "Etruscan Roman Remains," 155.

[712] Chambers, "Popular Rhymes of Scotland," 23.

[713] "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 14.

[714] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 289.

[715] Tylor, "Primitive Culture," ii. 176; Tawney, loc. cit., i. 375.

[716] Temple, "Wideawake Stories," 395; Tawney, loc. cit., i. 157, 159, 289, 340; ii. 164, 240; Brand, "Observations," 589; Rhys, "Lectures," 199: Hunt. "Popular Romances," 327.

[717] Leland, "Etruscan Roman Remains," 150; Hunt, loc. cit., 328.

[718] Dyer, "Popular Customs," 395; Tawney, loc. cit., i. 313.

[719] "Bombay Gazetteer," iv. 27; Temple, "Legends of the Panjâb," iii. 13.

[720] Loc. cit., 3.

[721] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 323.

[722] Campbell, "Notes," 203 sq.

[723] Lady Wilde, "Legends," 78.

[724] "Lectures," 516 sq.

[725] Malcolm, "Central India," ii. 212.

[726] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 290.

[727] "Notes," 257 sq.

[728] Tylor, "Primitive Culture," i. 312 sqq.; Henderson, "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 201 sq.

[729] Balfour, "Cyclopædia," i. 961; Lyall, "Asiatic Studies," 85; "Panjâb Notes and Queries," iii. 7.

[730] Tylor, "Early History," 276.

[731] Leland, "Etruscan Roman Remains," 218.

[732] "Rambles and Recollections," i. 84 sqq.

[733] "Central India," ii. 216.

[734] Lady Wilde, "Legends," 151.

[735] Leland, loc. cit., 221.

[736] Brand, "Observations," 609.

[737] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 252.

[738] Malcolm, "Central India," ii. 214, note.

[739] Leland, loc. cit., 57; Brand, loc. cit., 740; Clouston, "Popular Tales," i. 177.

[740] Tod, "Annals," ii. 106.

[741] "Natural History," vii. 2.

[742] Tod, "Annals," ii. 638; Malcolm, loc. cit., ii. 212.

[743] Temple, "Legends of the Panjâb," i. Introduction, xxi; "Wideawake Stories," 429.

[744] "Oriental Memoirs," ii. 374 sq.

[745] "Central Provinces Gazetteer," 110 sq.

[746] Ibid., 39.

[747] "Reports Nizâmat Adâlat," 14th December, 1854.

[748] "Berâr Gazetteer," 197.

[749] Hartland, "Legend of Perseus," i. 98.

[750] Knowles, "Folk-tales," 77.

[751] Dyer, "Popular Customs," 164; Brand, "Observations," 108, 341.

[752] Campbell, Notes," 83.

[753] "Folk-lore," ii. 290; Gregor, "Folk-lore of North-East Scotland," 188; Henderson, "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 201, 218 sq., 244; Aubrey, "Remaines," 247; Farrer, "Primitive Manners," 290 sq.

[754] "Central Provinces Gazetteer," 157.

[755] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 199.

[756] Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," i. 240.

[757] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," ii. 6.

[758] See Leland, "Etruscan Roman Remains," 199.

[759] Henderson, "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 32; Gregor, "Folk-lore of North-East Scotland," 183.

[760] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," ii. 221.

[761] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," iii. 7.

[762] Lady Wilde, "Legends," 197, 206. See instances collected by Hartland, "Legend of Perseus," ii. 64 sq.

[763] Aubrey, "Remaines," 11; and for examples of similar practices see Sir W. Scott, "Letters on Demonology," 273; Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," i. 243; Tylor, "Primitive Culture," i. 116; ii. 149; Lubbock, "Origin of Civilization," 241, 244; Henderson, loc. cit., 148; Farrer, "Primitive Manners," 287; Oldenberg, "Grihya Sûtras," i. 57.; Hartland, "Legend of Perseus," ii. 70 sq.

[764] "Qânûn-i-Islâm," 222 sq.

[765] Hunt, "Popular Romances," 320.

[766] "Letters on Demonology," 273; "Remaines," 61, 228; "Folk-lore," iii. 385; iv. 256; Miss Cox, "Cinderella," 491.

[767] Ward, "Hindus," i. 100; Temple, "Legends of the Panjâb," i. Introduction, xvii; and compare Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," ii.

[768] "Folk-lore," i. 157; Hartland, "Legend of Perseus," ii. 78.

[769] "Hoshangâbâd Settlement Report," 287.

[770] Malcolm, "Central India," ii. 212 sq.

[771] "Central Provinces Gazetteer," 39, 157.

[772] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 199.

[773] Chevers, "Indian Medical Jurisprudence," 546 sq.

[774] Ibid., 12, note, 14, note, 393, 488, 492, note, 493, 514; Ball, "Jungle Life," 115 sq.; "Calcutta Review," v. 52.

[775] "Folk-lore," ii. 293; Hunt, "Popular Romances," 315.

[776] Tylor, "Primitive Culture," i. 113.

[777] Yule, "Marco Polo," i. 172, 175, with note; ii. 41; Sir W. Scott, "Letters on Demonology," 68 sq.

[778] Campbell, "Notes," 141.

[779] "Eastern India," ii. 108, 445.

[780] Gubernatis, "Zoological Mythology," ii. 202; Growse, "Mathura," 53.

[781] "Oudh Gazetteer," iii. 480.

[782] Hartland, "Science of Fairy Tales," 270 sqq.

[783] Frazer, "Golden Bough;" Gomme, "Ethnology in Folk-lore;" Mannhardt, "Wald- und Feldkulte."

[784] Leland, "Etruscan Roman Remains," 96.

[785] Campbell, "Notes," 89.

[786] On the rule against giving fire from his house, see Hartland, "Legend of Perseus," ii. 94.

[787] Henderson, "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 74; "Folk-lore," iii. 12, 84, 90; Dyer, "Popular Customs," 14; Lady Wilde, "Legends," 103, 106, 203.

[788] "Gazetteer," iii. 237.

[789] "North Indian Notes and Queries," iii. 95.

[790] "Settlement Report," 123 sq.

[791] Atkinson, "Himâlayan Gazetteer," ii. 856.

[792] "North Indian Notes and Queries," iii. 196.

[793] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 198.

[794] "Observations," 316.

[795] Chambers, "Book of Days," i. 94 sqq.; Aubrey "Remaines," 40 sq.

[796] Cunningham, "Archæological Reports," ii. 455.

[797] Atkinson, loc. cit., ii. 886.

[798] "Golden Bough," i. 249.

[799] "Hoshangâbâd Settlement Report," 124; Atkinson, loc. cit., ii. 870; "Panjâb Notes and Queries," iv. 197.

[800] "Household Tales," ii. 276.

[801] Ibbetson, "Panjâb Ethnography," 120.

[802] Blochmann, "Aîn-i-Akbari," i. 217.

[803] Wright, "Cawnpur Memorandum," 105; Buchanan, "Eastern India," i. 194.

[804] "Settlement Report," 17.

[805] "Folk-lore," ii. 303; Brand, "Observations," 7; Rhys, "Lectures," 520.

[806] "North Indian Notes and Queries," ii. 92.

[807] Risley, "Tribes and Castes," i. 290.

[808] "Berâr Gazetteer," 207.

[809] Tod, "Annals," i. 631.

[810] Gubernatis, "Zoological Mythology," i. 51.

[811] "Remaines," 40; Brand, "Observations," 17.

[812] Campbell, "Notes," 376.

[813] "Bareilly Settlement Report," 93 sq.

[814] Sleeman, "Rambles and Recollections," i. 235, 240.

[815] "Bareilly Settlement Report," 93.

[816] "Folk-lore," i. 163.

[817] "Rambles and Recollections," i. 248.

[818] "Settlement Report," 256.

[819] "North Indian Notes and Queries," ii. 64.

[820] Frazer, "Golden Bough," ii. 131.

[821] Risley, "Tribes and Castes," i. 72.

[822] "Folk-lore," iii. 321.

[823] Frazer, "Golden Bough," ii. 122.

[824] "Remaines," 9; Brand, "Observations," 118.

[825] "Bareilly Settlement Report," 93.

[826] "Karnâl Settlement Report," 151.

[827] "Bareilly Settlement Report," 93; "North Indian Notes and Queries," iii. 94; and compare Tylor, "Primitive Culture," ii. 40; Lady Wilde, "Legends," 199.

[828] Frazer, "Golden Bough," iii. 94.

[829] "Bareilly Settlement Report," 87 sq.

[830] "Karnâl Settlement Report," 183.

[831] "Settlement Report," 78.

[832] "Golden Bough," i. 333 sqq.; Brand, "Observations," 311; Henderson, "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 87; "Folk-lore," iv. 123; Hunt, "Popular Romances," 385.

[833] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," iii. 56.

[834] "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 57.

[835] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 213.

[836] "Settlement Report," 78 sq.

[837] "Karnâl Settlement Report," 173.

[838] "Settlement Report," 78.

[839] Conway, "Demonology," ii. 117.

[840] "Karnâl Settlement Report," 174.

[841] Dyer, "Popular Customs," 17, 90, 199, 384.

[842] Hislop, "Papers," 22.

[843] Führer, "Monumental Antiquities," 118.

[844] Buchanan, "Eastern India," ii. 480; Wilson, "Essays," ii 233; Atkinson, "Himâlayan Gazetteer," ii. 867 sq.; "Panjâb Notes and Queries," iii. 127; Growse, "Mathura," 56.

[845] "Golden Bough," ii. 246; and see Conway, "Demonology," i. 65 sqq.; Henderson, "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 72 sqq.; Gregor, "Folk-lore of North-East Scotland," 167 sq.; Brand, "Observations," 165 sqq.

[846] Frazer, "Golden Bough," ii. 268.

[847] "Mathura," 84 sq.

[848] Dyer, "Popular Customs," 414.

[849] Hunt, "Popular Romances," 208; "Folk-lore," i. 520; ii. 128; Dyer, loc. cit., 234.

[850] "Annals," i. 599 sq.

[851] Dyer, loc. cit., 52.

[852] Wright, "History," 41.

[853] "North Indian Notes and Queries," iii. 92.

[854] "Folk-lore," ii. 178; "Herodotus," ii. 58.

[855] "North Indian Notes and Queries," iii. 184.

[856] Ibid., iii. 17, 99.

[857] "Indian Antiquary," xi. 297.

[858] "North Indian Notes and Queries," iii. 24.

[859] "Hoshangâbâd Settlement Report," 126 sq.

[860] "Bombay Gazetteer," vi. 29.

[861] Dyer, "Popular Customs," 32, 75, 85, 353 sq.

[862] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 196 sq.

[863] "Primitive Culture," i. 22 sq.