part iv

.

[72] _Inq. p.m._ MS. Rawl., B 438, f. 71.

Phillipa had no children. Henry IV. now granted the Fee to his son, John, created duke of Bedford and earl of Kendal. He died in 1435. His property in the barony of Kendal included the "advowsons of Wynandermere and of Gressemere, each of which is worth 20 li yearly."[73]

[73] _Inq. p.m._, 14 Hen. VI., No. 36.

The Duke of Bedford's widow, Jaquetta of Luxemburg, received the third part of the Fee as her dower, with the advowson "of the church in Gresmere." She married Richard Woodville, created earl Rivers. After her death she is said (1473) to have possessed "the advowson or nomination of the church or chapel of Gressemere," though in 1439 she had allowed her privilege to lapse.[74]

[74] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 1 Edw. IV., pt. 7, mem. 8; and _Inq. p.m._, 12 Edw. IV., No. 47.

The Fee was next granted by Henry VI. (who inherited it as heir to his uncle John) to John Beaufort, duke of Somerset.[75] The duke's daughter Margaret--afterwards countess of Richmond--came into possession of it at his death.[76] After a lapse, when Yorkists sat on the throne, and Sir William Parr of Kendal held it, the Fee (now including the advowson of Grasmere) returned to Margaret and passed to her grandson Henry VIII. He sold the advowson and patronage of Grasmere. Its subsequent history will be given later.

[75] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 22 Hen. VI.

[76] _Inq. p.m._, 22 Hen. VI., No. 19.

Such was the illustrious line of our church's early patrons--some of them the most striking figures in a chivalrous age. But it is not to be supposed that they knew much of the little parish hidden amongst the mountains. When the rectorate fell vacant, they would grant the post to some suppliant clerk or priest, who would carry their nomination to the higher ecclesiastical authorities. The right to nominate often fell into the king's hands, through minority of the heir, confiscation, or inheritance. For instance, the king appointed to the rectory of Windermere in 1282, in 1377 and in 1388. Edward III. nominated Edmund de Ursewyk to "Gressemer" in 1349; and Henry IV. did the same for Walter Hoton in 1401.

MONASTIC CONTROL

Our church of Grasmere was not left to the control of parson and manorial lord like other tithe-yielding parishes, it was snapped up by a big monastery. The abbeys that had sprung up all over England in post-Norman times were of a very different order from the simple religious communities of Anglo-Saxon times; and before long it became a question as to how they were to be maintained on the splendid lines of their foundation. By the reign of Henry I. they had begun to appropriate rectories, and in 1212 the parish church of Crosthwaite was given over to the control of Fountains Abbey in Yorkshire, which carried off all the profits of the tithes, merely restoring £5 a year to the rector, who was elected by its chapter.[77] St. Mary's Abbey had been founded in York city in 1088, and its chapter found it necessary by the end of the thirteenth century to look round the great church province of Richmondshire to see if there were no revenues which might by royal favour be appropriated.

[77] _Victorian History of Cumberland._

In December, 1301, Edward I. despatched a writ to the sheriff of Westmorland, bidding him inquire of true and lawful men whether it would be to the damage of the Crown or others if the abbey of St. Mary of York were allowed to appropriate the church of Kirkeby in Kendale with its chapels and appurtenances.

The inquisition was held, be it noted, not at Kendal but at Appleby, where a sworn jury declared the appropriation would damage no one. An explicit statement was added which concerns us. "The chapels of the said church, to wit the chapels of Gresmer and Winandermere are in the patronage of Lord Ingram de Gynes and Christian his wife, by reason of the inheritance of the said Christian, and they hold of the king in chief.... And the chapel of Gresmer is worth yearly 20 li."[78]

[78] _Inq. ad quod damnum_, 38/6.

Accordingly a license was granted by Edward I., under date February 23rd, 1302, for the Abbot and Convent of St. Mary's, York, "towards the relief of their impoverished condition," to appropriate the "church of Kirkeby in Kendale, which is of their own patronage, in the diocese of York, and consists of two portions, on condition that they appropriate none of its chapels, if there are any."[79]

[79] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 30 Edw. I.

The appropriation took effect; and moreover the Abbey succeeded in gaining jurisdiction over the "chapels" of Windermere and Grasmere. The nomination of the rector indeed remained in the hands of the lord of the Fee, but it was passed on to the chapter of the Abbey for confirmation, before being finally ratified by the Archdeacon of Richmondshire. Thus three august authorities had to bestir themselves, when a fresh parson was needed for our parish; and in 1349 King Edward III., the Abbot of St. Mary and Archdeacon Henry de Walton were all concerned in the business.[80] No doubt the monks seized the right to nominate whenever they could, and in 1439 George Plompton was named by them before his admission by the archdeacon.[81]

[80] _Calendar Patent Rolls._

[81] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 17 Hen. VI., p. 1.

This change was not put into effect, however, without fierce opposition in the district. In 1309 an appeal went up to the king from the Abbot of St. Mary, who styled himself "parson of the church of Kirkeby in Kendale," wherein he stated that when his servants had gone to carry in the tithe corn and hay, they had been assaulted by Walter de Strykeland and others; and moreover that Roger, the vicar and the other chaplains and clerks appointed to celebrate divine service in that church, hindered them in the discharge of the same, trampled down and consumed his corn and hay, and took away the horses from his waggons and impounded them. Whereupon three justices were appointed to adjudicate upon the case.[82]

[82] _Calendar Patent Rolls._

From this it would be seen that the local clergy were as bitterly opposed to the monastic rule as the gentry and the people. Sir Walter de Strickland with armed servants at his command headed the opposition. His lands at Sizergh lay to the south of the town of Kendal and he refused to the men of the monastery right of way across them for the collection of the tithes of corn, which was always made while the stooks stood upright in the field. After much wrangling, for no abbot was ever known to withdraw a claim, articles of agreement were made out between them, which reiterated the statement that the church of Kirkby Kendal was "canonically possessed in proper use" by the monastery.[83] However, the convent found it easier to let the tithes to the opponent, rather than to wrestle with an obstructionist policy; and in 1334 Sir Walter is found agreeing to furnish to the monastic granary now established at Kirkby Kendal three good measures of oatmeal for the tithe of the sheaves of Sigredhergh, sold to him by the abbot and convent.[84]

[83] Sizergh Castle MSS.

[84] MS. Dodsworth 28, fol. 78.

But the people were not appeased, and when in 1344 the archbishop made a visitation, opportunity was taken to lay before him, in the name of "the common right," complaints against the monopoly of funds by the convent, as the following document shows:--

Release of the Abbot and Convent of the Monastery of St. Mary, York, concerning their churches, pensions, and portions.

In the name of God, Amen, Since we, William, by divine permission Archbishop of York, ... in our progress of visitation which we have lately performed in and of our diocese ... have found that the religious men the Abbot and Convent of the monastery of St. Mary, against the common right detain the parish churches and chapels, portions, pensions, and parochial tithes underwritten, namely, ... the annual pensions in the parts of Richmond: of the church of Richmond 100s. and 20 lbs of wax, ... of the vicarage of Kirkby Kendall £4, of the churches of Gresmere and Winandermers 5 marks.... We have commanded the said abbot and convent ... to show their rights and titles before us and have caused them to be called, ... and we ... having considered the rights and good faith of the said religious men ... release the said abbot and convent ... as canonical possessors of the said churches, chapels, portions, pensions (&c).... Dated at Cawood, on the 20th day of the month of August in the year of our Lord MCCCXLIIIJ, and in the third year of our pontificate.[85]

The appeal had been made in vain. Yet opposition could not have ceased, as the case was finally carried to Rome. In 1396 a confirmation of the abbey's possessions (including the chapels of Gresmere and Wynandremere, worth 5 marks each) was made by the Pope, on petition by the abbey, according to letters patent of Thomas Arundel, late archbishop of York, dated November, 1392.[85]

[85] _Calendar of Papal Registers_, vol. v., p. 1-4.

THE CLERGY

Though not successful, Sir Walter de Strickland's opposition had done some good, but for exactly 200 years longer did the monastery by the walls of the city of York hold sway over the church of Grasmere. In what degree its influence was felt in the mountain parish cannot be told, or what it gave in return for the pension it abstracted. It may have assisted in the rebuilding of the edifice, lending aid by monastic skill in architecture. Probably it supervised the worship in the church, and improved the ritual, passing on to the village priest the tradition of its own richly furnished sanctuary. Signs were not wanting at the Reformation that the district had been ecclesiastically well served.

It has been seen that the parson of the parish was a pluralist and a non-resident as early as 1254; and so were those of his successors of whom we have evidence. The glimpses obtained through scant record disclose the tithe-taking rector of the valley as a figure distinguished by education, if not by family, and known to the lofty in station. He is termed "Master," and bears the suffix "clerk"; while "Sir" is reserved for the curate, his deputy, who has not graduated at either university.[86] He was skilled in law more than in theology. He may have served an apprenticeship in the great office of the Chancery; sometimes men of his position are termed "king's clerk."[87] He was not an idle man, and was often employed in secular business by the lord of the Fee. It may have been in the collection of the lady's dues--for the heiress Christiana de Lindesay, had married Ingelram de Gynes, of Coucy in France, in 1283--that the parson of Grasmere suffered an assault (1290) at Leghton Gynes (later Leighton Conyers). It is certain that when Robert de Gynes, one of the sons of Christiana, and possessed of some of her lands about Casterton and Levens, went "beyond the seas" in 1334, he empowered Oliver de Welle, parson of Grasmere, to act with Thomas de Bethum as his attorney. Oliver de Welle had a footing in our valleys besides his parsonage, for he is stated to have held, under the lord William de Coucy, deceased, "a certain place called Little Langedon in Stirkland Ketle," which was then (1352) in the custody of the executor of his will, John de Crofte.[88]

[86] Dr. Cox, _Parish Registers of England_, p. 251.

[87] In 1383 Richard de Clifford, "king's clerk" was presented to the church of Warton in Kendale, _Calendar Patent Rolls_.

[88] MS. Rawlinson, B. 438, f. 2.

Edmund de Ursewyk, "king's clerk," whom the king nominated to Grasmere in 1349--the young lord William de Coucy being dead--doubtless came of a Furness family, and may have been related to Adam de Ursewyk who held land for his life in the barony, by grant of the elder William,[89] as well as the office of chief forester of the park at Troutbeck.[90]

[89] _Calendar Patent Roll_, 20 Edw. III.

[90] _Calendar Patent Roll_, 20 Edw. III.

"Magister George Plompton" was another learned cleric of good family, being the son of Sir William Plumpton of Plumpton, knight. He was a bachelor-at-law, and was ordained sub-deacon in 1417. It was in 1438-9 that he was nominated to the rectory of Grasmere, by the Chapter of St. Mary's, and some years after he acquired that of Bingham in Nottinghamshire. This he resigned (and doubtless Grasmere also) in two or three years' time, owing to age and infirmities. He retired to Bolton Abbey, and in 1459 obtained leave from the Archbishop of York to have service celebrated for himself and his servants within the walls of the monastery--a permit which gives a picture of affluent peace and piety in a few words.[91]

[91] Canon Raine's Notes to _Testamenta Eboracensia_, Sur. So., vol. 30, p. 68.

Master Hugh Ashton, parson, acted as Receiver-general for the lands of the Countess of Richmond (the Lindesay Fee) in 1505-6.[92] On his resignation in 1511, Henry VIII. exercised his right as inheritor of the Fee, and nominated John Frost to the rectory; the abbot and convent presenting in due form. This happened again in 1525, when William Holgill was appointed.[93]

[92] Min. Acc., Hen. VII., 877.

[93] "List of Rydall-Writings." D.F.

Of other rectors of the post-Reformation period we know little or nothing. Richard, "clericus," was taxed in 1332 on goods worth £4, a sum higher by £1 than any land-holding parishioner in the three townships.[94]

[94] _Lay Subsidy Roll_, West, 195/1A, 6 Edw. III.

LIST OF RECTORS AND CURATES

1254 Henry de Galdington. _Calendar of Papal Registers_, vol. 2, p. 294.

1290-91 William de Kendale. _De Banco Rolls_, Rev. 86 in 79d. Adam de Ottelay, "capellanus." Levens Rental of Ed. 2 or early Ed. 3.

1332 Richard "clericus." _Lay Subsidy Roll_. West., 195/1A.

1334 June 24 Oliver de Welle. _Close Rolls and Patent Rolls._ 8 Ed. 3.

1349 Edmund de Ursewyk. _Patent Rolls._

1362 Hugo de Middleton. Torre's _Archdeaconry of Richmondshire_. Dec. 3

1401 Jan. 13 Walter Hoton "parson." _Patent Rolls_, Henry IV.

---- Reginald Pulham. Torre; no date given.

1443 May 24 Peter Yrford. Torre.

1459 Feb. 10 George Plompton. Torre. _Calendar Patent Rolls._

1486 James Chamer "capellano."

1505-6 Hugh Ashton, "clerk," Min. Acc., Henry VII., 877. Resigns Grasmere Rectory in 1512. Rydal Hall MSS.

1511 John Frost, on resignation of Hugh Ashton. Rydal Oct. 18 Hall MSS.

1525 William Holgill or Hawgill. Rydal Hall MSS. Chester Mar. 14 Diocesan Registry.

1548 Gabriel Croft, instituted on death of Holgill. Chester Jan. 11 Registry. Called Rector at Visitation of Bishop of Chester, 1554, when the following names accompany his.

Dns William Jackson. His will was proved Jan. 21, 1569, which calls him "late curat of Gresmer."

Dns John Hunter.

Dns Hugo Walton. Hugh Watson "preist" bur. March 8, 1577. Grasmere Church Register.

1563 "Sirre Thomas Benson, curate" witnesses will of John Benson Esq. of Baisbrowne.

1569 ? Master John Benson, rector.

? Lancelot Levens. Chester Diocesan Registry.

1575[95] John Wilson, instituted on death of Lan. Levens. July 18 Chester Diocesan Registry. Bur. May, 13, 1627. Grasmere Church Register.

[95] 1575--March 20. James Dugdall, "Clericus" witnesses Indenture between Wil. Fleming of Rydal and his miller.

1627 Robertus Hogge. Removed following year. Rydal Hall July 16 MSS.

1628 Henry Wilson, B.A., instituted, according to Chester May 24 Diocesan Registry, on death of John Wilson, by presentation of Agneta Fleming. Ejected 1644. Died 1647.

CLERGY DOING DUTY DURING THE COMMONWEALTH

1645. "Mr. Benson."

1646. "Sir Christopher Rawling." Probably had served as Curate for some time previously. The Register gives the baptism of his child in 1641 when he is called "Clericus." He likewise joined Parson Wilson in a bill in 1642.

1653. John Wallas. Independent. Ejected 1655.

1655 John Tompson. Probably Presbyterian.

RECTORS AFTER RESTORATION

1660. John Ambrose. Probably nominated on death of Henry Wilson, but not allowed to serve.

1684 Henry Fleming, B.A. on death of J. Ambrose.

1728 William Kilner on death of H. Fleming.

1728 George Fleming, LL.D. (Dean of Carlisle) on session of W. Kilner.

1733 William Fleming, M.A. on resignation of Geo. Fleming.

1743 John Craik, B.A. on death of W. Fleming.

1806 Thomas Jackson on death of J. Craik.

1822 Sir Richard Fleming, Bart., on death of T. Jackson.

CURATES

The curates who officiated under the rectors were a different class of men. Constantly resident, and seemingly holding the post for life, they belonged as a rule to the district--even it might be, to the township--as did William Jackson, who died 1569. A sharp boy, son of a statesman, might attract the notice of the parson, or of the visiting brother from St. Mary's Abbey. After serving an apprenticeship, as attendant or acolyte within the church, he might be passed on from the curate's tuition--for the latter almost always taught school--to Kendal or even to the abbey at York. On being admitted into the order of priesthood, he would return to his native place (should the post be vacant) and minister week by week to the spiritual needs of his fellows and his kinsfolk. Sometimes he even took up land to farm. Adam de Ottelay, "chaplain," is set down in an undated rental of the early fourteenth century, as joining in tenure with John "del bancke."[96]

[96] Levens Hall MS.

The "chaplain" James Chamer, who witnessed a Grasmere deed in 1486, was probably the curate there.[97] It must be remembered, however, that the three townships appear to have been, from an early (but unknown) date, furnished with resident curates, acting under rector and abbot. Little Langdale too, if tradition be correct, had its religious needs supplied by a chapel. It is possible, indeed, that this may have been served through the priory of Conishead in Furness, to which William de Lancaster III.--the last baron to rule Kendal as a whole, who died 1246--granted a settlement or grange at Baisbrowne and Elterwater, which was later called a manor. This grange lay within Grasmere parish, as does the field below Bield, where tradition asserts the chapel to have stood. The first express mention of a chapel at Ambleside (within the township of Rydal and Loughrigg) is found in a document of Mr. G. Browne, dated 1584. But in the rental of 1505-6, William Wall, "chaplain," is entered as holding in Ambleside one third of the "pasture of Brigges." There is little doubt, therefore, that he was resident in the town, and uniting husbandry with his clerical office. Of a chapel in Great or Mickle Langdale the first evidence that occurs (after the strong presumptive evidence of the four priests serving the parish to be given immediately) is the indenture of 1571, which expressly mentions it.

[97] Rydal Hall MS.

THE START OF THE REFORMATION

The revolution which Henry VIII. brought about in the ecclesiastical world of England shook our parish, as the rest of England. Not content with the suppression and spoliation of the lesser monasteries, he turned to the greater ones, whose riches in gold and jewels, in land and revenue, excited his cupidity. Remote Grasmere even, by diversion of the pension she had dutifully paid her church superior, might supply something to the royal pocket! So the new supreme Head of the Church is found in 1543, bartering what he could to two of those job-brokers of ecclesiastical property, who were so evil a feature of the Reformation. The parchment at Rydal Hall runs thus:--

A Breuiate of the Kings Grant of Gersmire Advowson to Bell & Broksbye in 35^{to} Hen. 8

Be it remembered that in the charter of our most illustrious lord Henry the Eight, by the grace of God king of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, and on earth supreme head of the English and Irish church, made to John Bell and Robert Brokelsby within named, among other things it is thus contained:--

The king to all to whom, &c. greeting. We do also give, for the consideration aforesaid, and of our certain knowledge and mere motion for us, our heirs and successors, do grant to the aforesaid John Bell and Robert Brokelsbye, the advowson, donation, denomination, presentation, free disposition, and right of patronage of the Rectory of Gresmere in our county of Westmorland, which, as parcel of the possessions and revenues of the late Monastery of St. Mary near the wall of the City of York, or otherwise or in any other manner or by any reason whatsoever, has or have fallen, or may fall, into our hands. Witness the king at Walden the twenty-first day of October in the thirty-fifth year of our reign.

This is clearly a copy of but a part of the original charter, and the "consideration" which Henry received does not transpire; but in the following month the two speculators procured a licence to sell again, and they passed over their purchase of the Grasmere advowson, and of all woods upon the premises--meaning no doubt the old demesne of the Lindesay Fee--to Alan Bellingham, gent., for £30 11s. 5-1/2d.[98] Bellingham in the same year purchased direct from the Crown that portion of Grasmere known as the Lumley Fee--thus gaining the lordship of some part of the valley.

[98] "List of Rydall-Writings," by D.F., in which he writes the names as Bellowe and Brokylsbee.

Henry's sale of the advowson did not touch the tithes, which were left in the hands of the rector; but he reserved for himself the "pension" of 2-1/2 marks which had been regularly paid out of them to the abbey. It passed down with other Crown property to Charles II., and in his reign was sold, according to an Act of Parliament which was passed permitting the sale of such royal proceeds. Since that time it has been in private hands, and bought and sold in the money market like stocks. It may perhaps be traced by sundry entries in account books, as paid by the tithe-holder: in 1645, "for a pension for Gresmire due at Mich: last" £1 13s. 4d. It was paid in 1729 by Dr. Fleming as "Fee-farm Rent" to the Marquis of Caermarthen; and later by Mr. Craike to the Duke of Leeds; while Sir William Fleming, as owner of the tithes of Windermere, paid the same from them.[99] It is still paid through a London agent, being officially set down as "Net Rent for Grasmere, £1. 6s. 8d.: Land tax, 6s. 8d." This sum represents--not five marks--but five nobles, or half-marks. Thus it may be said that the dead hand of Henry VIII. still controls the tithes of Grasmere.

[99] Rydal Hall MSS. and Tax Eccles. P. Nicholai.

This tyrant wrought other changes for Grasmere. When creating the new diocese of Chester, he swept our parts of Westmorland within it. The archdeaconry of Richmondshire remained, but the archdeacon was shorn of power. He no longer instituted our parson, as in the days prior to the rule of St. Mary's Abbey, and this empty form fell to the Bishop of Chester; who, on the death of parson Holgill in 1548, appointed to the office one Gabriel Croft, upon nomination by the patron.[100]

[100] Chester Diocesan Register.

Now Croft was seemingly a man of unscrupulous temper. The boy Edward was by this time upon the throne, and spoliation of church revenues was, under his advisers and in the name of Protestantism, the order of the day. The parson of Grasmere was one of those who seized the opportunity offered by the general misrule; and he committed an act for which there could be no legal pretext. Previous rectors had drawn the tithes of the parish, and pocketed the large margin that remained, after the stipends of the worthy curates who did their work had been paid. But Croft went beyond this. In 1549 he sold the tithes on a lease, and not for the period of his life (which he might have claimed as his right) but for ninety-seven years. The purchaser was his patron, Dame Marion Bellingham of Helsington, widow; and she paid him a lump sum of £58 11s. 5-1/2d., upon the agreement that she and her heirs would furnish from the tithes a stipend for the rector of £18 11s. 7d.[101]

[101] List of Rydall Writings. D.F.

The bargain, ratified by John, Bishop of Chester, was excellent for both parties; but it was disastrous for the parish. So far, the tithes, however mismanaged, had lain in the hands of the church and the clergy, for whose support they were rendered. The Abbey of St. Mary, while exacting a pension from them, exercised in return a supervision that was doubtless of benefit; for under it, the rector--though he took the bulk of them himself--could hardly escape providing the three priests resident within the parish with sufficient stipends. Moreover, as he was an absentee, it is probable that he made a stable arrangement for their ingetting, that would be convenient to himself and comfortable for the parishioners (such as obtained later), and that he even farmed them to the dalesmen themselves. This method saved him the risks of an annual tithing carried out by a paid agent, and it insured him a regular (if more moderate) income, in easily transported silver money. The evidence of the lawsuits shows that the system of paying a certain fixed sum instead of the tenth in kind was actually in force for some commodities, while in some cases this composition or prescription extended to the whole of a landed estate.

The change was sharp, from church control to control by a lay improprietor, whose simple business it was to squeeze as large an income as he could out of his investment. He was not likely to leave the tithing on the old easy footing, nor was the parishioner inclined to increase his offering without resistance. Squire William Fleming was a big enough man to front on his own account the common foe. Averring that, in satisfaction of all tithes the customary annual sum of 20s. had been paid for "the demeanes of Rydall," he refused Alan Bellingham's demand for a tenth of hay, wool and lambs taken from the yearly yield. Alan, who denied the custom, sued him in the Consistory Court at York, including in his claim the proceeds of the years 1569 to 1572, for which payment had been made. The spiritual court judged in his favour; whereupon Fleming carried the case to the civil court of King's Bench. Here, after several adjournments, and a trial before justices connected with the county, the final verdict was given in his favour (1575).[102]

[102] _Coram Rege Roll_, N.T., 17 Eliz., ro. 218.

Before the case was settled, the contenders struck a bargain, and the ownership of the advowson of Grasmere passed from Alan Bellingham of Fawcet Forrest, executor of Marion Bellingham, to the Rydal squire for the sum of £100, and that of the remainder of the lease of the rectory and tithes for £500.[103] The tenfold increase of the purchase money in twenty-four years time shows the enormous increase in tithe value when in the grasp of lay hands; for a rise of agricultural prosperity would not account for it. Squire William now became in his turn the oppressor; but the tale of the powerful opposition he roused in the parish must be left to another chapter. The advowson remains yet in his family.

[103] Dated Nov. 3, 1573. "List of Rydall Writings."

To return to the parsons. Croft, with an annuity assured to him, and a small capital in gold, no doubt troubled himself little about his parish. He had defrauded it and crippled its funds for the next hundred years. The curates we suppose stuck to their posts, though where their stipends came from is a problem. Little change in ritual could have been made, before Edward's death and Mary's accession brought a reinstitution of the old form of faith, as well as a hopeless attempt to restore stolen church property. In 1554 the Bishop of Chester held a visitation at Kendal for these parts, and the officials of the parish are set down in the following list:--[104]

Gresmer. Mr. Gabriel Croft, Rector ibm. pt. Dns Willmus Jackson, pt. xh. Dns Joh^{es} Hunter pt. Dns Hugo Walton pt.

pt. Joh^{es} Benson } pt. Georgius Mylforth } Guardiani pt. Edwardus Benson }

pt. Rogerus Gregg } pt. Nicolaus Dicson } Inquisitores Tho^{as} Gregg } pt. Hugo Gregg}

[104] Chester Diocesan Registry.

It is clear from this that three curates then served the parish--"Dominus" being the latinized "sir" of the customary title. Of the third in the list evidence is found in the parish register, where the burial is recorded on March 8th, 1577, of "Hugh Watson preist," this no doubt being the correct form of his name. It seems likely that he officiated in Ambleside, which by this time was a thriving little town. Of John Hunter nothing further is known: he may have served the chapel in Langdale.

Record of William Jackson is found in his will:--[105]

Sir William Jackson _late curet at Gresmer_.

Jan. 21, 1569. I William Jackson clarke and curat of Grysmer--to be buriede within ye parishe church of Grysmer, near where my IJ brothers was buried--To my parishe church VIs. VIIId. And yt to be payd.... Kendaill for a booke at I bought of (erased) to the betering of the.... To the poor folkes XXXs. to be divided at the sytct of my supervisores. Item I give to every on of my god children, VId.--To every sarvent in my maister's house XIId. Item I geve to Sir Thomas Benson a sernet typet. To my Mr. John Benson a new velvet cap--By me Sir William Jaikson at Grysmer.

Inventory, 21 Jan. 1569.--Rament unbequested to be sold be my executores and supervisores. A worsate jaccate, a brod cloth jacate, a brod clothe side goune, a mellay side goune, a shorte goune, a preiste bonate, a velvate cape, a sylke hate, II. pare of hosse, a mellay casseck, a worsat typat, a matras, a great chiste, a ledder dublat. Summa, III li. XIIs.... In wax and sergges, books and parchment, with other small thyngs to be sold within my chamber. I owe to Christofor Wolker's wyff Under Helme XIIs. of newe money to be payed to hyr, whych she dyd bowrere for me in my tyme of nede.

[105] Wills and Inventories of the Archdeaconry of Richmondshire. Surtees Society.

The following extract from the Kendal Corporation MSS. may not be inappropriate here:--

MSS. of the Corporation of Kendal. This MS. commences 10th Report.

Sept. 26, 1653. Prov. at election of a Mayor. Order that every Alderman shall provide _a gowne_ for the following Sunday, or be fined 40s. _Gowns_ according to an ancient order, to be all of one form "of blacke stuffe, to be faced with black plush or velvet, _and Mr. Maior himselfe to have one readie_ against Sunday next or else forfeit 40s."

(A 13). "Abstract of fines of Leete Courte," Oct. 20, 1612. Various penalties for misdemeanours.

"Abstracte of Fines for the Bilawes Courte," Dec. 14, 1612. Various injunctions and fines.

"_Offerings and bridehowes_ allowed by Mr. Alderman" (then head of Corporation) and 4 Burgesses and the Vicar then being. Bidden dinners or "nutcastes, or _merie nightes_" for money not to exceed 12 persons. Same for "_churching dinner_" for monie taking, only 12 wives allowed.

From this will something may be gathered of the life of the village priest who belongs to the vale, and whose simple wish is to be buried by his two brothers within the church. He has his appointed chamber in his master's house--doubtless the rectory. His possessions are few. There are some books, also parchment and wax, for the making of wills and indentures; there is the mattress on which he slept, and a great "chiste," in which no doubt papers and clothes were stored together. Of clothes he had a goodly stock, in jackets, gowns, tippets, caps, and the stout leather doublet which no doubt he donned for his long tramps through storm and rain and snow to the dying. The sale of all these was to furnish money for his legacies--for coin he had none. His benefactions are characteristic: loyally to his parish church a noble, or half a mark; to every servant of his master 12d.; to each of his godchildren 6d.; and he desires besides that an old debt, incurred in his "tyme of nede," should be paid in new money. Some crisis is suggested here, when the good wife of Under Helm collected money for him.

But other facts may be gathered from this will. Our good curate bequeaths to "Sir Thomas Benson" his sarsnet tippet, clearly from its superior stuff, the best that he had. This, the usual outer dress of the priest, was a long garment made with sleeves, reaching to the ankles, and was tied with a girdle.[106] Now a Thomas Benson, "curate," witnessed the will of John Benson of Baisbrowne in 1563; he must then have served the chapel of Langdale for a series of years. Also it seems probable that the curate's master, John Benson, was the rector, succeeding Croft or another.

[106] Wall's _Old English Parish_.

A spirit of peace and goodwill breathes through this document, and one too that suggests continuity in the order of the church. Yet it must be remembered that it was written in the reign of Elizabeth, when the Protestant religion had been firmly established by law, and written moreover by a man who had undoubtedly followed the Catholic ritual fifteen years before. His fellow curate too of that date, "preist" Watson, was still alive, surviving him by eight years. There is a Protestant odour about the cassock, and Jackson possessed one; but his wardrobe is distinctly of the old-world, priestly type. It is probable indeed that there was little change made for some time even in the services of the church. The people of the north-western mountains were conservative, and it was they who most stoutly resisted the suppression of the monasteries. There is evidence to show that the new tenets were but slowly adopted in these parts. The church at Crosthwaite was found as late as 1571 to be still in possession of the furniture and pictures that had lent a touch of splendour to the former ritual; and they were then most stringently ordered to be destroyed.[107]

[107] Victorian _History of Cumberland_.

The people were not likely to welcome changes that brought in their train not only impoverishment of service, but reduction in the number of the clergy; for with the diversion of the tithes, there ceased to be any provision for the salaries of curates.

Langdale did without a curate, and not until over 200 years was the township once more blessed with a resident minister, though the chapel was used for services. Ambleside was in different case. Now a thriving little town, equally distant from the two parish churches that claimed it, with fulling mills bringing in wealth, it was able to maintain a curate independently, and did so.

James Dugdale the cleric, who witnessed a Rydal deed in 1575, might have been supposed to serve at Ambleside, only that Priest Watson was then alive. Certain it is that in 1584 the townsfolk placed their support of chapel and curate on a solid basis, pledging each man his portion of land thereto. This was immediately before the appointment of John Bell as curate. The pledge was repeated in a deed of the year 1597.

The rector of the parish, with no more than £18 odd as stipend, had now to perform the entire duty of the wide parish. Nothing is known of Croft's later dealings with the rectorate, nor of Lancelot Levens, who followed him. But on the latter's death in 1575, John Wilson was instituted, and for fifty-two years he served as rector. From his handwriting, seen in the market-deed, and from the register (most negligently kept during his time of office) an unfavourable impression is created. When he died in 1627, there followed--after a few months interlude, when Robert Hogge served--the Rev. Henry Wilson, B.A., who was to become notorious as a Royalist and High-Churchman. He was nominated by Dame Agnes Fleming, the clever widow of Squire William, who at this time ruled at Rydal Hall for her son John.

The expenses of the tithe gathering were not great. An item of 2s. 0d. is paid to David Harrison, the Rydal inn-keeper, against "tythinge," and "for gathering tith Eggs" 1s. 0d. These last offerings were paid in kind, and we know from subsequent accounts that this persuasive office was somtimes filled by women, "two wiues," being paid in 1643 "for goeing 3 dayes gathering Eggs at Easter."

The later account-sheets kept by Richard Harrison show less completely than Tyson's the income derived from the tithes.

li s d

Rec. in pt. of Lambe booke of gresmire at seaverall tymes due before this 23 June 1643 due at Easter last 11 6 0

Rec. more in pt. of lambe booke, for gresmire that was begun at Easter last. Rec. this 10 Aug. 3 1 10

The tithes on lambs amounted therefore in 1643 to £14. 7s. 10d. Next year:--

li s d

Rec. more at before this 16 Julie 1644 in pt. of Easter Reckinings of Gresmire due at Easter last 7 1 9

Rec. more in pt. of Lambe booke then due 11 12 6

Rec. for Easter Reckininges Lambe silvr and some arreares due before this 26 Julie 1645 for gresmire 35 12 0

Rec. of Easter booke & Lambe booke due at Easter 1646 for gresmire before this 4 Ap. 1646 30 2 6

We have no entries discriminating between tithe and demesne wool, which was now selling at a high price; nor do we hear of the tithe corn, except that in 1643 the sum of 10s. 0d. was paid for the hire of a barn for it. In Tyson's accounts the even money received for it--as well as other entries which connect its payment with the holder of Padmire in Grasmere--give an appearance of it having been then farmed, as it was at a later time.

THE CIVIL WARS

It is clear that the tithes were dropping in value; and this is little to be wondered at when the condition of the country is considered.

War was rife, and the "troubles" that affected every household--high and low, either in actual fighting or in tax-paying--were felt with peculiar poignancy at Rydal Hall. Squire John Fleming, as a rich man, had not stooped to conceal his religion, and had cheerfully paid his fine of £50 a year as a Catholic of the old faith. He died on February 27, 1643, at an unfortunate time for his young children, when warfare was just beginning in the north-west. He was buried the same evening, like many another recusant, in Grasmere Church; and though Parson Henry Wilson was paid a fee for "ouersight of his buriall" it is possible that mass was first said over the body in the "Chapel" chamber at Rydal; for one Salomon Benson, a mysterious member of the group of papists gathered about the Squire, in receipt of a pension of five marks a year, was probably a priest.

The orphaned children--two girls growing to womanhood and a younger boy--were now left with all the wealth that would be eventually theirs, in charge of executors. Chief among these was Richard Harrison, a nephew of the Squire, and a Roman Catholic. He appears to have lived with his wife and son at Rydal Hall, and to have had entire management of the household in the years that followed.

The position was a difficult one, and naturally grew more so as time went on, and success began to attend the Parliamentary party. The money-coffers of Squire John were freely dipped into for loans to support the Royal cause, which the young heir joined in person; and the house was the resort of Royalist soldiers and gentlemen of the neighbourhood. As a consequence, it was peculiarly obnoxious to the supporters of the Parliament, and was likewise detested by the Puritans as a hotbed of Papists. Therefore, when the houses of Royalists were sacked up and down the county, there was little probability that it would escape.

A tradition has always existed that Rydal Hall was entered and plundered by the soldiers of the Commonwealth; but it is in the account-sheets of Richard Harrison that explicit evidence of the fact has now, and for the first time, been found. The catastrophe would belong wholly to Rydal history, but for a clause in the accounts which concerns Grasmere church.

Dates are difficult to follow in the sheets, but it is clear that the year 1644 marked the turning-point of the war. The hopes of the Royalists had been high when Prince Rupert marched through Lancashire to meet the enemy; but they were crushed by the terrible defeat of Marston Moor on July 1st. The king's forces in these parts were completely scattered, and there was a tremendous exodus of loyalists, who left to join the king's army in the south. The band was led by Sir Francis Howard, and it included the young heir of Rydal. The exodus is marked in the account-sheets by the numerous sums borrowed from the Rydal chests by various people, beginning with the chief himself. Even the loyal parsons borrowed, and small sums were lent about this time to two of the Cumberland curates, who possibly went off on king's business too. Henry Wilson, the rector of Grasmere, was a noted Royalist, and apparently acted as an emissary in the cause. The following entry records one of the many loans to him, at a time when he too was leaving the country:--

li s d Lent parson wilson upon his note by & with the consent of Mr. Phillipson & Mr. Willm. wch. makes that he hath lately lent 8 li wch. he will either repay or els giue satisfaction that it may allow when he comes & serues the cure at Gressmire Church lent him this the 13 July 5 10 0

It is clear that in this year, 1644, the hall and its inmates shared in the general sufferings. Friendly messengers rode by night to give warning when another hall was sacked. Hostile soldiers were quartered on the premises, and some pillaging of horses and other things was done, for which Harrison tried to obtain restitution. He also sought protection--if it might be granted by wire-pulling and bribery--from Colonels Bellingham and Briggs, who commanded the Scots troops in Westmorland. It is possible that the new glass required both for the hall and for the choir of Grasmere church, "which was broken," may have been the result of some hostile demonstration.

But the actual raid upon the hall was made at Eastertide, 1645. The soldiers of "Captaine Orfer & Collonell Lawson" entered it, searched for money and took all they could find (which was little) and carried off Richard Harrison to prison, where he remained till Pentecost.

Further mischief is recorded in another paragraph of the sheets, when the sum of £2 4s. 8d. is set down at Easter, 1645, as "pd. for bread and wine twice at Gresmire Church in regard it was once plundered by Lawson's souldiers."

Now this provision for the Easter communion, which the tithe-holder was bound to make, was a special provision, always accounted for separately, and probably delivered direct to the church from the wine merchant, whose name is occasionally mentioned. So in this case, the church itself was presumably entered with violence, and by the same troop that visited Rydal Hall.

It was a Cumberland troop that did the mischief, as is evident from the names of the officers. Colonel Wilfred Lawson of the Isell family was an ardent fighter for the Parliament. Captain Orfeur was doubtless a member of the stock of Plumbland Hall.[108]

[108] He may have been one of the brothers of William, head of the family, who died in 1660. See "The Orfeurs of High Close," _Transactions_ Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian Society, vol. iii.

The troop may have marched from the siege of Carlisle Castle, which had been held for the king through the winter; and nothing is more likely than that, on their march over the Raise, they would halt at Grasmere, and do what despite they could to a sacred building held by an episcopalian parson and a recusant patron, who were of course odious for their so-called "delinquency." The event, however, is inferred rather than actually stated in Harrison's account.[109]

[109] It is necessary to be explicit on this point, for, on the authority of the writer's MS., a statement that the church of Grasmere was broken into by the Parliamentary forces appeared twice in print in 1910, without any reference being given to the actual source of information, or its ambiguity.

At Whitsuntide, on his release from prison, Richard Harrison returned to his post at Rydal Hall as factotum and financier. The position became steadily worse. Young William Fleming had returned from Bristol, after reverses in the south, only to be captured and imprisoned in Kendal; and his freedom had to be procured by a heavy ransom. In restless mood he declared his intention of going overseas, and considerable sums were paid for his fitting out; but he never got beyond London, where he died shortly after of smallpox. The Parliamentary Committee, then sitting at Kendal, exacted heavy fines from the estate for delinquency. Oppressive taxes too were repeatedly levied for the support of the Parliamentary forces and the Scotch army. This extraordinary outflow of money, as well as the loans made to friends, must have materially reduced the wealth of Squire John, and have left less for the suitors who presently appeared to claim the hands of the heiresses.

Not the Rydal estate alone, but the whole country-side groaned under the burden of taxation. It is therefore not surprising that from the hardness of the times, as well as from possible illwill, the tithes began to yield an uncertain return; and that to come by them at all it was sometimes necessary to engage a strong man or a stout party for the business. An item in the account-sheets for 1645 runs:--

li s d

spent in 3 dayes when we went to gather the tith woole being ten in company 1 4 0

Spent more when Mr. Mason & I went to gather the Easter dues at severall tymes 15 0

Oct. Adam Fisher & young Jarrat for Inning the tith corne at Gresmere this yeare 1645 1 0 0

Adam Fisher was the Rydal blacksmith, and doubtless a strong man. Clearly no farmer could be found to take up a contract for the tithes of corn; and as we have seen, a barn had been hired for its housing.

In 1648 Harrison went into Cumberland, and spent a week getting the "tith-rents" due on St. Mark's Day; and he enters:--

li s d geaven my cosen Lamplougs man for his paynes in comeinge to meete me there with directions from [parliamentary] comittee to pay there rents unto me, otherwise I had gotten none payd 0 5 0

Harrison was subjected to another imprisonment, and squeezed by the hostile government of many further sums. His account-sheets close in 1648-9, when the hall--soon to lie under the ban of sequestration--was itself closed.

THE COMMONWEALTH

The year 1645 marked the beginning of a great change in the church government of Grasmere. Already the new system devised by the Presbyterian party (which was now in the ascendant after the success of the Scotch at Newcastle) was being put into force as a substitute for episcopal rule. The division of the country into sections, each called a _classis_--to be administered by a committee of laymen empowered to nominate for each parish a minister and four elders--was very rapidly carried out. The following answer was sent to the Parliament's demand, by letter from the Speaker, that _classes_ for South Westmorland should be formed:--[110]

[110] Shaw, in his _Church under the Commonwealth_, says that the scheme was already working in Northumberland and Durham at the close of 1645, and that it seems to have been put in force in Westmorland early in 1646. This letter explains the delay.

Honourable Sir

We received your Honours letter (dated the 22nd September last) the 3d of February last Wherein is required of us with advise of Godly Ministers, to returne to your Honour such Ministers and Elders as are thought fitt for the Presbiteriall way of Government (which wee much desire to be established) and the several classes. After wee received your Honours letter to that purpose (though long after the date) wee speedily had a meeting; and upon due consideration nominated the Ministers and Elders which wee thought fitted (as your Honour may conceive by this enclosed) for the Presbiteriall imployment as is desired and have divided the County of Westmerland into two Classes. Since the expediting of this your Honours direction: Wee have heard of an Ordinance of Parliament directing to the election of such persons: But as yet neither Order or Ordinance hath come unto us; Only your Honours letter, is our Warrant and Instruction; And accordingly we make bould to send (here inclosed) the names both of Ministers and Elders. And if we faile in the Parliaments method in this particuler, Wee shall willingly (upon your Honours next direction) rectify any mistake for the present, and shalbe willing to submitt to your Honours and Parliamentary directions; Which wee shall duly expect, that in wharsoever wee haved missed, wee may amend it. Thus with our Service recommended Wee remaine

Yours Honours Servants

Ric Prissoe, Maior Edmond Grey Thomas Gleddall Rich Branthwait Ger Benson Allan Gilpin Rowland Dawson Thom Sandes John Archer

Kendall 10 Martii, 1645

(Endorsement) 10 Martii, 1645 (1645/46). From the Maior and Committee at Kendal with their Classes.

For the Honourable William Lenthall, Esq., Speaker of the Commons House of Parliament. These--[111]

[111] MSS. Tanner, 60, fol. 527, Bodleian Library, Oxford.

In the list of the parishes with their church officials which accompany this servile epistle, ours appears thus:

Grasmere

Mr. Henry Wilson, minister of Gressmer a notorious malignant and articled against at Parliament.

Elders.

Mr. Thomas Brathwait Edward Knotts and Michaell Benson Francis Benson

The newly-elected elders were men of good position and character. Mr. Brathwaite, son of Gawen, and grandson of James, was soon to become the head of the Ambleside Hall family. The Bensons were the descendants of the rich clothiers of Elizabeth's days. Francis, living at his freehold of the Fold, Loughrigg, was later to display his indomitable will as a disciple of George Fox. Edward Knott was one of a race of Grasmere statesmen whose course was a forward one for some hundreds of years, and whose later history belongs to Rydal and Coniston.

But before these men were chosen, or this letter written, the "Committee" in Kendal had already interfered in church matters in Grasmere, and had suspended the parson. The Rev. Henry Wilson had served the king's cause in other ways than by preaching; and it is probable that the sums of money he began to borrow from 1643 from the Rydal Hall estate (whose coffers all the needy Royalists had recourse to) were used upon journeys to and fro as an emissary, or were expended in some other way for the cause.[112]

[112] The secret messengers who passed with despatches between the king and his army endured great perils and sometimes lost their lives.

li s d

Lent to P'son wilson upon his bill & Sr. Chr: Rawlings 13th of August for 6 weekes or els to Allow in his wages at Martinmas 1 0 0

* * * * *

Lent to Mr. Wilson P'son of Gresmire the 16 July upon his bill to be allowed in his sty. pd. at martinmas next 1644 3 0 0

By September he had borrowed £4 more, and on December 30th, £2 10s. But the Parliamentary party had by this time determined to put a curb on the Royalist parson's excursions. There exists among the MSS. of the Corporation of Kendal, a bond, dated November 16th, 1644, entered into by him to Colonel James Bellingham, "that the said Henry Wilson shall appear and render his body into the hands of the Provost Marshall of Kendall, at the end of twenty dayes next after the date hereof, and in the mean tyme shall not travell forth of the County of Westmorland nor hold any intelligence nor send any message by word or writeing to any of that party now in armes against the parliament, but in all things demeane himselfe well, and not indeavour in any wise to seduce or withdrawe the affections of any of his parishioners or others from the service of King & Parliament."

Attested by James Bellingham, Thomas Brathwaite, and Thomas Kelver.[113]

[113] Communicated by Mr. J. A. Martindale.

Under the pressure of military force he was constrained to appear before the Parliamentary tribune at Kendal; and he must have been then formally inhibited from duty; for the Rydal account-book shows:--

li s d

pd to Mr. Benson who serues at Gresmire put in by the Committee & ordered to pay the stypend to him that was due to Mr. Wilson for Halfe A yeare ended at penticost last 1645 9 5 9-1/2

pd to mr. benson by an order from the Committee for Halfe A yeares wage for serving the Cure at Gresmire ended at Martinmas last 1645 9 5 9-1/2

It is singular that in the Committee's report of its action to the Parliament, in the letter already given, it makes no mention of Mr. Benson's supersession of the rector. It was not destined to stand however; and possibly there was opposition in the parish. For Harrison enters, under February, 1646:--

li s d

pd. to Sr. Chr: Rawling in pt. of his wages for seruing the Cure of Gresmire for Halfe A yeare to end at penticost next & either to pay it again or els to stand in paymt. 5 0 0

The remaining £4 was paid on May 22nd, "by order of the Comittee." It would be interesting to know who this server of the cure was. He had been resident since at least 1641, when a child of his "Christe: Rawlinge, cler," had been baptized. He had likewise joined Parson Wilson in his bill three years earlier. His prefix "Sir," betokened him to be of the lower order of clergy, who had not graduated at either University.

Meanwhile Wilson, without stipend, was sinking under a weight of debt. A year after the death of his first wife, he had married (in 1639) Mrs. Dorothy Forrest, and he had (besides a former family) young children born in 1642 and 1643. Harrison thought it necessary now, in 1645, to obtain the consent of the young heir of Rydal, and of another executor, before lending him further sums of money:--

li s d

Lent parson wilson upon his note by & with the consent of Mr. Phillipson & Mr. Willm. wch. makes that he hath lately lent 8 li wch. he will either repay or els giue satisfaction that it may allow when he comes & serues the cure at Gressmire Church lent him this the 13 July 5 10 0

Possibly he left Grasmere for a time, yet it is clear that he had hopes of recovering his position there. It is noteworthy that the curates of St. John's and St. Bride's, Cumberland, borrowed money about the same time, and probably for the king's business likewise.

Parson Wilson--for so he was still called--borrowed £2 more in April, 1646, making in all £10, and £5 more in May. This was done by consent of the executors of the late Squire John Fleming, and he gave them a bill which terminated on September 29th. He was quite incapable of meeting such a bill, and it became necessary to devise a plan for securing repayment.

Now steps upon the scene a figure destined to play for long a prominent part in Grasmere church affairs. "My Cozen Ambrose" is mentioned in Harrison's account-book as ordering an additional 15s. to be paid to parson and clerk on death of Squire John "for oversight of his buriall" and now he took more pronounced action. He was nephew of Squire John, whose sister Dorothy--his mother--had married the lord of Lowick. He had been educated for the church, and in 1629 was elected Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge.[114] From the first he was doubtless intended to fill the post of rector of Grasmere, as the patronage belonged to the family. Truly, the living for the moment was worth no more than £18 11s. 7d., the stipend paid by the tithe-holder; but Gabriel Croft's lease of the tithes was to lapse in 1647, when they would again belong to the rector. So when Wilson was found to be in the last straits for money, John Ambrose came forward (with the lease in view) to adjust matters. Under date January, 1647, Harrison entered in his book:--

pd. to Mr. Wilson P'son of gresmire accordinge to articles made betwixt Mr. Wm. and him by doctor Ambrose order for delapidations for gresmire Rectorie and for confirmeinge all the tythes of Rydall at 20s P' annm. duringe his life upon his agrement 24 mch 1646, and a bill 15 li lent money deliuered him in, and pd. him this daie more to make up the Some to 22 li 10s, set down by doctor Ambrose 7 li 10s 0d.

[114] Dr. Magrath's _Flemings in Oxford_.

Thus the broken-down parson was mercifully left in his dilapidated house with his debt cleared, a few pounds in hand, and the prospect of £1 yearly in lieu of the Rydal demesne tithe, which was the ancient prescription.

Little as it was, it was better than nothing, and the incoming of other tithes to the parson was problematic, even if he were again allowed to serve the cure. But this doubtful future he had not long to face. The church register of that year records on June 26th "buryall Henry Willson Clerk of Gresmyre."

There is scarcely a doubt that the Rev. John Ambrose was at once nominated to the post by the Fleming family. In evidence given for the Restoration lawsuit over the tithes, it is stated that he had been inducted "about 15 years since," and had kept the office and officiated, till ejected by "the late usurpers." The position with tithes restored to it, was worth a struggle to keep, and the parish elders and the Presbyterian party at large would seem to have offered no real opposition to this powerful nominee.

That party indeed was losing ground all over England, where a personal examination before administration of the sacrament--rigidly enforced under the Scotch system of eldership--was much disliked; and by 1649 its control over church affairs was practically at an end.[115]

[115] Shaw's _Church under the Commonwealth_.

The successes of the Parliamentary army had besides, after the victory of Naseby (1645), brought the Independents into power. Without passing a law to annul the Presbyterian scheme, they brought forward in Parliament various fresh ones of their own; and in 1650 a bill was framed for "the better propagating of the Gospel" in Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmorland and Durham, these counties having petitioned that the vexed question of "settling ministers" might be finally resolved. The Act was to hold good for three years; and after a slight extension it was abandoned, as the Commissioners appointed to carry it out had not given satisfaction. It was while the Commissioners under the Act were in office, and no doubt by them, that Ambrose, an episcopalian and a Royalist, and nominated moreover by a family of recusants, was ejected. In the depositions taken at Ambleside, October, 1663, for the tithe lawsuit, John Newton of Ambleside declared that the ejection took place about Martinmas, 1653; and "John Wallace of Kendall clerk," aged 32, gave evidence "that the complainant Ambrosse, by some of the late usurped powers was sequestered out of the parish church of Grasmere, sitting at Newcastle on Tyne before 1653, after which this deponent officiated in the said cure 1653, 4 and 5; and after he left one John Tompson, clerk, officiated till complainant was restored. During deponent's officiating most of the parishioners paid their tithes to him, and owned him as patron; and he believes they did the like to Thomson."[116]

[116] Ex. Deps., 15 Chas. II., Mich. 33, Westmorland.

Wallas was clearly placed in the Rev. John Ambrose's post by the Independents, who now--with John Archer at their head--ruled the municipal and religious affairs of Kendal, for the Parliament, by a strong-handed committee; and that it was an ill-judged choice as well as an ill-favoured one (at least by one section of the community) is certain. By no religious party should John Wallas have been considered a suitable pastor for the wide and conservative parish, since he was either a man of low, disorderly life, or unfortunate in making enemies who could successfully libel him. In 1655 he was summoned before the justices at the Quarter Sessions upon two charges. One was the attempted ravishment of Clara Barwis of Loughrigg, "a virgin" twenty-two years old, and of this offence he was declared not guilty; while the unhappy girl--likewise charged with "ye detestable sinne of fornication with John Wallass Clke"--was by an irrational and shameful verdict sentenced to three months imprisonment for the joint offence. The other charge against him was an assault upon one John Hird; but as he brought a counter charge against Hird, this disturbance of "ye publique peace" must have assumed the aspect of a free fight.[117]

[117] Book of Quarter Sessions Indictments, Kendal Corporation.

Wallas was not long to enjoy unchallenged his position at Grasmere. The situation was being watched by one who only awaited opportunity for action. It was a time of unrest and seething thought; and in 1651 George Fox, after beholding his vision of blood--when he ran through the streets of Lichfield crying "Woe, woe"--had begun his wandering life as a preacher. The country was swayed to and fro by contending religious factions. The more sober and rational-minded among these, shocked by the confusion that prevailed, formed themselves into "Voluntary Associations," under which the acting church authorities of each district--whether Independent or Presbyterian--united for the purpose of settling (if this were possible) the vexed questions of the administration of the sacrament and the ordination of ministers. At once an Association was formed for Cumberland and Westmorland, where the success that attended George Fox's first missionary journey through the distracted counties in 1652-3, had brought consternation to all sections of the Puritan party, and under the leadership of Mr. Richard Gilpin it proceeded to action.[118] Meetings for the settlement of church affairs were held every month at Carlisle, Penrith and Cockermouth, and in 1656 the counties put forth a joint manifesto, called "Articles of Association."

[118] Fox's _Journals_. He says that he had "large meetings" in Westmorland.

It was the existence of this body with its moderate and conciliatory policy, that doubtless enabled the new squire of Rydal to take the step he had for some time been preparing. Barely of age in 1654, and not yet in possession of the family estates, he nevertheless--while studying law in London--kept his eye on the condition of affairs in Grasmere and sought how he might--if not restore his kinsman Ambrose to the rectory--at least oust the intruder. An entry in his accounts of 1s. paid on May 24th "for ye Parrishioners of Gresmire their Caveat" shows that he had secured the support of part of the parish at least. Again on June 27th he paid 1s. 6d. "for a cop. of the Refferees names concerning Wallas." Without doubt he was preparing, even to the co-operation of Mr. Brathwaite of Ambleside Hall, for the swift stroke of ejection which was carried through on the eve of his own entrance to Rydal by his faithful servant John Banks. John communicated the result in the following letter:--[119]

[119] Rydal Hall MSS.

Hounoured Sir,

I praise God I got saffe to Rydale wth the oxen on Saturday at night where I was fforced to staye all night it was so late I acquainted the P'ishors that you had sent them word to get a minister every Lord's daye till such tyme as you presented one, and that the might paye them out off the tythes, but none would meddle unless I would goe to the Church and appear wth them soe I was fforced either to neglect it or send to Mr. Turner off Amblesyd to procure him to goe to preach wch I did And he went to your Cousin Bratwhait to aske his advice and leave that he might goe, soe he came to Rydale and I went along wth him But Wallas seeing us cum almost at the Church went quite away to Langdale Chapple whether he intended to goe beffore or noe I knowe not But he lefft the Clarke to oppose us who would not suffer Mr. Turner to read in the usuall place soe I wished Mr. Turner to goe into the pulpit and officiate But the Clark begun to read a Chapter and I bid him giue over but he would not soe I shutt the booke soe Mr. Turner read a Chappter and sung a psalme and begune to preach and when the sermon was done I spoke to some of the P'ishoners to procure every Lords daye a minister & pay them off theire tithes.

Conyston this 11 Feb. 1655.

Your obedient servant

John Bankes.

Good John, with the squire's authority at his back and the co-operation of the Ambleside curate (a Presbyterian no doubt), had successfully carried the situation through for that day, but his spirit quailed before it, as did that of the people. Under date February 18th he again wrote to his absent master:--

I should be glad to hear ffrom you iff you have heard anything ffrom Oxford or London concerninge the P'sonage of Grasmire, ffor wallas keepes the place still and saith he will doe it and that he is instructed by Mr. Archer to keepe it til such tyme as he present another, And he saith that he will cause Mr Turner to be put off his place ffor goeing that one daye to officiate there, Sir I desire that you will be pleased iff you heare anythinge to lett me knowe that I may encourage the P'ishoners ffor the are nowe more dismayed then the were beffore.

In a postscript he reverts to the subject:--

Sir it will not be amisse to remynd them aboue (probably meaning any grandee with whom young Daniel might come into contact during his honeymoon visits) concerning Grasmire ffor it is the Generall oppinion off all heare that Mr. Archer will doe you a preiudice in it iff he can.

Mr. Archer was of course disputing the right of the Rydal squire to nominate. But he and the Independents were yet to learn the indomitable nature of the will that now opposed theirs. The young squire, too wise to attempt the reinstating of his kinsman, and assuming the right to nominate, appointed one John Thompson to the rectory: and he won his way in spite of obstacles placed in it.

li s d 10 ber 4, 56. Spent at Penrith when Mr. Thompson appeared there to showe unto ye Coms. by wt. title hee officied att Gresmer 00 01 06

John Banks, then doing business in London, wrote in perplexity on October 23rd, saying that counsel's opinion was talked of in connection with the matter. Thompson, however, kept his post. He may have acted in tune with the Presbyterians for the time being, but at the Restoration he returned at once to the uses of the re-established Church of England. At the Quarter Sessions held at Kendal, September, 1660, William Willson of Langdale was charged with "disquietinge, abuseinge, & disturbinge John Tompson Clerk vicar of Gressmire in readinge ye booke of comon prayer or service of ye Church & in his collaton or preachinge at Langdale Chappell" on the 26th, "beinge ye lord's day" and the said Willson, refusing to submit or to swear the oath of allegiance, was committed to gaol, with the option of a fine of 100 marks.[120] Willson indeed was a Quaker or Friend, who abjured all oaths--a fact at first misunderstood, and which so frequently caused their committal on political grounds. He was one of George Fox's most fiery adherents, and a speaker among the little band that had sprung up in the parish during the anarchy; and in denouncing the clergy on their own ground (the "steeple-house") he did but imitate his master.

[120] Book of Indictments, Kendal Corporation.

On the other hand John Wallas--who had apparently been appointed by his friends to another church--was charged before the Justices with not reading the Book of Common Prayer, as ordained by law. His next appearance at court, in 1663, was in connection with the plot against the king and government, lately discovered. He was suspected of being mixed up in it, and was committed to Appleby gaol for three months.

The young squire of Rydal, Daniel Fleming, had now a free hand in the congenial task of setting the church of Grasmere on the old footing. There was some delay or uncertainty, however, in the return of his cousin Ambrose to the rectory. The church register contains a note of money collected, August 25th, 1661, and this is signed by John Brathwaite, "Rector of Grasmere," by John Browk, "curate," and the churchwardens; and John Browk's signature as curate occurs again August 7th, 1663. But it is certain that Parson Ambrose soon made good his claim to the position of rector, and that John Brathwaite remained as his principal curate in charge. He was a man who had seemingly no mind for strife or commotion. He showed supineness in allowing the squire to conduct the dispute about the tithes which now arose; as well as later to oppose the scheme of the Ambleside folk to secure the privileges of baptism and burial for their chapel. On this occasion the excuse was made of his being then (1674) in residence as Fellow of St. John's, Cambridge.[121] Perhaps he loved too well the cloistered ease of the University. He never attempted to reside at the rectory, and would seem to have arranged for bachelor quarters to be fitted up at the hall, where he might spend such time as he thought it necessary to devote to the parish. These entries occur in the great account book:--

[121] See Cumberland and Westmorland Society's _Transactions_, vol. vi., N.S.

li s d Aug. 11. 59. Payed unto Grigg for 3 dayes paveing & guttering of ye Roome under Mr. Ambrose's Chamber 00 01 00

Jan. 26. 59. Lost at Tables unto Parson Ambrose 00 01 00

Such peaceful hours of card-playing--restricted to the festival time of Christmas--were occasionally varied by polemical events; if so, we may interpret the scene at the Loughrigg inn:--

li s d June 23, 1669. Spent at Braythey Bridge end in ye contest betwixt Jos. Penny & my Cosin Ambrose 00 00 06

For the recovery of the tithes, the rector relied entirely on the legal knowledge and acute judgment of his relative; and the draft of the Bill presented in the Court of Exchequer, and now lying at Rydal Hall, is in the latter's handwriting. From this we learn that certain parishioners refused to pay tithes to the newly-instituted rector, and that their refusal was moreover of some years standing, as neither Wallas nor Thompson had been in a position to compel payment from the refractory. There are twenty-one names cited in the bill. Many of these were no doubt conscientious objectors, though some would be of that ever-present class, who seize any excuse for shirking an obligation. From the wording of the petition, that the objectors "pretended" John Ambrose never was parson of Grasmere, nor had been lawfully restored, it looks as if there had been some opposition to the squire's change of minister at the Restoration. Mr. Thomas Brathwaite had assisted him as we have seen in the removal of the Independent, but now the expulsion of the (probable) Presbyterian minister in favour of the Episcopalian roused the ire no doubt of the Presbyterian party, headed by the Ambleside Hall family. Robert Brathwaite, gentleman, was younger brother of Thomas, and had inherited from his father Gawen not only the property of High House, Hugill (where he generally resided) but the small "manor" of Baisbrowne in Langdale. It was on this estate that tithes were claimed from its owner, who heads the list of recalcitrant parishioners. Another prominent statesman among them was Christopher Nicholson, of Padmire, Grasmere, of whose religious persuasion we know nothing. A third was Francis Benson, freeholder; he, along with Mr. Brathwaite and Michael Benson, had served as an elder on the Presbyterian _Classis_, and had now become an ardent Quaker. These, with the rest, had--so the petition declared--combined to resist payment, and had persuaded others to do the like. Their position was certainly weakened by the fact that they had failed to pay these customary dues for its support, while they were satisfied with the ministry; yet the demand now made for fourteen years' arrears, may well have irritated them. The claim upon Mr. Robert Brathwaite's estate stands thus, when placed in the form of a table:--

£ s. d. Meadows, of which the "tythe-hay" is worth yearly 0 0 10 Ten cow's milk each yearly 2d. 0 1 8 One tithe-calf 0 1 8 Two foals, each 2d. 0 0 4 Three hundred sheep, of which, the tythe wool is worth yearly 2 0 0 One hundred lambs paying a customary sum each year of 1s. 2d. 11 8 Three sows, the tithe pigs being yearly 10 Ten geese, ten hens, and ten ducks, tithe yearly 5 0 two swarms of bees, customary payment 2d. each 4 Five bushels of plums, with other fruit, tithe worth 3 0 Twenty acres, pastured with barren cattle 5 0 Hemp grown, tithe worth yearly 2 0 Oblaytions 2 6

The demand made upon each of the foremost defendants in the lawsuit was exactly the same, showing that the estimate of the tithes was a purely conventional one. It amounted then for each prosperous statesman to £3 14s. 10d.--a large sum compared with the commutation of the Rydal Hall tithe; and when this figure is multiplied by fourteen for arrears, a total of £52 7s. 8d. is reached, which was likely enough to arouse dismay and opposition. The case dragged on; and on October 20th, 1663, a commission sat at Ambleside, when witnesses were called on both sides. The smaller statesmen were no longer cited, while Robert Brathwaite, Christopher Nicholson, Francis Benson, and John Benson stood as the defendants.[122] The verdict is not known; but payment of tithes once more became customary. The refusal of the Quakers to pay the church rate will be noticed hereafter.

[122] Ex. Deps., 15 Chas. II., Mich. 33, Westmorland.

The tithes seem often to have been let on lease, which saved the rector the trouble and annoyance of collection. Edward Benson of Loughrigg declared, in 1663, before the commission, that he and Miles Mackereth and John Brathwaite held a lease of them from Parson Ambrose for three years, which ended April 15th, 1665. About the year 1726 they were apparently farmed by the statesmen jointly. A paper exists[123] entitled "Grasmere Tyth Corn lett to the Inhabitants Anno 1726. Some wanting." It contains the names of 55 landholders, with the amount--varying from 1s. to 18s.--paid by each as an equivalent for the tithe of corn. The total is £18 6s.

[123] Rydal Hall MSS.

This agrees with the statement of Miss Craik, who in 1752 was corresponding with Sir William Fleming on behalf of her incapable brother, the rector. While expressing her surprise that he should think of renting the tithes of corn, she tells him that Mr. Craik's collector had been persuaded to grant a three years' lease at £14 10s., which was too little. The salary of the collector, she adds, had been in a former year £5.

The growth of corn increased seemingly in this district as the eighteenth century went by, owing no doubt to its heightened price throughout the kingdom. The tithe of it accordingly went up in value, while wool, from the decay of the cloth trade, went down.

[Illustration: CHURCH WARDENS]

[Illustration: FONT IN GRASMERE CHURCH.

(FROM TABLE BOOK BY WM. HONE, 1827.)]

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