Book viii

. 5, 5. p. 365.

[803] See sup. p. 381.

[804] Herod. viii. 7, 73.

[805] Pausan. vii. 1.

[806] Polyb. xviii. c. 30.

[807] v. 65. 3 and 11.

[808] Paus. vii. 1. 3.

[809] Polyb. xl. 8. 10.

[810] Polyb. ii. 41. 4. iv. i. 5.

[811] See sect. x.

[812] Die Ionier vor der Ionischen Wanderung: von E. Curtius, Berlin, 1855.

[813] Il. iii. 276. vii. 202. ix. 47, 8. xvi. 605. xxiv. 290, 308.

[814] Il. xx. 90-3, 128-31.

[815] Il. xi. 58.

[816] Il. vi. 77.

[817] Il. xx. 240.

[818] Il. v. 268.

[819] Il. xx. 303.

[820] Il. iii. 297, 320.

[821] Od. iv. 125-35.

[822] Od. xiv. 276-86.

[823] Od. iii. 302.

[824] Il. iii. 48. xix. 324.

[825] Od. iii. 48. xx. 219. Il. xvi. 550.

[826] See also Dolon’s description, Il. x. 418-21.

[827] Strabo, p. 338.

[828] Il. xii. 30.

[829] Il. xvii. 432.

[830] Il. i. 350.

[831] Il. vii. 86. Od. xxiv. 82.

[832] Il. xxiv. 545.

[833] Il. ix. 360.

[834] Il. xii. 19-23.

[835] Il. xxiii. 293-9.

[836] Il. xi. 759.

[837] Il. ii. 592 et seqq.

[838] Il. ii. 596, 621.

[839] Il. xvi. 189.

[840] Il. ii. 513.

[841] Cramer’s Greece, i. 449.

[842] Il. ii. 511.

[843] Thuc. iv. 76. Strabo, 356, 432. Cramer’s Greece, i. 207, 399.

[844] Il. ii. 608, 695.

[845] Il. ii. 682.

[846] Strabo, b. viii. p. 351.

[847] Schol. Il. vii. 135. Od. xv. 297. Cramer, Geogr. Gr. iii. 87.

[848] Paus. Lac. b. III. c. xx. 5, 3.

[849] Cramer iii. 221.

[850] Il. ii. 743.

[851] Il. xiii. 301.

[852] New Cratylus iii. 1. p. 282, 286.

[853] Heyne Exc. iii. ad Hom. Il. xix. vol. vii. p. 770.

[854] Comp. Gram. sect. 490.

[855] See Il. xi. 222. xx. 485, compared with x. 436, 545-7.

[856] Od. iv. 635; and xxi. 347.

[857] Compare Propertius, b. ii. El. v. 1.

_Ephyreæ Laidos ædes_.

[858] Ver. 301.

[859] Od. i. 259.

[860] Od. ii. 326.

[861] Od. xviii. 245.

[862] Od. xxiv. 430.

[863] Od. i. 251.

[864] Eumelus, sup. p. 428.

[865] Il. xv. 530.

[866] Il. ii. 658.

[867] Il. ii. 667.

[868] Il. xi. 688-95.

[869] Il. xvi. 179.

[870] Il. xiii. 692.

[871] Il. ii. 625-30.

[872] Strabo p. 459.

[873] Il. ii. 711-15.

[874] Cramer’s Greece, vol. i. p. 392.

[875] Il. ii. 763.

[876] Od. xi. 258.

[877] Ibid. xi. 237.

[878] St. Luke iii. 38.

[879] Il. ix. 483.

[880] Il. xvi. 175.

[881] Il. xxi. 189.

[882] Strabo ix. 5. p. 433.

[883] Il. x. 239.

[884] Il. ix. 142, 284.

[885] Thuc. i. 13.

[886] Compare Il. ii. 540 with iv. 363.

[887] Thuc. i. 2.

[888] The name of Thessaly is not found in Homer; and it is marked by Thucydides as modern: ἡ νῦν Θεσσαλία καλουμένη. May it not be reasonably conjectured, that when the great Dorian tribe had evacuated Hellas to reconquer the Peloponnesus, this Thessalid branch of the Heraclidæ, which had migrated to the south-east, went back thither, and imparted to it the name of their ancestor?

[889] Cramer i. 360.

[890] Il. iv. 202.

[891] Il. ii. 641.

[892] Il. vi. 152, compared with ii. 570.

[893] Il. ii. 659, 60, and xi. 689, 91.

SECT. X.

_On the connection of the Hellenes and Achæans with the East._

We have reached the close of this inquiry, so far as it regards the origin, character, and pursuits of the Pelasgians; the character of the Hellenic tribes, and their relations to the Pelasgians; and the position of the Achæans among the Hellenes, as the first national representatives of the Hellenic stock. But who were these Achæans, and whence did they come? We have at present been able only to describe them by negatives. They were not the descendants of a legendary Achæus: they did not take their name from a Greek territory, nor from any pursuit that they followed; and the word has no apparent root in the etymology of the Greek tongue.

But we have seen manifest indications that the Hellic name did not first come into being on the western side of the Dardanelles: and if the Achæi were the first leaders of the Helli, why should we not trace them too beyond the Straits, and thus follow perhaps the Helli also, by their means, and as represented in them, up to a fountain-head?

At the same time, if I presume to affiliate the Hellic nation upon any Eastern parentage, and, again, to suggest relationships between that nation and others, which had also migrated from the first nurseries of man towards the West, it will, I hope, be understood, that all such propositions are asserted, not only as not demonstrable, but as likewise being, even within their own limits, those of merely probable truth, subject, by an admission tacitly carried all along, to every kind of qualification. The succession and intermixture of races, the combinations of language, the sympathetic and imitative communication of ideas and institutions, form a mass of phenomena complex enough, and difficult to describe, even by contemporaries; how much more so by the aid only of those faint and scattered rays that we can now find cast upon them.

Let us then proceed to consider what aid can be had from other sources in support of those presumptions, arising out of the text of Homer, which tend to connect the Hellenes of his day, and the Achæans as their leading tribe, with the East.

And here we may look first, as far as regards the general outlines of race and language, to the ethnological evidences afforded by the course of migration from Central Asia over Europe.

Next, to the evidence of those among ancient authors, who have taken notice of this diffusion in such a manner as in any degree to guide us towards the sources of the great factors of the Greek nation.

After that, we will inquire whether the names themselves, which are employed in Homer for the contemporary Greeks, can, by comparison with cognate names elsewhere, afford us any light.

And lastly, whether in the quarter to which these lines of information would lead us, we can discover any of those resemblances of manners and character with the Greeks which, if found, would afford the most satisfactory corroboration to the argument in favour of the derivation of one from the other.

The labours of ethnologists have associated together in one great family, at first called Indo-Germanic, and then Indo-European, but threatening to expand even beyond the scope of that comprehensive name, a mass of leading languages from the Celtic regions in the west to the plains of India in the east.

_High German and Low German races._

This great family, says Dr. Donaldson[894], divides itself into two groups. To these two groups respectively belong the Low German and the High German tongues: the former spoken in the plain countries to the north of Europe, the latter in the more mountainous countries to the south. The Low German languages contain evidence of greater antiquity, and those who speak them appear to have been driven onward in their migrations by the High Germans following them: the latter entering Europe by Asia Minor, the former to the north of the Euxine.

The distinction runs back to the earlier seat of the race in Ariana or Iran, a portion of Asia which may be loosely defined as lying between the Caspian and the Indian ocean to the north and south, the Indus and the Euphrates to the east and west. Within these limits are to be found two forms of language, holding the same relation to one another as that which subsists between the High German and Low German tongues; the first, corresponding with the High German, was spoken among the countries of the south-west, where lies Persia proper, and the other in its more northern and eastern portions, of which Media formed a central part. The population of this great tract issued forth in the direction of the south-east, over the northern parts of India; and again towards Asia Minor and Europe, in the direction of the north-west. Those who came first proceeded from Media, and supplied the base of what have been called, the Low German nations: Sarmatians, Saxons, Getæ (or Scythians or Goths). The language of these emigrants was that which, when it assumed an organized or classical form, and with due allowance for changes which the lapse of time must have introduced, became the tongue now best represented, at least as a literary language, by the Sanscrit.

The whole course of history seems to indicate a struggle of races in that quarter of the world, which may be used to illustrate the present inquiry. To a certain extent the scene of that struggle may be pointed out on the map. From the Caspian towards the south, and from the head of the Persian Gulf towards the north, the land soon rises to a great general elevation, but with marked and also highly diversified inequalities. Media would appear to have occupied the principal part of the great central space, defined by the mountains which form the outer line of this elevation. It corresponds with what is now the Province of Irak, and Ispahan is its principal city. Here, says Malcolm[895], we find the happiest climate that Persia can boast. To the south, near the Gulf, the summer heat is overpowering: as the country rises towards Shiraz the climate becomes temperate, and further improves as we advance northward, until we approach the hills that divide Irak from Mazenderan on the Caspian, where it deteriorates.

_The Province of Fars or Persia proper._

Immediately to the south of Irak, and touching the Persian gulf, a little to the east of the Karoon and Jerokh, which are the eastern tributaries of the great central rivers, Tigris and Euphrates, is the Province of Fars, which ascends the hills to its capital town Shiraz, and then extends in a north-easterly direction towards the sandy deserts. This is the province[896] where the Persian race is still to be found in its greatest purity; and from this tract the name of Persia, attached by Europeans to the empire of Iran, is supposed to be derived[897]. From Fars or Pars, for both forms are understood to exist, is drawn the name Parsee, borne by the fire-worshippers, who migrated for safety into India: and the same root appears to be clearly traceable in the great Persian tribe of Pasargadæ, named by Herodotus[898] as the leading tribe of the country. But though the province of Fars now embraces a considerable range of country and diversity of climate, all that is recorded of the ancient Persians would seem to connect them particularly with its ruder and more mountainous parts: for we have every reason to believe that Herodotus spoke truly when he described the Persians, properly so called, as poor, and their country as hard and barren in comparison with the rich valleys of Media, which at an early date attracted and repaid the labours of agriculture. It was inhabited, as Herodotus[899] says, κατὰ κώμας, that is, in the Pelasgian fashion, at the time when Dejoces acquired the throne.

The conflict of race between a bold highland people of superior energies, and the more advanced, but also more relaxed inhabitants of the more favoured district, is indicated even amidst the indistinctness of the earliest efforts of history. Ethnologically the general character of the movement is that of a pressure, to adopt the language of Dr. Donaldson[900], of the High upon the Low Iranians; I would be understood, however, to signify by the terms High and Low a distinction in language and not one in altitude of site. The overthrow of the Median empire by the Persians, related in different forms by Ctesias and Herodotus, and again in Holy Scripture, whatever be its chronological epoch, may be taken as a great crisis in the struggle, at which the High Iranians established themselves in the country of the Low, and in permanent political ascendancy among them. The Magian revolution, doubtless a great reaction against this ascendancy, was of short duration. The invasion of Media by the Scythians, which Herodotus has reported as proceeding from beyond the Euxine and the Palus Mæotis, but which was more probably from the east of the Caspian[901], indicates, it is probable, another form of this reaction. This invasion took place under Cyaxares, the grandson of Dejoces: and we may perhaps consider Media as having at this time received Persian influences, possibly by the immigration of groups of Persian families, before the general ascendancy of that race, just as we see the Æolid houses, and the family of Perseus, finding their way into Southern Greece before the days of the Achæan race, and of the general Hellenic ascendancy in the country.

The resemblance of the modern Persian to the modern High German language has been observed[902]: and it has even been thought probable, for reasons which will presently be considered, that the German name may have been derived from that quarter. The Hellic ingredient of the Greek tongue is referred to a similar origin. On the other hand, we are told that a traveller[903], taking a popular rather than a scientific view of language, has noticed the strong resemblance between the Latin and the modern Sclavonian forms. Again, the structure of the Latin language, from its repelling certain more modern tendencies of the Greek, is taken to indicate an antiquity beyond that of the Greek: and there is also an opinion that the older Greek forms, like the Latin, bear marks of correspondence with the Sclavonic. All this would tend to sustain the belief that the Pelasgians, who formed the older portion, and the basis, of the population of Italy and Greece, were offshoots from the old, or Low Iranian tribes: and that the more recent element was High Iranian or Persian.

_Relation of Germans to Celts._

Ethnological affinities, illustrative of what has here been advanced, have not escaped the attention of the Greek and Roman writers. What Strabo has said on this subject is particularly deserving of notice. His derivation of the German name from the Latin word _Germanus_ may indeed be passed by as a notion which cannot be maintained, although it is supported by the opinion of Tacitus[904], that the name was recent: since even Roman inscriptions show, that it existed three hundred years before that historian. It is however very remarkable, that Strabo asserts the Germans and the Celts to have been nearly associated: μικρὸν ἐξαλλάττοντες τοῦ Κελτικοῦ φύλου τῷ τε πλεονασμῷ τῆς ἀγριότητος, καὶ τοῦ μεγέθους, καὶ τῆς ξανθότητος, τἄλλα δὲ παραπλήσιοι καὶ μορφαῖς, καὶ ἤθεσι, καὶ βίοις ὄντες[905].

_And to Hellenes._

Now, the result of all that we have drawn from Homer thus far would be to connect the Celts with the Pelasgi, with Media, and with the Low Iranian countries: the ‘Germans’ with the Helli and with Persia. Observe, then, how the differences, noted by Strabo between Celts and ‘Germans,’ correspond with the Homeric differences between Helli and Pelasgi. First, as to ἀγριότης: let us call to mind the history of the name Ἀργεῖος; the use of Ἄγριος as an early Hellic proper name; the absence of names of this class among the Pelasgians; the rude manners of the Helli and the Pheres; the pacific habits, wealth, and advanced agriculture of the Pelasgian populations. Then as to stature: how this gift has Diana for its goddess, how it is a standing and essential element of beauty for women as well as men, how the Greek Chiefs in the Third Iliad are distinguished from the crowd by size,

ὥς μοι καὶ τόνδ’ ἄνδρα πελώριον ἐξονομήνῃς, ὅστις ὅδ’ ἐστὶν Ἀχαιὸς ἀνὴρ ἠΰς τε μέγας τε[906],

and how Achilles, the bravest and mightiest chief of this army, was the first also in beauty and in size; for Ajax is always recorded as next to him, and at the same time as before all others[907]; except Nireus, who was beautiful, but who as a soldier was mere trash.

And, lastly, as to the auburn hair, which was with Homer in such esteem. Menelaus is ξανθός (_passim_); so is Meleager (Il. ii. 642); so is Rhadamanthus (Od. iv. 564); Agamede (Il. xi. 739); Ulysses (Od. xiii. 399, 431); lastly, Achilles (Il. i. 197). But never once, I think, does Homer bestow this epithet upon a Pelasgian name. None of the Trojan royal family, so renowned for beauty, are ξανθοί: none of the Chiefs, not even Euphorbus[908], of whose flowing hair the Poet has given us so beautiful and even so impassioned a description. Nothing Pelasgian, but Ceres[909] the καλλιπλόκαμος, is admitted to the honour of the epithet. It could hardly be denied to the goddess of the ruddy harvest:

Excutit et flavas aurea terra comas[910].

Now Tacitus, describing the Germani, gives them _truces et cærulei oculi, rutilæ comæ, magna corpora_[911]. His treatise supplies many other points of comparison.

It is obvious, to compare the names of Scythæ, Getæ, Gothi, Massagetæ, Mœsi, Mysi, as carrying the marks of their own relationship; and the reader will find in Dr. Donaldson’s New Cratylus[912] the various indications recorded by ancient writers of the extension of the Medians over Northern Egypt: namely, from Herodotus (v. 9), Pliny (Hist. Nat. vi. 7), and Diodorus (ii. 43). The last of these authors recognises the similarity of tongue between Greeks and Hyperboreans (ii. 47): and Clemens Alexandrinus, after reciting a series of inventions which the Greeks owed to the barbarians, records among them the saying of Anacharsis, whom some of the Greeks placed among their ‘seven wise men,’ and adds ἐμοὶ δὲ πάντες Ἕλληνες Σκυθίζουσι[913].

And again, Herodotus (i. 125) gives us a list of names belonging to the different tribes of Persia: the Persia, that is to say, of his own day. Six of these are settled or agricultural, and four nomad. Of the six, the Pasargadæ are the first. Then come the Μαράφιοι and Μάσπιοι. Three more follow, of whom one is named Γερμάνιοι. The precise correspondence of name immediately suggests that the modern Germans derive their appellation from this Persian tribe. But it is customary to derive that name from _wehr_ and _man_, or from _heer_ and _man_, thus giving it a military sense: and it is also observed[914] that, if it had borne this sense in the time of Herodotus, he would probably have assigned to it a higher place in his list. But he does not give us to understand, that he means to point out these tribal names as being the descriptive names of the various classes in one and the same homogeneous community, or as having, in any degree, the character of caste. To the first three, indeed, he assigns a political supremacy: for they were the tribes by whose means Cyrus effected his designs. But the idea of particular employments, and social duties, does not seem to belong even to these, and there is no sign of it with the others. It may have been that the Γερμάνιοι meant martial, as Κεφάλληνες seems to have meant Head or Chief Hellenes, and yet that, as the latter were not the chiefs of all the Hellenes, so the former were not the soldiery of all Persia. Again, as the Δωριέες of Homer lay undistinguished in the Hellenic mass, yet afterwards, and on the very same arena, attained to a long-lived supremacy, so, and yet more naturally, may it have happened that a tribe, secondary in Persia itself, may have taken or acquired the lead in a northward and westward migration from it, and may have given its name to the people, which afterwards coagulated (so to speak) around that migration.

_Traces in Homer of the Persian name._

There are not wanting either Homeric or post-Homeric traces of a connection between early Greece and Persia. In Homer, Perseus, father of a line of Peloponnesian kings, is the son of Jupiter and Danae[915]. A son of Nestor bears the same name[916]. We have also the name Περσεφόνεια, wife of Aidoneus or Pluto, and Perse, daughter of Oceanus, who bears Circe and Æetes to Ἠέλιος, the Sun[917].

When Homer makes Perseus the son of Jupiter, he certainly implies of this sovereign, as of Minos, that he had no known paternal ancestry, and perhaps that he falsely claimed a maternal one, in the country where he attained to fame. But further, it very decidedly appears from the use of the word Ἀργεῖοι for the subjects of the Perseids, and from the intense attachment of the Homeric Juno to that family, that they were an Hellenic house, following upon the probably Egyptian dynasty of the Danaids. With them appears to begin what Homer esteems to be the really national history. Perseus therefore probably may have brought his name direct from among the Hellenes of the north. Why should it not have come to the Helli from Persia? Let it be recollected that we have two other links with the east supplied: one in Perse, daughter of the Eastern Oceanus, and bride of the Sun, the other in Persephoneia, whose ἄλσεα, as I hope to show in treating of the Outer Geography, are in the same quarter.

In Herodotus we find a tradition that Perseus visited Cepheus[918], the Persian king, at the period when the people were called by the Greeks Cephenes; that he married his daughter Andromeda, and had a son, Perses, who remained behind him, succeeded Cepheus, and gave his name to the country. This tale has the appearance of a palpable fiction, intended to cover what may have been a fact; that Perseus--who in Homer has himself all the appearance of an immigrant into Peloponnesus--was a stranger, and derived his name from that of the Persians. Now this was the version current among the Persians; who reported that Perseus, born one of themselves, became an Hellene, but that his ancestors had not been Hellenes. To this Persian account Herodotus appears to give his own adhesion: and he states that the Greeks reckoned Hellenic kings up to Perseus[919], but that before him they were Egyptian. This is in entire harmony with what can be gathered from the indirect, but consistent and converging, notices supplied by Homer. And again, the whole mass of the later reports concerning Perseus keep him in close relation with that outer circle of traditions, which I have designated as Phœnician; with the Gorgons of Hades, with Tartessus on the Ocean, with Æthiopia and Atlas. Lastly; the continuance of the name as a royal name, down to the very extinction of nationality in Greece--for the last Macedonian king was a Perseus--may probably be connected with a stream of tradition, that drew from Persia the oldest of the national monarchs.

_The Achæan name in Persia._

Again, we find that the name Ἀχαιοὶ was the great descriptive name of the Hellic races in the Homeric age. Yet it is without any note of an Hellic or European origin. Let us therefore see, whether in the East we can find anything that stands, even though at first sight disguisedly, in affinity with it. Now Herodotus tells us, that in the leading tribe of Pasargadæ there was a family (φρήτρη), from which came the Persian kings; the family of the Ἀχαιμενίδαι. Even if it were not easy to trace the mode of the relationship, it would seem inevitable to recognise a connection between the name Ἀχαιμένης, or whatever is the proper Persian root of this Greek patronymic, and those Ἀχαιοὶ whom we find at the head of the Greek races. This connection receives a singular illustration from Strabo, who in describing the Asiatic country called Aria, which gives a name to the Arian race, states that it has three cities called after their founders, Artacaena, Alexandria, and Achaia. Artacaes was a distinguished Persian, of the army of Xerxes. The name of Alexander speaks for itself. With respect to either of these, Strabo may be understood to speak of what may, from the respective dates, have been genuine historical traditions. But he knew and could know nothing of a Persian Achæus, as the founder of the third city. And the Greek Achæus, if he existed at all, belonged to another country, and to a pre-historic antiquity. The real force of the tradition which reports that these cities bore the names of their founders, seems, however, to be pretty obvious. It must surely mean this: that they had borne the same names at all times within the memory of man. Thus we have the Achæan name thrown back, by a local testimony subsisting in Strabo’s time, to a remote antiquity: there it finds a holding-ground in the Achæmenidæ of Herodotus: and both these authors become witnesses, I think, to the derivation of the Ἀχαιοὶ of Homer from Persia[920]. I do not mean that the Achæmenes, who, according to the Behistun Inscription, gave his name to the Achæmenidæ, was the father of the Achæans of the poems, for he appears to have lived only five generations before Darius. But the coincidence of name between the ruling family in Persia, and the dominant race in Greece, bears witness, in harmony with other testimonies, to a presumptive identity of origin.

It appears, too, that the name thus viewed may well have had its root in the ancient Arian language, if we judge from its extant forms. The word signifying ‘friends,’ according to Sir H. Rawlinson, is in Sanscrit _sakhá_, and in Persian _hakhá_.

“The name Achæmenes signifies ‘friendly,’ or ‘possessing friends,’ being formed of a Persian word _hakhá_, corresponding to the Sanscrit _sakhá_, and an attributive affix equivalent to the Sanscrit mat, which forms the nominative in _man_. H. R.[921]”

The word, then, if we may rely on this high authority, undergoes no other change, on passing into the Greek tongue, than the loss of the initial aspirate, (while the second is retained in χ,) and the addition of the Greek termination ος or ιος. In this description of a ruling race by their common bond as associates, there is something that resembles the European and feudal name of peers.

There is indeed another name still existing in Persia, that of the Eelliats or itinerant tribes, the form of which, and the circumstances under which it appears, will shortly be noticed[922].

We have now obtained various lights, which point out to us the Persians as the probable ancestry of the Greeks. It still remains to learn, whether from the history of ancient Persia we can raise a presumption that there were, through resemblances subsisting there, marked signs of affinity between the two.

_The Persians according to Herodotus._

Herodotus has given us a remarkable, and apparently a careful, account of the ancient Persians, both as to religion and as to manners, which upon the whole both exhibits striking points of resemblance to Greece, and likewise tends to attach that resemblance to the Hellic rather than the Pelasgian race.

In making the comparison, we must allow specially for two sources of error. The Hellic tribes of Homer’s time had been probably for not less than eight or ten generations (since we trace the Dardanians on their own ground for seven generations, the Perseids and Æolids for six) detached from the parent stock, and might well have modified their character and customs, especially since they had mingled with the Pelasgians in the plains. And again, the account of Herodotus is later probably by 500 years or more, than the manners described in Homer. The Persians of his day had long been mixed with the Medes: and had, as he tells us[923], adopted their costume: probably much else along with it.

_The comparison as to religious belief._

The Persians, says Herodotus[924], have no temples, altars, nor statues of the gods. Tacitus[925] gives a like account of the Germans. Of these Homer only enables us to trace altars with clearness as having been adopted by the Hellenic races at the period of the _Troica_. But the tendency to sacerdotal development among the Pelasgi may have had its counterpart in ‘the symbolism and complicated ceremonial of Media[926].’

They worship Jupiter from high places. So did Hector. We have no reason to make the same assertion of the Trojans generally: but the place given to Jupiter on Ida, and the whole Olympian fabric, probably also the plan of scaling heaven by heaping mountains one on another, all belong to the same train of thought.

They, if we are to adopt the statement, call the whole circuit of the heaven by the name of Jupiter. This same is the share of the universe, which, in the Homeric mythology, falls to the lot of Jupiter, and the name Ζεὺς is said to be identical with the Sanscrit _Dyaus_, meaning ‘the sky[927]:’ a sense which we find in the _sub dio_ and _sub Jove_ of the Latin writers, belonging to the Augustan age. This elemental conception of him, however, is probably more Median than Persian.

They did not originally worship Venus (ἀρχῆθεν); but they learned the worship of her from others, apparently the Medes or Assyrians. This remarkably accords with the case of the Hellenes of Homer, who seem only to have been drawing towards, rather than to have accepted fully, the worship of Venus in his time[928].

They considered fire to be a god[929]: differing in this from the Egyptians, who held it to be an animal.

So we find that the worship of Vulcan appears to be Hellic more than Pelasgian, and that the fable of his origin distinctly points to what was for Homer the farthest east[930].

They paid a particular reverence to rivers[931]. Of this we have the amplest evidence in Homer among the Greeks as to Alpheus, Spercheus, and the River of Scheria: rivers, too, were honoured by a more distinct personification than was attributed to other natural objects. The Scamander is, indeed, similarly treated. But this is an exception to the general mode of representation: and no other Trojan River is

## actively personified[932]. Simois is addressed (Il. xxi. 308) by

Scamander; but is himself a mute.

These, however, are particular points: let us also consider more at large the general outline which Herodotus has given us of the Persian religion.

They did not, he says, consider as the Greeks did that the gods were (ἀνθρωποφυέας) anthropophuistic[933]. They called the entire circle of heaven by the name of Jupiter. They originally worshipped no gods except the sun, the moon, the earth, fire, water, and the winds. Afterwards they learned from the Assyrians and Arabians to worship Οὐρανίη under the name of Mitra.

I shall not attempt in this place to discuss the difficult subject of the Persian or Magian religions as they are in themselves; farther than to observe, that they appear to have been different. Here we have only to consider the relation, if any, between that system which the sketch by Herodotus describes, and the religion of heroic Greece.

It appears that the religion of the Persians[934], either as anterior to, or as independent of that of Zoroaster and the Magi, embraced, (1) the belief in one Supreme and incorporeal God, and (2) the worship of the host of heaven.

The sketch of Herodotus appears to be a representation of this religion: it contains no evidence of dualism, and fire-worship appears in it only as a subordinate characteristic. Only it would appear as if the historian had reflected upon Persia the leading idea of the Greek mythology, namely, that which invested Jupiter, as the supreme deity, especially with the charge of the sky and atmosphere: and that when he says the Persians call the heavens Jupiter, he probably means that they consider the Supreme Being not to be circumscribed, but to pervade all space. The powers of outward Nature were doubtless worshipped by them, in the first instance, as organs of the Supreme Being.

In this sketch there is something to remind us of a primitive religion, or at least to suggest the traditional forms in which that religion was conveyed: it teaches the unity of God, and then steps only into the most natural and proximate form of deviation. It is well called by Dr. Döllinger ‘a monotheism with polytheistic elements[935].’

It is unlike the Homeric religion, inasmuch as it does not contain any evidences of traditive derivation nearly so abundant or so specific as, I think, we shall find manifest in the Homeric system[936]. But then we must remember that it is junior, by many centuries, to the system of Homer: and that these evidences had become far less palpable, at the epoch when Herodotus lived, in the contemporary religion of Greece.

On the other hand, with respect to its human, inventive, and polytheistic element, it is evidently akin to the Homeric religion; under which Nature is everywhere animated and uplifted, and teems at every pore with some expression of divinity. The Greek scheme is indeed still more human, (for it takes everywhere the human dress,) more poetical and imaginative, than the Persian one; but the generative principle is one and the same, namely, the impersonation, though not necessarily in both cases alike under human conditions, of all powers observed and felt in outward nature. The whole group may well remind us, both in letter and in spirit, of the invocation of Agamemnon, which after Jupiter enumerates the sun, the rivers, and the earth: though it also adds the infernal gods[937]. We find from another place in Herodotus, that he knew the Persians to believe in an infernal deity, to whom they offered human sacrifices[938].

If we conceive the Persians moving westward, and gathering mental and imaginative, as well as warlike and political energy, on their way, we shall see that they are only enlarging the scheme reported in Herodotus by a consistent application of its principles, and following them out in an imaginative and dramatic spirit to their results, when they people every meadow, wood, and fountain with deity, and when they construct the great Olympian court for heaven, with its several reflections; in the sea, around the throne of Nereus, and, in the nether world, under the gloomy sway of Aidoneus and Persephone.

_As to ritual and other resemblances._

Herodotus[939] also gives us a sketch of the Persian system as to ritual. Each person sacrificed for himself: without libation, music, garlands, or cakes: only in a becoming spot, and having the tiara wreathed usually with myrtle. When he had performed the essential part of the function, a _Magus_ recited a religious chant; and no one could perform sacrifice except in presence of a _Magus_. It is plain that we see here, if not, as Mr. Blakesley thinks[940], the confusion, at any rate the combination, of the genuine Persian with the Median ritual. The presence of the Magian was required, or let us suppose that it was simply usual: yet he did not offer the sacrifice. This was perhaps the compromise between the sacerdotal system of the Pelasgians, and the independent or patriarchal principle of the Hellenes, who exhibit to us first ὑποφῆται, then μάντιες and θυοσκόοι, but who seem to know nothing, as among themselves, of priests.

Like the Hellic races, the Persians of old were remarkable for personal modesty. They did not practice any unnatural vice, until they learned it from Greece[941]. They placed an extremely high value on their own race, which they esteemed far before all others[942]. Different social relations among those who were intimate were marked by differences in the kiss[943]. Equals kissed with the mouths, unequals by the mouth of one on the cheek of the other: while persons greatly inferior fell prostrate. In the Odyssey, Ulysses kisses his son Telemachus (doubtless on the face) (Od. xvi. 190), and Penelope kisses Telemachus on the head and eyes (xvii. 39); but Ulysses kisses the king of Egypt, when he is a suppliant (xiv. 279) on the knees, and the slave Dolius on the hands (xxiv. 398): he kisses Eumæus and Philœtius on the head and hands, while they embrace, but do not kiss him (xxi. 224, 5). Dolius held the hand, and no more, of Ulysses. But the chief is kissed on the head and eyes by his grandmother (Od. xix. 417.)

Like the Greeks, the Persians shore the hair in mourning. They held lying to be the most disgraceful of all things. It was also disgraceful to be called a woman[944]. Again, the Persians in the time of Crœsus were highlanders[945], destitute of all the comforts of life, just as Achilles describes the Helli round Dodona. Like the καρηκομόωντες Ἀχαιοὶ, they wore their hair long[946].

All these are points of similarity. Upon the other hand, there are two points of discrepancy, which may be noticed. The Persians had many wives and concubines: and they did not burn their dead. Upon the first of these points of discrepancy with the Greeks, the Persians were in harmony with, at least, the ruling race of Troas; and polygamy must always be an affair of ruling races, or of a select few.

A fragment of the old historian Xanthus[947] would lead us to suppose that they derived this habit from the Medes, who, according to that author, had no law of incest, and freely exchanged their wives.

On the second point, they differed from Troy: for the Trojans, like the Greeks, burned their dead.

It was also the Persian custom to introduce women to their banquets[948]. There is, however, a trace of this last-named practice at least in the Olympian banquets of Homer. And it is plain that Arete, the queen of Alcinous, was at the Phæacian banquet (Od. vii. 49, 50, 147, 8): but this may have been due to the unusual honour in which she was held (Od. vii. 67). More ordinarily the Greek women do not appear at meals with men.

Thus far we seem to be carried by the text of Herodotus standing alone. And it should be borne in mind, that Ctesias, as he is reported in Photius[949], though he condemns Herodotus as a teller of untruth, and contradicts him in his narrative, does not question his account of religion and manners.

_Evidence of the Behistun Inscription._

But the discovery and deciphering by Rawlinson of the Behistun Inscription throws an additional light upon this question, and one highly confirmatory of the general conclusions towards which we have tended. The Magian, called Smerdis[950] by Herodotus, appears in this Inscription under the name of Gomates: and it is now demonstrated, that the revolution which he wrought, or of which he took advantage, and which was reversed by Darius, was religious as well as political. For, says the Inscription, ‘when Cambyses had proceeded to Egypt, the state became irreligious.’ It is then related that Gomates obtained the empire. But, says Darius, ‘I adored Ormuzd. Ormuzd brought me aid.’ ‘Then did I, with faithful men, slay Gomates the Magian.... By the grace of Ormuzd I became king. Ormuzd gave me the empire.... The rites which Gomates the Magian had introduced I prohibited. I restored the chants, and the worship, to the State, and to those families, which Gomates the Magian had deprived of them.’ Thus Darius represents in this great transaction the Persian party and its religion, as against the Medians and the Magi. Hence arises a direct presumption that the Magi were properly a Median class, and were adopted into the Persian system, only in consequence of the connection and political amalgamation of the Persians with the Medes.

Again, in a political point of view, we have the Persians clearly exhibited as standing in the same relation to the Medes, which the Helli held to the Pelasgi. The needy highlanders[951] come down upon and overpower the richer and more advanced inhabitants of the central valleys: under the Magian upstart, the latter take advantage of the absence of the sovereign to rebel, but they are, after a short interval, finally put down.

_The political system of Darius._

Darius, having obtained the throne, and established the Persian supremacy, proceeded to organize the empire; and he appears to have displayed in this great sphere the same thoroughly political mind as the Hellenic races exhibited in their diminutive, but still extraordinary polities. He divided the empire by a cadastral system, under provincial governors; and he established everywhere fixed rates of tribute. These were great departures from the old Greek form of sovereignty: but we are now five centuries later than the heroic age: and, besides, we must remember that the paternal and everywhere fixed forms of government, which will suffice for very small states, are not always applicable to large ones. Yet, as we learn from Herodotus, the innovations of Darius were much resented by the Persians, who under Cyrus, and even under Cambyses, knew nothing of fixed rates of taxation, but offered benevolences (δῶρα) to the throne[952]; and a saying came into vogue, that Cyrus was a father, Cambyses an autocrat (δεσπότης), and Darius a tradesman (κάπηλος).

‘Landlord of England art thou now, not King[953].’

We seem to have here an emphatic testimony to the original identity of the Persian and Hellic, or Hellenic ideas of government.

It is also worthy of remark, that in the case of Minos, who seems to have held a large and disjointed empire, we have traditional, and even Homeric indications of some proceeding not wholly unlike this of Darius. For this prince, according to Thucydides, governed the islands through his sons, that is, by a provincial organization under local officers[954]; in Homer we find Rhadamanthus acting at a distance, probably on his behalf; and we may perhaps hence conceive, that there was truth in the tradition, afterwards so odious, that he imposed tribute upon the then Pelasgian Attica. Minos indeed was a reputed Phœnician: but in Homer the Phœnician and Persian traditions are closely combined, and the poet appears to have treated Phœnicia as the medium, perhaps even the symbol, of much that was Persian. Even geographically I believe that he placed the two countries in very close proximity.

It seems probable also, that we may consider the long continued application of the term Βασιλεὺς by the Greeks to the Persian kings, as having reference to an original identity of race and manners. It had been their own original name for a monarch. When the ancient monarchies passed away, so did the name from their usage; and the possessor of singlehanded power among the Greeks, having in all cases obtained it by the suppression of liberty, came to be called τύραννος; but the word Βασιλεὺς continued to be used with reference to Persia, where the chain of traditions had not been broken, and where monarchy had never ceased to prevail; so that there had been no reason for a change of usage, or for a deviation from the ancient respect and reverence towards the possessor of a throne. Again, the traditional throne of Lacedæmon continued to be held by Βασιλεῖς[955].

For the word Βασιλεὺς was one of no ordinary force; and down to a very late date it must have been surrounded with venerable recollections. It was borne by the emperors of Constantinople, and even at times stickled for by them, as a title distinguishing them from the emperors of the West. Though essentially Greek, it was also written in the Latin character. Unlike the word _Rex_, it appears never to have been applied to any ruler who exercised a merely derivative power. It travelled so far westward as to our own island: and King Edgar, in a charter, calls himself _Anglorum Basileus, omniumque Regum, Insularum, Oceanique Britanniam circumjacentis, cunctarumque nationum, quæ infra eam includuntur, Imperator et Dominus_[956].

_Hellenic traits in modern Persia._

Even now, after so many centuries of vicissitude, the Persian presents numerous points of resemblance, perhaps more than we can find in Modern Greece itself, to the primitive and heroic Greek of Homer. Upon the whole, without doubt, he stands upon a lower level. Lying, drunkenness, unnatural vice[957], the degradation of women, are all now rife in Persia. But such things were to be expected after so many ages of estrangement from the revealed knowledge of God, of moral contamination, and of political depression and misgovernment. But with allowance on these accounts, and on the score of the changes to Magianism and Mahometanism, the old features are still retained, and they present to our view abundant presumptions of identity.

The Persians[958] are still noted for hospitality and love of display: for highly refined manners and great personal beauty. They have still an intense love of poetry, of song, and also of music, while their practice of this art is rude and simple: they still associate poetry (sometimes licentious, as in the Eighth Odyssey) with recitation and the banquet; and, when Malcolm wrote, printing was still unknown among the useful arts of the country. They are passionately fond of horses, much given to the chase and to the practice of horse-racing[959]. Men of letters are esteemed, and their society valued, even as in the Odyssey the Bard is among those whom men are accustomed to invite to dinner[960]. On the occasion of a marriage they celebrate prolonged feasts of three days for the poor, and from that up to thirty or forty days for the highest classes. Amidst great depravity, much of filial piety and of maternal influence remains[961]. It is observed that they do not usually allude to women by name[962]. There is an approach to this abstinence in the Homeric poems; where names of men, and likewise of goddesses, in the vocative are frequent, but I am not sure that we have any instances of a woman addressed by her proper name throughout the Iliad or Odyssey. But certainly one of the most curious notes of similarity is that, together with their high and refined politeness, they retain a liability, when under great excitement, to a sort of cannibal ferocity. A recent writer states[963] the following anecdotes. A few years ago, the chieftain of a tribe slew in a feud the chieftain of another. Shortly afterwards he was attacked while on a journey, taken after vigorous resistance, and put to death. His heart, if we may believe the recital, was then roasted, and was eaten by the mother of his former victim. And again; the husband of a beautiful young woman had been slain by a rival chief. The widow, who had been much attached to the dead warrior, would minutely describe the incidents of the catastrophe, and then, lifting up her hands to heaven, would pray to Ali to deliver the murderer into her hands, ‘that having cut out his heart, I may make it into kibabs, and eat it before I die.’ These are certainly most pointed proofs that Homer has proceeded with his usual veracity, as an observer and chronicler of man, when he shocks us by making Achilles wish he could eat Hector, and Hecuba wish she could eat Achilles; nay, even when he yet further proves that this idea was familiar to his race and age, by making Jupiter tell Juno, she would, he believes, be well content to eat Priam and all his sons.

_The Eelliats: Media and the Pelasgi._

To appreciate fully, however, the resemblances of Greek and Persian, we must take the latter as he is found in the military tribes of the province of Pars or Fars. The members of these tribes are chiefly horsemen, all soldiers, and all brigands. But they abhor the name and character of thief; plunder is redeemed by violence in their eyes, and it is evidently accompanied with the practice of a generous and delicate hospitality. Elsewhere in Persia many degrading customs prevail, and women are regarded chiefly with a view to sensual use; but among these military tribes they are more highly valued, and are of remarkable modesty and chastity; yet they have an innocent freedom in their good offices to strangers[964], which at once recalls the Greek maidens of the Odyssey. Adultery is capitally punishable. Alexander the Great endeavoured to bring these tribes to settle, and to adopt agricultural habits; but they have defied his efforts, and still remain like the old Helli of the hills, when they hung over the Pelasgians of the valleys. It is to be observed, that they are

## particularly mentioned in the Eteo-Persian province of Fars: and

further, that they bear the name Eelleat[965], which at least presents a striking resemblance to that of the Helli. The aspirate would pass into the doubled ε, like ἡλιος into ἠελιος, or ἕδνα into ἔεδνα. So Helli is the equivalent of Eelli.

In sum, the ancient Persians, like the Helli, were of Arian race, of highland character and habits, inhabitants of a rude country: apparently children of Japhet, akin closely to the Hellenes, and less palpably to the Osci and Umbri.

The Medians were _civilly_ in a more advanced stage of social life, and were possessed of greater wealth, but endowed with inferior energies. They are presumed by many to have been of the race of Ham: to have peopled Egypt, and to be akin to the ancient Sicani, to the Basques, the Esthonians, the Lapps, and the Finns of modern Europe. For the purposes of this inquiry, they are to be regarded as in all likelihood the immediate fountain-head of the wide-spread Pelasgian races.

We began under the warning of Mr. Grote: and I fear that we end under the implied ban of another very able and recent writer, Dr. Latham[966]. He considers that we have been put in possession of no facts with respect to the Pelasgi more than those three, so slight and so incapable of effective combination, which are recognised by Mr. Grote[967]. But the principle he lays down is that, by which I wish to be tried. He says, the scholar finds a ποῦ στῶ in the _dictum_ of this or that author, but the sound ethnologist ‘on the last testified fact:’ he demands for his basis ‘the existing state of things as either known to ourselves, or known to contemporaries capable of learning them at the period nearest the time under consideration.’ It appears to me that the text of Homer, so far as it goes, answers this demand: that his accounts of Pelasgian, Hellene, and Achæan, when we can get at them, and when we take into view his epoch and means of information, come clearly within the meaning of ‘testified facts’ in regard to that

## particular subject matter. I admit that, from their incidental and

often unconscious nature, there is a great liability to error in the attempt to elicit them: but my assertion is, that the ground under foot is sound; and that, though we may go astray while travelling it, yet we are not attempting to tread upon a quicksand. As to the success with which this principle has here been applied, I am not too sanguine; but I contend earnestly for the principle itself, because I believe that it will, when admitted, legitimately work out its own results, and that they will make no unimportant addition to the primary facts of that great branch of philosophy, the history, and most of all the early history, of man.

FOOTNOTES:

[894] New Cratylus, ch. iv. p. 77.

[895] Hist. of Persia, ii. 507.

[896] Quart. Rev. vol. 101. p. 503.

[897] Malcolm’s Hist. chap. i. p. 1. n.

[898] Herod. i. 125.

[899] Ibid. 96.

[900] New Cratylus, p. 86.

[901] Blakesley on Herod, i. 104.

[902] New Cratylus, chap. iv. as above.

[903] New Cratylus, p. 92.

[904] Tac. Germ. c. 2. and Brotier’s note.

[905] Strabo vii. 2. p. 290.

[906] Il. iii. 166. cf. 226.

[907] Od. xi. 469.

[908] Il. xvii. 51.

[909] Il. v. 500.

[910] Propertius.

[911] Tac. Germ. i. 4.

[912] New Cratylus, p. 91.

[913] Clem. Alex. Strom. i. 299 C, and 308 A (Ed. Coloniæ 1688).

[914] Blakesley on Herod. i. 125.

[915] Il. xiv. 319.

[916] Od. iii. 414, 444.

[917] Od. ix. 139.

[918] Herod. vii. 61.

[919] Herod. vi. 53, 4.

[920] Strabo xi. 10. p. 516.

[921] Rev. G. Rawlinson’s Herodotus, vol. i. p. 264. note 5.

[922] Inf. p. 571.

[923] vi. 54.

[924] Herod. i. 113.

[925] Tac. Germ. c. 9.

[926] Blakesley’s Herodotus, vol. i. 428. Exc. on iii. 74.

[927] Müller’s Comparative Mythology, p. 45, in Oxford Essays for 1856.

[928] Inf. Religion and Morals, sect. 3.

[929] iii. 16.

[930] Il. xviii. 394, et seqq.

[931] i. 138.

[932] This subject will be resumed in treating of the Trojans.

[933] Herod. i. 131.

[934] Malcolm’s Persia, vol. i. p. 185.

[935] Döllinger’s Heidenthum und Judenthum, vi. 2.

[936] See ‘The Religion of the Homeric Age,’ sect. ii.

[937] Il. iii. 276.

[938] Herod. vii. 114.

[939] i. 132.

[940] In loc.

[941] Herod i. 133, 135.

[942] Ibid. 134.

[943] Ibid.

[944] Il. ii. 235.

[945] Herod. i. 71, and ix. 122.

[946] Herod. vii. 19.

[947] Rawlinson’s Herodotus, Life, p. cxlviii. n.

[948] Herod. i. 135. iii. 16. v. 18.

[949] Photii Biblioth. Cod. lxxii.

[950] See Blakesley’s Excursus on Herod. iii. 74.

[951] Herod, ix. 122.

[952] Herod. iii. 89.

[953] Shakspeare’s Richard II.

[954] Thuc. i. 4.

[955] Ar. Pol. III. xiv. 3.

[956] Selden’s Titles of Honour, chap. ii.

[957] Malcolm’s Persia, ii. 585. 631, 6. Quarterly Review, vol. 101. p. 510.

[958] The traits mentioned in the text, where there is no special reference, are drawn from the three last chapters of Malcolm’s Persia.

[959] Malcolm’s Persia, ii. 550, 558, 566, 611.

[960] Ibid. 576. Grote’s History of Greece, P. I. c. xxi. vol. ii. p. 196 n.

[961] Ibid. 616, and Quart. Rev. p. 509.

[962] Quart. Rev. vol. 101. p. 509 n.

[963] Quart. Rev. vol. 101. p. 50.

[964] Malcolm, ii. 613.

[965] Malcolm, i. 369. ii. 597, 634, 638.

[966] Latham’s Man and his Migrations, pp. 33-6.

[967] History of Greece, vol. ii. p. 352.

ADDENDA.

Page 106. On the possible migration of the Dodonæan oracle, see below, p. 238.

P. 126. On the theory of Curtius respecting the Ionians, see p. 480.

P. 153. The wealth of Egyptian Thebes was known to Achilles; see Il. ix. 381.

P. 167. The Birth of Minos will be more fully discussed in connection with the Outer Geography of the Odyssey. On the ancient and extensive influence of Phœnicia upon Crete, see Höck’s Creta, vol. i. pp. 68 and seqq.

P. 186. On the word _lupus_, see Müller’s Dorians, II. vi. 8, 9, for its relation to λευκὸς, λυκὴ, λυκηγενὴς, or light-born, and _lux_.

P. 306. In general confirmation of what has been said above on the subject of language, I may refer to the _Römische Geschichte_[968] of Mommsen, which had not come under my eye when the Seventh Section went to press.

His conclusions are;

1. That the Greek and mid-Italian languages correspond, in what touches the rudiments of the material life of man.

2. That in the higher region of the mind, of religion, and of advanced polity, this correspondence wholly fails.

3. That the Græco-Italic agrees with the Sanscrit down to the pastoral stage of society only, and ceases with the commencement of the agricultural and settled stage.

4. That the abstract genius of the Roman religion bears a relation to the Greek anthropophuism, like that of the full-formed Indian mythology to the metaphysical scheme of the Zendavesta.

He appears to me to cast the balance overmuch on the Roman side: but his statement will well repay an attentive consideration.

He supplies the following words, which I would add to the lists I have given above. They generally corroborate the conclusions at which I have arrived.

χόρτος hortus. κέγχρος cicer. μελίνη milium. πολτὸς puls. μύλη mola. ἄξων } axis. ἄμ-αξα } ποίνη pœna. κρίνω, κρίμα crimen. ταλάω talio. χίτων tunica.

And, belonging to the higher domain--

σκύτος scutum (with an alteration, or progression of sense). λόγχη lancea. τέμενος templum.

Among these, the relationship of τέμενος and templum seems to require further proof.

I have to add the word κῆλον, which seems to be in nearer correspondence than βέλος is with _telum_. On the other side, I may note ἄορ, for _a sword_, and ὄχος, ὄχημα, for _a chariot_, as among the words not in correspondence.

P. 311. Add Φείδιππος. Il. ii. 768.

P. 313. The statement as to the persons slain by Hector and Mars is inaccurate. The seven first names are, so far as the text informs us, undistinguished, except Teuthras, who is called ἀντίθεος; and among these seven we have no name, which is clearly of Hellic etymology. But the nine others belong to a different part of the action (Il. xi. 301-4), and are expressly called ἡγεμόνες (or officers, Il. ii. 365): and among these, while we have four names of Hellic complexion, Dolops and Opheltius are the only two which can be positively assigned to the Pelasgian class.

P. 380. While I have stated the second sense of the word Ἄργος according to what appears to me to be the balance of the evidence, I admit it to be a doubtful point whether we ought rather, with Strabo (p. 365), to understand it preferably as capable of meaning the entire Peloponnesus.

FOOTNOTES:

[968] Leipsic, 1854, vol. i, ch. ii.

* * * * *

Transcriber's Note

Page headers in the printed book have been converted to headings.

The following apparent errors have been corrected:

p. xi "Campared" changed to "Compared"

p. xii "Æneas 864" changed to "Æneas 486"

p. 20 "Aristo’s" changed to "Ariosto’s"

p. 42 "SECT. 4." changed to "SECT. 5."

p. 83 "xxviii" changed to "xxviii."

p. 86 "ἠμίθεοι" changed to "ἡμίθεοι"

p. 92 "m’ án" changed to "m’ ha"

p. 95 "349-51." changed to "349-51,"

p. 98 "603, 11" changed to "603, 611"

p. 99 "267, 8." changed to "267, 8,"

p. 107 "Ancient Greeee" changed to "Ancient Greece"

p. 114 "Ἄργειος" changed to "Ἀργεῖος"

p. 147 "i. 3" changed to "i. 3."

p. 164 "itself[269].’" changed to "itself[269].”"

p. 169 "p. 83.;" changed to "p. 83;"

p. 178 "by sea," changed to "by sea."

p. 178 "Lacedemonian" changed to "Lacedæmonian"

p. 183 "wefind" changed to "we find"

p. 195 "Paus. viii. 1, 2." changed to "Paus. viii. 1. 2."

p. 197 "Paus. viii. 2, 2." changed to "Paus. viii. 2. 2."

p. 199 "ἐθηκ’" changed to "ἔθηκ’"

p. 200 "city. founding" changed to "city-founding"

p. 203 "connot" changed to "cannot"

p. 214 "ἅλς" changed to "ἃλς"

p. 215 "841." changed to "841,"

p. 230 "ἔστηκεν" changed to "ἕστηκεν"

p. 259 "who in those" changed to "those who in"

p. 259 "Cretans’.... Idomeneus led them, with Meriones." changed to "Cretans.... Idomeneus led them, with Meriones.’"

p. 265 "ἡδ’" changed to "ἠδ’"

p. 266 "ἔπωμαι" changed to "ἕπωμαι"

p. 275 "704." changed to "704,"

p. 286 "1. Something" changed to "Something"

p. 287 "Ἤφαιστος" changed to "Ἥφαιστος"

p. 300 "ἕσθης" changed to "ἐσθὴς"

p. 300 "πάτηρ" changed to "πατὴρ"

p. 300 "ἔκυρος" changed to "ἕκυρος"

p. 300 "ἳς" changed to "ἲς"

p. 300 "Od xix." changed to "Od. xix."

p. 301 "πλατυς" changed to "πλατὺς"

p. 301 "πυρρος" changed to "πυρρὸς"

p. 313 "Agelaus," changed to "Agelaus."

p. 328 "προκαλίρετο" changed to "προκαλίζετο"

p. 343 "perserved" changed to "preserved"

p. 345 "consitution" changed to "constitution"

p. 350 "ἐνθ’" changed to "ἔνθ’"

p. 351 "ρ’" changed to "ῥ’"

p. 359 "Ægæan" changed to "Ægean"

p. 368 "ἄνδρος" changed to "ἀνδρὸς"

p. 369 "σύ" changed to "σὺ"

p. 371 "ἴκετο" changed to "ἵκετο"

p. 372 "ἱπποβότοιο," changed to "ἱπποβότοιο."

p. 374 "ἐνθ’" changed to "ἔνθ’"

p. 374 "ἤδῃ" changed to "ᾔδη"

p. 383 "Od, xv." changed to "Od. xv."

p. 383 "ἀργιπόδες (κύνες)." changed to "ἀργιπόδες (κύνες),"

p. 409 "fold[705]." changed to "fold[705].’"

p. 409 "appropriate.’" changed to "appropriate."

p. 410 "ἀν" changed to "ἂν"

p. 461 "ποίμην" changed to "ποιμὴν"

p. 462 "disguished" changed to "distinguished"

p. 466 (note) "Od. xi. 281.": footnote anchor added

p. 486 (note) "Il. ii. 58." changed to "Il. xi. 58." and footnote anchor added to the text

p. 487 "εὖρεν" changed to "εὗρεν"

p. 506 "This there" changed to "Thus there"

p. 514 (note) "485." changed to "485,"

p. 554 "Κέφαλληνες" changed to "Κεφάλληνες"

The following possible errors have been left as printed:

ἄνηρ (multiple instances)

p. viii Θρῃίκιοι