CHAPTER XV

THE BOY BISHOP

[_Bibliographical Note._--Most of the authorities for chh. xiii, xiv, are still available, since many writers have not been careful to distinguish between the various feasts of the Twelve nights. The best modern account of the Boy Bishop is Mr. A. F. Leach’s paper on _The Schoolboys’ Feast_ in _The Fortnightly Review_, N. S. lix (1896), 128. The contributions of F. A. Dürr, _Commentatio Historica de Episcopo Puerorum, vulgo vom Schul-Bischoff_ (1755); F. A. Specht, _Geschichte des Unterrichtswesens in Deutschland_, 222 sqq. (1885); A. Gasté, _Les Drames liturgiques de la Cathédrale de Rouen_, 35 sqq. (1893); E. F. Rimbault, _The Festival of the Boy Bishop in England_ in _The Camden Miscellany_, vol. vii (Camden Soc. 1875), are also valuable. Dr. Rimbault speaks of ‘considerable collections for a history of the festival of the Boy Bishop throughout Europe,’ made by Mr. J. G. Nichols, but I do not know where these are to be found. Brand (ed. Ellis), i. 227 sqq., has some miscellaneous data, and a notice interesting by reason of its antiquity is that on the _Episcopus Puerorum, in Die Innocentium_, in the _Posthuma_, 95 sqq., of John Gregory (1649).]

Joannes Belethus, the learned theologian of Paris and Amiens, towards the end of the twelfth century, describes, as well as the Feast of Fools, no less than three other _tripudia_ falling in Christmas week[1173]. Upon the days of St. Stephen, St. John the Evangelist, and the Holy Innocents, the deacons, the priests, the choir-boys, held their respective revels, each body in turn claiming that pre-eminence in the divine services which in the Feast of Fools was assigned to the sub-deacons. The distinction drawn by Belethus is not wholly observed in the ecclesiastical prohibitions either of the thirteenth or of the fifteenth century. In many of these the term ‘Feast of Fools’ has a wide meaning. The council of Nevers in 1246 includes under it the feasts of the Innocents and the New Year; that of Langres in 1404 the ‘festivals of the Nativity’; that of Nantes in 1431 the Nativity itself, St. Stephen’s, St. John’s, and the Innocents’. For the council of Basle it is apparently synonymous with the ‘Feast of Innocents or Boys’; the Paris theologians speak of its rites as practised on St. Stephen’s, the Innocents’, the Circumcision, and other dates. The same tendency to group all these _tripudia_ together recurs in passages in which the ‘Feast of Fools’ is not in so many words mentioned. The famous decretal of Pope Innocent III is directed against the _ludibria_ practised in turns by deacons, priests, and sub-deacons during the feasts immediately following upon Christmas. The _irrisio servitii_ inveighed against in the _Rememoratio_ of Gerson took place on Innocents’ day, on the Circumcision, on the Epiphany, or at Shrovetide.

Local usage, however, only partly bears out this loose language of the prohibitions. At Châlons-sur-Marne, in 1570, the ‘bishop’ of Fools sported on St. Stephen’s day. At Besançon, in 1387, a distinct _dominus festi_ was chosen on each of the three days after Christmas, and all alike were called _rois des fous_. At Autun, during the fifteenth century, the _regna_ of the ‘bishop’ and ‘dean’ of Innocents and of ‘Herod’ at the New Year were known together as the _festa folorum_. Further south, the identification is perhaps more common. At Avallon, Aix, Antibes, the Feast of Fools was on Innocents’ day; at Arles the _episcopus stultorum_ officiated both on the Innocents’ and on St. John’s, at Viviers on all three of the post-Nativity feasts. But these are exceptions, and, at least outside Provence, the rule seems to have been to apply the name of ‘Feast of Fools’ to the _tripudium_, originally that of the sub-deacons, on New Year’s day or the Epiphany, and to distinguish from this, as does Belethus, the _tripudia_ of the deacons, priests, and choir-boys in Christmas week.

We may go further and say, without much hesitation, that the three latter feasts are of older ecclesiastical standing than their riotous rival. Belethus is the first writer to mention the Feast of Fools, but he is by no means the first writer to mention the Christmas _tripudia_. They were known to Honorius of Autun[1174], early in the twelfth century, and to John of Avranches[1175], late in the eleventh. They can be traced at least from the beginning of the tenth, more than two hundred and fifty years before the Feast of Fools is heard of. The earliest notice I have come across is at the monastery of St. Gall, hard by Constance, in 911. In that year King Conrad I was spending Christmas with Bishop Solomon of Constance. He heard so much of the Vespers processions during the _triduum_ at St. Gall that he insisted on visiting the monastery, and arrived there in the midst of the revels. It was all very amusing, and especially the procession of children, so grave and sedate that even when Conrad bade his train roll apples along the aisle they did not budge[1176]. That the other Vespers processions of the _triduum_ were of deacons and priests may be taken for granted. I do not know whether the _triduum_ originated at St. Gall, but the famous song-school of that monastery was all-important in the movement towards the greater elaboration of church ceremonial, and even more of chant, which marked the tenth century. This gave rise to the tropes, of which much will be said in the next volume; and it is in a tropary, an English tropary from Winchester, dating from before 980, that the feasts of the _triduum_ next occur. The ceremonies of those feasts, as described by Belethus, belong mainly to the Office, and the tropes are mainly chanted elaborations of the text of the Mass: but the Winchester tropes for the days of St. Stephen, St. John, and the Holy Innocents clearly imply the respective connexion of the services, to which they belong, with deacons, priests, and choir-boys[1177]. Of the sub-deacons, on Circumcision or Epiphany, there is as yet nothing. John of Avranches, Honorius of Autun, and Belethus bridge a gap, and from the thirteenth century the _triduum_ is normal in service-books, both continental and English, throughout the Middle Ages[1178]. It is provided for in the Nantes _Ordinarium_ of 1263[1179], in the Amiens _Ordinarium_ of 1291[1180], and in the Tours _Rituale_ of the fourteenth century[1181]. It required reforming at Vienne in 1385, but continued to exist there up to 1670[1182]. In the last three cases it is clearly marked side by side with, but other than, the Feast of Fools. In Germany, it is contemplated in the _Ritual_ of Mainz[1183]. In England I trace it at Salisbury[1184], at York[1185], at Lincoln[1186], at St. Albans[1187]. These instances could doubtless be multiplied, although there were certainly places where the special devotion of the three feasts to the three bodies dropped out at an early date. The Rheims _Ordinarium_ of the fourteenth century, for instance, knows nothing of it[1188]. The extent of the ceremonies, again, would naturally be subject to local variation. The germ of them lay in the procession at first Vespers described by Ekkehard at St. Gall. But they often grew to a good deal more than this. The deacons, priests, or choir-boys, as the case might be, took the higher stalls, and the whole conduct of the services; the _Deposuit_ was sung; _epistolae farcitae_ were read[1189]; there was a _dominus festi_.

The main outlines of the feasts of the _triduum_ are thus almost exactly parallel, so far as the divine _servitium_ is concerned, to those of the Feast of Fools, for which indeed they probably served as a model. And like the Feast of Fools, they had their secular side, which often became riotousness. Occasionally they were absorbed in, or overshadowed by, the more popular and wilder merry-making of the inferior clergy. But elsewhere they have their own history of reformations or suppression, or are grouped with the Feast of Fools, as by the decretal of Innocent III, in a common condemnation. The diversity of local practice is well illustrated by the records of such acts of discipline. Sometimes, as at Paris[1190], or Soissons[1191], it is the deacons’ feast alone that has become an abuse; sometimes, as at Worms, that of the priests’[1192]; sometimes two of them[1193], sometimes all three[1194], require correction. I need only refer more particularly to two interesting English examples. One is at Wells, where a chapter statute of about 1331 condemns the tumult and _ludibrium_ with which divine service was celebrated from the Nativity to the octave of the Innocents, and in particular the _ludi theatrales_ and _monstra larvarum_ introduced into the cathedral by the deacons, priests, sub-deacons, and even vicars during this period[1195]. Nor was the abuse easy to check, for about 1338 a second statute was required to reinforce and strengthen the prohibition[1196]. So, too, in the neighbouring diocese of Exeter. The register of Bishop Grandisson records the mandates against _ludi inhonesti_ addressed by him in 1360 to the chapters of Exeter cathedral, and of the collegiate churches of Ottery, Crediton, and Glasney. These _ludi_ were performed by men and boys at Vespers, Matins, and Mass on Christmas and the three following days. They amounted to a mockery of the divine worship, did much damage to the church vestments and ornaments, and brought the clergy into disrepute[1197]. These southern prohibitions are shortly before the final suppression of the Feast of Fools in the north at Beverley and Lincoln. The Wells customs, indeed, probably included a regular Feast of Fools, for the part taken by the sub-deacons and vicars is specifically mentioned, and the proceedings lasted over the New Year. But it is clear that even where the term ‘Feast of Fools’ is not known to have been in use, the temper of that revel found a ready vent in other of the winter rejoicings. Nor was it the _triduum_ alone which afforded its opportunities. More rarely the performances of the _Pastores_ on Christmas day itself[1198], or the suppers given by the great officers of cathedrals and monasteries, when they sang their ‘_Oes_,’ on the nights between December 16 and Christmas[1199], were the occasions for excesses which called for reprehension.

Already, when Conrad visited St. Gall in 911, the third feast of the _triduum_ was the most interesting. In after years this reached an importance denied to the other two. The Vespers procession was the germ of an annual rejoicing, secular as well as ritual, which became for the _pueri_ attached as choir-boys and servers to the cathedrals and great churches very much what the Feast of Fools became for the adult inferior clergy of the same bodies. Where the two feasts were not merged in one, this distinction of _personnel_ was retained. A good example is afforded by Sens. Here, from the middle of the fourteenth century, the chapter accounts show an _archiepiscopus puerorum_ side by side with the _dominus_ of the Feast of Fools. Each feast got its own grant of wine from the chapter, and had its own prebend in the chapter woods. In the fifteenth century the two fell and rose together. In the sixteenth, the Feast of Boys was the more flourishing, and claimed certain dues from a market in Sens, which were commuted for a small money payment by the chapter. Finally, both feasts are suppressed together in 1547[1200]. It is to be observed that the original celebration of the Holy Innocents’ day in the western Church was not of an unmixed festal character. It commemorated a martyrdom which typified and might actually have been that of Christ himself, and it was therefore held _cum tristitia_. As in Lent or on Good Friday itself, the ‘joyful chants,’ such as the _Te Deum_ or the _Alleluia_, were silenced. This characteristic of the day was known to Belethus, but even before his time it had begun to give way to the festal tendencies. Local practice differed widely, as the notices collected by Martene show, but even when John of Avranches wrote, at the end of the eleventh century, the ‘modern’ custom was to sing the chants[1201].

Many interesting details of the Feast of Boys, as it was celebrated in France, are contained in various ceremonial books. The _Officium Infantum_ of Rouen may be taken as typical[1202]. After second Vespers on St. John’s day the boys marched out of the vestry, two by two, with their ‘bishop,’ singing _Centum quadraginta_. There was a procession to the altar of the Holy Innocents, and _Hi empti sunt_ was sung[1203]. Then the ‘bishop’ gave the Benediction. The feast of the following day was ‘double,’ but the boys might make it ‘triple,’ if they would. There was a procession, with the _Centum quadraginta_, at Matins. At Mass, the boys led the choir. At Vespers the _baculus_ was handed over, while the _Deposuit potentes_ was being sung[1204]. At Bayeux the feast followed the same general lines, but the procession at first Vespers was to the altar, not of the Holy Innocents, but of St. Nicholas[1205]. Precise directions are given as to the functions of the ‘bishop.’ He is to wear a silk tunic and cope, and to have a mitre and pastoral staff, but not a ring. The boys are to do him the same reverence that is done to the real bishop. There are also to be a boy _cantor_ and a boy ‘chaplain.’ The ‘bishop’ is to perform the duties of a priest, so long as the feast lasts, except in the Mass. He is to give the benediction after _Benedicamus_ at first Vespers. Then the boys are to take the higher stalls, and to keep them throughout the following day, the ‘bishop’ sitting in the dean’s chair. The boys are to say Compline as they will. The ‘bishop’ is to be solemnly conducted home with the prose _Sedentem_, and on the following day he is to be similarly conducted both to and from service. At Mass he is to cense and be censed like the ‘great bishop’ on solemn occasions. He is also to give the benediction at Mass. There is a minute description of the ceremony of _Deposuit_, from which it is clear that, at Bayeux at least, the handing over of the _baculus_ was from an incoming to an outgoing ‘bishop,’ to whom the former was in turn to act as ‘chaplain[1206].’ The rubrics of the Coutances feast are even more minute[1207]. The proceedings began after Matins on St. John’s day, when the boys drew up a _tabula_ appointing their superiors to the minor offices of the coming feast. This, however, they were to do without impertinence[1208]. The vesting of the ‘bishop’ and the Vespers procession are exactly described. As at Bayeux the boys take the high stalls for Compline. The canon who holds a

## particular prebend is bound to carry the candle and the _collectarium_

for the ‘bishop.’ After Compline the ‘bishop’ is led home with _Laetabundus_, but not in pontificals. Throughout the services of the following day the ‘bishop’ plays his part, and when Vespers comes gives way to a ‘bishop’-elect at the _Deposuit_[1209]. The ‘bishop’ of St. Martin of Tours was installed in the neighbouring convent of Beaumont, whither all the _clericuli_ rode for the purpose after Prime on St. John’s day. He was vested in the church there, blessed the nuns, then returned to Tours, was installed in his own cathedral, and blessed the populace[1210]. The secular side of the feast comes out in the Toul _Statutes_ of 1497[1211]. Here it may be said to have absorbed in its turn the Feast of Fools, for the ‘bishop’ was a choir-boy chosen by the choir-boys themselves and also by the sub-deacons, who shared with them the name of _Innocentes_[1212]. The election took place after Compline on the first Sunday in Advent, and the ‘bishop’ was enthroned with a _Te Deum_. He officiated in the usual way throughout the Innocents’ day services. In the morning he rode at the head of a _cortège_ to the monasteries of St. Mansuetus and St. Aper, sang an anthem and said a prayer at the door of each church, and claimed a customary fee[1213]. After Vespers he again rode in state with mimes and trumpeters through the city[1214]. On the following day, all the ‘Innocents’ went masked into the city, where, if it was fine enough, farces and apparently also moralities and miracles were played[1215]. On the octave the ‘bishop’ and his _cortège_ went to the church of St. Geneviève. After an anthem and collect they adjourned to the ‘church-house,’ where they were entertained by the hospital at a dessert of cake, apples and nuts, during which they chose disciplinary officers for the coming year[1216]. The expenses of the feast, with the exception of the dinner on the day after Innocents’ day which came out of the disciplinary fines, are assigned by the statutes to the canons in the order of their appointment. The responsible canon must give a supper on Innocents’ day, and a dessert out of what is over on the following day. He must also provide the ‘bishop’ with a horse, gloves, and a _biretta_ when he rides abroad. At the supper a curious ceremony took place. The canon returned thanks to the ‘bishop,’ apologized for any short-comings in the preparations, and finally handed the ‘bishop’ a cap of rosemary or other flowers, which was then conferred upon the canon to whose lot it would fall to provide the feast for the next anniversary[1217]. Should the canon disregard his duties the boys and sub-deacons were entitled to hang up a black cope on a candlestick in the middle of the choir _in illius vituperium_ for as long as they might choose[1218].

I cannot pretend to give a complete account of all the French examples of the Boy Bishop with which I have met, and it is the less necessary, as the feast seems to have been far more popular and enduring in England than the Feast of Fools. I content myself with giving references for its history at Amiens[1219], St. Quentin[1220], Senlis[1221], Soissons[1222], Roye[1223], Peronne[1224], Rheims[1225], Brussels[1226], Lille[1227], Liège[1228], Laon[1229], Troyes[1230], Mans[1231], Bourges[1232], Châlons-sur-Saône[1233], Grenoble[1234]. Not unnaturally it proved less of a scandal to ecclesiastical reformers than the Feast of Fools; for the choir-boys must have been more amenable to discipline, even in moments of festivity, than the adult clerks. But it shared in the general condemnation of all such customs, and was specifically arraigned by more than one council, rather perhaps for puerility than for any graver offence[1235]. Gradually therefore, it vanished, leaving only a few survivals to recent centuries[1236]. As was the case with the Feast of Fools, the question of its suppression sometimes set a chapter by the ears. Notably was this so at Noyon, where the act of his reforming colleagues in 1622 was highly disapproved of by the dean, Jacques Le Vasseur. In a letter written on the occasion he declares that the Boy Bishop had flourished in Noyon cathedral for four hundred years, and brands the reformers as brute beasts masquerading in the robes and beards of philosophy[1237].

I have no special records of the Boy Bishop in Spain except the council decrees already quoted. In Germany he appears to have been more widely popular than his rival of Fools. My first notice, however, is two centuries after the visit of Conrad to the _triduum_ at St. Gall. The chronicle of the monastery of St. Petersburg, hard by Halle, mentions an accident _in ludo qui vocatur puerorum_, by which a lad was trodden to death. This was in 1137[1238]. The thirteenth and fourteenth centuries yield more examples. In 1249 Pope Innocent IV complained to the bishop of Ratisbon that the clerks and scholars of that cathedral, when choosing their anniversary ‘bishop,’ did violence to the abbey of Pruviningen[1239]. In 1357 the Ratisbon feast was stained with homicide, and was consequently suppressed[1240]. In 1282 the feast was forbidden at Eichstädt[1241]. In 1304 it led to a dispute between the municipality and the chapter of Hamburg, which ended in a promise by the _scholares_ to refrain from defamatory songs either in Latin or German[1242]. Similarly at Worms in 1307 the _pueri_ were forbidden to sing in the streets after Compline, as had been the custom on the feasts of St. Nicholas and St. Lucy, on Christmas and the three following days, and on the octave of the Holy Innocents’[1243]. At Lübeck the feast was abolished in 1336[1244]. I have already quoted the long reference to the _scholarium episcopus_ in the Mosburg Gradual of 1360[1245]. He may be traced also at Regensburg[1246] and at Prague[1247]. But the fullest account of him is from Mainz[1248]. Here he was called the _Schul-Bischoff_, and in derision _Apffeln-Bischoff_. He was chosen before St. Nicholas’ day by the _ludi magister_ of the _schola trivialis_. He had his _equites_, his _capellani_, and his _pedelli_. On St. Nicholas’ day, and on that of the Holy Innocents’, he had a seat near the high altar, and took part in the first and second Vespers. In the interval he paid a visit with his company to the palace of the elector, sang a hymn[1249], and claimed a banquet or a donation. The custom was not altogether extinct in Mainz by 1779[1250]. In other German towns, also, it well outlived the Middle Ages. At Cologne, for instance, it was only suppressed by the statutes of Bishop Max Heinrich in 1662[1251].

In England, the Boy Bishop weathered the storms of discipline which swept away the Feast of Fools in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. He was widely popular in the later Middle Ages, and finally fell before an austerity of the Reformation. The prerogative instance of the custom is in the church of Salisbury. Here the existence of the Boy Bishop is already implied by the notice of a ring for use at the ‘Feast of Boys’ in an inventory of 1222[1252]. A century later, the statutes of Roger de Mortival in 1319 include elaborate regulations for the ceremony. The ‘bishop’ may perform the _officium_ as is the use, but he must hold no banquet, and no visitation either within or without the cathedral. He may be invited to the table of a canon, but otherwise he must remain in the common house, and must return to his duties in church and school immediately after the feast of Innocents. The statute also regulates the behaviour of the crowds which were wont to press upon and impede the boys in their annual procession to the altar of the Holy Trinity, and the rest of their ministry[1253]. Two of the great service-books of the Sarum use, the Breviary and the Processional, give ample details as to the ‘ministry’ of the Boy Bishop and his fellows. The office, as preserved in these, will be found in an appendix[1254]. The proceedings differ in some respects from the continental models already described. There is no mention of the _Deposuit_; and the central rite is still the great procession between Vespers and Compline on the eve of the Holy Innocents. This procession went from the choir either to the altar of the Holy Innocents or to that of the Holy Trinity and All Saints in the Lady chapel, and at its return the boys took the higher stalls and kept them until the second Vespers of the feast. For this procession the boys were entitled to assign the functions of carrying the book, the censer, the candles, and so forth to the canons. Some miscellaneous notices of the Salisbury feast are contained in the chapter register between 1387 and 1473. From 1387 the oblations on the feast appear to have been given to the ‘bishop.’ In 1413 he was allowed a banquet. In 1448 the precentor, Nicholas Upton, proposed that the boys, instead of freely electing a ‘bishop,’ should be confined to a choice amongst three candidates named by the chapter. But this innovation was successfully resisted[1255]. Cathedral documents also give the names of twenty-one boys who held the office[1256]. There is in Salisbury cathedral a dwarf effigy of a bishop, dating from the latter part of the thirteenth century. Local tradition, from at least the beginning of the seventeenth century, has regarded this as the monument of a Boy Bishop who died during his term of office. But modern archaeologists repudiate the theory. Such miniature effigies are not uncommon, and possibly indicate that the heart alone of the person commemorated is buried in the spot which they mark[1257].

The gradual adoption of the use of Sarum by other dioceses would naturally tend to carry with it that of the Boy Bishop. But he is to be found at Exeter and at St. Paul’s before the change of use, as well as at Lincoln and York which retained their own uses up to the Reformation. At Exeter Bishop Grandisson’s _Ordinale_ of 1337 provides an _Officium puerorum_ for the eve and day of the Innocents which, with different detail, is on the same general lines as that of Salisbury[1258]. At St. Paul’s there was a Boy Bishop about 1225, when a gift was made to him of a mitre by John de Belemains, prebendary of Chiswick. This appears, with other vestments for the feast, in an inventory drawn up some twenty years later[1259]. By 1263 abuses had grown up, and the chapter passed a statute to reform them[1260]. They required the election of the _praesul_ and his chapter and the drawing up of the _tabula_ to take place in the chapter-house instead of in the cathedral, on account of the irreverence of the crowds pressing to see. The great dignitaries must not be put down on the _tabula_ for the servers’ functions, but only the clergy of the second or third ‘form.’ The procession and all the proceedings in the cathedral must be orderly and creditable to the boys[1261]. Minute directions follow as to the right of the ‘bishop’ to claim a supper on the eve from one of the canons, and as to the train he may take with him, as well as for the dinner and supper of the feast-day itself. After dinner a cavalcade is to start from the cathedral for the blessing of the people. The dean must find a horse for the ‘bishop,’ and each canon residentiary one for the lad who personates him[1262]. Other statutes of earlier date make it incumbent on a new residentiary to entertain his own boy-representative _cum daunsa et chorea et torchiis_ on Innocents’ day, and to sit up at night for the ‘bishop’ and all his _cortège_ on the octave. If he is kept up very late, he may ‘cut’ Matins next morning[1263]. The Boy Bishop of St. Paul’s was accustomed to preach a sermon which, not unnaturally, he did not write himself. William de Tolleshunte, almoner of St. Paul’s in 1329, bequeathed to the almonry copies of all the sermons preached by the Boy Bishops in his time. Probably he was himself responsible for them[1264]. One such sermon was printed by Wynkyn de Worde before 1500[1265]. Another was written by Erasmus, and exists both in Latin and English[1266]. When Dean Colet drew up the statutes of St. Paul’s School in 1512 he was careful to enact that the scholars should attend the cathedral on Childermass day, hear the sermon, and mass, and give a penny to the ‘bishop[1267].’

The earliest notice of the Boy Bishop at York, or for the matter of that, in England, is in a statute (before 1221), which lays on him the duty of finding rushes for the Nativity and Epiphany feasts[1268]. After this, there is nothing further until the second half of the fourteenth century, when some interesting documents become available. The chapter register for 1367 requires that in future the ‘bishop’ shall be the boy who has served longest and proved most useful in the cathedral. A saving clause is added: _dum tamen competenter sit corpore formosus_[1269]. This shows a sense of humour in the chapter, for at York, as at Salisbury, _Corpore enim formosus es, O fili_ was a respond for the day. In 1390, was added a further qualification that the ‘bishop’ must be a lad in good voice[1270]. Doubtless the office was much coveted, for it was a very remunerative one. The visitation forbidden at Salisbury by Roger de Mortival was permitted at York, and the profits were considerable. Robert de Holme, who was ‘bishop’ in 1369, received from the choirmaster, John Gisson, who acted as his treasurer, no less a sum than £3 15_s._ 1¹⁄₂_d._[1271] In 1396 the amount was only £2 0_s._ 6¹⁄₂_d._ But this was only a small portion of the total receipts. The complete _Computus_ for this year happens to be preserved, and shows that the Boy Bishop made a _quête_ at intervals during the weeks between Christmas and Candlemas, travelling with a ‘seneschal,’ four singers and a servant to such distant places as Bridlington, Leeds, Beverley, Fountains abbey and Allerton. Their principal journey lasted a fortnight. The oblations on Christmas and Innocents’ days and the collection from the dignitaries in the cloister realized £2 15_s._ 5_d._ In the city they got 10_s._ and abroad £5 10_s._ Out of this there were heavy expenses. The supper given by the ‘bishop’ cost 15_s._ 6¹⁄₂_d._ Purchased meals had to supplement hospitality at home and abroad. Horse hire and stable expenses had to be met. There were the ‘bishop’s’ outfit, candles to be borne in procession, fees to the minor cathedral officials, gloves for presents to the vicars and schoolmasters. There was the ‘bishop’s’ own company to be rewarded for its services. The £2 0_s._ 6¹⁄₂_d._ represents the balance available for his private use[1272]. The most generous contributor to the _quête_ was the countess of Northumberland, who gave 20s. and a gold ring. This is precisely the amount of the reward prescribed about 1522 for the ‘barne bishop’ of York, as well as for his brother of Beverley in the _Household Book_ of the fifth earl of Northumberland[1273].

The printed service-books of the use of York do not deal as fully with the Feast of Boys as do those of Sarum; but a manuscript missal of the fifteenth century used in the cathedral itself contains some additional rubrics with regard to the functions of the ‘bishop’ and his ‘precentor’ at Mass[1274]. The names of some of the York ‘bishops’ are preserved, and show that the ceremony prevailed up to the Reformation[1275]. And this is confirmed by a list of ornaments for the ‘bishop’ in a sixteenth-century inventory[1276].

I am unable to give such full data for Lincoln as for the cathedrals already named; but regulations of 1300 and 1527 provide for the supply of candles to the ‘bishop’ and the rest of the choir at Vespers on the eve and matins on the day of the Innocents[1277], and an inventory of 1536 mentions a cope for the ‘barne busshop’ with a moral ‘scriptur’ embroidered on it[1278]. Nor can I hope to supply any exhaustive list of localities where the Boy Bishop flourished. These include minor cathedrals such as Hereford[1279], Lichfield[1280], Gloucester[1281], and Norwich[1282], great collegiate churches such as Beverley minster[1283], St. Peter’s, Canterbury[1284], and Ottery St. Mary’s[1285], college chapels such as Magdalen[1286] and All Souls[1287], at Oxford, the private chapels of the king[1288] and the earl of Northumberland[1289], and many parish churches both in London[1290], and throughout the length and breadth of England[1291] and Scotland[1292].

Nor is this all. Unlike the Feast of Fools, the Feast of Boys enjoyed a considerable vogue in religious houses. When John Peckham, archbishop of Canterbury, was drawing up his constitutions for such communities in 1279, he found it necessary to limit the duration of this feast to the eve and day of the Holy Innocents[1293]. Traces of the Boy Bishop are to be found in the archives of more than one great monastery. A Westminster inventory of 1388 gives minute descriptions of vestments and ornaments for his use, many of which appear to have been quite recently provided by the ‘westerer’ or _vestiarius_, Richard Tonworthe[1294]. There was a mitre with silvered and gilt plates and gems, and the inscription _Sancte Nicholae ora pro nobis_ set in pearls. There was a _baculus_ with images of St. Peter and St. Edward the Confessor upon thrones. There were two pair of cheveril gloves, to match the mitre. There were an amice, a rochet and a surplice. There were two albs and a cope of blood colour worked with gryphons and other beasts and cisterns spouting water. There was another ‘principal’ cope of ruby and blood-coloured velvet embroidered in gold, and with the ‘new arms of England’ woven into it. An older mitre and pair of gloves and a ring had been laid aside as old-fashioned or worn out. Evidently the feast was celebrated with some splendour. Several of the vestments are again inventoried in 1540[1295]. A payment for the feast is recorded in a _Computus_ of 1413-14[1296]. The accounts of the obedientiaries of Durham priory show from 1369 onwards many payments by nearly all these officers to a Boy Bishop of the almonry. He also received a gift up to 1528 from the dependent house or ‘cell’ of Finchale priory. This payment was made at the office of the _feretrarius_ or keeper of Saint Cuthbert’s shrine. The ‘bishop’ is called _episcopus puerilis_, _episcopus eleemosynariae_, or the like. In 1405 he was not elected, _propter guerras eo tempore_. In 1423 and 1434 there was also an _episcopus de Elvett_ or Elvetham, a manor of the priory[1297]. The abbey of Bury St. Edmunds had its _episcopus sancti Nicolai_ in 1418 and for at least a century longer[1298]. At Winchester each of the great monasteries held a Feast of Boys; the abbey of Hyde on St. Nicholas’ day[1299]; the priory of St. Swithin’s on that of the Holy Innocents. Here, too, the accounts of the obedientiaries contain evidence of the feast in payments between 1312 and 1536 for beer or wine sent to the _episcopus iuvenum_. Nearly all the officers whose rolls are preserved, the chamberlain, the curtarian, the cellarian, the almoner, the sacristan, the _custos operum_, the hordarian, seem to have contributed[1300]. A _Computus_ of 1441 contains a payment to the _pueri eleemosynariae_ who, with the _pueri_ of St. Elizabeth’s chapel, visited St. Mary’s convent, dressed as girls, and danced, sang and sported before the abbess and the nuns[1301]. We have had some French instances in which the Boy Bishop visited a neighbouring convent. But the nuns were not always dependent on outside visitors for their revel. In some places they held their own feast, with an ‘abbess’ instead of a ‘bishop.’ Archbishop John Peckham, in addition to his general constitution already quoted, issued a special mandate to Godstow nunnery, forbidding the office and prayers to be said _per parvulas_ on Innocents’ day[1302]. Three centuries later, in 1526, a visitation of Carrow nunnery by Richard Nicke, bishop of Norwich, disclosed a custom of electing a Christmas ‘abbess’ there, which the bishop condemned[1303]. Continental parallels to these examples are available. An eighth-century case, indeed, which is quoted by some writers, has probably been the subject of a misinterpretation[1304]. But the visitation-books of Odo Rigaud, archbishop of Rouen (1248-69) record that he forbade the _ludibria_ of the younger nuns at the Christmas feasts and the feast of St. Mary Magdalen in more than one convent of his diocese. One of these was the convent of the Holy Trinity at Caen, in which an ‘abbess’ was still chosen by the novices in 1423[1305]. All the monastic examples here quoted come from houses of the older foundations. The _Statutes_, however, of the Observant Franciscans made at Barcelona in 1401, expressly forbid the use of secular garments or the loan of habits of the order for _ludi_ on St. Nicholas’ or Innocents’ days[1306]; whence it may be inferred that the irregularities provided against were not unknown.

Mediaeval education began with the song-school: and although the universities and other great seats of learning came to be much more than glorified choirs, they still retained certain traces of their humble origin. Amongst these was the Boy Bishop. The students of Paris regularly chose their Boy Bishops on St. Nicholas’ day. In 1275, indeed, the Faculty of Arts forbade the torchlight processions which took place on that day and on St. Catherine’s, the two great common holidays of the clerks[1307]. But in 1367 such processions were held as of ancient custom, and it would appear that every little group of students gathered together under the protection and in the house of a master of arts considered itself entitled to choose a ‘bishop,’ and to lead him in a rout through the streets. In that year the custom led to a tragic brawl which came under the cognizance of the _Parlement_ of Paris[1308]. The scholars of one Peter de Zippa, dwelling _in vico Bucherie ultra Parvum Pontem_, had chosen as ‘bishop’ Bartholomew Divitis of Ypres. On St. Nicholas’ eve, they were promenading, with a torch but unarmed, to the houses of the rector of the Faculty and others _causa solacii et iocosa_, when they met with the watch. Peter de Zippa was with them, and the watch had a grudge against Peter. On the previous St. Catherine’s day they had arrested him, but he had been released by the _préfet_. They now attacked the procession with drawn swords, and wounded Jacobus de Buissono in the leg. As the scholars were remonstrating, up came Philippus de Villaribus, _miles gueti_, and Bernardus Blondelli, his deputy, and cried ‘_Ad mortem_’. The scholars fled home, but the watch made an attack on the house. Peter de Zippa attempted to appease them from a window, and was wounded four fingers from a mortal spot. As the watch were on the point of breaking in, the scholars surrendered. The house was looted, and the inmates beaten. One lad was pitched out on his head and driven into the Seine, out of which he was helped by a woman. Peter de Zippa and twenty-four others were rolled in the mud and then carried off to the _Châtelet_, where they were shut up in a dark and malodorous cell. Worst of all, the ‘bishop’ had disappeared altogether. It was believed that the watch had slain him, and flung the body into the Seine. A complaint was brought before the _Parlement_, and a commission of inquiry appointed. The watch declared that Peter de Zippa was insubordinate to authority and, although warned, as a foreigner, both in French and Latin[1309], that they were the king’s men, persisted in hurling logs and stones out of his window, with the result of knocking four teeth out of Peter Patou’s mouth, and wounding the horse of Philip de Villaribus. This defence was apparently thought unsatisfactory, and a further inquiry was held, with the aid of torture. Finally the court condemned the offending watch to terms of imprisonment and the payment of damages. They had also to offer a humble apology, with bare head and bent knee, to the bishop of Paris, the rector of the Faculty, Peter de Zippa, and the injured scholars, in the cloister or the chapter-house of St. Mathurin’s. The case of the alleged murder of the ‘bishop,’ Bartholomew Divitis, was not to be prejudiced by this judgement, and Peter de Zippa was warned to be more submissive to authority in future. The whole episode is an interesting parallel to the famous ‘town and gown’ at Oxford on St. Scholastica’s day, 1353[1310].

Provision is made for a Boy Bishop in the statutes of more than one great English educational foundation. William of Wykeham ordained in 1400 that one should be chosen at Winchester College, and at New College, Oxford, and should recite the office at the Feast of the Innocents[1311]. Some notices in the Winchester College accounts during the fifteenth century show that he also presided at secular revels. In 1462 he is called _Episcopus Nicholatensis_, and on St. Nicholas’ day he paid a visit of ceremony to the warden, who presented him, out of the college funds, with fourpence[1312]. The example of William of Wykeham was followed, forty years later, in the statutes of the royal foundations of Eton College and King’s College, Cambridge. But there was one modification. These colleges were dedicated to the Virgin and to St. Nicholas, and it was carefully laid down that the performance of the _officium_ by the ‘bishop’ was to be on St. Nicholas’ day, ‘and by no means on that of the Innocents[1313].’ The Eton ‘bishop’ is said by the Elizabethan schoolmaster Malim, who wrote a _Consuetudinarium_ of the college in 1561, to have been called _episcopus Nihilensis_, and to have been chosen on St. Hugh’s day (November 17). Probably _Nihilensis_ is a scribal mistake for _Nicholatensis_[1314]. The custom had been abolished before Malim wrote, but was extant in 1507, for in that year the ‘bishop’s’ rochet was mended[1315]. Some Eton historians have thought that the Boy Bishop ceremony was the origin of the famous ‘Montem’; but as the ‘Montem’ was held on the feast of the Conversion of St. Paul (January 25), and as Malim mentions both customs independently, this is improbable[1316].

Smaller schools than Winchester or Eton had none the less their Boy Bishops. Archbishop Rotherham, who founded in 1481 a college at his native place of Rotherham in Yorkshire, left by will in 1500 a mitre for the ‘barnebishop[1317].’ The grammar school at Canterbury had, or should have had, its Boy Bishop in 1464[1318]. Aberdeen was a city of which St. Nicholas was the patron, and at Aberdeen the master of the grammar school was paid by a collection taken when he went the rounds with the ‘bishop’ on St. Nicholas’ day[1319]. Dean Colet, on the other hand, when founding St. Paul’s school did not provide for a ‘bishop’ in the school itself, but, as we have seen, directed the scholars to attend the mass and sermon of the ‘bishop’ in the cathedral.

Naturally the Reformation made war on the Boy Bishop. A royal proclamation of July 22, 1541, forbade the ‘gatherings’ by children ‘decked and apparalid to counterfaite priestes, bysshopps, and women’ on ‘sainte Nicolas, sainte Catheryne, sainte Clement, the holye Innocentes, and such like,’ and also the singing of mass and preaching by boys on these days[1320]. Naturally also, during the Marian reaction the Boy Bishop reappeared. On November 13, 1554, Bishop Bonner issued an order permitting all clerks in the diocese of London to have St. Nicholas and to go abroad; and although this order was annulled on the very eve of the festival, apparently because Cardinal Pole had appointed St. Nicholas’ day for a great ceremony of reconciliation at Lambeth, yet the custom was actually revived in several London parishes, including St. Andrew’s, Holborn, and St. Nicholas Olave, Bread Street[1321]. In 1556 it was still more widely observed[1322]. But upon the accession of Elizabeth it naturally fell again into disuse, and it has left few, if any, traces in modern folk-custom[1323].

I need not, after the last two chapters, attempt an elaborate analysis of the customs connected with the Boy Bishop. In the main they are parallel to those of the Feast of Fools. They include the burlesque of divine service, the _quête_, the banquet, the _dominus festi_. Like the Feast of Fools, they probably contain a folk as well as an ecclesiastical element. But the former is chastened and subdued, the strength of ecclesiastical discipline having proved sufficient, in the case of the boys, to bar for the most part such excesses as the adult clerks inherited from the pagan Kalends. On one point, however, a little more must be said. The _dominus festi_, who at the Feast of Fools bears various names, is almost invariably at the Feast of Boys a ‘bishop[1324].’ This term must have been familiar by the end of the eleventh century for it lends a point of sarcasm to the protest made by Yves, bishop of Chartres, in a letter to Pope Urban II against the disgraceful nomination by Philip I of France of a wanton lad to be bishop of Orleans in 1099[1325]. In later documents it appears in various forms, _episcopus puerorum_, _episcopellus_[1326], _episcopus puerilis_ or _parvulus_, ‘boy bishop,’ ‘child bishop,’ ‘barne bishop.’ In some English monasteries it is _episcopus eleemosynariae_ (‘of the almonry’); in Germany, _Schul-Bischof_, or, derisively, _Apfeln-Bischof_. More significant than any of these is the common variant _episcopus Nicholatensis_, ‘Nicholas bishop.’ For St. Nicholas’ day (December 6) was hardly less important in the career of the Boy Bishop than that of the Holy Innocents itself. At this feast he was generally chosen and began his _quête_ through the streets. In more than one locality, Mainz for instance in Germany, Eton in England, it was on this day as well as, or in substitution for, that of the Innocents that he made his appearance in divine service[1327]. St. Nicholas was, of course, the patron saint of schoolboys and of children generally[1328]. His prominence in the winter processions of Germany and the presents which in modern folk-belief he brings to children have been touched upon in an earlier chapter. It now appears that originally he took rather than gave presents, and that where he appeared in person he was represented by the Boy Bishop. And this suggests the possibility that it was this connexion with St. Nicholas, and not the profane mummings of Michael the Drunkard at Constantinople, which led to the use of the term ‘bishop’ for the _dominus festi_, first at the Feast of Boys, and ultimately at the other Christmas feasts as well. For St. Nicholas was not only the boys’ saint _par excellence_; he was also, owing to the legend of his divinely ordered consecration when only a layman as bishop of Myra, the bishop saint _par excellence_[1329]. However this may be, I think it is a fair guess that St. Nicholas’ day was an older date for a Feast of Boys than that of the Holy Innocents, and that the double date records an instance of the process, generally imperfect, by which, under Roman and Christian influence, the beginning of winter customs of the Germano-Keltic peoples were gradually transformed into mid-winter customs[1330]. The beginning of winter feast was largely a domestic feast, and the children probably had a special part in it. It is possible also to trace a survival of the corresponding beginning of summer feast in the day of St. Gregory on March 12, which was also sometimes marked by the election of a _Schul-Bischof_[1331].

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