CHAPTER XV

THE EMPEROR AUGUSTUS, HIS CHARACTER AND AIMS, HIS WORK AND FRIENDS

_Hic vir hic est, tibi quem_ _promitti sæpius audis._

[Sidenote: The early career and change of character.]

When a great piece of work has been done in the world it is not difficult to find fault with it. A man seldom if ever sees the bearing and ultimate results of his own actions, or carries out all that he intended to do. Even when he seems to have done so, time reveals faults, miscalculations, failures. At an age when among us a boy is just leaving school, Augustus found himself the heir of a great policy and a great name amidst the ruins of a constitution and the _disjecta membra_ of a great Empire. A comparatively small city state had conquered the greater part of the known world, and proposed to govern it by the machinery which had sufficed when its territory was insignificant, not extending at any rate beyond the shores of Italy. A close corporation, greedy and licentious, had divided amongst its members the vast profits from the gradually extending dominions. The central authority which should have restrained the rulers of distant provinces and the collection of their revenues was composed to a great extent of those most deeply interested in the corruptions which it was their duty to judge and condemn. Loyalty to this central authority grew weaker and weaker, party spirit grew stronger and less scrupulous. In the desperate struggle for wealth and luxury men stuck at nothing. Bloodshed bred bloodshed, violence provoked violence, till good citizens and honourable men (and there were always such) found themselves helpless; and the constitution which had rested on the loyalty of magistrates and citizens was ready to fall at the first touch of resolute disobedience. Then a great man appeared. Iulius Cæsar had not been free from the vices or corruption of his contemporaries; but party connections at home led him to sympathise with the people, and the ten years of war and government in Gaul, during which his enemies at home were constantly threatening and thwarting him, had convinced him that the existing constitution was doomed. He was resolved to attempt its reconstruction, even at the risk of civil war. But civil war is a sea of unknown extent. Conqueror though he was in all its battles, it left him only a few months to elaborate reforms. In those he did some great things; but his revival of the Sullan Dictatorship was too crude a return to monarchy, while the exigencies of civil war forced him to employ inferior agents. The aristocratic clique saw themselves about to lose their cherished privilege of tyranny and extortion, and they killed him.

When Octavian came home to take up his inheritance, he would naturally have joined Antony, and taken immediate vengeance on the guilty clique. But he found him intent upon the consolidation of his own position, and not inclined to admit his claim to the inheritance or to any share of power. He therefore outwardly joined the leaders of the party which he detested in order to get rid of Antony and forestall his bid for autocracy. The vicissitudes of the struggle which followed, ending in the triumvirate and the division of the Roman world, infected him with the poison of civil strife—the cruelty which treats honourable enemies as outlaws, and regards personal triumph as the only end of political exertion. This period in his career and in the development of his character ends with the victory over Sextus Pompeius, in B.C. 36, and the additional security gained by the successes of Agrippa in Gaul during the two preceding years. From that time he began to regard himself as the champion of law and order, as the defender of Italy, and the guarantee of peace in the Western Provinces.

Then came a great danger—the danger of a separation of East and West. Under the influence of his passion for Cleopatra, Antony was building up a new empire of subordinate kings, it is true, but subordinate to Alexandria not Rome: and Alexandria was being adorned with the spoils of Asiatic temples to make it a worthy capital of the Eastern world. How far this was really to involve a diminution of the Roman Empire was probably not clear to Antony himself. The old provinces were not formally separated, but they were pared and diminished to round off the new kingdoms for his and Cleopatra’s children. At Rome the danger was looked upon as a real one; and once more Augustus felt that if he was to have a free hand in the renovation of the Empire which he contemplated, Antony must disappear. No doubt every artifice was employed to discredit his opponent, and to convince the Roman people that their dominion in the East was slipping from them. But, however Machiavellian his tactics, there was a solid basis of fact beneath them; a real danger of separation had existed. The victory of Actium settled that question; and when the few severities which followed it were over, we are happily called thenceforth to contemplate the legislator and reformer, the administrator of, on the whole, a peaceful Empire. There were no more civil wars, and no serious conspiracies. With rare exceptions—perhaps only the Arabian expedition—the wars in which Augustus was henceforth engaged were the necessary consequences of a long frontier. War was often prevented by diplomacy, and such wars as were undertaken were always successful, with the exception of those with the Germans, and even in their case immediate danger was averted.

The moral problem presented by the change from ruthless cruelty to wise and persistent clemency has exercised the minds of philosophers and historians ever since. “It was not clemency,” says Seneca, “but a surfeit of cruelty.” But this explains nothing. If Augustus had ever been cruel for cruelty’s sake, the increased opportunities of exercising it would have whetted his appetite for blood as it did in some of his successors. It was circumstances that had changed, not altogether the man. Still, no doubt, success softened (it does not always) Augustus’s character. His ministers were humane men and in favour of milder methods; his wife was a high-minded woman, and always ready to succour distress, as she shewed during the proscriptions, and afterwards in her son’s reign. He had among his immediate friends philosophers and men of letters, whose influence, so far as it went, was humanising. And lastly such opposition as still existed was no longer of irreconcilables who had known “liberty”; a new generation had grown up which on the whole acquiesced in the peace and security of a benevolent despotism. It was a new era, and Augustus became a new man. Full of honours and possessed with irresistible powers, feeling the responsibility heavily, and often in vain desiring rest, he had no farther personal object to gain beyond the credit of having served his country and saved the Empire. The apologia of the _index rerum_, brief and bald as it is, was intended to shew that he had done this.

[Sidenote: The value of his work.]

In estimating the value of his work we are met with this difficulty at the very threshold of the inquiry, that his object was to avoid quick and conspicuous changes. Instead of discussing some heroic measure we have to examine a multitude of details. In every department of political and social life we trace his hand. Working day and night, he was scheming to alter what he thought bad, and to introduce what he thought good. The reconstruction and embellishment of the city, the restoration of religion, the rehabilitation of marriage, measures necessary for the security of Rome and Italy, for the better government and material prosperity of the provinces, for the solvency of the exchequer, and for the protection of commerce—all these continually occupied his time and his thoughts. Of this steady industry this or that result may be open to criticism, but, on the whole, it seems certain that it increased the good order and prosperity of the Empire, and therefore added to the comfort and happiness of innumerable lives.

[Sidenote: Advantages and disadvantages of the autocracy.]

But of course the upshot of it all was the establishment of a monarchy; and it still remains to be considered how far its benefits were counterbalanced by evils arising from the loss of freedom. It might be argued that tyrants always appeal to their right use of power however irregularly obtained, but that the plea is beside the question. Freedom is the only guarantee of the _continuance_ of good government. The beneficent tyrant may any day be succeeded by a bad one. The policy of Augustus had led the people on step by step to forfeit this freedom, and lose even the taste for it, lulled to sleep by the charms of safety and luxury. When the glamour had faded from some eyes, it was too late. The generation which had known freedom had disappeared; the experience necessary for working the old machinery no longer existed. The few who still remembered with regret the old constitution, under which they had hoped to take an independent share of political activity, had nothing left to them but sullen submission.

[Sidenote: In the provinces.]

In the provinces, indeed, this consideration did not apply. The despotism there added to the sum of happiness and took nothing away. They had lost their independence long ago. They were already under a master, a master who was changed at short intervals, whom it was very difficult to bring to an account if he were oppressive, in whose selection they had had absolutely no share, and whose character they had no means of calculating beforehand. They might one year be enjoying all the benefits of an able and disinterested ruler, the next they might find themselves in the power of a tyrannical extortioner, selfish, cynical, cruel. The old republican names and ideals were nothing to them; or rather they suggested organised oppression and a conspiracy to refuse redress. The change to one master, who had everything to gain by their prosperity, and was at the same time master of their old oppressors, must have seemed in every respect a blessing. If there was any drawback it was that nationality and the desire for self-government were killed by kindness. In all difficulties and disasters they looked to the Emperor for aid and seldom looked in vain. In the East especially this was probably not wholesome; yet the immediate effects in producing prosperity and comfort were marked enough to put aside for the present all such scruples.

[Sidenote: In Italy.]

But for the governing nation itself, while some of the benefits were no less manifest, the mischievous results were more easy to point out. Material prosperity was much increased. The city was made a pleasant and attractive place of residence. Italy was partially repeopled with an industrious class. Commerce was encouraged and protected, literature and the fine arts were fostered, and the Palace on the whole set a good example of simplicity of living. But, on the other hand, the rule of a single person stifled political life. By the system of _curæ_ or special commissions all administrative work was transferred to nominees of the Emperor, who were often his intimate friends, or even his freedmen, bound to him by the closest ties of subordination. The old magistracies became unattractive, not only because they no longer led as a matter of course to profitable employment abroad, but because their holders had little of interest to do. The Senate, though treated with respect and retaining some importance as a high court of justice, was practically no longer a governing body. It was wholly at the beck of the Emperor, and such work of consequence as it still performed was often transacted by small committees, the main body merely assenting. In spite, therefore, of the dignity of the Senator’s position, it ceased to attract the best men. The higher classes turned away from a political career, and gave themselves up more and more to luxurious idleness. The rise of the freedman—practically the rule of favourites—was clearly foreshadowed, though owing to the industry of Augustus, and his genius for detail, it did not become prominent in his time. As the upper classes were thus to a certain extent demoralised by the Principate, so the city proletariat was pampered and made still more effete. The city was made only too attractive to them, and they were to be kept in good humour by an endless series of games and shows. There was a good deal of truth in the retort of the player Pylades, when reproved by Augustus for his feud with Bathyllus, that it was for the Emperor’s advantage that the people should have their attention fixed on the playhouse rather than on politics. But they soon began not only to regard these amusements as their right: they expected also to be fed at the cost of the government, whether by direct gifts of money, or by the distribution of cheap or even gratuitous corn. Nor can it be said that the amusements provided for them were of an elevating nature. Augustus boasts in the _Index_ (c. 20), that he gave seven shows of gladiators in his own name or that of his sons, in which about 10,000 men in all had fought;[317] and besides other games twenty-six _venationes_ of “African beasts,” _i.e._, mostly elephants, in which about 3,500 were killed. The mob of Rome needed little brutalising, but they got it in abundance.

With such drawbacks, however, it still must be owned that the administration of Augustus largely increased the sum of human happiness by the mitigation of oppression in the provinces, and by the suppression of disorder in Rome and Italy. The finances were placed on a sound footing, property was rendered secure, and men felt everywhere that they might pursue their business with every chance of enjoying the fruits of their labours. This was something after a century of revolution more or less acute, and twenty years of downright civil war. It is worth while to attempt to picture to ourselves the man who was the author of these good and bad results.

[Sidenote: The personal appearance and character of Augustus.]

Augustus was a short man (just under five feet seven inches), but so well proportioned that the defect in height was not noticed unless he was standing by much taller men. He was remarkably handsome at all periods of his life, with an expression of calm dignity, whether silent or speaking, which involuntarily inspired respect. His eyes were grey, and so bright and keen that it was not easy to meet their gaze. If he had a personal vanity it was in regard to them. He liked to think that they dazzled those on whom he looked, and he was pleased at the answer of the Roman eques, who, when asked why he turned away, replied, “Because I could not bear the lightning of your eyes.” Vergil gratified this vanity of his patron when in the description of the battle of Actium (_Æn._, viii. 650) he pictures him,

_Stans celsa in puppi; geminas cui tempora flammas_ _Læta vomunt._

And the Emperor Iulian, in “The Banquet of the Emperors,” laughs not unkindly at the same weakness when he introduces him, “changing colour like a chameleon, and wishing that the beams darting from his eyes should be like those of the mighty sun.” The busts, statues, and coins of Augustus fully confirm this statement as to his beauty; and in the triumphal statue found in Livia’s villa at Prima Porta, the artist has succeeded in suggesting the brightness and keenness of his eyes. He was usually clean shaven, but from his uncle’s death to B.C. 38, according to Dio (48, 34), he grew his beard as a sign of mourning; though coins showed him with a slight whisker till about B.C. 36. These portraits are full of life and character. The clear-cut features, the firm mouth and chin, the steady eyes, the carelessly ordered hair, the lines on forehead and cheeks, suggest a man who had suffered and laboured, who was yet self-controlled, calm, and clear-headed. It is a face not without some tenderness, but capable of firing up into hot indignation and even cruelty. There is an air of suffering but of determined victory over pain; altogether a face of a man who had done a great work and risen to a high place in the world and knew it; who had confidence, lastly, in his star. On taking leave of Gaius Cæsar, it is said, he wished him “the integrity of Pompey, the courage of Alexander, and his own good fortune.” On some of his coins beneath the head crowned with the crown of twelve rays, is the Iulian star, first observed at the funeral of Iulius Cæsar, and which he adopted as the sign of his own high fortunes: on others the Sphinx, which he at first adopted as his signet—emblem perhaps of a purpose unbetrayed. Augustus was accomplished in the subjects recognised in the education of his time, though he neither wrote nor spoke Greek with ease. He had studied and practised rhetoric, and had a good and correct taste in style, avoiding the use of far-fetched or obsolete words and expressions, or affected conceits. He ridiculed Antony for his “Asiatic” style of oratory, full of flowers of speech and flamboyant sentences; and writing to his granddaughter, Agrippina, while praising her abilities he warns her against pedantic expressions whether in conversation or writing. Without being an orator, he spoke clearly and to the point, assisted by a pleasant voice, which he took pains to preserve and improve. In the Senate, the camp, and private conferences, he preferred to read his speeches, though he could also speak well on the spur of the moment. In domestic life, though somewhat strict, he was generally simple and charming. He lived much with wife and children, associating himself with their employments, and even joining in the games of the latter. He personally superintended the education of his adopted sons, taught them his own method of shorthand, and interested himself in their reading. He had old-fashioned ideas about the proper employment of the women in his family. They were expected to busy themselves in weaving for the use of the household, to visit and receive visits only with his approval, and not to converse on subjects that could not with propriety be entered on the day’s journal. Though his daughter and granddaughters were well educated, and had a taste for literature, it may well be that a home thus conducted was so dull as partly to account for their aberrations in the fuller liberty of married life.

His attachments were warm and constant, and he was not illiberal to his friends or disinclined to give them his full confidence. But he was always his own master. No friend or freedman gained control over him or rose to the odious position of “favourite.” He allowed and even liked freedom of speech, but it was always without loss of dignity. He was not a man with whom liberties were taken even by the most intimate. He was quick tempered, but knew it, and was ready to admit of caution and advice, as in the well-known story of Mæcenas, watching him in court about to condemn a number of prisoners (probably in the civil war times), and throwing across to him a note with the words, _Surge tandem carnifex!_ “Tis time to rise, hangman!” Or when he received with complaisance the advice of Athenodorus (hero of the covered sedan) that when he was angry he should say over the letters of the alphabet before coming to a decision.

[Sidenote: His ultra-Roman views.]

In later times he was always looked back upon by his successors as the true founder of the Empire, and the best model for their guidance; yet it is doubtful how far he had wide and far-reaching views. He was a statesman who dealt with facts as he found them and did the best he could. He was deeply impressed with the difficulty of his task. Commenting on the fact of Alexander the Great having accomplished his conquests by the age of 32, and then feeling at a loss what to do for the rest of his life, he remarked that he “was surprised that Alexander did not regard the right ordering of the empire he possessed a heavier task than winning it.” But in one important respect at least he was wrong in his idea of what he had done. He never conceived of an empire filled with citizens enjoying equal rights, or in which Rome could possibly occupy a secondary place. He was ultra-Roman in his views; and worked and schemed to maintain the supremacy of the Eternal City. That supremacy may indeed be said to have remained to this day in the region of spiritual affairs. But it was destined to disappear politically, except in name, before many generations had passed away, and as a logical consequence of much that he had himself done. A new Rome and a new Empire—though always resting on the old title and theory—were to arise, in which Italy would be a province like the rest, and old Rome but the shadow of a mighty name.

[Sidenote: The court circle.]

Among those who exercised a permanent influence on Augustus, the first place must be given to LIVIA (B.C. 54-A.D. 29). The writers on Augustus comment on the romantic revolution of her fortunes. After the affair of Perusia she fled with her husband, Nero, and her little son, Tiberius, from Augustus, who was to be her husband, and was to be succeeded by her son. Her divorce and prompt marriage to Augustus, while within a few months of being again a mother, is not only a thing revolting to our ideas, it was strictly against Roman principles and habits, and required all her new husband’s commanding influence to be admitted as legal. Yet Suetonius says, and says truly, that he continued “to love and honour her exclusively to the end” (_dilexit et probavit unice et perseveranter_). The same writer gives an account of the Emperor’s intrigues with other women. To our ideas the two statements are contradictory, but Suetonius would not have thought so. Conjugal love was not _amor_; the latter was thought even inconsistent with, or at least undesirable in, conjugal affection. He means that throughout his life Augustus continued to regard her with affection, to respect her character, and give weight to her opinion. For my own part, I believe that something more might be said, and that much of what has come down to us as to the conduct of the Emperor may be dismissed as malignant gossip. But however that may be, the influence of Livia over him seems never to have failed, and it was exercised on the side of clemency and generosity. She set an excellent example of pure and dignified conduct to Roman society, and, though abstaining from interference generally in political matters, was ready to give advice when called upon. She seems usually to have accompanied him, when possible, on his foreign progresses or residences away from Rome. When Herod visited Augustus at Aquileia in B.C. 14, she appears to have shared her husband’s liking for that strange medley of magnificence and cruelty, and sent him costly gifts for the festivity which accompanied the completion of the new city of Cæsarea Sebaste in B.C. 13. The usual allegation against her is that she worked for the succession of her sons, Tiberius and Drusus, as against the Iulian family, represented by the son of Octavia and the children of Iulia. To secure this object she was accused in popular rumour of compassing the deaths successively of Marcellus, of Gaius and Lucius Cæsar, of Agrippa Postumus, and, finally, of having even hastened the end of Augustus himself. This last is not mentioned by Suetonius, and is only related by Dio as a report, for which he gives no evidence, and which he does not appear to have believed. Tacitus records the criticism of her as a _gravis noverca_ to the family of the Cæsars, and seems to accept her guilt in regard to Gaius and Iulius (_Ann._ 4, 71). But he is also constrained to admit that she exercised a humanising influence over Tiberius, that his victims constantly found refuge and protection in her palace, and that she was benevolent and charitable to the poor—maintaining a large number of orphan boys and girls by her bounty. The most suspicious case against her is the execution of Agrippa Postumus immediately after the death of Augustus—“the first crime of the new reign.” It will never be known whether the order for that cruel deed issued from her or her crafty son. The death of Marcellus was in no way suspicious, as it occurred in a season of exceptional unhealthiness, when large numbers were dying at Rome of malarial fever. As to the deaths of Gaius and Lucius, no suspicion seems to have occurred to Augustus, and he was keenly anxious for their survival. The poisoned fig supposed to have been given to himself is a familiar feature in the stories of great men’s death of every age in Italy. Tacitus in the famous summing up of her character, while acknowledging the purity of her domestic conduct, yet declares that her social manners were more free than was considered becoming among women of an earlier time; that as a mother she was extravagantly fond, as a wife too complaisant; and that her character was a combination of her husband’s adroitness and her son’s insincerity. He by no means intends to draw a pleasing portrait. He seldom does. But what we may take for true is that she was beautiful, loyal to her husband, open-handed and generous to the distressed, merciful and kind to the unfortunate. To those who think such qualities likely to belong to a poisoner and murderess, her condemnation must be left. It is curious that neither Vergil, Horace, nor Propertius mention or allude to Livia; nor does Ovid do so until after the death of Augustus—for the _consolatio ad Liviam_ on the death of Drusus is not his. On some of the inscriptions of a later period in the reign her name appears among the imperial family as wife of the Princeps. That was itself an innovation, and it seems as if the poets abstained from mentioning her under orders. It was improper for a matron of high rank to be made public property in this way. Horace, for instance, only once alludes to the wife of Mæcenas, and then under a feigned name.

Of those who influenced the earlier policy of Augustus, and supported him in the first twenty years of the Principate, the first place must be given to Agrippa and Mæcenas.

M. VIPSANIUS AGRIPPA (B.C. 63-13), differed widely from Mæcenas, but was like him in constant attachment and fidelity to Augustus. He was with him in Apollonia, and on the news of the murder of Iulius advised an appeal to the army. Even before this he had accompanied him to Spain when he went to join his uncle in B.C. 45, and ever afterwards served him with unswerving fidelity and conspicuous success. In the war with Sextus Pompeius, at Perusia, in Gaul, Spain and Illyria, in the organisation of the East, and on the Bosporus, it was his energy and ability that decided the contest in favour of his master, or secured the settlement that he desired. He was the organiser of the Roman navy, and though his great work at the Lucrine lake proved to be only temporary, the squadrons that guarded the seas at Misenum, Ravenna and Forum Iulii were the result of his activity and foresight. His acts of splendid liberality in Rome have been already noticed. He shewed the same magnificence in Gaul and elsewhere, and seems also to have largely assisted in the great survey of the empire instituted by Augustus. Not only did he support all the plans and ideas of his master, he was ready to take any position and make any personal sacrifice to further his views. After his first marriage to Pomponia, by whom he was the father of Vipsania, he was married to Marcella, the Emperor’s niece. To support his master’s plans for the succession he submitted to divorce her and marry Iulia, after having previously made way for the rise of Marcellus by accepting a command in the East. The Emperor shewed his confidence in him on every occasion. In B.C. 23 when he thought himself dying he placed his seal in his hands, in B.C. 18 he caused him to be admitted to share his tribunician power for five years, which was renewed again in B.C. 13; so that though his two sons were adopted by Augustus, the succession would almost certainly have fallen to him had the Emperor died in their minority. This elevation however did not give him rest: the last years of his life were spent in the East, on the Bosporus and in Pannonia, from which last he only returned to die. This faithful service had been rendered in spite of the fact that he had advised against the acceptance of the principate. He had urged the financial difficulties, the irreconcilable nature of the opposition, the impossibility of drawing back, and Octavian’s own weak health. But when his master preferred the advice of Mæcenas, he took his part in the undertaking without faltering and with splendid loyalty. Though Augustus owed much of his success to his own cautious statesmanship, he owed even more to the man who failed in nothing that he undertook, and would claim no honour for himself in return. The Emperor delivered the funeral oration over this loyal servant, and, deposited his ashes in the Mausoleum which he had built for his own family.

[Illustration: MÆCENAS.

_Photographed from the Head in the Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome, by Edne. Alinari._

_To face page 279._

P. VERGILIUS MARO.

_Photographed from the Bust in the Capitoline Museum, Rome, by Edne. Alinari._

_Page 284._]

C. CILNIUS MÆCENAS (_circ._ B.C. 65-B.C. 8), was probably a few years older than Augustus, but near enough to his age to have been one of his companions at Apollonia. His influence was maintained till about B.C. 16. It is most conspicuous from the time immediately following the Perusian war. He negotiated the marriage with Scribonia, the peace of Brundisium with Antony (B.C. 40), and the subsequent reconciliation of B.C. 38. In the war against Sextus Pompeius (B.C. 38-36), he was partly with Augustus, but partly at Rome, with full powers to act for him and even to alter his despatches and letters as seemed necessary, having the triumvir’s private seal entrusted to him for that purpose. This was possible from the fact of such letters being written by amanuenses and being therefore only recognisable by the seal. Thus Cicero often commissions Atticus to write formal letters to his friends for him. This position—it was no definite office, or perhaps was more like being _legatus_ to Octavian than anything else—he seems to have retained till after the battle of Actium, at which he probably was not present, though that has been disputed. He detected the conspiracy of the younger Lepidus, and sent him to Octavian to be judged. In B.C. 29, on Octavian’s return from the East, he recommended the establishment of a despotism, as a republic was no longer possible. The speech preserved by Dio (52, 14-40) may very well be genuine, in view of the habit of the day, and of Augustus himself, of reading addresses even in comparatively private conferences on matters of importance.[318] Even if it is not the genuine speech, it correctly represents many of the principles on which Augustus did act, and as to which he doubtless consulted Mæcenas. It counsels him to keep in his hands legislation, foreign affairs, elections, executive appointments and the courts of law, and to hear cases of appeal himself: exactly what Augustus did under various disguises. It argues that it was necessary both for his own safety and that of the state that he should remain in power, the glory being well worth the risk. Other recommendations are a reform of Senate and equites, the maintenance of the old republican magistrates for home service, the establishment of a _præfectus urbi_, the exercise by himself of censorial functions, the subordination of provincial governors to the Emperor, and their payment by a fixed salary, with the appointment of procurators to superintend the finances of the provinces. A system of education for the equites is also suggested, which does not seem to have been carried out; but many of the financial proposals were adopted, as well as the idea of keeping the people amused by games and shows. The advice to abolish the _comitia_ Augustus could not follow consistently with his policy of compromise. They remained and were the causes of more than one trouble and disturbance, but their freedom of election was gradually but surely destroyed, and one of the first measures of Tiberius was to abolish them as no longer a reality. The reform of the Senate was, as we have seen, carried out. As for the judicia, the Senate became a high court for cases of treason (_maiestas_), before which alone Senators could be tried; the _decuriæ iudicum_ were reformed, and Augustus himself performed the functions of a court of appeal in various ways, sometimes by his tribunician power of “interceding” against the sentences of magistrates or Senate, and sometimes by hearing cases from the provinces of citizens who disputed the competence of provincial courts and claimed to be heard at Rome. Mæcenas holding no office never became a Senator; but he represented the Emperor in his absence, unless Agrippa was appointed to do so instead. In this capacity he really exercised a greater power than any definite office would have given him, and the whole business of the Empire passed through his hands.[319]

But it was not only as the ostensible representative of the Emperor that he worked for his support. In the comparative retirement of his palace on the Esquiline he contributed to that object by gathering round him the best intellects and first men of letters of the day, whom he induced to devote their talents not only to glorify the Emperor personally, but to popularise his policy and magnify his service to the state. How far this may have been effectual by making it the fashion to accept and admire the principate may perhaps be questioned, but that he should have secured such writers as Vergil, Horace, and Propertius on his side says much for his insight and literary taste. One of the weaknesses of the position of Iulius had been that he had the literary class mostly against him. The present reputation and future fame of Augustus were to be better safeguarded. Personally Mæcenas was luxurious and effeminate, always a valetudinarian, and in his later years afflicted with almost constant insomnia. This accounts well enough for the retirement from public business during the last eight years of his life without those other causes of the Emperor’s displeasure which have been already discussed. His wife was a beauty, much younger than himself, wilful and wayward; and if it is true that she intrigued with Augustus, it seems also true that her husband repaid her in kind. There were frequent quarrels and reconciliations, so that Seneca says that he married her “a thousand times;” and once at any rate the family trouble found its way into the law courts, where, however, the _bona fides_ of the divorce which she was alleged to have made was questioned.[320] In spite of some coldness between them in later years, and the physical infirmities which removed him from public business, Augustus sincerely mourned his loss, as of a counsellor who never betrayed his confidence or spoke idle words. He had no real successor. From the time of his death the Emperor seems more and more to have become his own prime minister, or to have looked to his own family for assistance as well as for a successor. Tacitus (_Ann._ 3, 30) says that his place was taken by Sallustius Crispus, great-nephew of the historian; but Augustus does not seem to have thought highly of his ability, and the part he took in affairs was not prominent enough to have secured mention by either Suetonius or Dio. Mæcenas wrote himself both in prose and verse, but in an affected and obscure style, which Augustus playfully ridiculed. The stoic Seneca is particularly severe on a poem in which he declares that he clings to life in spite of all physical sufferings however painful:—

“Though racked with gout in hand and foot, Though cancer deep should strike its root, Though palsy shake my feeble thighs, Though hideous hump on shoulders rise, From flaccid gum teeth drop away; Yet all is well if life but stay. Give me but life, and e’en the pain Of sharpest cross shall count as gain.”

[Sidenote: Augustus and the poets.]

The chief writers of the Mæcenas circle, who either became intimate with Augustus himself, or were induced by Mæcenas to join in the chorus of praise, were Vergil, Varius, Horace, Propertius. Of the epics of L. Varius Rufus (_circ._ B.C. 64-14) on Iulius Cæsar and Augustus, we have only a few fragments. The historian, Livy, (B.C. 59-A.D. 16) was also on friendly terms with Augustus, and seems to have had some hand in teaching Claudius, son of Drusus, the future emperor. But his great work—from the foundation of Rome to the death of Drusus (B.C. 9) was afterwards regarded as being too republican, and even Augustus used laughingly to call him the Pompeian. It was the poets who made Augustus and his policy the subject of their praises, and who employed their genius to support his views.

[Sidenote: Vergil.]

The first to do this was P. Vergilius Maro (B.C. 70-17). The earliest of his writings, the _Eclogues_, composed between B.C. 42-37, do not show any close connection with Augustus. The first indeed celebrates the restoration of his farm after a personal interview with Octavian, on the suggestion of Pollio and Mæcenas, and the poet declares that never will there fade from his heart the gracious look of the young prince. But the chief object of praise in the _Eclogues_, so far as there is one, is Pollio, who had been left in charge of the distribution of lands by the Triumvirs in B.C. 42. In the _Georgics_, however, finished after B.C. 30, we find that he has fallen in with the new _régime_. They are dedicated to the minister Mæcenas, they celebrate Augustus’s triple triumph of B.C. 29, and they were composed partly, at any rate, at the wish of Mæcenas, who with Augustus was anxious to make country life and pursuits seem desirable. No doubt the theme itself was congenial to Vergil, who preferred a country life at Nola, or near Tarentum, to the bustle of Rome; but it also happened to chime in with the views of Augustus, who all his life believed in the influence of literature and wished to have the poets on his side. Accordingly, soon after his return from the East in B.C. 29 he seems to have suggested to Vergil to compose a poem that would inspire men with a feeling of national pride and an enthusiasm for the greatness of Rome’s mission. The plan and form were no doubt wholly Vergil’s, but the spirit and purpose, like those of Horace’s more patriotic odes of about the same time, were those which the Emperor desired. He was not satisfied with mere suggestion, he was eager for the appearance of the poem. While in Gaul and Spain from B.C. 27-24 he frequently wrote to the poet urging the completion of the work. A part of one of Vergil’s answers has been preserved:

“As to my Æneas, upon my honour if I had anything written worth your listening to, I would gladly send it. But the subject thus begun is so vast, that I almost think I must have been beside myself when I undertook a work of this magnitude; especially considering that—as you are aware—I am also devoting part of my time to different and much more important studies.”

The _Æneid_ was thus undertaken at the solicitation of Augustus. The legend on which it turns—perhaps a late one—of the landing of Æneas in Italy and the foundation of Rome by his descendant, is with great skill interwoven with a fanciful descent of the _gens Iulia_ from his son Iulus, to magnify Rome and her divine mission, and at the same time to point to Augustus as the man of destiny, and as representing in his own person and career the majesty of the Roman people. In such a poem detailed allusions cannot be expected as in the occasional odes of Horace. Yet, besides the fine passage in the eighth book describing the victory of Actium and the discomfiture of Cleopatra, and that in the sixth announcing the victorious career of Augustus, we have, more or less, direct references to the restoration of religious worship in the _vici_, to the return of the standards by the Parthians, and the death of the young Marcellus. In form, the _Æneid_ follows the model of Homer, the supreme epic. But in substance it is original, in that it does not take for its theme one of the old myths—as the Alexandrine poets always did—but while teeming with all kinds of mythological allusions it finds its chief inspiration in the greatness of Rome, measured by the elemental strife preceding the accomplishment of the divine purpose: _tantæ molis erat Romanam condere gentem_—“So vast the task to found the Roman race,” is the keynote of the whole. It is original as the epic of Milton was original who, with details borrowed from every quarter, took for his theme the foundation of a world and the strife in heaven that preceded it. Vergil’s epic is Roman history on the highest plane, and has crystallised for ever a view of that history which has done more than arms and laws to commend it to the imagination of mankind. Augustus had a true intuition when he forbade the poet’s executors to obey his will and burn the rolls containing this great national epic.

[Sidenote: Horace.]

Q. HORATIUS FLACCUS (B.C. 65-B.C. 8) is not perhaps so great a poet as Vergil, but he possessed the charm which keeps such work as his alive. His connection with Augustus is a remarkable phenomenon in literary history. Having fought on the side of his enemies at Philippi, and having shared in the amnesty granted to the bulk of the troops, he returned home to find his paternal property confiscated. Poverty drove him to poetry, poetry gained him the friendship of Varius and Vergil, who introduced him to Mæcenas, who saw his merit, relieved him from the uncongenial employment of a clerk, and eventually introduced him to Augustus. The Emperor, in his turn, was not long in recognising his charm. He writes to Mæcenas:

“In old times I was vigorous enough to write my friends’ letters for them. Nowadays being overwhelmed with business and weak in health, I am very anxious to entice Horace away from you. He shall therefore quit your table of parasites and come to my table of kings and assist me in writing letters.”

The refusal of Horace—prudent no doubt in view of his tastes and habits—did not lose him the Emperor’s favour. He twice received substantial marks of it, and some extracts of letters to him from Augustus have been preserved which exhibit the latter in his most gracious mood:

“Consider yourself a privileged person in my house, as though an habitual guest at my table. You will be quite within your rights and will always be sure of a welcome; for it is my wish that our intimacy should be on that footing if your state or health permits it.”

And again:

“What a warm recollection I retain of you, you will be able to learn from Septimius among others, as I happened to be talking about you in his presence the other day. For you need not suppose, because you were so high and mighty as to reject my friendship, that I am on the high horse too to pay you back.”

Augustus, in fact, had a great opinion of Horace, and predicted his immortality. He selected him to write the ode for the secular games, pressed him later in life to immortalise the achievements of Tiberius and Drusus, and was desirous of his own name appearing as the recipient of one of his Satires or Epistles.

“I am quite angry, let me tell you, that you don’t give me the preference as a person to address in your writings of that kind. Are you afraid that an appearance of intimacy with me will damage your reputation with posterity?”

Horace made the Emperor a return in full for such condescension. How far the genius of a poet is warmed or chilled by patronage it is not easy to decide. So far as he is tempted away from his natural bent, or confined in the free expression of thought, he suffers: so far as he is saved from sordid cares, he is a gainer. Horace, in early youth, sympathised with the republican party in whose ranks he had served, and probably in later life still felt a theoretical preference for it, and could speak of the _nobile letum_ and _atrox animus_ of Cato with a true note of admiration, But he was a man of his time. The policy of Octavian had made the supremacy of Augustus inevitable, and it at least secured peace and safety. The patronage and liberality of Mæcenas assuredly helped to turn the scale, but I see no reason to doubt that the poet was convinced, though, perhaps, without enthusiasm, that the new _régime_ was one to be supported by reasonable men. The kindness of the Emperor naturally enhanced the effect of his commanding personality, but it would be difficult for a poet so placed to write with greater dignity and less fulsomeness than Horace does in the first epistle of the second book, addressed to Augustus at his own request. But it is in the _Odes_ that we must trace the unbroken sympathy with the career and policy of Augustus. If they are closely examined, with an eye to chronological arrangement, the ingenuity with which these imitations of Greek models are framed to support and recommend the purposes or celebrate the successes of the Emperor, will stand revealed in a striking manner. The _Epodes_ and the first three books of the _Odes_ were apparently written between B.C. 35 and B.C. 25. Dropped in among a number of poems of fancy, or passion, or mere literary _tours de force_, are compositions that follow not only the actual achievements of Augustus, but his ideals, his intentions, and his aspirations, from the years just before Actium to his return from Spain in B.C. 25. We begin with the Second Epode, which refers with regret to the abandoned intention of invading Britain in B.C. 35, and expresses his alarm at the prospect of a renewed civil war. In the Sixteenth Epode this terror has become a reality; the civil war has begun, and the poet, foreseeing the downfall of the state, turns longing eyes to the peace and calm of the fabled islands of the West. From Italy and all its horrors they must at any rate depart. In the Ninth Epode the relief has come; the shameful servitude of a Roman imperator and Roman soldiers to a foreign queen is over; Antony and Cleopatra are in full flight (B.C. 31). In another year it is known that Antony has fallen by his own hand, and that Cleopatra has saved herself the indignity of the triumphal procession by the adder’s aid (_Od._ i. 39). The discharge of the legions follows, and their settlement in Italian and Sicilian lands (2 _Sat._, 6, 54). In the other odes of the first book the devotion to Augustus proceeds apace. The Iulian star is in the ascendant (1, 2, 20); Augustus is _pater_ and _princeps_, anticipating the future titles (1, 2, 20); he is again contemplating the invasion of Britain (1, 35, 29); the Arabian expedition is being planned with all its futile hopes of wealth (1, 29; 1, 35). In the second book of the _Odes_, beginning with reflections on the evils of civil war (2, 1), the poet notices one after the other the triumphs of Augustus or his generals in B.C. 27-24. The Cantabrian war (2, 6, 2; 2, 11, 1); the triumphal arch at Susa (2, 9, 19); the success of his diplomacy in Scythia, Armenia, and Parthia (_ib._) In the third book the embassy of British chiefs is treated as though the island were annexed (3, 5, 2); the Cantabrians are regarded as conquered after the expedition of Augustus (3, 8, 22; 3, 14). Then succeeds a period of statesmanship and reform. The Emperor’s Roman policy, and his determination to keep Rome the centre of government, are warmly supported (3, 3); the moral evils, the extravagance and debauchery of the age must be cured, and Horace proceeds to support the abortive legislation of B.C. 27, and to foreshadow the censorial acts, and the legislation of B.C. 18. There is a protest against the magnificence and extent of country houses (2, 15); against the effeminacy of youth (iii. 2); against the immorality of women and the licentiousness that led to civil strife (3, 24). The _Carmen sæculare_ speaks of the legislation as effected, and foretells its success (20); while in the fourth book he asserts that, at any rate while Augustus is with them, that success has been secured (4, 5), and that he has not only given them peace, but a great moral reform (4, 15). The policy of the Emperor in regard to the bugbear of the East, the Parthian power, is also followed step by step. They are the dangerous enemy whose subjection will make Augustus divine (3, 5, 1-4), and whose threatened invasions keep his ministers in constant anxiety (3, 29, 27). This is before B.C. 20; but in B.C. 19 they have made submission and restored the standards and prisoners (_Epist._ i. 18, 56), and this is one of the triumphs of Augustus that requires a master hand to record (_Epist._ ii. 1, 255); it is the glory of the Augustan age (_Od._ 4, 15, 6), and as long as Augustus is safe, no one will fear them more (4, 5, 25). Finally, at the Emperor’s request, he celebrated the victories of Drusus and Tiberius over the Vindelici and Rhæti (4, 4 and 14), and especially the defeat of the Sugambri who had routed Lollius (4, 2, 34; 4, 14, 51), with a compliment to Augustus himself for having gone to Gaul to support Tiberius and Drusus with reinforcements and advice (4, 14, 33), and for having at length closed the door of Ianus (4, 15, 9). The lyrical career of Horace, therefore, corresponds remarkably with the

## activities of Augustus. His genius presented those activities to his

fellow citizens (and Horace’s verses were soon read in schools) exactly in the light in which the Emperor wished them to be viewed. If we lay aside some expressions of overstrained compliment, which favoured the growing fashion of paying the Emperor divine honours, it cannot be said that the language is fulsome or degrading to the poet. The “parasitic table” of Mæcenas may, as M. Beulé asserts, have been a misfortune to the poets, and attenuated their vein of inspiration: but a man must have something in practical life on which to pin his faith; and Horace might have done worse than devote his genius to promote loyalty to the great statesman who had saved Roman society and given peace and prosperity to an empire. Just as Vergil, if he had followed his own impulse, might have perhaps produced a fine poem on the Epicurean cosmogony, but not one that lives and breathes with the noble glow of patriotism.

[Sidenote: Propertius.]

Sextus Propertius (_circ._ B.C. 45-_circ._ B.C. 15) was another of the Mæcenas circle of poets who did something to glorify Augustus. He is not (but that is a personal opinion) on anything like the same level as either Vergil or Horace as an artist. He is said to have died young, perhaps at thirty years of age, and there is no evidence of personal intimacy with Augustus, but there is some indication of his having been on bad terms with Horace. His elegies also are nearly all poems of passion. Politics and emperors are mere episodes, and were introduced in deference to Mæcenas. Still many points in the career of Augustus are referred to in the same spirit as that of Horace. The siege of Perusia—described in tones of horror, which would scarcely have been acceptable—precedes his conversion (1, 21), and the failure of the marriage law of B.C. 27 is only referred to with relief (2, 7, 1). In more complimentary terms he speaks of the victory of Actium (3, 7, 44), and of the downfall of Antony and Cleopatra (4, 8, 56; 4, 10, 32, _sqq._; 4, 7, 56); and the end of the civil wars is attributed to Augustus (_illa qua vicit condidit arma manu_, 3, 8, 41). Then came the intended invasion of Britain (3, 23, 5); the Arabian expedition and the Indian envoys (3, 1, 15; 4, 3 1); the opening and description of the Palatine Library—the best extant (3, 29); the raids of the Sugambri and their suppression (5, 6, 77); while he has the Parthians frequently on his lips, though rather as predicting what is to be done with them than as recording the return of the standards.[321] In the fifth book there are signs of a beginning of a _Fasti_ like that of Ovid as a record of events in Roman history; and it is possible that this was in obedience to a wish of Augustus, who, on his death, transferred the task to Ovid. Thus his voice also was secured, in part at least, in support of the imperial _régime_.

[Sidenote: Ovid.]

Publius Ovidius Naso (B.C. 43-A.D. 18) belongs to the last part of the reign. He had only seen Vergil, and though he had heard Horace recite, he does not profess to have known him. He was quite young when Augustus was winning his position and reforming the constitution, and there are no signs of his coming forward as a court poet till Mæcenas and his circle had disappeared, and if he had attracted the attention of Augustus at all, it was probably not altogether in a favourable manner. His earliest poems—the _Amores_ and _Heroidum Epistulæ_—do not touch on public affairs; they are poems of passion—the former personal, the latter dramatic. In the _Ars Amatoria_ (about B.C. 2-A.D. 2) for the first time we detect the court poet from a complimentary allusion to the approaching mission of Gaius Cæsar to Syria and Armenia, with his title of _princeps iuventutis_ and that of Augustus as _pater patriæ_, as also to the _naumachia_ or representation of the battle of Salamis given by Augustus in the flooded _nemus Cæsarum_ in B.C. 2 (_A. A._, 1, 171-2). The _Metamorphoses_ had been composed before his exile in A.D. 9, but after the death of Augustus he apparently introduced the Epilogue (xv. 745 _sq._) containing an eulogy on Tiberius, and on the now finished career of Augustus. It is the _Fasti_—the Calendar of events in Roman history—that probably was undertaken in obedience to a wish of the Emperor, and in which accordingly we find points in his career touched upon. It was dedicated to Germanicus, and contains an allusion to his own exile, and was therefore, partly at least, composed between B.C. 2 and A.D. 10. His allusions to Augustus are not those of an intimate acquaintance, but of an admiring subject—real or feigned. He mentions the battle of Mutina (iv. 627); the bestowal of the title Augustus (i. 589); the recovery of the standards from the Parthians as a triumph of the Emperor (vi. 467). He alludes to Augustus becoming Pontifex Maximus (iii. 415); to the laurels on his palace front (iv. 957); to the demolition of the house of Vedius Pollio as connected with the reforms and the laws of B.C. 18 (vi. 637); to the division of the city into _vici_, and the worship of the Lares Augusti (v. 145); to the Forum Augusti and the temple of Mars dedicated in B.C. 2. (v. 551, _sqq._). Ovid afterwards protested that his books had been read with pleasure by Augustus, and assumed to have some knowledge of the private chambers of the palace (Trist., 1, 5, 2; 2, 520), but there is nothing in the allusions to matters which he knew that Augustus wished to have recorded that has the air of close or intimate relations. They are the conventional expressions of the outside, and perhaps humble, panegyrist, not those of a friend and supporter, like Horace. The abject expressions in the Tristia and the letters from Pontus need not be taken into account. They are merely bids for a recall, and they often express in the crudest form the growing fashion of worshipping the Emperor or his genius. Perhaps the most subtle of these appeals is that in which he explains why he had spent his youth in writing frivolous poetry instead of celebrating the glories of the Emperor—he was not a good enough poet, and would have dishonoured a subject above his reach (Tr., ii. 335-340). This was using a weapon forged by the Emperor himself, who had always let it be known that he disliked being the subject of inferior artists. The melancholy and feebleness of these later poems of Ovid seem to bear a sort of analogy with the cloud that descended on the later years of Augustus. Vergil and Horace have the freshness of the morning or the vigour of noon, Ovid the gathering sadness of the evening.

AUGUSTUS’S ACCOUNT OF HIS REIGN (FROM THE INSCRIPTION IN THE TEMPLE OF ROME AND AUGUSTUS AT ANGORA)

1. When I was nineteen I collected an army on my own account and at my own expense, by the help of which I restored the republic to liberty, which had been enslaved by the tyranny of a faction; for which services the Senate, in complimentary decrees, added my name to the roll of their House in the consulship of Gaius Pansa and Aulus Hirtius [B.C. 43], giving me at the same time consular precedence in voting; and gave me imperium. It ordered me as proprætor “to see along with the consuls that the republic suffered no damage.” Moreover, in the same year, both consuls having fallen, the people elected me consul and a triumvir for revising the constitution.

2. Those who killed my father I drove into exile, after a legal trial, in punishment of their crime, and afterwards when these same men rose in arms against the republic I conquered them twice in a pitched battle.

3. I had to undertake wars by land and sea, civil and foreign, all over the world, and when victorious I spared surviving citizens. Those foreign nations, who could safely be pardoned, I preferred to preserve rather than exterminate. About 500,000 Roman citizens took the military oath to me. Of these I settled out in colonies or sent back to their own towns, after their terms of service were over, considerably more than 300,000; and to them all I assigned lands purchased by myself or money in lieu of lands. I captured 600 ships, not counting those below the rating of triremes.

4. I twice celebrated an ovation, three times curule triumphs, and was twenty-one times greeted as imperator. Though the Senate afterwards voted me several triumphs I declined them. I frequently also deposited laurels in the Capitol after performing the vows which I had taken in each war. For successful operations performed by myself or by my legates under my auspices by land and sea, the Senate fifty-three times decreed a supplication to the immortal gods. The number of days during which, in accordance with a decree of the Senate, supplication was offered amounted to 890. In my triumphs there were led before my chariot nine kings or sons of kings. I had been consul thirteen times at the writing of this, and am in the course of the thirty-seventh year of my tribunician power [A.D. 13-14].

5. The Dictatorship offered me in my presence and absence by the Senate and people in the consulship of Marcus Marcellus and Lucius Arruntius [B.C. 22] I declined to accept. I did not refuse at a time of very great scarcity of corn the commissionership of corn supply, which I administered in such a way that within a few days I freed the whole people from fear and danger. The consulship—either yearly or for life—then offered to me I declined to accept.

6. In the consulship of M. Vinicius and Q. Lucretius [B.C. 19], of P. and Cn. Lentulus [B.C. 18], and of Paullus Fabius Maximus and Q. Tubero [B.C. 11], when the Senate and people of Rome unanimously agreed that I should be elected overseer of the laws and morals, with unlimited powers and without a colleague, I refused every office offered me which was contrary to the customs of our ancestors. But what the Senate at that time wished me to manage, I carried out in virtue of my tribunician power, and in this office I five times received at my own request a colleague from the Senate.

7. I was one of the triumvirate for the re-establishment of the constitution for ten consecutive years. I have been _princeps senatus_ up to the day on which I write this for forty years. I am Pontifex Maximus, Augur, one of the fifteen commissioners for religion, one of the seven for sacred feasts, an Arval brother, a _sodalis Titius_, a fetial.

8. In my fifth consulship [B.C. 29] I increased the number of the patricians by order of people and Senate. I three times made up the roll of the Senate, and in my sixth consulship [B.C. 28] I took a census of the people with M. Agrippa as my colleague. I performed the _lustrum_ after an interval of forty-one years; in which the number of Roman citizens entered on the census roll was 4,063,000. A second time with consular imperium I took the census by myself in the consulship of Gaius Censorinus and Gaius Asinius [B.C. 8], in which the number of Roman citizens entered on the roll was 4,223,000. I took a third census with consular imperium, my son Tiberius Cæsar acting as my colleague, in the consulship of Sextus Pompeius and Sextus Appuleius [A.D. 14], in which the number of Roman citizens entered on the census roll was 4,937,000. By new laws passed I recalled numerous customs of our ancestors that were falling into desuetude in our time, and myself set precedents in many

## particulars for the imitation of posterity.

9. The Senate decreed that vows should be offered for my health by consuls and priests every fifth year. In fulfilment of these vows the four chief colleges of priests or the consuls often gave games in my lifetime. Also individually and by townships the people at large always offered sacrifices at all the temples for my health.

10. By a decree of the Senate my name was included in the ritual of the Salii; and it was ordained by a law that my person should be sacred and that I should have the tribunician power for the term of my natural life. I refused to become Pontifex Maximus in succession to my colleague during his life, though the people offered me that sacred office formerly held by my father. Some years later I accepted that sacred office on the death of the man who had availed himself of the civil disturbance to secure it; such a multitude flocking to my election from all parts of Italy as is never recorded to have come to Rome before, in the consulship of P. Sulpicius and C. Valgius [6 March, B.C. 12].

11. The Senate consecrated an altar to Fortuna Redux, near the temple of Honour and Virtue, by the Porta Capena, for my return, on which it ordered the Vestal Virgins to offer a yearly sacrifice on the day on which in the consulship of Q. Lucretius and M. Vinicius [B.C. 19] I returned to the city from Syria, and gave that day the name _Augustalia_ from my cognomen [15 Dec.].

12. By a decree of the Senate at the same time part of the prætors and tribunes of the plebs, along with the consul Q. Lucretius and leading nobles, were despatched into Campania to meet me—an honour that up to this time has been decreed to no one else. When I returned to Rome from Spain and Gaul after successful operations in those provinces, in the consulship of Tiberius Nero and Publius Quintilius [B.C. 13], the Senate voted that an altar to Pax Augusta should be consecrated for my return on the Campus Martius, upon which it ordered the magistrates and priests and Vestal Virgins to offer an annual sacrifice [30 Jan.].

13. Whereas the Ianus Quirinus, which our ancestors ordered to be closed when peace throughout the whole dominions of the Roman people by land and sea had been obtained by victories, is recorded to have been only twice shut before my birth since the foundation of the city, the Senate three times voted its closure during my principate.

14. My sons Gaius and Lucius Cæsar, whom fortune snatched from me in their early manhood, in compliment to me, the Senate and Roman people designated consuls in their fifteenth year with a proviso that they should enter on that office after an interval of five years. From the day of their assuming the _toga virilis_ the Senate decreed that they should take part in public business. Moreover, the Roman equites in a body gave each of them the title of _Princeps Iuventutis_, and presented them with silver shields and spears.

15. To the Roman plebs I paid 300 sesterces per head in virtue of my father’s will; and in my own name I gave 400 apiece in my fifth consulship [B.C. 29] from the sale of spoils of war; and a second time in my tenth consulship [B.C. 24] out of my own private property I paid a bounty of 400 sesterces per man, and in my eleventh consulship [B.C. 23] I measured out twelve distributions of corn, having purchased the grain from my own resources. In the twelfth year of my tribunician power [B.C. 11], I for the third time gave a bounty of 400 sesterces a head. These largesses of mine affected never less than 50,200 persons. In the eighteenth year of my tribunician power and my twelfth consulship [B.C. 5] I gave 320,000 of the urban plebs sixty denarii a head. In the colonies of my soldiers, in my fifth consulship [B.C. 29] I gave from the sale of spoils of war 1,000 sesterces a head; and among such settlers the number who received that triumphal largess amounted to about 120,000 men. In my thirteenth consulship [B.C. 2] I gave 60 denarii apiece to the plebeians then in receipt of public corn; they amounted to somewhat more than 200,000 persons.

16. The money for the lands, which in my fourth consulship [B.C. 30], and afterwards in the consulship of M. Crassus and Cn. Lentulus the augur [B.C. 14], I assigned to the soldiers, I paid to the municipal towns. The amount was about 600,000,000 sesterces, which I paid for lands in Italy, and about 260,000,000 which I disbursed for lands in the provinces.

I was the first and only one within the memory of my own generation to do this of all who settled colonies in Italy and the provinces. And afterwards in the consulship of Tib. Nero and Cn. Piso [B.C. 7], and again in the consulship of C. Antistius and D. Lælius [B.C. 6], and of C. Calvisius and L. Pasienus [B.C. 4], and of L. Lentulus and M. Messalla [B.C. 3], and of L. Caninius and Q. Fabricius [B.C. 2], to the soldiers, whom after their terms of service I sent back to their own towns, I paid good service allowances in ready money; on which I expended 400,000,000 sesterces as an act of grace.

17. I four times subsidised the _ærarium_ from my own money, the sums which I thus paid over to the commissioners of the treasury amounting to 150,000,000 sesterces. And in the consulship of M. Lepidus and L. Arruntius [A.D. 6], to the military treasury, which was established on my initiative for the payment of their good service allowance, to the soldiers who had served twenty years or more, I contributed from my own patrimony 170,000,000 sesterces.[322]

18. From and after the year of the consulship of Gnæus and Publius Lentulus [B.C. 18], whenever the payment of the revenues were in arrear, I paid into the treasury from my own patrimony the taxes, whether due in corn or money, sometimes of 100,000 persons, sometimes of more.

19. I built the curia and Chalcidicum adjoining it, and the temples of Apollo on the Palatine with its colonnades, the temple of the divine Iulius, the Lupercal, the colonnade at the Flaminian circus, which I allowed to be called Octavia, from the name of the builder of the earlier one on the same site, the state box at the Circus Maximus, the temples of Jupiter Feretrius and of Jupiter Tonans on the Capitol, the temple of Quirinus, the temples of Minerva and of Juno the Queen, and of Jupiter Liberalis on the Aventine, the temple of the Lares at the head of the _via Sacra_, the temple of the divine Penates in the Velia, the temple of Youth, the temple of the Mater Magna on the Palatine.

20. The Capitolium and the Pompeian theatre—both very costly works—I restored without any inscription of my own name. Water-conduits in many places that were decaying from age I repaired; and I doubled the aqueduct called the Aqua Marcia, by turning a new spring into its channel.

The Forum Iulium and the basilica, which was between the temple of Castor and the temple of Saturn, works begun and far advanced by my father, I completed; and when the same basilica was destroyed by fire, I began its reconstruction on an extended plan, to be inscribed with the names of my sons, and in case I do not live to complete it I have ordered it to be completed by my heirs.

In my sixth consulship [B.C. 28], I repaired eighty-two temples of the gods in the city in accordance with a decree of the Senate, none being omitted which at that time stood in need of repair. In my seventh consulship [B.C. 27] I constructed the Flaminian road from the city to Ariminum, and all the bridges except the Mulvian and Minucian.

21. On ground belonging to myself I built a temple to Mars Ultor and the Forum Augustum, with money arising from sale of war spoils. I built a theatre adjoining the temple of Apollo, on ground for the most part purchased from private owners, to be under the name of my son-in-law Marcus Marcellus. Offerings from money raised by sale of war-spoil I consecrated in the temple of Apollo, and in the temple of Vesta, and in the temple of Mars Ultor, which cost me about 100,000,000 sesterces. Thirty-five thousand pounds of gold,[323] crown money contributed by the municipia and colonies of Italy for my triumphs, I refunded in my fifth consulship [B.C. 29], and subsequently, as often as I was greeted Imperator, I refused to receive crown money, though the municipia and colonies had decreed it with as much warmth as before.

22. I three times gave a show of gladiators in my own name, and five times in the name of my sons and grandsons; in which shows about 10,000 men contended. I twice gave the people a show of athletes collected from all parts of the world in my own name, and a third time in the name of my grandson. I gave games in my own name four times, as representing other magistrates twenty-three times. In behalf of the quindecimviri, and as master of the college, with M. Agrippa as colleague, I gave the Secular games in the consulship of C. Furnius and C. Silanus [B.C. 17]. In my thirteenth consulship [B.C. 2], I gave for the first time the games of Mars which, since that time, the consuls have given in successive years. I gave the people wild-beast hunts, of African animals, in my own name and that of my sons and grandsons, in the circus and forum, and the amphitheatres twenty-six times, in which about 3,500 animals were killed.

23. I gave the people the spectacle of a naval battle on the other side of the Tiber, in the spot where now is the grove of the Cæsars, the ground having been hollowed out to a length of 1,800 feet, and a breadth of 1,200 feet, in which thirty beaked ships, triremes or biremes, and a still larger number of smaller vessels contended. In these fleets, besides the rowers, there fought about three thousand men.

24. In the temples of all the states of the province of Asia, I replaced the ornaments after my victory, which he with whom I had fought had taken into his private possession from the spoliation of the temples. There were about eighty silver statues of me, some on foot, some equestrian, some in chariots, in various parts of the city. These I removed, and from the money thus obtained I placed golden offerings in the temple of Apollo in my own name and in that of those who had honoured me by the statues.

25. I cleared the sea of pirates. In that war I captured about 30,000 slaves, who had run away from their masters, and had borne arms against the republic, and handed them back to their owners to be punished. The whole of Italy took the oath to me spontaneously, and demanded that I should be the leader in the war in which I won the victory off Actium. The provinces of the Gauls, the Spains, Africa, Sicily, Sardinia, took the same oath. Among those who fought under my standards were more than seven hundred Senators, eighty-three of whom had been, or have since been, consuls up to the time of my writing this, 170 members of the sacred colleges.

26. I extended the frontiers of all the provinces of the Roman people, which were bordered by tribes that had not submitted to our Empire. The provinces of the Gauls, and Spains and Germany, bounded by the Ocean from Gades to the mouth of the river Elbe, I reduced to a peaceful state. The Alps, from the district near the Adriatic to the Tuscan sea, I forced to remain peaceful without waging unprovoked war with any tribe. My fleet sailed through the Ocean from the mouth of the Rhine towards the rising sun, up to the territories of the Cimbri, to which point no Roman had penetrated, up to that time, either by land or sea. The Cimbri, and Charydes, and Semnones and other peoples of the Germans, belonging to the same tract of country, sent ambassadors to ask for the friendship of myself and the Roman people. By my command and under my auspices, two armies were marched into Æthiopia and Arabia, called Felix, nearly simultaneously, and large hostile forces of both these nations were cut to pieces in battle, and a large number of towns were captured. Æthiopia was penetrated as far as the town Nabata, next to Meroe. Into Arabia the army advanced into the territories of the Sabæi as far as the town Mariba.

27. I added Egypt to the Empire of the Roman people. When I might have made the Greater Armenia a province after the assassination of its king Artaxes, I preferred, on the precedent of our ancestors, to hand over that kingdom to Tigranes, son of King Artavasdes, grandson of King Tigranes, by the hands of Tiberius Nero, who was then my stepson. The same nation being afterwards in a state of revolt and rebellion, I handed over to the government of King Ariobarzanes, son of Artabazus, king of the Medes, after it had been reduced by my son Gaius; and after his death to his son Artavasdes, upon whose assassination I sent Tigranes, a member of the royal family of the Armenians, into that kingdom. I recovered all the provinces on the other side of the Adriatic towards the East and Cyrenæ, which were by this time for the most part held by various kings, and before them Sicily and Sardinia which had been overrun by an army of slaves.

28. I settled colonies of soldiers in Africa, Sicily, Macedonia, both the Spains, Achaia, Asia, Syria, Gallia Narbonensis, Pisidia. Italy has twenty-eight colonies established under my auspices, which have in my lifetime become very densely inhabited and places of great resort.

29. A large number of military standards, which had been lost under other commanders, I recovered, after defeating the enemy, from Spain and Gaul and the Dalmatians. I compelled the Parthians to restore the spoils and standards of three Roman armies, and to seek as suppliants the friendship of the Roman people. These standards I laid up in the inner shrine belonging to the temple of Mars Ultor.

30. The tribes of the Pannonii, which before I was _princeps_ an army of the Roman people never reached, having been subdued by Tiberius Nero, who was then my stepson and legate [B.C. 11], I added to the Empire of the Roman people, and I extended the frontier of Illyricum to the bank of the river Danube. And when an army of the Daci crossed to the south of that river it was conquered and put to flight under my auspices; and subsequently my army, being led across the Danube, forced the tribes of the Daci to submit to the orders of the Roman people.

31. To me there were often sent embassies of kings from India, who had never before been seen in the camp of any Roman general. By embassadors the Bastarnæ and the Scythians and the kings of the Sarmatians, who live on both sides of the river Don, and the king of the Albani and of the Hiberi and of the Medes, sought our friendship.

32. Kings of the Parthians—Tiridates, and afterwards Phrates, son of King Phrates—fled to me for refuge; of the Medes Artavasdes; of the Adiabeni Artaxares; of the Britons Dumnobellaunus and Tim ...;[324] of the Marcomanni and Suebi....[324] Phrates, king of the Parthians, son of Orodes, sent all his sons and grandsons to me in Italy, not because he had been overcome in war, but seeking our friendship by means of his own sons as pledges. And a very large number of other nations experienced the good faith of the Roman people while I was _princeps_, with whom before that time there had been no diplomatic or friendly intercourse.

33. The nations of the Parthians and the chief men of the Medes by means of embassies sought and accepted from me kings of those peoples—the Parthians Vonones, son of King Phrates, grandson of King Orodes; the Medes Ariobarzanes, son of King Artavasdes, grandson of King Ariobarzanes.

34. In my sixth and seventh consulships [B.C. 28, 27], when I had extinguished the flames of civil war, having by universal consent become possessed of the sole direction of affairs, I transferred the republic from my power to the will of the Senate and people of Rome. For which good service on my part I was by decree of the Senate called by the name of Augustus, and the door-posts of my house were covered with laurels in the name of the state, and a civic crown was fixed up over my door, and a golden shield was placed in the Curia Iulia, which it was declared by its inscription the Senate and people of Rome gave me in recognition of valour, clemency, justice, piety. After that time I took precedence of all in rank, but of power I had nothing more than those who were my colleagues in the several magistracies.

35. While I was administering my thirteenth consulship [B.C. 2], the Senate and equestrian order and the Roman people with one consent greeted me as FATHER OF MY COUNTRY, and decreed that it should be inscribed in the vestibule of my house, and in the Senate house, and in the Forum Augustum, and under the chariot which was there placed in my honour in accordance with a senatorial decree.

When I wrote this I was in my seventy-sixth year [A.D. 13-14].

FOOTNOTES

[1] _Ad capita bubula._ Lanciani (_Remains of Ancient Rome_, p. 139) says that this was the name of a lane at the eastern corner of the Palatine. Others have thought it to be the name of the house, as the _ad malum Punicum_ in which Domitian was born (Suet., _Dom._ 1). So later we hear of a house at Rome _quæ est ad Palmam_ (_Codex Theod._, p. 3). The house may have had its name from a frieze with ox-heads on it, like the tomb of Metella, which came to be called _Capo-di-bove_. It seems less easy to account for a lane being so called. See also p. 205.

[2] C. I. L., vol. i. p. 279.

[3] Cicero, _ad Q. Fr._ 1, 1, 21; 1, 2, 7. Velleius Pat., 2, 59; Sueton., _Aug._ 3.

[4] The plebeian Atii Balbi do not seem to have been important. M. Atius Balbus was prætor in B.C. 62 (with Cæsar), governor of Sardinia B.C. 61-60, and in B.C. 59 was one of the XX viri under the Julian land law (Cic., _ad Att._ ii. 4).

[5] These and other stories will be found in Sueton., _Aug._ 94, and Dio, 45, 2. Vergil makes skilful use of them in _Æn._, vi. 797, _sqq._

[6] Antony, when he wished to depreciate Augustus, asserted that his great-grandfather had a rope-walk at Thurii; and some such connection of his ancestors with that place may account for the cognomen, which would naturally be dropped afterwards (Suet., _Aug._ 7).

[7] The marriage could not have taken place earlier than the middle of B.C. 57, for when Atia’s first husband died Philippus was in Syria. He was succeeded by Gabinius in B.C. 57, and reached Italy in time to stand for the consulship, the elections that year being at the ordinary time, _i.e._, July (Cic., _ad Att._ 4, 2).

[8] L. Marcius Philippus was the son of the famous orator, and was a warm supporter of Cicero. With his colleague as consul-designate he proposed the prosecution of Clodius (Cic., _ad Q. Fr._ ii. 1). When the civil war was beginning he was allowed by Cæsar to remain neutral (Cic., _ad Att._ ix. 15; x. 4). But Cicero found him tiresome company, for he was garrulous and prosy (_ad Att._ xii. 9, 16, 18); and in the troublous times following the assassination of Cæsar he set little store by his opinion (_ad Att._ xvi. 14; _ad Brut._ i. 17).

[9] The law of B.C. 52 allowed Cæsar to be “elected in his absence” (_absentis rationem haberi_), but said nothing of his being in possession of a province. By long prescription the Senate had the right of deciding when a provincial governor should be “succeeded.” But then Cæsar’s term of provincial government had been fixed by a _lex_, which was superior to a _Senatus-consultum_; and he might also argue that if it was unconstitutional for a man to be elected consul while holding a province, the Senate had violated the constitution in allowing Pompey to be consul in B.C. 52.

[10] The Senate did not insist on the _professio_, from which Cæsar had been exempted by name in Pompey’s law. But its contention was that it still retained the right of naming the date at which a man was to leave his province, and of deciding in regard to an election whether a man was a legal candidate, which might depend on other things besides the making or not making a _professio_.

[11] The difficulty was that both consuls were absent. There was no one therefore capable of holding a consular election. But as the other curule magistrates still existed, “the _auspicia_ had not returned to the Fathers,” who could not therefore name an interrex. The Prætor Lepidus—though willing—could not “create” a _maius imperium_. The only way out of it was to name a Dictator (_com. hab. causa_); but one of the consuls, according to tradition, could alone do that. Eventually Lepidus, by a special vote of the people was authorised to name Cæsar as Dictator—which had precedents in the cases of Fabius Maximus and Sulla—and Cæsar, as Dictator, held the consular elections. Cæs., b. c. ii, 21; Dio, 41, 36.

[12] Nicolas (ch. 4) says that he took the _toga virilis_ about fourteen (περὶ ἔτη μάλιστα γεγονὼς τεσσαρακαίδεκα). But Suetonius (_Aug._ 8) says that he spoke the _laudatio_ of his grandmother in his twelfth year, and “four years afterwards” took the _toga virilis_.

[13] Octavius was _sui iuris_, his father being dead; his adoption therefore required the formal passing of a _lex curiata_. Now the opposition, supported by Antony, against this formality being carried out was one of the grounds of Octavian’s quarrel with him in B.C. 44-3, and the completion of it was one of the first things secured by Octavian on his entrance into Rome in August, B.C. 43 [Appian, b. c. iii. 94; Dio, 45, 5]. This seems conclusive against the theory that Iulius adopted him in his lifetime. Moreover all authorities speak of the adoption as made by _Will_. Livy, _Ep._ 116, _testamento in nomen adoptatus est_; Velleius, ii. 59, _testamentum apertum est, quo C. Octavium nepotem sororis suæ Iuliæ adoptabat_. See also Appian, b. c. iii. 11; Dio, 45, 3; Plutarch, _Brut._ 22. It is true that Nicolas—speaking of the triumph of B.C. 46—(§ 8) says υἱὸν ἤδη πεποιημἐνος. But if he means anything more than “regarding him as a son,” he twice afterwards contradicts himself: See § 17 ἀπήγγελλον τά τε ἄλλα καὶ ὡς ἐν ταῖς διαθήκαις ὡς υἱὸς εἴη Καίσαρι ἐγγεγραμμένος. _Cf._ § 13.

[14] Cicero, _ad Att._ xii. 48, 49; Nicholas, § 14; Valer. Max., 1, 15, 2. For the subsequent fate of the man see Cicero, _ad Att._ xiv. 6, 7, 8; App., b. c. iii. 2-3.

[15] The patrician _gentes_ were dying out, and it was thought good to replenish their numbers, thus gradually forming a class of nobles distinct from these ennobled by office. In making the Octavii patricians, the initiative was taken by the Senate; in later times, however, the power of creating _patricii_ was conferred on the imperator. Iulius seems also to have done it on his own authority. (Dio, 43, 47; Suet., _Aug._ 2.)

[16] He took with him Apollodorus of Pergamus, a well-known author of a system of rhetoric (Suet., _Aug._ 89; Strabo, 13, 4, 3; Quinct., 3, 1, 17). Other teachers of his, whether at Apollonia or elsewhere, are Areius of Alexandria, Alexander of Pergamus, Athenodorus of Tarsus (Suet. _l. c._; Dio, 51, 4; Plutarch, _Ant._ 11; Nicol. Dam., § 17; Zonaras, 10, 38).

[17] Suet., _Aug._ 65; Vell. Paterc., 2, 59, 64; App., b. c. 5, 66; Dio, 48, 33. The other instance of a friend who fell into disfavour and ruin quoted by Suetonius is Cornelius Gallus. But he does not seem to have been at Apollonia. He was nearly three years older than Augustus, and in B.C. 44-3 was perhaps with Pollio in Bætica. See Cic., _ad Fam._ x. 32.

[18] Nicolas, § 16; App., b. c. iii. 9-10.

[19] Dolabella consul for the last half of B.C. 44 with Antony; Pansa and Hirtius, B.C. 43; Plancus and Dec. Brutus B.C. 42. Probably M. Brutus and C. Cassius (or certainly the former) B.C. 41 [Plut., _Cæs._ 62; Cic., _ad Fam._ xii. 2]. For B.C. 43 prætors and other magistrates were named, but for the next years only consuls and tribunes.

[20] Dio, 43, 47, καὶ ἔς γε τὰ ἔθνη ἀκληρωτὶ ἐξεπέμφθησαν.

[21] M. Brutus, C. Cassius, Dec. Brutus, L. Cimber, C. Trebonius.

[22] Cic., _ad Att._ xiv. 9; Cæs., b. c. ii. 22; Plut., _Ant._ xi.

[23] Dio, 46, 60.

[24] Cæsar had auxiliaries in Spain from Aquitania B.C. 49; Cæs., b. c. i. 39.

[25] Cicero, _ad Att._ xiv. 5, 8, 9.

[26] Livy, _Ep._ 62. Appian says that Metellus did not fight, but was received as a friend, wintered at Salonæ, and then went home and claimed a triumph (_Illyr._ xi.).

[27] Eutrop., v. 4.

[28] _Id._ vi. 4; Oros., v. 23.

[29] Cæs., b. c. iii. 5, 9.

[30] Livy, _Ep._ 110; App., b. c. ii. 47.

[31] _Id._, b. c. ii. 59.

[32] Cæs., _b. Alex._ 42-3.

[33] _Id._, 34-6.

[34] Cic., _ad Fam._ v. 10 (_a_), 10, 11.

[35] App., _Illyr._ 13.

[36] App., b. c. iv. 75; Dio, 47, 21. Vatinius was ill, and his late reverses had lost him the confidence of his men, who insisted on being transferred to Brutus.

[37] Dio, 43, 42; Horace, _Odes_, iii. 1, 13.

[38] Cæs., _b. Alex._ 48-64; _Hisp._ 7, 12.

[39] App., b. c. ii. 107.

[40] Wrongly called Aulus Albinus by Appian, b. c. ii. 48; see Klein, _die Verwaltungsbeamten der Provinzen_, p. 83.

[41] Cic., _ad Fam._ xiii. 30, 36, 50, 78, 79; Cæs., _b. Afr._ 2, 26, 34.

[42] Cic., _ad Fam._ vi. 16, 17.

[43] Dio, 48, 17, 19; Livy, _Ep._ 123; Appian, b. c. iv. 84. A certain M. Casinius was nominated to Sicily for B.C. 43, but did not go there, perhaps owing to the order of the Senate (meant to support Dec. Brutus) made on the 20th of December, B.C. 44, that all governors should retain their provinces till farther orders (Cic., _ad Fam._ xii. 22, 25).

[44] App., b. c. ii. 48.

[45] Cic., _ad Att._ xv. 7; xvi. 3.

[46] App., b. c. iv. 2; Dio, 46, 55.

[47] Sueton., _Aug._ 47. This probably means after his accession to sole power. According to Nicolas, § 11-12, he visited Africa with Cæsar in B.C. 45. See p. 13. There is no record, however, of his ever having been to Sardinia.

[48] App., b. c. v. 67. The hold of Sext. Pompeius on Sardinia was recognised in the “treaty” of Misenum made in B.C. 39 (Dio, 48, 36; App., b. c. v. 72).

[49] See Note 2, p. 24.

[50] Cicero, _3 Phil._ § 26; _ad Fam._ xii. 22, 23, 30.

[51] Appian, b. c. iii. 85, 91.

[52] Appian, b. c. iv. 36, 53-56; v. 26; Dio, 48, 21-23. It seems impossible to reconcile Appian and Dio. The course of events here indicated agrees chiefly with Dio, whose account appears on the whole the more reasonable.

[53] Cæs., b. c. iii., 102.

[54] _Id._, _b. Alex._ 42.

[55] Drawn up by the commissioners after the fall of Corinth, B.C. 146.

[56] Cicero, _ad Att._ xi. 15; Cæsar, b. c. ii. 56, 106; Dio, 42, 14.

[57] Servius had fought against Cæsar at Pharsalia, though his son was with Cæsar. After the battle he retired to Samos and refused to continue the war. See Cicero, _ad Fam._ iv. 3, 4, 11, 12; vi. 6; xiii. 17, 19, 23, 25, 28.

[58] App., b. c. v. 72.

[59] Cicero, _ad Fam._ vi. 12; App., b. c. iii. 2.

[60] See Cicero, _13 Phil._ 23 (Antony’s letter).

[61] P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther. See his letter to Cicero, _ad Fam._ xii. 14, 15.

[62] Cæs., _b. Alex._ 66: _rebus omnibus provinciæ et finitimarum civitatum constitutis_ is all that we are told.

[63] Dio, 47, 26. Appian gives two accounts of Bassus. In the first he represents him as the real commander of the legions, while Sext. Iulius was the nominal chief. He, however, gives an alternative account more in accordance with that of Dio. See App., b. c. iii. 77; iv. 58, _sq._

[64] Cicero, _ad Att._ xiv. 9.

[65] _Id._, _ad Fam._ xii. 11 (Cassius to Cicero); xii. 12.

[66] Cicero, _ad Att._ vi. 5; Valer. Max., vi. 1, 15.

[67] Cyrene with four other cities—Apollonia, Ptolemais, Arsinoe, Berenice—formed a Pentapolis. (Livy, _Epit._ 70.)

[68] App., b. c. I. iii. _sq._; Sall., _hist. fr._ ii. 39.

[69] Vell. Pat., ii. 34; Dio, 36, 2; Iust. 39, 5; Livy, _Epit._ 100. The laws of Crete were left in force (Cic., _Mur._ § 74; _pro Flacc._ § 30).

[70] App., b. c. iii. 12, 16, 36; iv. 57; Dio, 47, 21.

[71] Cicero, _2 Phil._ § 97.

[72] The possibility of these legions crossing to Italy had caused no little anxiety at Rome; Cicero, _ad Att._ xiv. 16.

[73] Cicero, _ad Att._ xv. 21.

[74] Suetonius (_Iul._ 83) says, “three-fourths”; so also does Nicolas Dam. 17 (τρία μέρη τῶν χρημάτων). But Livy (_Ep._ 116) says “one-half” (_ex semisse_). It is possible Livy may refer to the amount left when the legacy of 300 sesterces to each citizen was deducted. Nicolas seems to think, however, that this legacy was charged on the remaining fourth. Octavian certainly undertook to pay it, but then Pinarius and Pedius handed over their shares to him.

[75] Appian (b. c. ii. 147) says that the body itself was not seen during Antony’s _laudatio_, but that a wax figure was displayed which by some mechanical contrivance was made to revolve and show all the wounds.

[76] Nicolas (§ 17) would seem to send them straight to Antium. But from Cicero’s letters it is clear that Brutus at any rate went first to Lanuvium, _ad Att._ xiv. 10, 21; xv. 9. They seem to have gone to Antium towards the end of May or beginning of June.

[77] Suet., _Aug._ 25.

[78] The last being the adjectival form of his original name, in accordance with the usual custom in cases of adoption.

[79] Cicero, _ad Att._ xiv. 5, 10, 11, 12.

[80] Cicero, _ad Att._ xiv. 20, 21. Dio (45, 6) says that the introducing tribune was Tib. Canutius. But it seems probable that this refers to a second speech.

[81] Cic., _ad Att._ xv. 2. There is a singularly manly and frank letter from Matius to Cicero (_ad Fam._ xi. 28), defending his attachment to Cæsar and his services to Octavian.

[82] Appian, b. c. 3, 20, τῶν προσόδων ἐξ οὗ παρῆλθεν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐς αὐτὸν ἀντὶ τοῦ ταμιείου συμφερομένων. The sole management of the Treasury had been committed to Cæsar in B.C. 45 (Dio, 43, 44, τἁ δημόσια χρήματα μόνον διοικεῖν). He had taken it out of the hands of the _quæstors_ and appointed two _præfecti_ to manage it: but it does not seem that they had anything to do with the money in the temple of Ops, as to which there was some doubt as to its being “public money” in the ordinary sense.

[83] Cicero, _1 Phil._ § 17; _2 Phil._ § 93.

[84] Cicero, in _2 Phil._ § 93, seems to assume that Antony had taken the money all at once. But from Cicero’s own letters it would seem that the process of despoiling the temple of Ops was a gradual one, and that the use made of the money by Antony was more or less a matter of conjecture. On the 27th of April he writes: “You mention plundering going on at the temple of Ops. I, too, was a witness to that at the time” (_ad Att._ xiv. 14). On the 7th of May he says that Dolabella had a great share of it (_ad Att._ xiv. 18). In November he says that his nephew Quintus knew all about it, and meant to reveal it to the public (_ad Att._ xvi. 14). Appian (b. c. iii. 20) makes Antony say to Octavian: “The money transferred to my house was not so large a sum as you conjecture, nor is any part of it in my custody now. The men in power—except Dolabella and my brothers—divided up the whole of it as the property of a tyrant.”

[85] Cic., _ad Att._ xvi. 8.

[86] Dio, 45, 6; this seems a different case from that mentioned by App., b. c. iii. 47, and referred to by Cicero, _ad Att._ xvi. 15, as happening later in this same year.

[87] See _ante_ p. 14: Dio, 45, 2; Sueton., _Aug._ 2, 10; Tac., _Ann._ xi. 25.

[88] Dio, 45, 4; Cicero, _ad Att._ xv. 3.

[89] Cicero, _2 Phil._ § 100; _ad Att._ xiv. 20, 21.

[90] _Id._, _ad Att._ xiv. 3 (9th April); xv. 4 (24th May); _2 Phil._ § 108; Appian, b. c. iii. 5. The Senate had been induced to vote him a bodyguard. See the letter of Brutus and Cassius to Antony in Cicero, _ad Fam._ xi. 2.

[91] Dio, 45, 10; Cic., _ad Att._ xvi. 1. The negotiation after all fell through on the question of Sextus’s recovering the actual house and property of his father, much of which was in Antony’s hands (Cic., _ad Att._ xvi. 4; Dio, 45, 9). He refused to accept a mere money compensation. Eventually, when the Senate had broken with Antony, it made terms with Sextus, appointing him commander of the naval forces of the Republic. Consequently he was proscribed by the Triumvirs. App., b. c. iii. 4.

[92] Cic., _ad Att._ xv. 10, 11.

[93] Cicero (_2 Phil._ § 109) declares that Antony’s bodyguard was stationed round the Senate—some of them being foreign mercenaries—and that his opponents therefore did not venture to enter the house.

[94] Appian, b. c. iii. 29-30. But Appian in regard to the order of events here is very confused and often wrong.

[95] Cicero, _ad Att._ xvi. 4, 5.

[96] _Id._, _1 Phil._ § 14; _ad Att._ xvi. 7; _ad Fam._ xii. 2.

[97] Nicolas (§ 30), Appian (b. c. iii. 39), Plutarch (_Ant._ 16), acquit Augustus. The two writers who adopt Cicero’s view of the truth of the accusation are Seneca (_de Clement._ 1, 9, 1) and Suetonius (_Aug._ 10). See Cicero, _ad Fam._ xii. 23.

[98] _ad Att._ xv. 12.

[99] See _ante_, p. 3.

[100] He had the title _Imperator_ inherited from Cæsar (Dio, 43, 44); but this was a mere honorary title, and could not be held to give _imperium_. He was careful to use it however, as in the inscription recording the formation of the triumvirate.... EMILIVS M. ANTONIVS. IMP. CÆSAR. III VIR R.P.C. A.D. IV KAL. DEC. AD. PRID. KAL. IAN. SEXT....

[101] _Monum. Ancyr._ I, annos undeviginti natus exercitum privato consilio et privata impensa comparavi: per quem rem publicam _dominatione factionis oppressam in libertatem vindicavi_. Compare Cæsar, _b. civ._ 1, 22, ut se et Populum Romanum _factione paucorum oppressum in libertatem vindicaret_.

[102] Cicero, _ad Att._ xvi. 8 and 9.

[103] _Id._, _ad Fam._ xii. 23.

[104] App., b. c. iii. 43-45; Cic., _3 Phil._ § 10; Dio, 45, 13.

[105] Cic., _ad Att._ xvi. 10, 13 a, 13 b, 14.

[106] _Id._, _3 Phil._ § 19.

[107] _pestifera_, _13 Phil._ § 19.

[108] Cicero, _3 Phil._ §§ 19-27; _5 Phil._ § 23; _13 Phil._ § 19; App., b. c. iii. 45.

[109] Cic., _ad Att._ xvi. 11.

[110] _Id._ xvi. 14.

[111] _Id._ xvi. 15. It seems from Appian (b. c. iii. 31) that Octavian was not a candidate, but he was generally supposed to wish it, and that therefore many were going to vote for him. He ostensibly supported another candidate—Flaminius. Antony stopped the election on the ground that there was no need to fill up a vacancy so late in the year. This settled the question. But it is doubtful whether this does not refer to an earlier occasion.

[112] Cicero, _ad Att._ xvi. 15, 3.

[113] _Id._, _ad Fam._ xi. 6; _3 Phil._ §§ 37-39.

[114] The passages are Cicero, _5 Phil._ §§ 45-47; _11 Phil._ § 20; _13 Phil._ § 39; _Monum. Ancyr._ § 3; Livy, _Ep._ 118; C. I. L. x. 8375; Suet., _Aug._ 10, 26. Dio (40, 29) says that he was in the Senate ἐν τοῖς τεταμιευκόσι—_inter quæstorios_. This may be a misunderstanding of Cicero’s proposal that for _purposes of election_ he was to count as having been quæstor. The rank of proprætor was necessary for his command in the army, not for his entrance into the Senate.

[115] Pollio in Bætica, Lepidus in Gallia Narbonensis and Hispania Citerior, and Plancus in Northern Gaul.

[116] _Laudandum, ornandum, tollendum_ (Cic., _ad Fam._ xi. 20, 21). This epigram seems to have been inspired by the exultant hopes roused by the news of the battle of Forum Gallorum.

[117] _Monum. Ancyr._ § 1, respublica ne quid detrimenti caperet me pro prætore cum consulibus providere iussit. This was a general order, neither Antony nor any particular _hostis_ being named.

[118] Octavian first assumed the _fasces_ (symbol of imperium) on the 7th of January (C. I. L. x. 8375.)

[119] Cicero, _8 Phil._ §§ 25-28.

[120] The letter is preserved in the 13th Philippic, with Cicero’s bitter comments. It dwells on the favours and honours voted to the chief assassins, as well as the abolition of many of Cæsar’s _acta_. Antony also asserts that Lepidus and Plancus are on his side and warns Octavian that Cicero is playing him false.

[121] The country is very flat, but was intersected by drains and watercourses, making military evolutions difficult, if not impossible, in the rainy season. (App., b. c. 3, 65.)

[122] Such as the cavalry engagement between Pontius Aquila and Tib. Munatius Plancus at Pollentia (Dio, 46, 38). Octavian also suffered some loss by the desertion of some Gallic cavalry (_ib._ 37).

[123] Cic., _ad Brutum_, ii. 2.

[124] In enrolling legions Bassus was probably justified by the _SCtum ultimum_, which included the prætors. He was known to be a supporter of Antony, and might be thought capable of occupying Rome in his interest. We shall see afterwards that he joined him in Cisalpine Gaul. Some rumour of his being likely to act in this way had been rife before January 1st, when he was only prætor-designate. (See Cic., _ad Att._ xvi. 1; _ad Brut._ i. 3.)

[125] Cicero says of Octavian that he _secundum proelium fecit_ because he _castra multarum legionum paucis cohortibus tutatus est_ (_14 Phil._ § 28). The attack on the camp is not mentioned elsewhere (_ib._ § 37). For his being greeted as Imperator see C. I. L. ix. 8375.

[126] Cic., _ad Brut._ 1, 3, 5.

[127] Suet., _Aug._ 11; Cic., _ad Brut._ i. 6.

[128] Cic., _ad Fam._ xi. 21.

[129] Dio, 46, 41; Livy, _Ep._ 118.

[130] Cic., _ad Brut._ i. 15.

[131] _Id._, _ad Fam._ xi. 20, 21, see _ante_ p. 52.

[132] _Id._, _ad Brut._ i. 4; App., b. c. iii. 82; Dio, 46, 42; Plut., _Cic._ 46. There was evidently some rumour of Cicero intending to be consul, though he speaks with rather affected indignation of Octavian wishing to be elected also (_ad Brut._ i. 10).

[133] Cic., _ad Brut._ 1, 3.

[134] _Id._ § 4.

[135] Cic., _ad Fam._ xi. 10.

[136] He was perhaps deceived by the report that Octavian’s legions had taken an oath not to fight against any that had served under Iulius Cæsar. This applied to some men at present with Antony. But Dio implies that the oath was at the secret instigation of Octavian himself (Dio, 46, 42).

[137] Cic., _ad Fam._ xi. 13.

[138] _Id._ xi. 19.

[139] _Id._ xi. 20.

[140] _Id._ xi. 14.

[141] Cic., _ad Fam._ x. 23.

[142] _Id._ x. 24.

[143] _Id._ xi. 12 and 14.

[144] Cic., _ad Fam._ x. 16.

[145] _Id._ x. 35; xii. 35.

[146] _Id._ xi. 26, _cp._ xi. 13.

[147] _Id._, _ad. Brut._ i. 10.

[148] A similar technical difficulty had occurred in B.C. 49 (both consuls being absent, and unwilling, of course, to name a dictator), and had been got over by the nomination of a dictator by the prætor under a special law. See p. 8; Cic., _ad Fam._ x. 26; _ad M. Brut._ i. 5.

[149] Plancus (Cic., _ad Fam._ x. 29) expresses surprise that Cæsar wished to give up the glory of defeating Antony for the sake of “a two months’ consulship.” But this only shows that Plancus did not understand Octavian’s object or policy.

[150] Suet., _Aug._ 26; Dio, 46, 43; Plut., _Pomp._ 58. Appian (b. c. 3, 82), without alluding to this scene, regards the application itself as the result of a secret intrigue with Cicero, and Cicero’s exclamation, if made, may have been intended as encouraging and not sarcastic.

[151] The number given by Appian (b. c. iii. 88). Octavian had five legions when he went to Gaul: two raised in Campania of veterans, one of _tirones_, the Martia and Quarta (App., b. c. iii. 47). The other three must have been made up from the armies of Pansa and Hirtius. None of the veteran legions in these two armies would consent to follow Decimus Brutus (Cic., _ad Fam._ xi. 19).

[152] Cic., _ad Brut._ 1, 18.

[153] _Ib._ and App., b. c. iii. 90.

[154] The panic had been increased by some damage done by his soldier on the march to properties of known anti-Cæsareans.

[155] Confiscation of property and the forbidding of “fire and water” followed as a matter of course. One of the assassins—P. Servilius Casca—was tribune, and as such could not legally be condemned, but he vacated his tribuneship by flying from Rome and was condemned with the rest.

[156] The Senate had nothing to do with this _quæstio_, which was established by a _lex_, but its attitude to Octavian amounted to a condonation if not an active approval.

[157] According to Appian (b. c. iii. 97), Pollio for some time declined to join Antony and Lepidus. He seems to have done so when their outlawry was removed.

[158] Decimus Brutus first tried to reach Ravenna, hoping to sail to Macedonia and join M. Brutus. Headed back by Cæsar’s advance, he recrossed the Alps (being gradually deserted by his men) and trusted himself to a Gaul, who had received favours from him of old. But his host communicated with Antony, and by his orders put him to death. There were other versions of his death. Perhaps neither Antony nor Cæsar cared to ask questions so long as he was dead. (App., b. c. iii. 97-98; Dio, 46, 53; Velleius Pat., ii. 64; Livy, _Ep._ 120.)

[159] Plancus did not accompany Antony into Italy; he stayed in Gaul, busying himself with the foundation of Lugdunum, and apparently suppressing some movements in the Eastern Alps, for at the end of the year coming home to enter on his consulship, he celebrated a triumph _ex Rhætis_ [Inscrip. Neap., 4089; Fast. Capitol. 29 Dec. A. V. 711.] Pollio, who had presently to assent to the proscription of his father-in-law, L. Quintius, was left in charge of Transpadane Gaul, to arrange for lands for the veterans. It was in this business that he came across Vergil and his farm.

[160] Daughter of Fulvia by her first husband, P. Clodius.

[161] Plut., _Ant._ 19; App., b. c. iv. 6; Dio, 46, 44.

[162] The usual interval (_tres nundinæ_) for _promulgatio_ was dispensed with.

[163] Appian, b. c. iv. 5; Livy, _Ep._ 120. Of the 69 names given by Appian, he records the escape of 31. This tallies roughly with the discrepancy between his and Livy’s reckoning.

[164] Appian, b. c. iv. 36.

[165] Suet., _Aug._ 27.

[166] Dio, 47, 14.

[167] _Id._ 47, 16-17.

[168] App., b. c. 4, 34.

[169] _Lassam crudelitatem_, Sen. _de Clem._ 1, 9, 2. The other opinions referred to are Velleius, ii. 66; App., b. c. iv. 42, 45; Plut., _Ant._ 21; Dio, 47, 7; Sueton., _Aug._ 27. For Toranius, see Nic. Dam. 2.

[170] Sueton., _Aug._ 61; Dio, 47, 17; [Tacit.] _de orat._ 29.

[171] Cicero, _13 Phil._ §§ 8-12, 50; Velleius, ii. 73. The decree was passed on the 20th of March, B.C. 43.

[172] Dio, 48, 17 _sq._; Livy, _Ep._ 123.

[173] App., b. c. iv. 85; Dio, 47, 36; Livy, _Ep._ 123.

[174] Dio, 51, 2; Suet., _Aug._ 13.

[175] At any rate the head never reached Rome, but was lost at sea. App., b. c. iv. 135; Dio, 47, 49; Plut., _Ant._, 22; _Brut._ 53; Sueton., _Aug._ 13.

[176] Ulpian (dig. 48, 24) quotes this lost autobiography; see _Mon. Ancyr._ § 3.

[177] The first meeting of Antony and Cleopatra, when the queen was rowed up the Cydnus in her barge, dressed as Venus with attendant cupids, seems to have been in the autumn of B.C. 42 (Plut., _Anton._ 25-6.). He had seen her once before in B.C. 56 when he accompanied Gabinius to restore her father. But she must have been a mere child then.

[178] These legions had behaved badly at Placentia, demanding a sum of money from the inhabitants. Calenus and Ventidius may have justified their action on this score (Dio, 48, 10).

[179] From _caliga_, “a soldier’s boot.”

[180] Dio, 48, 12.

[181] Appian, b. c. 4, 30; Dio, 48, 31. Livy, however (_Ep._ 121), says _M. Lepido fuso_, as though he had resisted and had been beaten.

[182] Livy, _Ep._ 126; Velleius, ii. 74; App., b. c. v. 48-49; Dio, 48, 14; Seneca, _de Clem._ 1, 11, 1. The uncertainty of historical testimony is illustrated by the fact that both Dio and Appian name C. Canutius (Tr. Pl. B.C. 44) among the victims at Perusia, while Velleius (ii. 64) says that he was the first to suffer under the proscription in B.C. 43.

[183] C. I. L., i. 697.

[184] This was to safeguard Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus. There is some doubt, however, as to his having been an assassin. Cocceius denied it (App., b. c. v. 62). Suetonius (Nero 3) does the same. But Cicero (_2 Phil._ §§ 27, 30) says that he was; and Appian himself does the same (b. c. v. 59). Dio thrice speaks of him as a σφαγεύς (48, 7, 29, 54). At any rate he was condemned by the _lex Pedia_, as though he had been an assassin. He may have been one of those who joined the assassins on the Capitol _after_ the murder.

[185] Appian, b. c. v. 65. It has been doubted whether this or the meeting of B.C. 37 was the one to which Horace accompanied his patron Mæcenas. In favour of this one is the mention of Cocceius Nerva by Horace (_Sat._ 1 v. 28, 50), against it is the way in which he is mentioned with Mæcenas as aversos _soliti_ componere amicos, as if he had been so engaged before. But though in the second meeting he is not mentioned by Appian, he may have been there. Something has been made of the mention of the croaking frogs (l. 14), as this meeting could hardly have been earlier than July, when the Italian frogs are said to be silent. For the Ovations see C. I. L., i. p. 461.

[186] This was one of the chief grievances. Hor., _Ep._ ix. 9, _minatus urbi vincla, que detraxerat servis amicus perfidis_.

[187] Hor., _Od._ ii. 1, 15-16; Dio, 48, 41; C. I. L., i. p. 461. Pollio after this withdrew from active political life and devoted himself to literature. He seems to have taken no part in the subsequent quarrels between Antony and Augustus.

[188] Dio, 48, 19, 48; Hor., _Epod._ 9, 17.

[189] The first period ended on the last day of B.C. 38; but neither Antony nor Cæsar had laid down their imperium of office. They now assumed that it went on from the first day of B.C. 37, the want of legal sanction during the intervening months being ignored. There is no certain trace of this second triumvirate having been confirmed by a _lex_; yet one would think that they would have taken care to have that formality observed. See p. 143.

[190] Cicero, _ad Fam._ xi. 9; Cicero himself calls him _levissimus_, _ad Brut._ 1, 15, § 9.

[191] In B.C. 52 Cicero had wished to give his daughter Tullia in marriage to Tiberius Claudius Nero (Cic., _Att._ 6, 6.).

[192] He was quæstor in B.C. 48, and therefore was not born later than B.C. 78. Livia was born B.C. 58.

[193] Even Suetonius, not much inclined to speak good of Augustus, admits that he _dilexit et probavit unice ac perseveranter_.

[194] Suetonius (c. 22) says that he had two ovations—after Philippi and after the bellum Siculum. But if an ovation was decreed after Philippi, it was not celebrated till B.C. 40, upon the reconciliation with Antony. The second was this. Another had been voted in B.C. 43 after Mutina, but not celebrated (C. I. L. i. p. 461). See also p. 100.

[195] Appian (b. c. v. 132) says that they elected him perpetual tribune (αὐτὸν ... εἕλοντο δήμαρχον ἐς ἀεί). Dio (49, 15) only says that they gave him the personal sacredness of the tribunes and the right of sitting on their bench. Orosius (6, 18, 34) says that the Senate voted _ut in perpetuum tribuniciæ potestatis esset_. We shall have to discuss this later on, but it must be said at once that Augustus was never tribune, and that it seems doubtful whether the _tribunicia potestas_ was given in its full sense at this time.

[196] Dio, 49, 14; Strabo, x. 4, 9.

[197] Dio, 49, 34.

[198] App., b. c. v. 132; Suet., _Aug._ 32.

[199] Or, as they were also called Vetus, and Nova Africa. The former was the old province formed of the territory of Carthage, the latter the new province formed after the battle of Thapsus (B.C. 46) of which the first governor was the historian Sallust. See pp. 23-4.

[200] Appian, _Illyr._ 17; Dio, 49, 34, 38.

[201] Appian, _Illyr._ 18-21; Dio, 49, 37. The Iapydes (a wild tribe) had first been attacked in B.C. 129 by C. Sempronius and subdued after some disasters. (Livy, _Ep._ 59.)

[202] Pliny, _N. H._ 36 § 121.

[203] The Porticus Octaviæ, of which an arch remains, was a rectangular cloister enclosing the temples of Jupiter Stator and Iuno Regina.

[204] Dio, 49, 15; Sueton., _Aug._ 72.

[205] Horace, _Epod._ ix. ii.; _cp._ Ov., _Met._ 15, 826.

[206] An anecdote has been preserved illustrating the policy of “sitting on the hedge,” which must have prevailed among many while the contest between the two leaders was still undecided. After Actium, when Cæsar landed (the time and place are charmingly vague), a man offered a _cornix_ which had been taught to say, “Ave, Cæsar, imperator et victor.” He bought the bird at a large price, whereat the man’s partner, being jealous, urged that he should be forced to bring another bird, which when brought repeated as it had been taught, “_Ave, Antoni, imperator et victor_.”

[207] Dio, 50, 5; but Suetonius, _Aug._ 17, says that he was declared a _hostis_.

[208] Dio, 50, 5. Thus Horace, on hearing the rumours of Antony’s defeat, exclaims (somewhat prematurely), _Epod._ ix. 27:

“_Terra marique victus hostis punico,_ _lugubre mutavit sagum._”

[209] Bocchus of Mauretania, Tarchondemus of Cilicia Aspera, Archilaus of Cappadocia, Amyntas of Lycaonia and Galatia, Philadelphus of Paphlagonia, Malchus of Arabia, Herod of Judæa, Sadalas of Thrace, Polemon of Pontus. (Plut., _Ant._ 61.)

[210] Dio, 50, 14-23.

[211] Dio, 50-31, says, ὑετός τε ἐν τούτῳ λαβρὸς καὶ ζάλη πολλή. But Plutarch, _Ant._ 65, says that after four days of stormy weather on the day of battle νηνεμίας καὶ γαλὴνης γενομένης συνῄεσαν.

[212] Suet., _Aug._ 17.

[213] The earlier writers, Horace (_Od._ i. 37, 27) and Velleius (2, 87), seem to have no doubt about the snake story. Livy (as we have him) says nothing either way except that she died by suicide (_Ep._ 133). It is the later writers who express the doubt, Suet., _Aug._ 17; Plut., _Ant._ 86; Dio, 51, 14.

[214] This word—one of the financial terms borrowed from Sicily (lit. “a basket”)—was perhaps not commonly used in the restricted sense in the time of Augustus, though the thing existed. Into the emperor’s _fisc_ went the revenues of the imperial provinces; but the balance in the case of most was not large. Cicero indeed (_pro lege Manil_, § 14) says that none of the provinces except Asia did much more than pay its expenses. This was probably an exaggeration, but not a very great one.

[215] This, it should be remembered, was exclusive of the legions regularly raised for certain provinces and stationed in them.

[216] _Mon. Ancyr._ 3, 16.

[217] Traces of the work of Augustus in provincial towns may still be seen, as at Nismes and other towns in South-eastern France.

[218] Horace, _Odes_ iii. 3.

[219] In the _Mon. Ancyr._ 20, he says that he repaired 82 temples in B.C. 28, and the Flaminian road with all but two of its bridges in B.C. 27.

[220] The foundations of the triple arch at Rome were discovered in 1888 between the temple of Cæsar and that of the Castores. For the inscription see C. I. L. vii. 872. _SENATUS . POPULUSQUE . ROMANUS . IMP . CÆSARI . DIVI . IULI . F . COS . QUINCT . COS . DESIG . SEXT . IMP . SEPT . REPUBLICA . CONSERVATA._ The date here indicated is B.C. 29. See Lanciani, _Ruins of Ancient Rome_, p. 270. Middleton, _Remains of Ancient Rome_, vol. i. p. 284. There does not appear to be any record of the arch at Brundisium.

[221] Vergil, _Georg._ iv. 560, _Cæsar dum magnus ad altum fulminat Euphratem bello._ Horace, _Od._ 1, 12, 53:

_Ille seu Parthos Latio imminentes_ _Egerit iusto domitos triumpho,_ _Sive subjectos Orientis oræ Seras et Indos._

Similar exaggerations will be found scattered throughout the poems of Propertius (ii. 7, 3; iii. 1, 13; iii. 23, 5; iv. 3, 4; iv. 4, 48; iv. 11, 3). Still more exaggerated language was used afterwards on the restoration of the standards (B.C. 20).

[222] A good deal of confusion in our authorities has arisen by a failure to distinguish between a _censoria potestas_ granted like the _tribunicia_ by special vote and the _censoria potestas_ inherent in the consulship, from which it had been devolved in B.C. 444. In the _Monumentum_, ch. 8, Augustus himself says nothing about the _censoria potestas_, but in the Venusian fasti (C. I. L. ix. 422) we find _imp. Cæsar vi. M. Agrippa II. Cos. idem censoria potestate lustrum fecerunt_. Suetonius (c. 27) knew that he was not Censor, but supposed him to have acted under a decree granting him _morum legumque regimen perpetuum_, an office, however, which Augustus expressly says that he declined (_Mon._, ch. 6). Dio (52, 42) describes him as τιμητεύσας σὺν τῷ Ἀγρίππᾳ, a direct confusion between the censorial power possessed by a Consul and that bestowed independently. He, however, apparently did receive _censoria potestas_ (never the censorship) in B.C. 19 for five years.

[223] _Rex sacrorum_, the greater _flamens_, the Salii had still to be patricians. An _interrex_ also must be a patrician, but that office was now practically at an end. The last case of an _interrex_ was in B.C. 52.

[224] A jest that was reproduced in London when country peers came up to vote against the Home Rule Bill and were said by gossips to be obliged to ask their way to the House of Lords. A popular ballad also was sung about the streets—

“Cæsar leads the Gauls in triumph and guides them to the Senate house; Gauls have doffed their native brogues and donned the Senate’s laticlave!”

Sueton., _Cæs._ 72, 80. See also Cicero, 9 _Phil._ § 12; 13 _Phil._ § 27; _ad Fam._ vi. 18; _Bell. Afr._ 28; Dio, 42, 51; 43, 27. Compare the career of P. Ventidius Bassus, brought a prisoner from Asculum to adorn the triumph of Pompey after the Social war, then a mule contractor to Cæsar, and afterwards going through all the offices to the consulship in B.C. 43.

[225] On the analogy of slaves enfranchised by will. Suet., _Aug._ 35; Plutarch, _Ant._ 15.

[226] Cicero calls such a man a _voluntarius Senator_, 13 _Phil._ § 28.

[227] Dio, 48, 34.

[228] Suet., _Aug._ 35; Dio, 52, 42. In the _Monumentum_ (c. 25) he reckons the number of Senators who had served under him as “more than 700.” To them must be added those who had not taken active service and those who were with Antony.

[229] Dio, 52, 42. The regulation had always existed because every Senator was bound to attend if called upon, and therefore must be within reach, unless he was one of those _qui reipublicæ causa abessent_. (Livy, 43, 11.) Thus Cicero, defending the Senators who crossed over to join Pompey in Epirus, says to Atticus (viii. 15) that there was hardly one who had not a legal right to cross, either as having imperium, or being legatus to an imperator. The usual means of evading this was to obtain a _libera legatio_ for a fixed time. Occasionally a man got himself named an ordinary legatus to a provincial governor, but was allowed to go elsewhere with some colourable commission. But this was an abuse. See Cicero, _ad Fam._ xii. 21; _ad Q. Frat._ ii. 9; _ad Att._ xv. 11. Sicily and Gallia Narbonensis were excepted as being practically Italy, or, as Cicero says, “suburban provinces.”

[230] Sueton., _Aug._ 36; Dio, 3, 19; Tacitus, _Ann._ 5, 4.

[231] ὅρον τὴν ἕκτην ὑπάτειαν αὑτοῦ προσθείς. Dio, 53, 2. See Tacitus, _Ann._ iii. 28.

[232] The doubt was an old one. Appian in one place affirms and in another denies that there was a _lex_ for the second period of the triumvirs (_Illyr._ 28; b. c. v. 95). No other authority mentions one, and it certainly was not passed in the early months of B.C. 37, that is, till after the triumvirs had already continued their office without legal confirmation for some time. Willems (_le Sénat_, ii. 761) holds that there was a plebiscitum; Mommsen that there was not.

[233] _Mon. Ancyr._ ch. 34.

[234] In B.C. 28 he took care to transfer the consular fasces to his colleague Agrippa in alternative months, and when with soldiers to give the watchword jointly with him. (Dio, 53, 1.)

[235] I do not myself see any good reason to doubt that Dio has given at any rate the substance of these documents. It is not perhaps natural to us to suppose two men like Mæcenas and Agrippa solemnly reading speeches to the Emperor; but it was no unusual thing at Rome. Augustus himself is said to have done it, even to his wife, Livia, and frequently with others (Sueton., _Aug._ 84). Tacitus says it was the fashion of the time (_Ann._ 4, 37), as it seems to have been still earlier, for Cicero complains that his nephew, Quintus, had written an elaborate diatribe against him which he meant to deliver to Iulius Cæsar in Alexandria. (_Ad Att._ xi. 10.) For similar documents see Dio, 52, 1-40; 53, 3; 55, 15-21.

[236] Dio, 52, 15.

[237] The IMPERIAL provinces were: Hispania Tarraconensis, and Lusitania, the Galliæ (beyond the Alps), including the districts afterwards called Germania, superior and inferior, Cœle-Syria, Phœnicia, Cilicia, Cyprus, Ægypt.

The SENATORIAL were: Sicilia, Hispania Bætica, Sardinia, Africa, Numidia, Dalmatia, Greece and Epirus, Macedonia, Asia, Crete and Cyrene, Bithynia and Pontus.

Cisalpine Gaul ceased to be a province, and was included in Italy.

Subsequent changes were:

B.C. 24. Cyprus and Gallia Narbonensis were transferred to the Senate.

B.C. 21. Dalmatia was transferred to the Emperor.

B.C. 6. Sardinia was transferred to the Emperor for nine years.

The provinces added during the lifetime of Augustus: Galatia, Lycaonia, Mœsia, and the minor Alpine provinces were imperial.

All provinces added afterwards were imperial.

[238] Ovid (F. 1, 587-616) says the Ides of January; the Calendarium Prænestinum gives the 16th. Possibly the one is the date of the SCtum, the other of the plebiscitum.

[239] Augustus himself uses it in the _Monumentum_ (chs. 30, 32), “me principe,” “ante me principem.” Horace (_Od._ 1, 21, 13; 2, 30; _Ep._ 2, 1, 256), Propertius (v. 6, 46), both employ it when speaking of Augustus. It occurs in inscriptions referring to Tiberius, and is the common term used by Tacitus. If, therefore, it was not formally bestowed (as seems probable), it soon grew into use as a title in ordinary language. Nor was it altogether a new idea; Cicero had used it as a possible title of honour, with which Pompey or Cæsar, had they been moderate, might have been content. (Cic., _ad Fam._ vi. 6). Again, though it is not a mere extension of _princeps senatus_, yet it is clearly connected with it. As the Senatus is the first _ordo_ in the state, the _princeps senatus_ is also _princeps civitatis_. The two titles were soon confounded. Thus Pliny (_N.H._ xxxvi. § 116) speaks of M. Æmilius Scaurus as _totius princeps civitatis_, when he means that he had been several times entered by the Censors on the roll as _princeps senatus_. But a new connotation became attached to the word from the political powers of the _princeps_.

[240] Horace, _Epode_, vii. 7; _Odes_, i. 21, 15; iii. 5, 2; Propert., iii. 23, 5.

[241] Vergil, _Georg._ iii. 25; Horace, _Odes_ iii. 4, 33.

[242] Strabo, ii. 5, 8; iv. 6, 4.

[243] Strabo, _l. c._ In the _Monument_. (ch. 32) Augustus records the visit of two British princes, Dumnobellaunus and another, of whose name only the letters _Tinn_ remain (perhaps “Tincommius,” a king of what is now Sussex).

[244] The triumph of M. Crassus is dated by the Tab. Triumph. C. I. L. 1, 416; but the defeat of the “Dacian Cotiso” is classed with the Cantabrian war by Horace (_Od._ 3, 8, 18-24), and Livy, _Ep._ 135, mentions a second war of M. Crassus “against the Thracians,” as contemporary with the Spanish war.

[245] The Salassi, who had for the last 100 years given much trouble, had twice in recent years been in arms: in B.C. 35 they defeated C. Antistius Vetus, and, in B.C. 34, had, with great difficulty, been partly subdued by Valerius Messalla. Their command of the principal Alpine pass made it important that they should be kept in check.

[246] Hor., _Od._ 2, 6, 2, _Cantabrum indoctum iuga ferre nostra_.

[247] _Odes_ iii. 8, 21, _servit Hispanæ vetus hostis oræ Cantaber sera domitus catena_; iii. 14, 3, _Cæsar Hispana repetit Penates Victor ab ora_.

[248] Perhaps that of which remains exist at Aosta, and cannot now be dated. That at Turbia was built B.C. 6 (Pliny, _N. H._ 3 § 136). That at Susa in B.C. 8 [C. I. L. v. 7,231]. Horace may refer to it among the _Nova Augusti tropæa_ (_Od._ 2, 9, 19).

[249] Horace, _Odes_ i. 29, 1; ii. 12, 24; iii. 24, 1; i. 35, 32-40.

[250] Propert., 3, 1, 11.

[251] Middleton (_Remains of Ancient Rome_, vol. ii. pp. 126-128) seems to have given good reasons against its connection with the Thermæ of Agrippa. Lanciani (_Ruins and Excavations_, pp. 476-488) asserts that the structure as it now stands is of the age of Hadrian (about A.D. 129), and doubts Agrippa’s original building being of the same shape. Even the portico with its inscription—M. AGRIPPA L. F. COS. TERT. FECIT—he thinks was taken to pieces and put up again by Hadrian. The history of the building, however, cannot be regarded as thoroughly ascertained. Agrippa’s third consulship was in B.C. 27, whereas Dio places the completion of the Pantheon under B.C. 25 (53, 27). It may well have been that the external building was finished and dedicated in B.C. 27, and that the inside occupied two more years.

[252] A. Licinius Muræna was called A. Terentius Varro Muræna from being adopted by Terentius Varro. See Dio, 54, 3; Suet., _Aug._ 19; Hor., _Odes_ 2, 10; Velleius Paterc. 2, 91. Of Fannius Cæpio nothing practically is known, he was prosecuted by Tiberius for _maiestas_ and condemned.

[253] In the _cenotaphia Pisana_ Gaius is described after his death as “iam _designatum_ iustissimum ac simillimum parentis sui virtutibus _principem_.” But this is probably not an official title.

[254] There seems little doubt that the character of Agrippa Postumus gave some ground for this measure; but Augustus seems to have regretted and at times to have contemplated recalling him. His murder immediately after the death of Augustus is called by Tacitus “the first crime of the new reign.” Whether Tiberius or Livia was responsible for it cannot be discussed here.

[255] So Dio (55, 5) says. Suetonius (_Tib._ 16) says five years. There may have been a renewal after five years.

[256] _Monum. Ancyr._ 27; C.I.L. vi. 701.

[257] This is what Augustus means by saying “that he extended the frontiers of all the provinces bordering on tribes that had not submitted” (_Mon. Anc._ 26).

[258] The exact position of Nabata is uncertain. It is described in the _Mon. Ancyr._ 26 as “close to Meroe.” Augustus takes the responsibility of both these campaigns as being _meo iussu et auspicio_.

[259] As, for instance, Agrippa. Hor., _Ep._ 1, 12, 1. The seven colonies mentioned are Syracuse, Tauromenium, Catana, Thermæ, Tyndaris, Lilybæum, Panormus.

[260] Dio, 54, 8; Horace, _Od._ 3, 5; this ode was written several years before the restoration of the standards, but the fact of the _milites Crassi_ having settled in Parthia was naturally known.

[261] Verg., _Æn._ vii. 604-606.

[262] Horace, _Ep._ i. 18, 56; _Odes_ iv. 15, 6.

[263] Propert., 3, 10, 13; 4; 4, 16; 4, 5, 48; 4, 12, 3; 5, 6, 79.

[264] Ovid, _F._ v. 567-594. According to Mommsen there were two temples of Mars Ultor, one on the Capitol (Dio, 54, 8), the other in the Forum Augustum, vowed at Philippi, but not dedicated till B.C. 2. The _signa_ seem to have been deposited first in the former and then transferred to the latter. Ovid evidently speaks of them as in the temple in the Forum Augustum.

[265] Such as the Brenni and Genauni of Hor., _Od._ iv. 14, 10; cp. iv. 4, 18.

[266] _Mon. Ancyr._, 13; Horace, _Epist._ 2, 1, 255; _Odes_, 4, 15, 9; Dio, 54, 25. For the inscription, see Clinton, _Fast. Hell._, B.C. 14. The tenth tribunician year is from June 27th, B.C. 14, to 26th June, B.C. 13. The _ara pacis_ was founded in this year (4th July), dedicated 30th January, B.C. 9.

[267] But he does not seem to have had any fighting this year, and in fact the Senate voted to close the Ianus Quirinus, though that was prevented by an inroad of the Daci into Pannonia, with which Tiberius was sent to deal. Dio, 54, 36.

[268] Especially in camps, in which there seem to have been a regular service of _tabellarii castrenses_. (Wilmann’s _Exempla_ 1357.)

[269] The armed provinces were those on the frontier. Towards the end of the life of Augustus, the preponderance of the military force on the Rhine and Danube is the noteworthy fact. The Gauls and “Germany” had eight legions, Spain three, Africa two, Egypt two, Syria four, Pannonia two, Mœsia two, Dalmatia two. But those on the Rhine were more concentrated. (Tac., _Ann._ 4, 5.)

[270] C.I.L. x. 8375; _Mon. Ancyr._ 11.

[271] Suet., _Aug._ 98: “As he chanced to be cruising in his yacht round the bay of Puteoli, the passengers and crew of an Alexandrine ship, which had just come to land, came with white robes, with garlands on their heads and burning censers in their hands, loudly blessing and praising him, and saying that they owed it to him that they were alive, that they sailed the sea, that they were enjoying their liberty and property.”

[272] Horace, _Odes_ iv. 5.

[273] See, among others, _Ep._ ii. 1-16; _Odes_ 3, 5, 2; 4, 5, 32.

[274] Suet., _Aug._ 52; Dio, 51, 20.

[275] The Latin inscriptions bearing on this point have been collected in a convenient form by Mr. Rushforth, _Latin Historical Inscriptions_, pp. 51-61. Other places in Italy thus shewn to have adopted the cult in some form or other during the lifetime of Augustus are Asisium, Beneventum, Fanum Fortunæ, Pisa, Tibur, Verona, possibly Ancona, and Forum Clodii, and some unnamed place in Latium.

[276] Plut., _Flamin._ 16; Cicero, _ad Q. Fr._ 1, 1, 9; _ad Att._ 5, 21; Tac., _Ann._ 4, 56. Polyb. 31, 15.

[277] Appian, b. c. 5, 132, “and the cities began placing his image side by side with those of their gods.”

[278] Information as to these is mostly to be found in Greek inscriptions, C.I.G. 3,524, 3,604, 3,831, 4,039. See also Dio, 51, 10; Strabo, 27, 1, 9; Joseph., _Antiq._ 15, 10, 3; Livy, _Ep._ 137; Pausan., iii. 25.

[279] Quintilian, vi. 377.

[280] For this and his statue in the temple of Quirinus, with legend of _Deo invicto_, the vote of the Senate giving him a temple, flamen, and other divine honours, see Dio, 43, 45; 44, 6; Cicero, _2 Phil._ § 110; ad _Att._ 13, 44; Sueton., _Cæs._ 76. It was worse than the case of Augustus, more insincere and less spontaneous. The Senate was filled with the protégés of Iulius at the time.

[281] Macrob., _Sat._ 2, 4, 18; Plut., _Cic._ 49; Suet., _Aug._ 28.

[282] See Horace, _Odes_ iii. 4, 22: vester, Camenæ, vester in arduos | tollor Sabinos, seu mihi frigidum | Præneste seu Tibur supinum | seu liquidæ pacuere Baiæ.

[283] Apragopolis. In Suetonius (c. 97) it is doubtful whether he means Capreæ or some other island. Perhaps it is _Nesis_, where M. Brutus had a villa which might have come into his hands as confiscated property (Cic., _ad Att._ xvi. 1-4.)

[284] An echo of his master’s feelings on this point is as usual found in Horace, _Od._ ii. 15.

[285] Another tragedy “Achilles” is mentioned by Suidas.

[286] Hor., _Od._ 3, 136. Suetonius (_Aug._ 85) mentions others, “An answer to Brutus about Cato,” evidently a youthful essay; “Exhortations to Philosophy,” no doubt youthful too; an hexameter poem called _Sicilia_. When he tried to read them in later life to a family audience they bored him so much that he handed the rolls over to Tiberius to finish. Lastly, a short volume of Epigrams which he used to compose in the bath.

[287] Hor., _Epist._ 2, 1.

[288] In B.C. 46, 42, 25, and 23. From that time, however, though generally delicate he seems not to have had any serious attack.

[289] The _lex Iulia et Titia_, enabling the provincial governor to assign guardians to such persons as were legally bound to have them, was passed between the 1st of May and 1st of October, B.C. 31, the period during which M. Titius was consul.

[290] Authorities will be found in Mommsen, _res gestæ_, p. 96.

[291] _Mon. Ancyr._, 25.

[292] C. I. L. xi. 365; _Mon. Ancyr._ 20. “In my seventh consulship I remade the Flaminian road from the city to Ariminum, and all the bridges except the Mulvian and Minucian.”

[293] See Suet., _Aug._ 46. The regions are described by Pliny alone, _N.H._ iii. 46-128.

[294] The inscription on the road to Salonæ in Dalmatia is dated A.D. 19, but it must have been begun much earlier. For the other roads see Willmanns 832, 829, 830, 832; Clinton’s _Fasti_, anno B.C. 14; _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xii. part i. p. 109 _sq._ C. I. L. iii. 6,974.

[295] Digest, 47, 11, 6. The penalties varied from a fine to exclusion from the corn trade, _relegatio_, and condemnation to public works.

[296] Cicero, pro Sest. § 103; _ad Att._ vi. 6; Livy, vi. 12; Appian, b. c. ii. 120; Dionys. H. xii. 24.

[297] Quoted by Sueton., _Aug._ 42.

[298] Dio, 53, 20, 33; Horace, _Odes_ 1, 2.

[299] The Sacred Colleges (1) were exempt from military service, imposts and public services of all kinds; (2) had a charge on the _ager publicus_ for sacrifices, feasts, &c.; (3) in most cases had estates besides; (4) received special grants from time to time for repairs of buildings.

[300] _Mon. Ancy._, 10; Livy, _Ep._ 117; Vell., ii. 63; App., b. c. v. 131; Dio, 44, 53. All these authorities speak of the irregularity of the election of Lepidus.

[301] _Ephemeris Epigraphica_, viii. 2; Lindsay’s _Latin Inscriptions_, p. 102.

[302] _Carmen Sæcul._ 13.

[303] Horace, _Odes_ iv. 5, 21; iv. 15, 9-12.

[304] We frequently hear in earlier times of the scandal caused by certain people abandoning the heavy and not very comfortable toga for lighter dress, Greek or Gallic. Those who care to trace the history of such a matter will find references to it in Cicero, _pro Rab. Post._ § 27; 2 _Phil._ § 76; Livy, 29, 19; Tac., _Ann._ ii. 59; Hor., _Ep._ 1, 7, 65. And if it is desired to see how futile such orders are against a prevailing fashion, the continued disuse of it may be traced in Juvenal 1, 119; 3, 172; Mart. 1, 49, 31; 12, 18, 17; Suet., _Aug._ 40; and as late as Hadrian we find that the order needed renewal, Spart. _Had._ 22. George III. insisting that Bishops should wear wigs is a case in point.

[305] Cicero (_in Pis._ § 67) speaks with scorn of the vulgar rich man who had five, or sometimes more, guests on each couch.

[306] Though in making regulations on these subjects Augustus acted on his censorial powers, when it came to enacting laws he would propose them to the tribes in virtue of his tribunician powers.

[307] _De adulteriis coercendis; de pudicitia; de maritandis ordinibus._

[308] Dio, 56, 2-10; Suet., _Aug._ 34.

[309] Martial, _Epigr._, xi. 20.

[310] Pliny, _N. H._ 7 § 149; Dio, 54, 9.

[311] In A.D. 11 the people of Narbonne founded an altar to him in gratitude for some reform in their constitution which he had either granted or initiated. (Wilmanns, 194.)

[312] Asia and Sicily originally did not pay a _stipendium_, but tithes on produce. This system was abolished by Iulius Cæsar.

[313] Suet., _August._ 76.

[314] Suet., _Tib._ 11.

[315] Dio, 56, 29. But there does not appear to have been one that year. There was a partial eclipse of the moon on the 4th of April and a total eclipse on the 27th of September.

[316] The Mausoleum was a huge mound of earth covered with shrubs, upon a substructure or dome cased with white marble and surrounded by walks and plantations, and surmounted by a bronze statue of Augustus. On the still-existing foundation there is now what is called the _Teatro Correa_. Besides this the spot on which his body was burnt was also enclosed and planted. Strab., iv. 53. Middleton, _Remains of Ancient Rome_, vol. ii. p. 288.

[317] It ought, however, to be said to his credit that he forbade the exhibition of gladiators _sine missione_, _i.e._, without the right of being allowed to depart safe from the arena when defeated if the people so willed it.

[318] See note on p. 147.

[319] Horace, _Od._ iii. 8.

[320] Seneca, _Epp._ 114; _Digest._ 24, 1, 64.

[321] 2, 17, 13; 3, 1, 13; 3, 23, 5; 4, 3; 4, 4, 48; 4, 11, 3; 5, 6, 79-84.

[322] For purposes of comparison of these sums with our money, 1,000 sesterces may be taken as equivalent to about £8 10s., and a denarius as about 10d.

[323] A pound of gold worth about £45.

[324] These names and some other words are obliterated in the inscription, both Latin and Greek.

INDEX

A

Abydos, 80

Achæan League, the, 27

Achaia, 27, 28; colonies in, 133

Acilius, M., 23

## Actium, 86, 123-24, 290;

colony at, 175

_Ad capita bubula_, 1

_Ad gallinas_, 205

Ægina separated from Athens, 176

Ælius Gallus, 155, 174

Æmilius Lepidus, M., as prætor (B.C. 49) holds election for dictator, 8; appointed to Hispania Citerior, 23; visits Sextus Pompeius, 42; in Transalpine Gaul, 59; joins Antony, 64; becomes one of the triumvirate, 70, 71; announces the close of the proscriptions, 74; suspected of intriguing with Sextus Pompeius, 82, 87; his inferior position, 88; in Africa, 99; comes to Sicily, 104; claims to govern Sicily, 105; deposed from the triumvirate, 106; his office of Pontifex Maximus, 107, 112, 160; his death, 160; see also 202, 221, 222

Æmilius Lepidus, M. (son of the triumvir), his conspiracy, 123; his brother, 258

Æmilius Paullus Lepidus, L., (brother of the triumvir), proscribed, 72

_Ærarium_, the, 148, 249, 296

Æthiopia, 174, 299

Afranius, 23

Africa, province of, 24-26, 99; see also 9, 11, 65, 71, 171; colonies in, 133; New Africa, 25, 113

Agrippa, _see_ “Vipsanius”

Agrippa, Postumus, 167, 168, 277

Agrippina, 167

Ahenobarbus, _see_ “Domitius”

Aix, 134

Alaudæ, the, 47

Alba Fucensis, 49, 51, 53

Albis (R. Elbe), 184, 186, 187

Alexandria, 11, 116, 117, 120, 121, 125, 127, 198

Allienus, Aul., 23, 31, 80

Alps, provinces of the, 17, 172

Amanus, Mount, 30

Amatius (the pseudo-Marius), 13

Amisia (R. Ems), 184

Amnesty to the Assassins, 38

Amphipolis, 83

Amyntas, king of Galatia, 30, 173; and of Pisidia, 102, 108

Ancyra, 171; temple of Augustus and Rome at, 176, 198, 261

_Annonæ præfectus_, 216, 217

Antiochus, king of Commagene, 116

Antistius Vetus, C., 31, 113, 154, 202

Antonius Musa (physician), 158, 161

Antonius, C. (brother of Marcus), defeated in Illyricum, 22; in Macedonia, 27, 48, 49; prætor (B.C. 44), 38, 40

Antonius, Julius (son of Marcus), 239

Antonius, L. (brother of Marcus), 26; Trib. Pl. (B.C. 44), 38, 41; triumphs as consul (B.C. 41), 89; his quarrel with Augustus, 91, 93-5; besieged in Perusia, 95-6

Antony (M. Antonius), depreciates Augustus, 3; as Tribune (B.C. 50) vetoes the recall of Iulius Cæsar, 7; Consul (B.C. 44), 18; his speech at Cæsar’s funeral, 36; opposes the claims of Octavian, 38-9; takes the money in the temple of Ops, 39-40; his use of Cæsar’s papers and his intrigues with the veterans, 42; accuses Octavian of plotting his assassination, 44-5; suppresses a mutiny at Brundisium, 48; his speech at Tibur, 49; goes to Ariminum, 50; commissioners sent to, 54; his letter to Hirtius and Octavian, 55; his approval of the murder of Trebonius, 29; his siege of Mutina, 56; defeated at Forum Gallorum, 57-8; his great march to Vada, 59; declared a _hostis_, 59-60; agrees with Lepidus and Octavian to form the triumvirate, 68-70; his hold on Pompey’s property, 82; his campaign at Philippi, 82-6; goes to the East, 87; his infatuation for Cleopatra, 91, 116, 117; joins Sextus Pompeius in invading Italy, 98; makes terms with Augustus and marries Octavia, 99, 100; his legate puts Sextus Pompeius to death, 108; his failures in the East, 116; his final quarrel with Augustus, 118-21; divorces Octavia, 120; his defeat at Actium, 122-25; his final struggle in Egypt, 126; his death at Alexandria, 127; estimate of, 130; his letter to Augustus, 231

Antyllus (son of Antony), 127, 129

Apamea (in Syria), 30, 31

Apollo, temple and libraries of, 115, 156, 204, 205

Apollonia (in Epirus), 15, 34, 278; (in Cyrene), 32; (in Pisidia), 261

Apragopolis, 206

Aqua Marcia, 212, 297

Aquæ Statiellæ, 59

Aquileia, 234

Aquitania, 20

Arabia, deserts of, 17, 30; expeditions into, 155, 156, 174

Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, 173

Argentoratum (Strassburg), 185

Ariminum, 7, 48, 71

Ariobarzanes, king of Cappadocia, 80

Armenia, 118, 177; king of, 116, 125, 167

Arminius, chief of the Cherusci, 187, 188

Army, unity of the, 191

Arsinoe (in Cyrene), 32

Artagera, 167

Artavasdes, 173, 174

Artaxes, 173, 174, 177

Arvales, 220

Asia, province of, 9, 28, 88; _Asia recepta_, 174

Asinius Gallus, 258, 263

Asinius Pollio, C., in Bætica, 23; joins Antony, 59, 69; superintends assignment of lands, 90, 283; awaits Antony after Perusia, 97; assists at the treaty of Brundisium, 99; triumphs over the Parthini, 102

Asprenas, L., 188

Astura, 256

Astures in Spain, the, 153, 154, 179

At the Oxheads, 1

Athenodorus of Tarsus, 15, 231

Athens, 27, 101; not favoured by Augustus, 175

Atia, mother of Augustus, 2, 3, 15, 36, 37; death of, 78

Atius Balbus, M., 2

_Augurium salutis_, 142

Augusta Emerita, 154

Augustus (Gaius Iulius Cæsar Octavianus) birth of (B.C. 63), 1-2; his cognomen of Thurinus, 3; in the household of his stepfather, 3, 9; takes the _toga virilis_ and made a pontifex, 10; not adopted in Cæsar’s lifetime, 11; shares Cæsar’s triumph, 12; in charge of a theatre, 12; goes to Spain, 12; and to Carthage, 13; appointed _magister equitum_ and made a patrician, 14; at Apollonia, 15; his resolve to avenge Cæsar, 16, 34; returns from Apollonia, 35-7; adopted by Cæsar’s will, 37; pays Cæsar’s legacies and celebrates his games, 38, 40; his dealings with the Ciceronians, 41; his alleged plot against Antony, 44, 45; enrols veterans, 46; tampers with Antony’s legions, 48; joined by the legio Martia and Quarta and granted prætorian rank, 50-52; his campaign at Mutina, 56-9; slighted by the Senate, 60; refuses to pursue Antony, 61; demands and obtains the consulate, 64-8; enters the triumvirate and is betrothed to Clodia, 70-71; his share of responsibility for the proscriptions, 76; in the campaign of Philippi, 83-6; his assignment of lands to veterans and troubles with L. Antonius and Fulvia, 90-92; his campaign of Perusia, 94-7; marries Scribonia, 98; his quarrels and reconciliations with Antony, 99-102; his dangers in the Sicilian war, 102-9; deposes Lepidus, 106-7; honours voted to after the defeat of Sextus Pompeius, 111, 112; his campaigns in Illyricum, 114; his house on the Palatine, 115; his letters to and from Antony, 120; proclaims war as Fetial against Cleopatra, 121; at the battle of Actium, 124; winters at Samos and Athens (B.C. 31-30), 125, 126; his interviews with Cleopatra, 128, 129; honours voted to after Actium, 135; his constitutional reforms, 137-47; shares the provinces with the Senate, 147-48; the title Augustus, 149, 301; goes to Gaul (B.C. 27), 151-53; and to Spain, 154; his benefactions, 296; his illness of B.C. 23 and recovery, 157, 158; adopts Gaius and Lucius, 166; his adoption of Tiberius, 168-69; his maxim as to the extension of the Empire, 171, 261; his settlement of the East, 172-79; favours Sparta rather than Athens, 176; in Gaul, 180-82;

## activity after the fall of Varus, 188;

his military discipline, 192; his absences from Italy, 194; the worship of, 195-201; his tolerant character, 201-4; his health, 208-9; his residences, 204-6; his way of life, 206-11; his reforms and legislation, 212-32; his connection with the sacred colleges, 220; his legislation on marriage and divorce, 226-32; saluted as _pater patriæ_, 236-37; financial measures, 250; last journey and death, 255-58; his funeral, 252-60; will and other documents left by him, 260-62; summary of his career, 265-72; physical appearance and habits, 272-74; buildings and other public works, 156, 297-98

Aurelius, 20

Aurelius Cotta, M., 24

Autocracy, advantages and disadvantages of, 269-71

Avernus, Lake, 103

B

Bætica, 23, 215

Balbus, _see_ “Cornelius”

_Basilica Iulia_, 156

Bassus, Q. Cæcilius, 18, 30, 31, 80

Bassus, Ventidius, 57, 59, 61, 70, 97, 116, 139 _n._

Belgæ, the, 21

Belgica, province of, 20, 180

Benacus Lacus, 181

Beneventum, 71, 256, 257

Berenice, 32

Bessi, the, 2, 17, 180

Beyroot (Berutum), 134

Bithynia and Pontus, province of, 28, 31, 80

Bœotia, 27

Bononia, 56, 57, 58

Brigandage, 113, 213

Britain, 151-52, 300

Brundisium, 8, 35, 48, 57, 82; treaty of, 99-100; mutiny of veterans at, 125

Brutus, _see_ “Iunius”

C

Cadiz, 12

Cæcilius Caldus, C., 29

Cælius Metellus, L., 47

Cæcilius Metellus, L., Tr. Pl. (B.C.), 8

Cæcilius Metellus Creticus, Q., 32

Cæcilius Metellus, Q., father-in-law of Pompey, 4, 30

Cæcina of Volaterræ, 47

Cæsar, Gaius, 166, 167; death of, 240-42;

Cæsar, Lucius, 166, 168; death of, 241

Cæsar, _see_ “Iulius,” “Augustus”

Cæsar-Augusta, 154

Cæsarion, 118, 120, 129, 173

Calabria, 35

Calpe (Gibraltar), 13

Calpurnius Piso, L., father-in-law of Cæsar, 44, 54

Calvisius Sabinus, C., 25, 103

Campania, 46

Candace, 174

Cantabri, war with, 153, 154, 179

Capreæ (Capri), 206, 256

Capua, 8, 48, 71, 112

Caracalla, 193

Carthage, colony at, 13, 133

Cassius, C., 19 _n._; in Asia and Syria, 29-31; has to quit Rome after Cæsar’s murder, 41; offered the _cura annonæ_, 42; nominated to Cyrene, 32, 43; publishes edicts with Brutus against Antony, 44; his nomination to Syria renewed by Senate, 55; to be attacked by Antony, 71; his war with the triumvirs, 79-83; his death, 84

Cassius, Q., Tr. Pl. [B.C., 49], 7; his failure in Spain, 23

Carrhæ, battle of, 30

Carthage, colony at, 25

Casinius, M., 24

Castra Vetera, 187, 188

Catiline, conspiracy of, 1, 3, 213

_Censoria potestas_, 137, 224, 294

Census, the, 137, 255

Chatti, the, 184, 186, 187

Chauci, the, 186

Cherusci, the, 187

Cicero (M. Tullius), 1, 2, 14, 24, 30; meets Octavian, 37; his view of Octavian and the situation, 39, 45-6, 50-1; his epigram, 52, 60; his correspondence with Octavian, 53; his hostility to the party of Antony, 54, 56, 58-65; his submission to Octavian, 67; proscribed, 72; Augustus’s opinion of, 201

Cilicia, province of, 25, 29, 30, 173

Cimber, L., 19

Cinna, L., 41

Citizenship, reluctance of Augustus to extend the, 251

Claterna, skirmish at, 55-6

Claudius, son of Drusus (afterwards emperor), 243

Claudius Marcellus, C. (Cos. B.C. 50), 45, 99

Claudius Marcellus, M. (Cos. B.C. 51), 6

Claudius Marcellus, M., son of Octavia, hopes to succeed Augustus, 157, 161; Vergil’s lines on his death, 162-63

Claudius Nero, Tib. (husband of Livia), 97, 110, 111

Claudius Nero, Tib. (son of Livia, afterwards emperor), 97, 157, 163, 165; forced to divorce Vipsania and marry Iulia, 165; adopted by Augustus, 168, 186; his character, 169; crowns the king of Armenia, 177; campaigns in the Eastern Alps, 181; in Pannonia, 183; succeeds Drusus on the Rhine, 185; retires to Rhodes, 167, 185; succeeds again to the command on the Rhine and thence goes to Dalmatia, 186; returns to the Rhine on the fall of Varus, 188; letter of Augustus to, 202; marries Iulia, 234; divorces Iulia, 239; Augustus’s feelings towards, 169-70, 253-55; his successes, 263; his speech at the funeral of Augustus, 259

Cleopatra, 30, 33; prevented from sending aid to Antony against Brutus and Cassius, 80; her meeting with Antony on the Cydnus, 91; her influence on Antony, 118-21; at Actium, 123-24; her negotiations with Octavian and death, 126-29. See also 172, 173, 176, 212, 231

Clodia, betrothed to Augustus, 71; repudiated, 98

Clodius, P., 4

M. Cocceius Nerva, 99

Cœle-Syria, 30

_Collegia_, the, 215, 216

Colonies of Augustus in Italy, 133

Commagene, 116

Comum, colony of, 6

_Confarreatio_, 226

_Constitutio principis_, 159

_Consularia ornamenta_, 52

Corcyra, 21, 122

Cordova, 134

Corfinium, 8

Corinth, 27; colony at, 133

Corn, supply and price of, 216, 217; free distribution of, 217, 218, 296

Cornelius Balbus, L., 37; theatre of, 156

Cornelius Dolabella, P., 18; (Cos. B.C. 44) shares the money in the temple of Ops, 39; receives a legion from Macedonia, 43; puts Trebonius to death, 55; his proceedings in Syria, 28, 29, 31; kills himself at Laodicea, 80

Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, P., 29, 80

Cornificius, Q., 25, 105

Cornutus, M. (Præt. B.C. 43), 67

Cosa, 103

Cotys of Thrace, 180

Crassus, _see_ “Licinius”

Crete, 32, 113, 172

Crispus, _see_ “Marcius”

Croatia, 114

Cumæ, 196

_Cura annonæ_, 42

Curio, C., 6, 7, 9

Cyme, 198

Cyprus, separated from Egypt, 172

Cyrene, province of, 32, 33, 118, 173

Cyzicus, deprived of liberty, 176

D

Daci, the, 14, 114

Dalmatia, roads in, 215

Dalmatians, the, 17, 21, 22, 179, 186

Danube, 14; provinces of the, 17, 172, 186

Dentheletæ, the, 180

Dertona, 59, 61

Dictatorship refused by Augustus, 217, 294; of Sulla, 266

Didius, Q., 126

_Diffareatio_, 226

Divorce, 226-228

Dolabella, _see_ “Cornelius”

Domitius Ahenobarbus, L., 8, 10, 20

Domitius Ahenobarbus, Cn., 80, 81, 84, 99, 100, 118

Druidical religion, the, 198

Drusus (son of Livia), 111, 165; marries Antonia, 167; his campaigns in the Eastern Alps, 181; his German campaigns, 184; his death, 185; see also 167

Drusus (son of Tiberius), 167, 242; speaks at the funeral of Augustus, 259

Dyrrachium, 21

E

East and West, separation of, 86-7, 101, 267

Egypt, 9, 17, 24, 31-2, 125, 131, 132, 174

Elephantine, 174

Empire, the state of, 17-32; divisions of between the triumvirs, 1st, 71, 2nd, 86-7, 3rd, 99-101

Ephesus, 212

Epirus, 8, 9

Equites, review of, 160; property of, 141

Eretria separated from Athens, 176

_Ergastula_, 213

Euphrates, the, 17, 30, 99

F

Fannius Cæpio, conspirator, 164

Fetials, the, 220

Finances of the Empire, 248

Fire brigades, 219, 220

_Fiscus_, the, 39, 132, 141, 218, 249

Flamen Dialis, 220; flamen of Iulius, 199

Flevo Lake (Zuyder Zee), 184

Floods in Rome, 219

_Fortuna redux_, 194, 197, 295

Forum Augustum and forum Iulium, 156

Forum Cornelii, 56

Forum Gallorum, battles at, 53, 58, 61

Forum Iulii (Fréjus), 191

Fuficius Fango, C., 26

Fufius Calenus, Q., 27, 97

Fufius Geminus, 114

Fulvia (wife of Antony), 26, 75, 98

G

Gabinius, A. (Cos. B.C. 58), 3, 26, 30, 114

Galatia, province of, 171

Germania inferior and superior, 172, 185

Germanicus, son of Drusus, 167, 229, 242

Germans, the, 17, 181-82, 184-85, 186-89, 242

Gaul, 4, 8, 17; the provinces of, 19-21; Cisalpine Gaul, 43, 44, 71, 133; Transalpine Gaul, 71; Narbonensis, 20, 23, 215; colonies in, 133; Augustus in, 152-53

_Genius_ of a man, the, 196

Getæ, the, 14, 17, 18

Gracchus, C., 217

Greece, province of, 27; declining state of, 175

Grenoble, 64

Gythium, 176

H

Hadrian, 3

Hercules, temple of, 205

Herod, 101, 173, 182, 203

Herophilus, 13

Hirtius, Aul. (Cos. B.C. 43), governor of Transalpine Gaul, 20, 21; to go to Asia, 29; in the campaign of Mutina, 55-58; his death, 59

Horace (Q. Horatius Flaccus) his view of Antony’s subservience to Cleopatra, 117; records Cæsar’s Cantabrian campaign, 154; on the Arabian expedition, 155; on the recovery of the standards, 178; on the absence of Augustus, 195; on the literary tastes of Augustus, 208; his ode for the secular games, 222; his connection with Augustus and his support of his popularity, 285-89

Hortensia, 76

Hortensius, Q., 27; house of, 204

I

Iapydes, 114

Iberia (Georgia), 126

Idumæa, 107

Illyricum, 17; province of, 21, 22, 26, 33, 114; colonies in, 133

Imperator, 46

Imperium, 159, 160

Indian envoys, 179, 300

Isauria, 171

Issa, 21

Istria, 214

Italy, brigandage in, 113; colonies of Augustus in, 133; privileges of, 250

Ituræa, 173

Ianus, closing of, 142, 179, 182, 295

Iuba, 25, 171

Iulia, aunt of Iulius Cæsar, 14. Sister of Iulius Cæsar, 2, 10. Daughter of Iulius Cæsar, 6. Mother of Antony, 6. Daughter of Augustus, 99; married to Marcellus, 161; married to Agrippa, 164; married to Tiberius, 231-36, 238-40. Granddaughter of Augustus, 243

Iudæa, 116, 173

Iulius Cæsar, C. (the Dictator), 2-9, 11, 13, 18; assassination of, 15, 34, 39; his contemplated expedition against the Getæ and Parthians, 14, 18; his enfranchisement of the Transpadani, 19; in Cilicia, 29; his funeral and will, 35, 36; _heroum_ of at Alexandria, 129; his settlements of veterans, 133; apotheosis of, 199; sumptuary laws of, 225

Iulius Cæsar, L. (relative of the Dictator), 7, 72; Sextus Iulius, 30, 80

Iunius Brutus, Dec., 18, 19, 20; in Cisalpine Gaul, 43, 48; his edict, 51; Antony proposes to succeed him, 54; hard pressed for food in Mutina, 56; delays the pursuit of Antony, 59; his difficulties, 61, 62; his last despairing letter to Cicero, 64; his death, 69

Iunius Brutus, M., to be consul (B.C. 41), 18; governor of Cisalpine Gaul, 19; nominated to Crete, 32; prætor (B.C. 44), 41-4; in Macedonia, 28, 54-6, 79; plan for recalling him to Rome, 62, 64; to be attacked by Antony, 71; his administration in Asia and campaign at Philippi, 79-81, 83-5; his death, 85

Iupiter Tonans, 156

_Ius italicum_, 133; _ius relationis_, _ius consulare_, 158; _ius trium liberorum_, 229-30

L

Labienus, 116

Lance (_Sallanco_), 154

Land, assignations of, 91, 92, 112, 113, 132, 133

Laodicea, 30, 31, 80

_Lares compitales_, 196

_Latinitas_, 133

Latin games, the, 9, 10

_Legati pro prætore_, 147

Legio Martia, 35, 50, 57, 58, 60, 67; Quarta, 35, 50, 66, 67; reduction in number of legions, 132; commanders of, 191; numbers of in the provinces, 192 _n._

Lentulus, _see_ “Cornelius”

Lesbos, Agrippa in, 163

Leucopetra, 104

_Lex curiata_ for adoption, 37, 68; _lex Papia Poppæa_, 226-29

Libya, 118

Licinius procurator at Lugdunum, 180, 181, 209, 210

Licinius Crassus, M., 6, 30

Licinius Muræna, A., his conspiracy, 164

Lilybæum, 11

Limyra, 167

Livia, daughter of Drusus, 167

Livia, wife of Augustus, 97, 110; accused of making away with Marcellus, 163; and of Lucius and Gaius, 201; in Sparta, 176; her facility as a wife, 231; her connection with Iulia, 238; farewell of Augustus to, 258; becomes Iulia Augusta, 260; her character, 275-78

Livy, historian, 283

Loans, state, 218, 219

Longobardi, the, 186

Lucca, 4

Lucrine Lake, 103

_Ludi sæculares_, 222, 223

Lugdunum, founding of, 20; Augustus at, 180; altar at, 198

Luperci, the, 220-21

Lupia (R. Lippe), 186

Lupiæ, 35

_Lustrum_, 137, 255, 294

Lycia, 80, 167

M

Macedonia, 2, 14, 17; province of, 26, 27, 29, 43; the legions in, 14, 34, 46; colonies in, 133

Mæcenas (C. Cilnius) with Octavius at Apollonia, 15; negotiates marriage with Scribonia, 98; represents Augustus at Beneventum, 99, and at Tarentum, 103; in charge of Rome (B.C. 31), 123; his loss of favour, 164; his character and services, 279-82

_Manus_, 227

Marcella, d. of Octavia and wife of Agrippa, 164

Marcellus, _see_ “Claudius”

Marcius Philippus, L. (stepfather of Augustus), 3, 4, 9, 36, 45, 54

Marcius Crispus, Q., 31, 79

Marcomanni, the, 186, 187

Marius, C., 13, 14

Marobudus, chief of the Marcomanni, 186, 188

Marriage, laws of, 226-30

Mars Ultor, 156, 197; two temples of, 178

Marseilles, siege of, 9

Matius, C., 38

Mauretania, 171

Mausoleum of Augustus, 156, 261

Media, 173, 177

Merida, 133, 154

Mesopotamia, 14, 18

Metellus, _see_ “Cæcilius”

Menodorus, freedman of Sext. Pompeius, 100, 101

Miletus, 108

_Milliarium aureum_, 215

Milo, 4

Minucius, Q., 73

Misenum, treaty of, 24, 100

Mœsia, 17, 171; temple in, 198

_Monumentum Ancyranum_, 261-62, 293-301

Morals, reform in, 223-32

Munatius Plancus, L. (Cos. B.C. 42), 18, 20, 62, 63, 76, 97, 120; builds temple of Saturn, 156

Munda, 13, 23

Muræna, _see_ “Licinius”

Murcus, _see_ “Statius”

Mutina, campaign of, 25, 29, 52, 53-62

Mylæ, battles off, 104, 106

N

Nabata, 174

Naples, 37, 256, 257

Narbo, 152, 153; temple at, 198

Narbonensis, _see_ “Gaul”

_Naumachia_, 291, 298

Neapolis (port of Philippi), 80

Nemausus (Nismes), 180

Nicolas of Damascus, 45

Nicomedia, 198

Nigidius, P., 2

Nile, the, 30

Nola, 2, 257, 262

Norbanus, C., 81, 83, 115

Noricum, 172, 181, 186

Nuceria, 71

Numidia, 25, 26, 87; _see_ “Africa”

O

Octavia (sister of Augustus), 45, 75; married to Antony, 100, 101; reconciles Antony and Augustus, 103, 104; her fidelity to Antony, 118; divorced by Antony, 120; her retirement from society, 162; brings up Iulius Antonius, 239

_Octavia gens_, the, 1

Octavius, Octavian, _see_ “Augustus”

Octavius (father of Augustus), 1-3

Octavius, Rufus, C., 1, 2

Octavius, M., 22

Ops, money in the temple of, 39, 40, 54

_Orcini Senatores_, 139

Ovations of Augustus, 111

Ovid on the recovery of the standards, 178; his banishment, 243-46; his relations with Augustus, 291-93

P

Pacorus, 116

Pamphylia, 171

Paneas, 198

Pannonians, the, 114, 172, 179, 183, 186

Pannonia, altar in, 198

Pansa, _see_ “Vibius” (Transcriber’s Note: good luck with that; there isn’t an index entry for Vibius. But try page 19.)

Pantheon, the, 156

Parthians, rumours of war with, 6; Cæsar’s contemplated expedition against, 14, 18; threaten Syria, 30; Antony’s wars with, 43, 104, 116; invade Armenia, 167; their submission to Augustus and return of the standards, 173-79, 233, 300

_Pater patriæ_, 237, 301

Patræ, 27, 134; colony at, 175

Patricians recruited, 14, 137

_Patrimonium Cæsarum_, 249

_Pax Augusta_, altar to, 182, 295

Pedius, Q., 36

Peducæus, Sext., 24

Peloponnese, 27

Pergamus, 212

Perusia, siege of, 95-7; _Perusinæ aræ_, the, 96, 97

Pharnaces of Pontus, 9

Pharsalia, battle of, 9, 19, 22, 25, 28, 30

Pharus, 21

Philippi, battles of, 22, 26, 28, 31, 32, 76, 80-86

Philippics of Cicero, the, 46

Philippus, _see_ “Marcius”

Phœnicia, 30

Phraates IV., King of Parthia, 167, 173, (Phrates, 300)

Phrygia, 30, 171

Picenum, 8

Pinarius, L., 36

Penestæ, an Illyrian tribe, 21

Pergamus, 198

Piracy, 195, 298

Pisidia, colonies in, 176, 215

Plancus, _see_ “Munatius”

Plennius, 106

Plutarch acquits Augustus of plotting against Antony’s life, 45; his account of Cleopatra’s death, 129

Po, the river, 70, 214

Polemon of Cilicia, 102

Pollio, _see_ Asinius

Pompeii, 196

Pompeius Magnus, Cn., position of, 4-9; his government of Spain, 23; organises Syria, 30, Crete, 32; his defeat at Pharsalia and death in Egypt, 9

Pompeius, Cn. (son of Magnus), 12, 23

Pompeius, Sext. (younger son of Magnus) survives Munda, 17; occupies Sardinia, 24; visited by Lepidus in Spain, 42; holds Sicily and Sardinia, 71, 81, 82; rescues many of the proscribed, 74; receives Achaia from Antony, 82; war with, 87; negotiations with, 98, 99; renewed war with, 100-106; death of, 108

Pompeius Bithynicus, 24, 82

Pontifex Maximus, office of, 107, 112, 160, 221-22, 295

Pontus, 28, 29

_Populus Romanus_, extension of the meaning of, 193

Porticus Octaviæ, 115, 116; Liviæ, 156

Postal service, the, 189, 190

Portus Iulius, 103

Postumius, 38

Potentia, 6

_Præfectus urbi_, _præfectus annonæ_, 160

Præneste, 205

_Princeps senatus_, 142, 166, 294

“_Princeps_” as a title of the Emperor, 149-50; powers of, 159

_Princeps iuventutis_, 166, 296

Propertius on the Arabian expedition, 155; on the recovery of the standards, 178; on the achievements of Augustus generally, 290

_Proconsulare imperium_, 148

Proculeius, C, 127

Proscriptions, the, 72-5

Provinces, the, 17-34; Cæsar’s law as to the, 18; division of between Augustus and Senate, 147-48; finances of, 249

Ptolemais, 32

Ptolemy Apion of Cyrene, 18, 32

Ptolemy Auletes, 30, 31

Puteoli, 196

Q

Quintilius Varus, P., fall of, 187-88

R

Ravenna, 4, 7

Red Sea, the, 30

Regium Lepidi, 56

_Res familiaris_, 249, 260

Rhæti, the, 165, 172, 181

Rhætia, province of, 182

Rhegium, 71, 82, 103

Rhine, provinces of the, 17, 172; crossed by Agrippa, 103; armies of, 250; frontier of the empire, 172; crossed by Germany, 180

Rhodes, 80, 167

Rome, streets in, 113; improvements in, 115, 134, 135, 156; party feeling in, 119; its attractions, 245-6; supremacy of, 193, 275

Romulus, 149

S

Salassi, the, 113

Salonæ, 21, 22

Saltus Castulonensis, 22

Salvidienus Rufus, Q., 15, 82

Salvius, 73

Sænius, L. (Cos. B.C. 30), 137

Sallustius Crispus, 282

Samaria, 102

Samos, 28, 122

Samosata, 116

Sardinia, 9, 33, 71; province of, 24-5

Sardis, 80

Saxa, Decidius, 81, 83, 116

Saragossa, 134, 154

Scodra, 99

Scopas, 205

Scordisci, the, 180

Scribonia (wife of Augustus), 98, 110, 239

Scribonius, usurper in the Bosporus, 182

Secular games, the, 222, 298

Senate, meeting of on 1st of June (B.C. 44), 42; grants military rank to Octavian, 51; lectiones and reforms of by Augustus, 138-42; decline of, 270-1

Senators, number of, 140; property qualification of, 144

_Senatus consultum ultimum_, 7, 53

Sertorius, 18

Sextius Saturninus, C., 186

Sextius, T., 25

Sibylline books, the, 205, 221

Sicily, Curio’s success in, 9; province of, 23, 24, 33, 82; war in, 104-106; colonies in, 133, 174, 175

Sidon deprived of liberty, 176

Silius Nerva, P., 179

Smyrna, 80

Sodales Titii, the, 220

Sosius, C., campaign in Judæa, 116, 118

Spain, Pompey’s rule of, 4, 5, 8; Cæsar in, 8, 9, 13; provinces of, 22, 23, 29, 87; colonies in, 133, 134; temple in to Augustus, 198

Sparta, 27, 176, 198

Spartacus, 3, 213

T. Statilius Taurus, 104, 115; builds an amphitheatre, 156

C. Statius Murcus, 31, 79, 81, 84

Stilicho, 221

Suetonius, 3, 24

Sugambri, 180

Sulla, 18

Sulpicius Rufus, Serv., 28, 54

_Sublicius pons_, 219

Succession, the, 160, 170, 242, 263

Sumptuary laws, 225

_Supplicatio_, meaning of, 197

Synnada, diocese of, 30

Syria, 18; province of, 30, 31, 43, 118, 173, 177

T

Tarentum, 103

Tarraco, 13, 154

Tarsus, 29

Tauromenium, 104, 105

Temples, repair of, 134, 156, 297

Tencteri, 180

Terentius Varro, 48

Teuta, Queen, 21

Thapsus, 11, 23

Thasos, 81

Thessaly, 9, 27

Thracian tribes, 2

Thurii, 3, 213

Thurinus, 3

Thyrsus (freedman of Antony), 126

Tibur, 49, 205

Tillius Cimber, L., 28

Tiridates, 173, 177

Titius T. (Tr. Pl. B.C. 43), 72, 108, 117, 120

Titus, Emperor, 117

Toga, the disuse of the, 224

Trebonius, C., 19, 23, 28, 55

_Tribunicia potestas_, 112, 135-37, 158-60

Triumphs of Iulius Cæsar, 11; of Augustus, 137

Triumvirate, the first, 4. The second, 25, 70, 72, 118; powers of, 143; acta of abolished, 144

Turullius, P., 126

Tyre, deprived of liberty, 176

Tyndaris, 104

U

Usipites, the, 180, 184

V

Vada Sabatia, 59, 61

Valerius Messalla, M., 104, 105

Valerius, P., 22

Valerius Orca, Q., 24

Valerius Messalinus, 186

Varius Rufus, L., 283

Varus, _see_ Quintilius

Vedius Pollio, his cruelty rebuked, 209; his house demolished, 291

Velitræ, 1, 2

Velleius Paterculus excuses Augustus for the proscriptions, 76

_Venationes_, 271, 298

Venetia, 214

Venusia, 71

Vergil, 2; on the confiscations, 90; on the death of Marcellus, 162, 163; on the recovery of the standards, 179; death of, 179; his connection with Augustus and his work, 283-85

Vesta, temple of, 67; new temple of, in Palatine, 205

Vestal Virgins, the, 67, 78, 135, 220

Veterans, the, 42, 44, 46, 90, 91, 132, 133, 174

_Via Æmilia_, 48, 59, 79; _Egnatia_, 14, 15, 83; _Flaminia_, 214, 297; _Valeria_, 49; _Valeria_ (in Sicily), 105; _Sebaste_ (in Pisidia), 176; _viæ Augustæ_ in the provinces, 215

Vibo, 71

_Vicesima_, the 5 p. c. legacy duty, 250, 251

Vindelici, 181

Vipsania, wife of Tiberius, 165, 167, 234

Vipsanius Agrippa, M., 11, 15; makes the _portus Iulius_, and organises a navy against Sext. Pompeius, 103-105; improves the water supply of Rome, 115; his activity before and at Actium, 123, 124 (Cos. B.C. 28); holds the Census with Augustus, 137; his great buildings, 156; receives his Seal from Augustus when supposed to be dying, 157; appointed to Syria, 161; marries Iulia, 164; in Gaul and Spain (B.C. 21-19), 165, 179; associated in tribunician power, 165; on the Bosporus, 182; his death, 183, 234; his character and career, 278-79

Visurgis (R. Weser), 184, 186, 187

Z

Zela, 9

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