part I

have taken in public affairs. I ever scorned disguise. I think I have done my duty; some may think otherwise; but be assured, Sir, as far as my influence goes, every thing which reasonably can be required of us to do, shall be done; and every thing promised shall be religiously performed. I should now be very glad to know from you, Sir, how many days you desire may be allowed for such as desire to remove to Boston with their effects, and what time you will allow the people in Boston for their removal. When I have received the information, I will repair to congress, and hasten, as far as I am able, the issuing a proclamation. I beg leave to suggest, that the condition of admitting only thirty waggons at a time into the town, appears to me very inconvenient, and will prevent the good effects of a proclamation intended to be issued for encouraging all waggoners to assist in removing the effects from Boston with all possible speed. If your excellency will be pleased to take the matter into consideration, and favor me as soon as may be with an answer, it will lay me under a great obligation, as it so nearly concerns the welfare of my friends in Boston. I have many things which I wish to say to your excellency, and most sincerely wish I had broken through the formalities which I thought due to your rank, and freely told you all I knew or thought of public affairs; and I must ever confess, whatever may be the event, that you generously gave me such an opening as I now think I ought to have embraced; but the true cause of my not doing it, was the knowledge I had of the vileness and treachery of many persons around you, who I suppose had gained your entire confidence.

I am, &c. &c.”

The committee of safety have sent letters to Rhode-Island and Connecticut, importuning immediate assistance; and that as large a number of troops as can be spared, may be immediately marched forward, well stocked with provisions and ammunition, and accompanied with as large a train of artillery as can be granted. They express their determination, at all events, to act their parts with firmness and intrepidity, knowing that slavery is far worse than death.

The committee appointed to examine into the damages done on the 19th, at Cambridge, Lexington, and Concord, have reported, that by fire, robbery, and destruction, the same are as follows: at Cambridge, £.901 16s. 5d. 1–4; at Lexington, £.1320 16s. 0d. 3–4; and at Concord, £.206 2s. 5d. 1–4; in all £.2428 14s. 11d. 1–4. sterling. The parties exhibited their accounts on oath, and the greatest care was taken that the state of the damages might be just.

My friend Quincy has sacrificed his life for the sake of his country. The ship in which he sailed, arrived at Cape Ann within these two days; but he lived not to get on shore, or to hear and triumph at the account of the success of the Lexington engagement. His remains will be honorably interred by his relations. Let him be numbered with the patriotic heroes who fall in the cause of liberty; and his memory be dear to posterity. Let his only surviving child, a son of about three years, live to possess his noble virtues, and to transmit his name down to future generations. You have my warmest acknowledgments for your last manuscript. See that you embrace every safe opportunity of continuing your correspondence; you will find me in that line of conduct.

The supreme power now extant in the Massachusetts, has given their first naval commission to captain _John Derby_, of Salem, who is entrusted by the provincial congress with dispatches for Dr. Franklin, containing an account of the Lexington fight, and an address to the inhabitants of Great-Britain. He sails without delay. In the address the congress profess to place much dependence on the honor, wisdom, and valor of Britons; from which they hope for their interference in preventing the prosecution of present measures. They make great professions of loyalty; but declare, that they will not tamely submit to the persecution and tyranny of a cruel ministry; and that they are determined to die or be free. They appeal to Heaven for the justice of their cause. Should not an accommodation take place, Heaven must grant them its special protection, or they will be crushed before the power of Britain, notwithstanding all that the other colonies can do for them; unless the officers who are employed against them, are not supplied with an adequate force, or are wretchedly defective in courage, inclination, activity, prudence, or other military abilities; or unless some foreign power for its own interest, and to injure the parent state, takes them by the hand. Their military stores are scarce worth mentioning. They reckon upon sixteen field pieces. It is well if six of them are calculated for much actual service. There are four brass ones, of a small size, that may answer a good purpose. They have a few large iron cannon, two or three mortars and howitzers, cannon ball, and shells; but they have only eighty-two half barrels of powder belonging to the public store; most towns have a small quantity, that however will be soon exhausted. Considering what ought to be the case to warrant a reasonable expectation of success in a military contest with a nation that abounds in all the apparatus of war, they may be pronounced destitute of every article but men; and, though these are not wanting in natural courage, it will take a considerable time to make them thorough good soldiers. They have neither money nor magazines.

LETTER XIII.

_London, June 12, 1775._

The restraining and fishery bill did not pass through the house of lords with less opposition than what it had met with in the house of commons. Upon the motion for committing it after the second reading, the marquis of _Rockingham_ opposed it with great ability, and in the course of his speech showed, that in 1704, the whole amount of the exports to the New-England colonies was only about £.70,000 annually; that in 1754, it had arisen to £.180,000, in the succeeding ten years to £.400,000, and in the last ten years, had nearly doubled that sum.

The bill was carried by a majority of more than three to one; but was productive of a protest, signed by sixteen lords. It is particularly distinguished, by the severe censure passed upon a lord high in office, who in the late debates, most unadvisedly threw out a charge of general cowardice against the Americans.

The fishery bill had scarce cleared the house of commons, when lord North brought in another, [March 9.] “To restrain the trade and commerce of the colonies of New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and South-Carolina, to Great-Britain, Ireland, and the British islands in the West-Indies, under certain conditions and limitation.” While this bill was in agitation, a long series of evidence, in behalf of the West-India merchants and planters, was laid before the house. It appeared, that upon a very moderate computation, the capital in the West-India islands, consisting of lands, buildings, negroes and stock of all kinds, did not amount to less than £.60,000,000. sterling; that their exports of late years to Britain, ran to about 190,000 hogheads and puncheons of sugar and rum annually; amounting in weight to 95,000 tons, and in value about £.4,000,000 exclusive of a great number of smaller articles, and of their very great export to North-America; that their growth was so rapid and improvement so great, that within a few years, their export of sugar to this kingdom was increased 40,000 hogsheads annually, amounting to about £.800,000 in value. The probability, was apparent, that more than half of the capital of £.60,000,000 was either the immediate property of persons resident in this country, or owing to them; and also that the revenue gained above £.700,000 a year upon the direct West-India trade, exclusive of its eventual and circuitous products, and of the African trade.

[March 20.] Mr. Burke made a number of conciliatory propositions with respect to the colonies, contained in a set of resolutions, which he accompanied and elucidated by a celebrated speech. He traced that unconquerable spirit of freedom, that violent passion for liberty, by which the colonists are distinguished from all other people of the world, from the sources of their descent, education, manners, religious principles, forms of government, and distance from the head of the empire. He made it appear, that the whole exports to North-America, the West-Indies, and Africa, in 1704 (from England it must be, for the union of the two kingdoms had not then taken place) amounted only in value to £.569,930 but the comparative value of money at that period, was much greater than at present. In 1772, the exports from Great-Britain to the same places, amounted at a medium, to no less than £.6,024,171. He also shewed that the _whole export_ trade of England, including that to the colonies, amounted in 1704, only to £.6,509,000. Thus the trade to the colonies alone was in 1772, within less than half a million of being equal to what was carried on by England with the whole world, at the beginning of the present century. However astonishing this general increase of the whole colonies may appear, the growth of the province of Pennsylvania is still more extraordinary. In 1704, the whole exports to that colony, amounted to no more than £.11,459 and in 1772, they were risen to £.507,909 being nearly fifty times the original demand, and almost equal to the whole colony export at the first period.—This astonishing growth of the colonies, within little more than half a century, and the prodigious share they contribute to our greatness, makes them a matter of the first importance to ourselves, and must excite the admiration of future ages.

The previous question was moved on the first proposition, and carried by 270 to 78; and thus ended the business.

But the ill success which has attended all conciliatory propositions hitherto, excepting those which have originated from government, did not deter Mr. Hartley from making a similar attempt. [April 27.] The motion, however, was rejected without a division.

During the progress of the second restraining bill, an additional clause was moved for by the minister; whereby the counties of Newcastle, Kent and Sussex, on the Delaware, were included in the prohibitions of that bill, and carried without a division.

While these matters were transacting, several petitions were received from manufacturing towns in Britain and Ireland, against the coercive acts. Some counter petitions were also received, calling for an enforcement of the laws of Britain, as the only means of preserving a trade with the colonies. Much altercation arose on the truth of the facts alledged on both sides, as well as on the manner of obtaining the signatures, and the quality o£ those who signed. The minority insisted, that the most who signed the war petitions, as they called them, were persons who had little or no interest in the American trade, but of that description of warm and active party men, commonly called tories. And they entered into several examinations to prove the truth of the former part of their assertion. This produced many long and hot debates. Other petitions were presented to the crown, and equally disregarded; one from the British settlers in Canada, against the Quebec bill; one from the quakers, in which besides endeavoring to diffuse the influence of that spirit of peace which is the predominant principle in their religious system, they declared themselves persuaded, that there are not in his majesty’s extensive dominions, subjects more loyal, and more zealously attached to his royal person, his family and government, than in the provinces of America, among all religious denominations. His majesty, however, went in person to the house, and gave the royal assent to the restraining and fishery bill, in the usual form. In this season of public discontent, when the minds of all were agitated on one side or other, the city of London, not discouraged by the fate of all its applications for a number of years past, once more approached the throne with an address, remonstrance, and petition [April 10.] upon a subject, and in a manner as little calculated to obtain a favorable reception, as any of the preceding. In this remonstrance they recapitluated the whole catalogue of American grievances; declared their abhorrence of the measures which had been pursued, and were then pursuing; and justified the resistance to which the Americans had been driven, upon the great principles of the constitution; “actuated by which,” they said, “at the glorious period of the revolution, our ancestors transferred the imperial crown of these realms to the illustrious house of Brunswick.” They beseeched his majesty immediately and for ever to dismiss from his councils, those ministers and advisers who had been at the bottom of the preceding measures. His majesty delivered the following answer: “It is with the utmost astonishment, that I find any of my subjects capable of encouraging the rebellious disposition which unhappily exists in my colonies in North-America. Having entire confidence in the wisdom of my parliament, the great council of the nation, I will steadily pursue those measures which they have recommended for the support of the constitutional rights of Great-Britain, and the protection of the commercial rights of my kingdom.”

The earl of Effingham has uniformly opposed the whole system of measures pursued against the Americans, and finding that the regiment in which he served was at length destined for America, and thinking it inconsistent with his character, and beneath his dignity to enforce measures with his sword, which he had so utterly condemned in his legislative capacity [Mar. 12.] he wrote a letter of resignation to the secretary of war. In it he deeply regretted his being necessitated to quit the military profession; but said, “I cannot, without reproach from my own conscience, consent to bear arms against my fellow-subjects in America, in what, to my discernment, is not a clear cause.” Pity that it is not a point of honor with all military officers, to consider the merits of the cause wherein their swords are to be employed, and when they are not satisfied in their own judgments, to practise as the noble earl has done. Such a point of honor might hinder many a war.

The British ambassador at the Hague, applied to the States to forbid their subjects supplying the Americans with arms, ammunition, gun-powder &c. and they by proclamation prohibited the exportation of all such articles, in Dutch or foreign ships, from any of their dominions, without licence, on penalty of forfeiting about £.90 sterling. Judge whether the profits of the voyage will not be so great as to make it worth the merchants while to run the risk of that sum. Let the American vessels repair to Holland, and the Dutch will furnish them with gun-powder in large glass bottles of several gallons dimensions, under the notion of spirits, or liquor of one kind or other.[117] France was also applied to, and could have crushed all assistance, by express prohibition; but only told her subjects, that if they afforded any, it was at their own risk; tantamount to—if you will venture, you may. Spain roundly refused giving the least hindrance to her subjects.

[March 13.] His majesty went to the house of peers, and gave the royal assent to the bill for restraining the trade of New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, &c. Thus the probability of the colonies dividing from each other is lessened, and their union becomes more established. Some future proceedings in the provinces of New-York and North-Carolina will be likely to consolidate the whole continent.

The American fisheries being now abolished, measures were necessary to supply their place, and to guard against the consequences of the foreign markets either changing the course of consumption, or falling into the hands of strangers. It was also expedient to pay a greater attention to the interests of Ireland, than what had been practised for many years. The minister therefore moved for a committee of the whole house [Mar. 27.] to consider of the encouragement proper to be given to the fisheries of Britain and Ireland. The committee, in its progress, granted several bounties to the ships of Britain and Ireland, for their encouragement in prosecuting the Newfoundland fishery; and two resolutions were introduced and passed, in favor of the latter kingdom. Complaints, however, were made, that clauses were insidiously stolen into the act, to prevent its operating in any considerable extent. The committee agreed also to the granting of bounties for encouraging the whale fishery, and to take off the duties payable upon the importation of oil, blubber, and bone, from Newfoundland, &c. and on the importation of seal skins.

Ministry have not confined themselves to the making of laws; they have also sent out against the Americans, generals Howe, Clinton, and Burgoyne, in the Cerberus [Mar. 28.] The transports with troops to reinforce governor Gage, sailed a week after from Cork.

[May 15.] Toward the close of the session, Mr. Burke acquainted the house with his having received a paper of great importance from the general assembly at New-York. He observed that it was a complaint, in the form of a remonstrance, of several acts of parliament, some of which they affirmed had established principles, and others had made regulations subversive of the rights of English subjects. He afterward moved that it might be brought up. The minister immediately moved an amendment, which proved an indirect but effectual negative upon Mr. Burke’s motion. The amendment was carried by a majority of 186 to 67; the question being then put on the amended motion, it was rejected without a division. The New-York memorial to the lords was brought in by the duke of Manchester, who moved for its being read. After some altercation the question was called for, and upon a division, the motion was rejected by a majority of 45 against 25. The petition to the king was received, but the prayer of the petition was not granted. Such is the fate of the applications made by the general assembly of New-York, for a redress of their supposed grievances. It must tend to widen the breach between Britain and the colonies.

[May 17.] Lord Camden presented a petition to the house of lords, from the British inhabitants of the province of Quebec, in which they stated their grievances, and implored their lordships favorable interposition that the Quebec act might be repealed or amended, and that they might enjoy their constitutional rights, privileges, and franchises. His lordship, after expatiating on the evils of the act, proposed a bill, which was read, for the repeal of the late act. This measure was strongly opposed by administration, and a motion was made by lord Dartmouth, that the bill be rejected, which was carried by a majority of 60 out of 88, there being only twenty-eight lords who supported the bill. Much censure having been expressed or implied, both within doors and without, relative to the whole conduct of the bishops in the Canada transactions, the reverend father of that bench, stood up during the debate to justify the Quebec act, so far as it related to religious matters, which he did upon the principles of toleration, the faith of the capitulation, and the terms of the definitive treaty of peace, but many were far from being convinced, that these principles required such a full and perfect establishment of the popish religion, as is granted by the act itself.

[May 18.] Sir George Saville presented to the house of commons, another petition from the same inhabitants of Quebec, in which, among other things, they represented with too much truth, that the petition to his majesty, in the name of all the French inhabitatnts of that province, and upon which the late law had been avowedly founded, was not fairly obtained, and had neither received the concurrence of the people in general, nor even been communicated to them, but had been carried about in a secret manner, and signed by a few of the noblesse, advocates, and others, who were in their confidence. They affirmed that the inhabitants in general were as much alarmed as themselves, at the introduction of the Canadian laws. They concluded by praying, that the said act might be repealed or amended. Sir George examined and laid open the week or obnoxious parts of the act, and threw new light even upon those which had already undergone the highest degree of colouring, and then concluded his speech with moving for a repeal of the late act for the better government of the province of Quebec. Considerable debates ensued, in the course of which the minister avowed his intention, if it should become necessary, of arming the Canadians against the other colonies. But he declared his firm persuasion, that the troubles in America, would be speedily and happily settled without blood-shed. Notwithstanding this declaration it was whispered, that he was uneasy and from what general Gage wrote last, dreaded the news by the April packet. For some, who professed to have the best information, asserted that orders were sent to apprehend Messrs. Cushing, Samuel Adams, Hancock and others, and to transport them to Great-Britain; and that the receipt of these orders had been acknowledged; but that second orders had been dispatched to hang them at Boston. Sir George Saville’s motion was rejected by a majority of more than two to one, the numbers being 174 to 86.

[May 26.] The speaker, when he presented the money bills for the royal assent, gave an assurance in his speech to his majesty, that if the Americans persisted in their resolutions, and the sword must be drawn, the commons would do every thing in their power to maintain and support the supremacy of this legislature.

The king gave his royal assent to the several bills, both public and private, which remained to be passed into acts; and closed the session by a speech from the throne, in which he expressed the most perfect satisfaction in the conduct of the parliament, during the course of their session; and his persuasion, that the most salutry effects must, in the end, result from measures formed and conducted on such principles, as those on which they had acted. A favorable representation was made of the pacific disposition of other powers, and the usual assurence given of endeavoring to secure the public tranquility.

[May 28.] Captain Derby arrived with his dispatches for Dr. Franklin got to London in the evening, and delivered them to Dr. Lee, as the other agent had left the country. The circulated accounts of the action were vague; is was plain however, that the troops had been worsted; and that government feared it, though they disclaimed all knowledge of what had happened.

The Sukey, captain Brown, though she sailed four days before captain Derby’s vessel, did not arrive till the ninth of June with general Gage’s dispatches. The Gazette has given us the govermental account of the Lexington engagement. From the praises bestowed upon officers and men for their activity and bravery, it is evident, that the Americans made the business of the day a hard, difficult and dangerous service to them. The nation in general is not so shocked with this transaction as the importance of it requires. It was a fatal mistake to send soldiers instead of shipping; and no less so to order them to Boston, instead of planting them in New-York (where government has a strong interest) and securing a fortified line of communication from thence to Canada, with which to divide he southern from the New-England colonies.

Six more regiments of foot have received orders to hold themselves in readiness to embark for America. They are encouraged by an expectation, into which they are drawn by the informations given them, of possessing farms and other confiscated property.

LETTER XIV.

_Roxbury, August 15, 1775._

MY DEAR SIR,

To prevent an omission, let me begin with mentioning, that when governor Martin met the general assembly of North-Carolina, at Newbern [April 4, 1775.] he made a speech to them in a high governmental strain; and expressed his expectation that they would oppose so dangerous a step as the unwarrantable measure of appointing delegates to attend a congrees in Philadelphia. He also told them that they were most peculiarly called upon to oppose a meeting of delegates which the people had been invited to choose, and who were appointed to assemble at that very time and place, in the face of the legislature. The assembly, in their answer, justified the meeting of the people, and said, “Be it far from us even to wish to prevent the operations of the convention now held at Newbern.” They also took the opportunity, the first that had been given them, to express their warm attachment to their sister colonies in general, and their heart-felt compassion for the deplorable state of the town of Boston, and to declare the fixed resolution of the colony to unite with the other colonies in every effort to retain their just rights and liberties.

Let me now enter upon the narration of the effects of the Lexington engagement, out of the Massachusetts colony. The news of it flew with the utmost rapidity; and influenced the minds of all people, answerable to their various apprehensions and attachments.

Col. _Putnam_ served with the Connecticut troops under Gen. Amherst the last war. By his courage and conduct he secured to himself a good share of reputation. When peace commenced, he returned to the civil line of life. Of late he has occupied a tavern, with a farm annexed to it. Such a junction is frequent in New-England, and the occupation not at all inconsistent with a Roman character. The Lexington news was brought him while working in a leathern frock and apron, at a stone wall, with which to fence in his land. This was about eleven o’clock in the morning. After giving his men some direction how to proceed he went home, got his horse, and rode to the neighboring towns, to acquaint the militia officers and others with what had taken place. As he was returning, he found some hundreds mustered, who informed him that they had appointed him their general, and were determined to march off immediately. He said that he was not ready, had no money about him, and must go and get some. They supplied him from among themselves; on which he gave proper orders for their marching after him, and went forward in his check shirt, upon the same beast, and got to Concord the next morning by sun-rise, having rode, as he supposed, from eleven o’clock of the preceding morning, not less than a hundred miles within the eighteen hours. The militia that followed him, marched with a quick step till they reached the place of destination.

Mr. _Benedict Arnold_ of New-Haven, had been chosen captain of a volunteer company by the inhabitants, when they began to prepare for whatever might happen. No sooner did the Lexington news reach him, than he called his company together, and asked them whether they would march off with him the next morning for the neighbourhood of Boston, distant 150 miles.—They agreed; and at the proper time paraded before the tavern where a committee was sitting. He applied to the gentlemen for powder and ball; they demurred supplying him, as he was not duly authorized. The captain, in haste to fly to the help of his suffering brethren, proposed procuring the supply by force if needful, to which the volunteers consented. He then sent for the committee, and informed them what he was determined upon. Colonel Wooster came out, and would have persuaded him to wait till he had received proper orders; to which capt. Arnold answered, “_None but God Almighty shall prevent my marching_.” The committee perceiving his fixed resolution, supplied him; and he marched off instantly, and with his company reached the American head-quarters by the 29th of April.

[April 23.] The news reached New-York on the Lord’s day. On hearing it, capt. Sears conceived the design of stopping all vessels going to Quebec, Newfoundland, Georgia, and Boston; several were about to sail. He consulted Mr. Lamb, who joined in the measure. They then wrote a letter to the committee of Philadelphia, assuring them that all vessels would be sopt at New-York, and signed it with their names, that so the assurance might be relied upon. The express being sent off, they contrived to assemble the people, without its being known upon what business; and when they were met, it was concluded upon to shut up the custom-house. The officer was waited on, who considering the expediency of a compliance, ordered the keys to be delivered up to capt. Sears. The merchants whose vessels were cleared out, dared not to admit of their sailing. The Philadelphia committee, relying upon the assurance that had been given them, so managed as that it was agreed, to shut up their port also against all vessels going to the before mentioned places.

The hostilities in the Massachusetts threw the city of New-York into such a state of tumult, that it was judged expedient, with a view of restoring tranquility and good order, to appoint a general committee of a hundred, for the city and county of New-York, which answered. [May 5.] This committee addressed a letter to the lord mayor, aldermen, and common council of the city of London, which was signed by seventy-seven of them. In it they declared, that “The disposal of their own property, with perfect spontaniety, and in a manner wholly divested of every appearance of constraint, is their indefeasible birth-right. This exalted blessing they are absolutely determined to defend with their blood, and to transfer uncontaminated to their posterity.” They professed their readiness to submit cheerfully to a regulation of commerce by the legislature of the parent state, excluding in its nature, every idea of taxation; but reprobated the minister’s conciliatory plan. They gave assurance, “That America is grown so irritable by oppression, that the least shock in any part is, by the most powerful and sympathetic affection, instantaneously felt through the whole continent—that while the whole continent are ardently wishing for peace upon such terms as can be acceded to by Englishmen, they are indefatigable in preparing for the last appeal.” “Near the close they said, “We speak the real sentiments of the confederated colonies on the continent, from Nova-Scotia to Georgia, when we declare, that all the horrors of a civil war will never compel America to submit to taxation by authority of parliament.” They concluded with expressing their confidence of the most vigorous exertions of the city of London to restore union and mutual peace to the whole empire.

[May 6.] The next day an association was signed by upward of a thousand of the principal inhabitants of the city and county. They in the most solemn manner declared, that they associated to endeavor carrying into execution whatever measure might be recommended by the continental congress, or be resolved upon by their own provincial convention, for the purpose of preserving their constitution, and opposing the execution of the oppressive acts of the British parliament, until a reconciliation between Great-Britain and America, on constitutional principles, can be obtained; and that they would in all things follow the advice of their general committee, respecting the purposes aforesaid, the preservation of peace and good order, and the safety of individual and private property.

The inhabitants armed themselves also with great diligence and industry. But it is not to be inferred from these strong appearances, that there is a real and general union in sentiment among the New-Yorkers. They are much divided; though each party has thus coaleasced with a view of serving its own particular interest. The tories have joined, to prevent the violence which might otherwise exist, and to check the progress of the sons of liberty. The whigs have joined, in hope of drawing the others into such lengths in opposing ministerial measures as are reprobated by them at present.

The New-Jersey people, on receiving the Lexington news, took possesion of the province treasury, in which there was about £.20,000 part of it is appropriated to the payment of the troops they are now raising for the defence of the liberties of America.

The citizens of _Philadelphia_, beside stopping the vessels as before related, were spirited up to attempt perfecting their preparations for the most serious and painful contest.

The governor of the province laid before the assembly the minister’s conciliatory plan; and observed to them that they were the _first_ assembly on the continent to whom it had been communicated. After considering it, they said, “If no _other_ objection to the plan proposed, occurred to us, we should esteem it a desertion of sister colonies, connected by an union founded on just motives and mutual faith, and conducted by general councils, for a single colony to adopt a measure so extensive in consequence, without the advice and consent of those colonies engaged with us by solemn ties in the same common cause.” The complection of the assembly has been changed. In the choice of deputies for the approaching congress, made last December, Mr. Galloway was left out; and on the sixth of May, the house added three more to the number of their deputies, and the first on the list was Dr. Franklin. Thus have they, since his arrival, expressed their approbation of his conduct, and their confidence in his abilities. The plan has been since proposed to other colony assemblies, but with no better success than in Pennsylvania.

The account of the action arrived at Baltimore, in Maryland, in six days; The inhabitants immediately seized upon the provincial magazine, containing 1500 stand of arms, &c. They also stopped all exports to the fishing islands, and those colonies which have refused to unite with their brethren in the common cause; and all supplies to the navy and army at Boston.

In Virginia a provincial congress met in March, for want of a legal assembly, and took measures for arraying the militia, the militia laws being expired; and recommended to each county the raising of a volunteer company for the better defence of the country. On the 20th of April the governor employed the captain of an armed vessel to convey, by night, on board his ship, from the public magazine, out of about one and twenty, fifteen half barrels of powder, containing 50lb. each. The citizens of Williamsburg were greatly alarmed, so that the mayor and corporation addressed his lordship upon the occasion, who, in his answer, informed them, that hearing of an insurrection in a neighboring county, he had removed the powder from the magazine to a place of perfect security; and that whenever it was wanted on any insurrection, it should be delivered in half an hour. The news of the seizure soon reached Hanover county, upon which captain Patrick Henry, and the other volunteers of the county, marched for Williamsburg, with a view of securing the public treasury from the like catastrophe, and of obtaining a return of the powder, or a compensation for it. More than a hundred and fifty, all well accoutred, and making a martial appearance, advanced within 15 miles of the capital; but a sufficient sum of money being paid by the receiver-general to compensate for the powder, and the citizens engaging to guard the public treasury and magazine, they dispersed, and returned to their respective homes.

The value of the whole magazine was very inadequate to the alarm and disturbance which the governor’s measure excited.—Neither powder nor muskets were sufficient to answer any essential purpose, or even to justify apprehension.

His lordship was exceedingly irritated at the behavior of the people, and threw out threats. Those of setting up the royal standard, of enfranchising the Negroes, and arming them against their masters, and of destroying the city; with other expressions of a similar tendency, not only spread a general alarm thro’ the colony, but excited a kind of abhorrence of government, and an incurable suspicion of its designs. Meanwhile, several public meetings were held in different counties, in all of which the seizing of the powder, and the governor’s threats were reprobated in the strongest terms. The news of Lexington engagement arriving when the minds of the Virginians were in such a ferment, tended to increase their apprehensions, and of course attention to the militia and volunteer companies.

It was not long ere the same news reached Charleston, in South-Carolina. The hopes of the inhabitants, that the non-importation and non-exportation agreements would induce the parent state to recede from her demands, were blasted on the arrival of a packet from London, the 19th of April; but when the Lexington news was received, they concluded that the colonies were to be dragooned into slavery. The thought excited the greatest indignation; but they paused upon considering their situation. The province, for near two hundred miles coastways, was accessible to the British fleets and armies. It had but a few trifling fortifications, and these held by British officers. The western frontiers were exposed to the savages; and the Negroes might be prevailed upon, by insinuations, to slay their masters. The governor had the command of the militia; and all the officers had their commissions from him. The inhabitants were quite defenceless, without arms, ammunition, cloathing, ships, money, or men skilled in the arts of war. The stores of the merchants afforded no supplies of a warlike nature; no exception having been made in the general scheme of non-importation. They could not, however, brook a mean submission to the dictates of Britain; and therefore determined upon a manly and virtuous resistance. Accordingly, on the night after intelligence of actual hostilities were received, a number of the principal gentleman of the town, possessed themselves of twelve hundred stand of arms, with the accoutrements; removed them directly from the royal arsenal, and afterward distributed them among the men enlisted in the public service.

Let us return to notice an expedition planned in Connecticut.

The necessity of securing Tyconderoga, was early attended to by many in New-England; but some Connecticut gentlemen were first in attempting the measure. Secrecy was essential to success; and delay might be dangerous. There was no waiting to consult the continental congress; beside, it would not have been safe to have communicated the scheme to that body, as it was known there would be individuals in it, on whose fidelity the Americans could not rely. Messrs. Deane, Wooster, Parsons, and others, undertook the affair. They applied to the assembly for a loan, which was furnished, to the amount of about eighteen hundred dollars, on which they gave bonds to be accountable. General Gage had set the example of attempting to seize upon military stores, and by so doing had commenced hostilities; so that retaliation appeared more than warrantable, even an act of self-defence. The expedition went on with rapidity. Several militia captains pushed forward to Salisbury, to acquaint Messrs. Blagdens (nephews to your former acquaintance, the carpenter, of the same name) with the design, and to procure their assistance. One was ill, the other[118] joined in the proposed manœuvre. After a little deliberation, they concluded upon spending no time in obtaining men; but having provided a sufficient quantity of powder and ball, set off on horseback for Bennington to engage colonel Allen. They conferred with him opon their arrival; and then tarried with others to bake bread, and prepare other necessaries, while the colonel went on to raise the men who were wanting, and who were to meet the managers at Castelton. While these were on their way to the place of rendezvous, they were met by a countryman, apparently an undesigning honest traveller, but who was either himself well-skilled and a principal, or had been well-tutored by some one or other, that had either suspected or gained knowledge of the expedition, and meant to render it abortive. They addressed him, “From whence came you?—From Ty[119], left it yesterday, at such an hour. Has the garrison received any reinforcement? Yes; I saw them; there were a number of artillery men and other soldiers. What are they doing? Are they making fascines? Don’t know what fascines are. They are tying up sticks and brush in bundles, and putting them where the walls are down.” Mr. Samuel Blagden put many insnaring questions about the dress and trimmings of the men, &c. The answers tended to confirm the man’s story. The company was staggered; and it being debated in council, whether they should not return as they had no cannon, it was determined by a majority of one only, to proceed. At Castleton they met colonel Allen with his men, and altogether made two hundred and seventy persons; two hundred and thirty of them were _green mountain boys_, so called from their residing within the limits of the Green Mountains; as the Hampshire grants are denominated, from the range of green mountains that runs through them. They are a brave hardy generation, chiefly settlers from New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Connecticut[120]. Sentries were placed immediately on all the roads, to prevent any intelligence being carried to Tyconderoga. After the junction at Castleton, colonel Arnold arrived, with only a single servant. The day after his getting to Cambridge with his volunteer company, he attended on the Massachusetts committee of safety, and reported that there were at Tyconderoga, 80 pieces of heavy cannon, 20 of brass from 4 to 18 pounders, 10 or a dozen mortars, a number of small arms, and considerable stores; and that the fort was in a ruinous condition, and as he supposed garrisoned by about forty men. Upon this the committee, on the third of May, appointed him a colonel of four hundred men, whom he was to inlist and march for the reduction of Tyconderoga. The colonel was known only to Mr. Blagden. A council was called; his powers were examined; and at length it was agreed, that he should be admitted to join and act with them, that so the public might be benefitted. It was settled, however, that colonel Allen should have the supreme command, and colonel Arnold was to be his assistant; with which the latter appeared satisfied, as he had no right by his commission, either to command or interfere with the others, who were not only out of the Massachusetts line, but the subjects of another colony. The names of the leaders, besides what have been mentioned, were Messrs. Motte, Phelps’s (two brothers) Biggelow, Bull, and Nichols, beside colonels Easton, Brown, and Warner, and captain Dickinson.

After it had been determined in a council to set off the next morning early for Ty, and some of the managers had retired, a second council was held, and it was concluded to proceed that very night, leaving Messrs. Blagden, Biggelow, and Nichols, with a party of men, thirty in all, officers included, to march early in the morning for Skeensborough, and secure major Skeen, his negroes and tenants. This council might have been occasioned by the return of captain Noah Phelps, who the day before, having disguised himself, entered the fort in the character of a countryman wanting to be shaved. In hunting for a barber, he observed every thing cirtically, asked a number of rustic questions, affected great ignorance, and passed unsuspected. Before night he withdrew, came and joined in his party, and the morning guided them to the place of destination.

Colonel Allen, with his 230 _green mountain boys_, arrived, at Lake Champlain, and opposite to Tyconderoga, on the ninth at night. Boats were procured with difficulty; when he and colonel Arnold crossed over with 83 men, and landed near the garrison. Here a dispute took place between the colonels, the latter became assuming and swore he would go in first, the other swore he should not. The gentlemen present interposed and the matter was accommodated upon the footing that both should go in together. They advanced along side of each other, colonel Allen on the right hand of colonel Arnold, and entered the port leading to the fort, in the gray of the morning, [May 10.] A sentry snapped his fusee at colonel Allen, and then retreated through the covered way to the parade; the main body of the Americans followed, and immediately drew up. Captain De la Place, the commander, was surprised a bed in his room. He was ordered to give up the fort; upon his asking by what authority, colonel Allen replied, “I demand it in the name of the great Jehovah and the continental congress.” The congress knew nothing of the matter, and did not commence their existence till some hours after: when they began their session, they chose the honorable _Peyton Randolph_ president, and Mr. _Charles Thomson_ secretary, each with a unanimous voice; and having agreed “That the reverend Mr. Duchee be requested to open the congress with prayers to-morrow morning,” and appointed a committee to acquaint him with their request, adjourned till the next day. Had captain De la Place been upon the parade with his men, he could have made no effectual resistance. The fort was out of repair, and he had but about thirty effectives. Could he have gained timely intelligence, he might have procured a reinforcement from St. John’s. You have the particulars of the military stores taken at Tyconderoga below[121]. After colonel Allen had landed, the boats were sent back for the remainder of the men under colonel Seth Warren, but the place was surprised before he could get over. Immediately upon his joining the successful party, he was sent off to take possession of Crown Point, where a sergeant and twelve men performed garrison duty; but the greatest acquisition was that of more than 100 pieces of cannon. The complete command of Lake Champlain was of high importance to the Americans, and could not be effected without their getting possesion of a sloop of war lying at St. John’s at the bottom of the lake. It was determined to man and arm a schooner lying at South Bay, and that colonel Arnold should cammand her, and that colonel Allen should command the batteaus, a name generally affixed to boats of a particular construction, calculated for navigating the lakes and rivers, and drawing but little water, though heavily laden. The wind being fresh in the south, the schooner out sailed the batteaus, and colonel Arnold surprised the sloop. The wind shifting suddenly to the north, and blowing fresh, in about an hour’s time colonel Arnold sailed with the prize and schooner for Tyconderoga, and met colonel Allen with his party.

The surprise of Skeensborough was so conducted, that the negroes were all secured, and major Skeen, the son, taken while out a shooting, and his strong stone house possessed, and the pass compleatly gained without any bloodshed, the same as at Tyconderoga. Had the major received the least intimation, the attempt must have miscarried; for he had about fifty tenants nigh at hand, besides eight negroes and twelve workmen.

Colonel Allen soon left Tyconderoga, under the command of colonel Arnold, with a number of men, who agreed to remain in garrison.

[May 18.] When the news of Tyconderoga’s being taken reached the continental congress, they earnestly recommended it to the committees of the cities and counties of New-York and Albany, immediately to cause the cannon and stores to be removed from thence to the south end of Lake George; but that an exact inventory should be taken of them, “in order that they may be safely returned, when the restoration of the former harmoney between Great-Britain and these colonies, so ardently wished for by the latter, shall render it prudent and consistent with the over-ruling law of self-preservation.” Whatever may be the drift of a few in congress, the body wish to keep the door upen for an accommodation. This was apparent in the advice they gave the New-Yorkers, three days before the preceding recommendation. The city and county of New-York applied to them for information how to conduct towards the troops expected there. The congress resolved, “that it be recommended, for the present, to the inhabitants of New-York, that if the troops which are expected, should arrive, the said colony act on the defensive, so long as may be consistent with their safety and security; that the troops be permitted to remain in the barracks, so long as they behave peaceably and quietly, but that they be not suffered to erect fortifications, or take any steps for cutting off the communication between the town and country, and that if they commit hostilities or invade private property, the inhabitants should defend themselves and their property, and repel force by force; that the warlike stores be removed from the town; that places of retreat, in case of necessity, be provided for the women and children of New-York; and that a sufficient number of men be imbodied, and kept in constant readiness for protecting the inhabitants from insult and injury.”

Let us come to the Massachusetts.

Mr. Hancock having been chosen at the last election, on December 5, 1774, one of the delegates to the general congress; and the time approaching when it became necessary for him to prepare for his journey, Dr. Joseph Warren was chosen president of the provincial congress pro tempore.

[April 27.] The inhabitants of Boston lodged with the select men, according to agreement with general Gage, 1778 fire arms, 634 pistols, 273 bayonets, and 38 blunderbusses. The same day the provincial congress recommended to the inhabitants of the sea-ports, the removal of their effects, &c.

[April 28.] A circular letter was written to the several towns of the colony, wherein after noting the affair of the nineteenth, it was said, “we conjure you, by all that is dear, by all that is sacred, that you give all assistance possible in forming the army. Our all is at stake. Death and devastation are the certain consequences of delay. Every moment is infinitely precious. An hour lost may deluge your country in blood, and entail perpetual slavery upon the few of your posterity, who may survive the carnage. We beg and intreat, as you will answer it to your country, to your consciences, and above all as you will answer it to God himself, that you will hasten and encourage, by all possible means, the inlistment of men to form the army; and send them forward to head-quarters at Cambridge, with that expedition which the vast importance and instant urgency of the affair demand.” This address was attended to; the men discovered a readiness to turn out for the salvation of their country, and the women applied themselves with cheerfulness to the fitting out of their husbands, fathers and brothers, for the important expedition, while the dangers of it were overlooked or disregarded. After a few days continuance before Boston, great numbers returned home, some to follow their business, and others to procure necessaries for the time they had enlisted or meant to enlist for. During the interval between this return, and the provincials resorting afresh to the place of rendezvous, the land entrance into and out of the town by the Neck, was next to unguarded. Not more than betwixt six and seven hundred men, under colonel Lemuel Robinson of Dorchester, were engaged in defending so important a pass, for several days together.—For nine days and nights the colonel never shifted his clothes, nor lay down to sleep, as he had the whole duty upon him even down to the adjutant, and as their was no officer of the day to assist. The officers, in genearl, had left the camp, in order to raise the wanted number of men. The colonel was obliged therefore, for the time mentioned, to patrole the guards every night, which gave him a round of nine miles to traverse.

[May 1.] The Massachusetts congress alloted to the different towns, the five thousand poor expected out of Boston.—Rhode-Island and Connecticut had made paper-money, with which to furnish a plentiful substitute for cash, and to answer present exigencies. The men repairing from these colonies, for the defence of the Massachusetts, were supplied with this money; the Massachusetts therefore resolved, that it should pass in all payments.

The general assembly of Connecticut appointed Dr. Johnson, and Oliver Wolcot, esq. a committee from their body, to wait upon general Gage, and desired the governor to write in their name to the general, relative to the situation of public affairs, and the late unfortunate transactions in the Massachusetts. He wrote on the twenty-eighth of April: and the committee repaired to Boston with the letter. Both the provincial congress and the committee of safety were greatly alarmed at the transaction. The first wrote [May 2.] to the delegates, whom they had sent to the colony, representing to them the fatal consequences that might follow, upon any one colony’s undertaking to negociate separately, either with parliament, ministry or their agent here. The last wrote to the colony itself, intreating it to afford immediately all possible aid. Governor Trumbull acquainted them, in his answer of May the 4th, that they need not fear their firmness, deliberation and unanimity, to pursue measures which may appear best for common defence and safety; and that Connecticut will be cautions of trusting promises, which it may be in the power of any to avade.

[May 3.] On the same day, on which general Gage sent a sensible and respectful answer to governor Trumbull, the Massachusetts congress empowered the receiver general to borrow £.75,000 sterling upon notes, bearing an interest of six _per cent._ that so they might support their forces; they also forwarded dispatches to the general congress, containing accounts of their proceedings. In their letter they mentioned, “The sudden exigency of our public affairs, precluded the possibility of waiting for your direction in these important measures, more especially as a considerable reinforcement from Great-Britain is daily expected in this colony, and we are now reduced to the sad alternative of defending ourselves by arms or submitting to be slaughtered.” They modestly suggested the necessity of a powerful army on the side of America. They took notice, that the inhabitants of many of their sea-ports had removed, and were removing their families and effects, to avoid destruction from the ships of war; and expressed their confidence in the wisdom and ability of the continent to support them, so far as it should appear necessary for the common cause of the American colonies.

[May 4.] The committee of safety wrote to the governor and company of Connecticut, most earnestly pressing them to send immediately three or four thousand men, that so an important post might be secured, which otherwise the enemy would be likely to possess themselves of, as soon as their reinforcement arrived. The troops were desired to be forwarded in companies as fast as they could be got ready. They sent also to Rhode-Island, and urged their marching a body of troops to assist on the like occasion. They proceeded to resolve, “That the public good requires that government in full form ought to be taken up immediately.” Advice was received, that a number of transports with troops were just arrived at Boston from England.

[May 5.] That provincial congress resolved, “The general Gage has, by the late transactions, and many other means, utterly disqualified himself from serving this colony as a governor, or in any other capacity; and that therefore no obedience is in future due to him; but that on the contrary, he ought to be considered and guarded against, as an unnatural and inveterate enemy to the country.”

[May 9.] The committtee of safety ordered the commanding officers of ten neighbouring towns, to march one half of the militia, and all the minute-men under their command, forthward to Roxbury that so the British troops might not come and possess themselves of that post. Before it was properly strengthened general Gage entertained such design. General Thomas, who commands there, gained information of what was intended, on the day it was to be executed. His whole force consisted only of seven hundred men. The post comprehended a large broad high hill. A road leads to the top of it, visible in some parts to persons at the entrance into Boston; it passes over the hill and descends into a hollow, from whence you can turn off, and passing circuitously enter again upon the said road. The general took advantage of this circumstance, and continued marching his seven hundred men round and round the hill, by which he multiplied their appearance to any who was reconnoitering them at Boston. The dress of the militia was extremely various, and consisted of their common clothing, which prevented the discovery of a deception, that might otherwise have been soon detected, had they worn a uniform and possessed regimental ensigns. This warlike imposition most probably prevented general Gage’s attacking and carrying the post, by the possession of which he would have had it in his power to direct his march to any part of the country he pleased. The colonels of the several regiments were ordered to repair immediately to Cambridge, with the men they had inlisted; and part of the cannon and stores to be removed to some distance of security; and breast works to be erected at different places to prevent the enemy’s passing into the country from Boston Neck, and to annoy them if they crossed the river and advanced through Charlestown, or if they attempted going by water to Medford. The Massachusetts congress concluded on disarming the disaffected inhabitants; and that no person should move with his effects out of the colony, unless leave was granted.

[May 15.] They resolved upon a letter to the eastern tribe of Indians, to secure their friendship, and engage them on the side of the colonies, and proposed to raise a company of them to serve in the war. Four days after the committee of safety voted, that captain John Lane have enlisting papers for raising such company. The provincials reprobate in the bitterest terms, the idea of the Indians being imployed by the ministry against themselves; so that there is a seeming inconsistency in their attempting to engage them against the British troops. But let it be remembered, that the Indians will probably take part with the one side or the other; for through a restless warlike temper, they are not in common disposed to observe a neutrality; and that there is a wide difference between employing them against armed soldiers and letting them loose upon defenceless settlers, men, women and children.

Skirmishes were occasioned at different times and places, by the attempts of each party to carry off stock from the small islands, with which the bay of Boston is agreeably interspersed, and afforded the mixt spectacle of ships, boats and men engaged by land and water. These small engagements were not trifling in their consequences. The advantage was generally on the side of the Americans, which elated their spirits. They also learnt from them to face danger, and to run hazards; and it is by being habituated to these, that probably the greatest quantum of courage is acquired. Frequent skirmishes are good preparatives, by which to qualify raw soldiers to fight as veterans in set battles.

[May 21.] Two sloops and an armed schooner with soldiers, sailed to Grape-Island to get hay. The provincials followed them as soon as the tide admitted, drove them off by their approach, burnt all the hay, about eighty ton, and brought off the cattle from the island.

[May 24.] A committee having been appointed to inquire what was the stock of powder in certain towns, reported, that in thirty-nine towns in Suffolk, Essex, Middlesex, Plymouth and Worcester, there were 67 3–4 barrels. The rest of the towns in the colony had none worth mentioning. How painful a circumstance, the small quantity of powder, to those Americans, who have any idea of the great consumption which war occasions! The want of it had been sensibly felt for some time; and therefore, beside the adoption of other measures, orders were given for the importation of that, and other military stores, but it must be long before they can be procured in this way, should they come safe.

[May 25.] The Cerberus arrived at Boston with the three generals, Howe, Clinton, and Burgoyne. They were so assured in their own mistaken apprehensions that there would be no occasion to draw the sword in support of ministerial measures, that they had prepared to amuse themselves with fishing and other diversions, instead of expecting to be engaged in military service. They were astonished at the situation of affairs, and when in company with generals Gage and Haldiman, asked how the sortie happened. General Haldiman answered, “I knew nothing about it, till the barber came in to shave me, and said that the troops were gone out, and that they had been fighting. I did not choose that he should know I got my information from him. I therefore called my footman, and sent him out upon a frivolous errand, well knowing, that if there was any truth in what the barber reported, he would bring me word of it, which he did. In this way I became acquainted with what had happened.” The newly arrived generals declared their surprise in the significant looks which followed this relation from the second in command.

[May 27.] About six hundred of the Massachusetts and New-Hampshire forces were employed to bring off the stock from Hog-Island and Noddles-Island, which lie contiguous; the intervening passage is fordable at certain times of the tide. A party went on and fired the hay and barn on Noddles-Island, on which a number of marines crossed from Boston; and, upon the provincials retreating to Hog-Island, were decoyed down to the water side, when a hot action commenced, which did not close with the day. The king’s troops amounted to some hundreds, and were supported by an armed schooner of four six pounders and twelve swivels, an armed sloop, and the barges all fixed with swivels. The provincials were commanded by general Putnam. Dr. Warren’s zeal and courage would not admit of his remaining at a distance; upon hearing what was going forward, he repaired to the spot to encourage the men. They had two pieces of artillery, which were well served, and did considerable execution. The night was very dark, but the action continued all through it. Toward morning the schooner got aground upon Winnisimmet ferry ways; the British were obliged to abandon her, and the provincials boarded, and after stripping her of every thing valuable, set her on fire. They lost not a man, and had only three wounded, not one mortally. The regulars were said to have suffered very much, not to have had less than two hundred killed and wounded. The loss was probably greatly exaggerated; that, however, had a good effect on the provincials. The affair was matter of no small triumph to them, and they felt upon the occasion, more courageous than ever.

[May 30.] The provincials went afresh on Noddles-Island, and burnt the mansion house, which answered no good purpose whatever. But there are too many who destroy property merely because of its having belonged, or being supposed to belong to those Americans who have taken the opposite side of the question in the present controversy. The stock, consisting of between five and six hundred sheep and lambs, twenty head of cattle, besides horses, was taken off by them in the course of the day. The next day five hundred sheep and thirty head of cattle were removed off Pettick’s-Island by a party under colonel Robinson. On the night of June the second, eight hundred sheep and lambs, together with a number of cattle, were carried off Deer-Island, by a corps of provincials under major Greaton.

The agreement with general Gage, relative to the inhabitants leaving the town of Boston, was well observed in the beginning; and their request was granted, with the approbation of all. But after a short time, they were detained upon the plea that persons going from thence for the goods of those who chose to abide there, were not properly treated. The embarrassments and delays which the inhabitants had to contend with, induced the provincial congress to order the sending of a letter to general Gage, to remonstrate with him upon the subject. The letter however, did not answer. The truth is, after a number were allowed to depart, great clamors were raised. Such persons as were, or pretended to be well affected to the British government, alledged that none but the ill-inclined were for removing, and that when they were safe with their effects, the town would be set on fire. A demur soon afterward arose about the meaning of the word _effects_, whether merchandise was included; and the general being sensible, that the permitting articles of that kind to be carried out, might strengthen the Americans in their resistance, would not admit of their removal. This proved a hardship to many who quitted the town, as it deprived them of the resource for living in their accustomed affluence. In a variety of instances, the passports were so conducted, that families were cruelly divided; wives were separated from their husbands; children from their parents; the aged and the sick from their relations and friends, who wished to attend and comfort them. The general was very averse to the allowing of women and children to leave Boston, thinking they contributed to the safety of the place, and prevented his being attacked; but of that no real danger existed, notwithstanding the high tone of the people without, and the intimations of some within the town. Numbers of the poor and hapless were however sent out, and several of them infected with, or not fully recovered from the small-pox, by which mean the provincials were greatly endangered.

These were employed in collecting their force, from every quarter with all possible dispatch, which could not be dispensed with, considering the reinforcements which had arrived, and were arriving at Boston. [June 3.] But they were distressed for want of money; and a letter was dispatched by the Massachusetts congress, to their receiver-general, upon the absolute necessity of paying the colony forces immediately, and directing his attendance forthwith; and also acquainting him, that a gentleman at Salem had £.375 sterling, which he was willing to lend the province, and which would be of the utmost importance to pay directly to the soldiers, and might prevent the greatest mischiefs. The want of cash obliged them to have a recourse to province notes, which they struck off night and day, for the advance pay of the men who had inlisted.

[June 10.] They were better off as to provision, and established a too plentiful allowance, beyond what the troops could expend. By the general return of the army at Cambridge, it amounted on the ninth to 1581 officers, commissioned, sergents, &c. and 6063 privates, in all 7644. But such was the want of regularity, that no dependence could be had upon its exactness. The number of privates was probably much aggravated. Too many of the officers did not scruple to make false returns for their own emolument. The large proportion of them shows that the regiments were far from being full, or were much over-officered. Several of the Massachusetts officers are miserable tools, and must be discarded sooner or later. It is owing to their having been elected by the very privates they command; and to the resignations of a number who had governmental commissions, but have thrown them up from an apprehension that the Americans will not succeed; this gave an opening to a set of fellows totally destitute of both courage and honor, to push themselves forward and get chosen.

[June 12.] General Gage issued a proclamation offering a pardon in the king’s name, to all who should forthwith lay down their arms, and return to their peaceable occupations, except Samuel Adams and John Hancock. All who did not accept of the proffered mercy, who should protect, assist, conceal or correspond with such, were to be treated as rebels and traitors. It also declared, that as a stop was put to the due course of justice, martial law should take place till the laws were restored to their due efficacy. The proclamation had no other effect than to put the provincials upon looking out for the operations which were to succeed [June 14.] The Massachusetts congress chose their president, Dr. Warren, second major-general in their own forces; the first having been chosen the day before.

A discovery has been made which will deliver down to posterity the name of governor Hutchinson, loaded with infamy. An accident has thrown into the hands of the Americans, the books of his copied letters to the ministry and others, in his own hand writing. By means of them, the several charges brought against him, of his enmity to his own colony, of his consummate duplicity of his advising ministry to alter the charter, and to use force for the establishment of their plans, and of his assuring them that they would meet with no effectual resistance from the boasting sons of liberty, whose courage would certainly fail them when put to the trial, have been authenticated beyond the possibility of a denial.

When he quitted the province all his furniture was left behind in his seat at Milton. After the Lexington engagement, the committee of the town removed it in order to save it from being totally ruined. Mr. Samuel Hanshaw,[122] desirous of seeing how the house looked, when striped of all the furniture, repaired thither with the gentleman who had the key. He went at length up into a dark garret, where he discovered an old trunk, which he was told was left behind, as it contained nothing but a parcel of useless papers. Curiosity led him to examine them, when he soon discovered at letter book of Mr. Hutchinson’s, which he secured, and then posted away to Dr. Warren, to whom he related what had happened; on which an order was soon sent to general Thomas, at Roxbury, to possess himself of the trunk. It was brought to his quarters; and there through the imprudent exultations of some about the general, the contents were too often exposed to person resorting thither, and some single letters conveyed away; one for the public good, it being thought that if the same was generally known, it might be of disservice in the present moment as it had not a favorable aspect upon the staunch patriotism of Mr. Hancock. The letter books and other papers were afterward taken proper care of; and have been submitted to my inspection. Many of his letters beside what have already appeared, will be printed; those you meet with as his, in the Boston Gazette, or actually taken from it, you may depend upon as genuine and faithfully copied.

Mr. Hutchinson behaved much to the satisfaction of the public as judge of probates. He was ready to assist, in a most obliging manner, the widow and the orphan with his advice, whenever their business called them before them. As chief justice he was not exceptionable, only when he supported the cause of government against the claims of the people. When in the chair of the first magistrate, his appointments to different offices were generally of men will qualified for discharging the duties of the same, though mostly supporters of government; he was advised by a British naval officer to secure Mess. Hancock and S. Adams by promoting them; but replied that though such a scheme might answer in regard to Mr. H. it would not as to Mr. A. for it would be only giving him more power to aid him in his opposition and that he should not be able afterward to remove him. Under the charter the governor cannot remove from offices without the consent of the council; and Mr. Hutchinson knew that Mr. S. Adams’s interest in the council would be greater than his own. He was used to profess the warmest attachments to the good of his native colony, and that he was ever aiming to promote its happiness; and would frequently show the letters he had written about the time of the stamp act, in opposition to that measure. He ingratiated himself by his free, familiar and condescending intercourse with the common people, whom he would join, walk, and converse with in his way, from the meeting to his seat. On these accounts he had a number of friends and advocates, who thought highly of him; but since the discovery of his letters, they begin to own that they were deceived in the man, and wofully mistaken in the good opinion they entertained of him. He will be execrated in America, if not in Great-Britain.

The dispatches forwarded to the general congress from the Massachusetts the beginning of May, led on to their resolving themselves into a committee of the whole to take into consideration the state of America. Before they finished this great business, they resolved, unanimously, “That all exportations to Quebec, Nova-Scotia, the island of St. John’s, Newfoundland, Georgia, except the parish of St. John’s, and to East and West Florida, immediately cease, and that no provision of any kind, or other necessaries, be furnished to the British fisheries, on the American coasts, until it be otherwise determined by the congress.” The parish of St. John’s was excepted, as it had sent a delegate to congress. They continued to sit in a committee from day to day till the 24th, when the honorable Peyton Randolph being under a necessity of returning home, and the chair being thereby vacated, they unanimously chose the honorable John Hancock, esq. president.

[May 26.] A report from the committee being read, the congress came unanimously into certain resolutions; and among other matters they resolved, “That the colonies be immediately put into a state of defence: but that, as they most ardently wish for a restoration of the harmony formerly subsisting between the mother country and these colonies, for the promotion of this most desirable reconciliation, an humble and dutiful petition be presented to his majesty.” It was then resolved, but not unanimously, “That measures be entered into for opening a negociation, in order to accommodate the unhappy disputes subsisting between Great-Britain and these colonies, and that this be made a part of the petition to the king.”—Afterward, “That the militia of New-York be armed and trained, and in constant readiness to act at a moment’s warning.”

Mr. Dickinson, the author of the farmer’s letter, is now a member of congress for Pennsylvania. His heart was much engaged in bringing about a reconciliation, and he labored hard in procuring a second petition to the king; but it was opposed by several, and occasioned strong debates for several days. However for the sake of congressional harmony, it was at length unanimously agreed to; as they that opposed it had not the least idea of its proving effectual, from a full persuasion that the British ministry would be so irritated, by what had happened on April the nineteenth, as to reject all tenders short of full submission.—These nevertheless declined voting, that measures for a negociation should make a part of the petition. Since the Lexington engagement, many of the New-Englanders believe that the contest must end in absolute slavery or real independence.

[May 29.] Congress wrote a letter to the Canadians, stiling them _the oppressed inhabitants of Canada_, and themselves _friends and countrymen_. It was designed to persuade them, that their present form of government is a form of tyranny, and that they, their wives and children, are made slaves, to prevent their taking a part against the colonies in the present contest, and to procure a union of all in defence of common liberty.

[June 2.] It was resolved, “That no provisions of any kind be furnished or supplied to, or for the use of the British army or navy, in the Massachusutts Bay, or of any transport.”

[June 7.] Congress, for the first time, stiled the colonies THE TWELVE UNITED COLONIES, in a resolve, “That Thursday, the 20th of July, be observed throughout the twelve united colonies, as a day of humiliation, fasting and prayer.” From henceforward the _united colonies_ will come into use.

[June 8.] Major Skeen (the father) of Skeensborough, with other officers, upon their arriving the evening before at Philadelphia, in a vessel from London, were taken into custody.—Congress being informed of it, and the said Skeen had been lately appointed governor of the forts of Tyconderoga and Crown-Point, and had declared that he was authorized to raise a regiment in America; they appointed a committee to examine his papers, as also those of a lieutenant in the regulars.

[June 9.] They having been applied to by a letter of May 16th from the Massachusetts convention, for their explicit advice, resolved, “That no obedience being due to the act of parliament for altering the charter of the colony of Massachusetts Bay, nor to a governor or lieutenant-governor who will not observe the directions of, but endeavor to subvert that charter, the governor and lieutenant-governor of that colony are to be considered as absent, and their offices vacant; and as there is no council there, and the inconveniences arising from the suspension of the power of governments are intolerable; that, in order to conform as near as may be to the spirit and substance of the charter, it be recommended to the provincial convention to write letters to the inhabitants of the several places entitled to representation in assembly, requesting them to choose such representatives; and that the assembly, when chosen, do elect counsellors; and that such assembly or council exercise the powers of government, until a governor of his majesty’s appointment will consent to govern the colony according to its charter.

[June 10.] It was recommended to the united colonies to collect salt-petre and sulphur, and to manufacture the same into gun-powder, for the use of the continent.

[June 14.] Congress agreed to the resolutions of the committee of the whole house, “That six companies of expert riflemen be immediately raised in Pennsylvania, two in Maryland, and two in Virginia; and that each company, consisting of sixty-eight privates, beside officers, march as soon as completed, and join the army near Boston, to be there employed as light infantry.”

[June 15.] They proceeded to choose by ballot a general to command all the continental forces, and _George Washington_, esq. was unanimously elected.

[June 16.] The president informed him of the choice which the congress had made, and of their requesting his acceptance of that employment. Colonel Washington, standing in his place, answered,

“Mr. _President_,

“Though I am truly sensible of the high honor done me in this appointment, yet I feel great distress from a consciousness, that my abilities and military experience may not be equal to the extensive and important trust. However, as the congress desire it, I will enter upon the momentuous duty, and exert every power I possess in their service, and for the support of the glorious cause. I beg they will accept my most cordial thanks for this distinguished testimony of their approbation.

“But, lest some unlucky event should happen unfavorable to my reputation, I beg it may be remembered by every gentleman in the room, that I this day declare, with the utmost sincerity, I do not think myself equal to the command I am honored with.

“As to day, Sir, I beg leave to assure the congress, that as no pecuniary consideration could have tempted me to accept this arduous employment, at the expense of my domestic ease and happiness, I do not wish to make any profit from it. I will keep an exact account of my expences. Those, I doubt not they will discharge, and that is all I desire.”

The colonel did not aspire to the honor of commanding the army; he was rather solicitous to avoid it, upon an apprehension of his inadequacy to the importance of the service. The partiality of congress, however assisted by a _political motive_, rendering his reasons unavailing; and led him to “_launch into a wide and extensive field, too boundless for his abilities, and far, very far beyond his experience_,” as his prevailing modesty induced him to express himself. He is doubtless active, attentive to business, temperate, humane, formed for gaining and securing the affections of officers and soldiers, far from haughty and supercilious, though naturally reserved, which is a quality that may secure him from answering, without offending many improper questions, that the New-Englanders will be likely to ask, for they are amazingly addicted to inquisitiveness; this is greatly owing to the equality that prevails among them, and leads them into those mutual freedoms, which are censured in places where distinction in fortune and rank are far more prevalent and disproportioned. The personal appearance of the colonel is noble and engaging. He certainly possesses strong powers of mind, which will tend much to supply in a short season, any present deficiencies, that the want of more extensive reading, and of more practical knowledge in military matters, may inevitably occasion. His days have been spent in America, and he has had little opportunity of seeing service. As you have already been informed, in 1755, he prevented the total ruin of the British troops after general Braddock’s defeat, by covering their retreat with his rangers; but he has never been accustomed to the command of a regular regiment, to which is to be imputed his saying to the volunteers he lately commanded in Virginia, that a gun and a good sword or hanger was all the soldier wanted, without mentioning a word of the bayonet—it was all that the ranger wanted. When the last French war was closed, the cessions made to Britain in these American regions, cut off all expectation of future hostile armies in the country; and made the professed study of the arts of war superfluous to a person inclined to the pleasure of a plantation.

Though the late Rev. Mr. Davis, whom you well remember when at London, inserted the following note in a sermon of his on some special occasion, “I may point out to the public that heroic youth colonel Washington, whom I cannot but hope Providence has hitherto preserved in so signal a manner for some important service to his country;” yet as no human knowledge could, at that period, fathom the events of the present day, and as there was no evidence of its being in a degree prophetic, it can be ascribed only to the admiration the author felt while contemplating the character of the colonel. But his being a person of strict honor and probity, was undoubtedly a main reason with congress for electing him to the chief command of the American army. They are fully persuaded of his patriotism, that it is not pretended; that he will not betray the cause of the united colonies; that he will not lavish away those scanty supplies, which call for the greatest œconomy; that he will never prey upon the vitals of his country to enrich himself, nor countenance others in doing it; that while he is entrusted with the power of the sword he will pay a sacred regard to the civil rights of his fellow-subjects; and that he will not add needless barbarity to the unavoidable horrors and calamities of war. He does not understand French; the knowledge of which many will view as an important accomplishment, especially should the continuance of the present rupture make the aid of France hereafter a desirable acquisition. But should the times ever induce French adventurers to repair in shoals to head-quarters, he may bless his ignorance for securing him from many impertinent, long, and tiresome applications of military men, of no eminence and little worth, mere soldiers of fortune, who are after rank and riches, both which the united colonies should deal out with a parsimonious hand, in accommodation to their own circumstances. He entered on the forty-fourth year of his age the 11th of last February. You will wish to know the _political motive_ which may have swayed colonel Washington. You must not look for it in any supposed neglect on the part of the British government, after he had done them such eminent service in covering the retreat of the troops in 1755. This may be insinuated to lessen his character. But did he even think himself slighted at the time, he would scarce have remembered it, much less have harbored any resentment upon the occasion, for twenty years together. The _political motive_ must certainly have been of another nature. It was probably complex. A common danger has united the colonies; but has not eradicated all the jealousies that before existed among them. New-York, Pennsylvania, and the colonies to the southward, have not such confidence in the Massachusetts Bay, as to admit that one of their own natives should be the commander in chief. There is too great a nationality among the Bay-men; such a one might be unduly prejudiced in favor of his own colony. Beside, colonel Washington and the other colonists were in pursuit of an honorable accommodation, and had not the most distant thought of separating from Great-Britain. They could not be certain, whatever was the case at present, that the Massachusetts would not shortly aim at a separation; it was then a matter of consequence who headed the army. Whatever some of the Massachusetts delegates might wish in their hearts, they perceived the necessity of accommodating themselves to the inclinations of others at such a crisis; and hence the unanimity with which colonel Washington has been elected; for though it was by ballot, it was not without pre-concerted counsel.

[June 17.] A draught of general Washington’s commission was agreed to, and ordered to be fairly transcribed, signed, and delivered to him; after which the congress declared, that they would maintain and assist, and adhere to him, with their lives and fortunes, in the maintenance and preservation of American liberty. They then proceeded to choose by ballot, Artemas Ward, esq. first major-general, Horatio Gates adjutant-general, and Charles Lee, esq. second major-general. Two days after, they choose Philip Schuyler, esq. third major-general, and Israel Putnam, esq. unanimously, fourth major-general.

Having attended to the proceedings of the general congress down to the choice of their first officers to command the continental army, let us return to the Massachusetts.

[June 15.] The committee of safety, having received various accounts of the movements of general Gage’s army, and of his intention soon to make an attempt to penetrate into the country, recommended to the congress the ordering of all the militia to hold themselves in readiness to march on the shortest notice; and to the council of war, the maintaining of Bunker’s Hill by a sufficient force posted thereon, and the taking of such steps respecting Dorchester Neck, as to them should appear to be for the security of the colony. Bunker’s Hill is just at the entrance of the peninsula of Charlestown, and is considerably high and large.

[June 16.] Orders were issued, that a detachment of a thousand men, under colonel Prescott, do march at evening, and entrench upon the hill. By some mistake Breed’s Hill, high and large like the other, but situated on the furthest part of the peninsula next to Boston, was marked out for the entrenchment instead of Bunker’s. The provincials proceeded therefore to Breed’s Hill; but were prevented going to work till near twelve o’clock at night, when they pursued their business with the utmost diligence and alacrity, so that by the dawn of day they had thrown up a small redoubt, about eight rods square. Such was the extraordinary silence which reigned among them, that they were not heard by the British on board their vessels in the neighboring waters. The sight of the works was the first notice that the Lively man of war had of them, when the captain began firing upon them, about four in the morning. The guns called the town of Boston, the camp, and the fleet, to behold a novelty which was little expected. The prospect obliged the British generals to alter the plan which they meant to execute the next day. They grew weary of being cooped up in Boston; and had resolved upon making themselves masters of Dorchester Heights, and securing the _elbow room_ which general Burgoyne proposed enjoying. But the present provincial movement prevented the expedition. They were now called to attempt possessing themselves of _Breed_’s Hill; on which the provincials continued working, notwithstanding a heavy fire from the enemy’s ships, a number of floating batteries, and a fortification upon _Copp_’s Hill in Boston, directly opposite to the little American redoubt. It is called Copp’s Hill, though the original name was Cope’s Hill, from the name of the first owner. An incessant shower of shot and bombs was rained by the batteries upon the American works, and yet but one man was killed. The Americans continued laboring indefatigably till they had thrown up a small breast-work, extended from the east side of the redoubt to the bottom of the hill, but were prevented completing it by the intolerable fire of the enemy. By some unaccountable error, the detachment which had been working for hours, was neither relieved nor supplied with refreshment, but was left to engage under these disadvantages.

Between twelve and one o’clock, and the day exceeding hot, a number of boats and barges, filled with regular troops from Boston, approach Charlestown. The men are landed at Moreton’s Point. They consist of four battalions, ten companies of the grenadiers, and ten of light infantry, with a proportion of field artillery, but by some oversight their spare cartridges are much too big for them, so that when the Americans are at length forced from their lines, there is not a round of artillery cartridges remaining. Major-general Howe and brigadier-general Pigot, have the command. The troops form, and remain in that position till joined by a second detachment of light infantry and grenadier companies, a battalion of the land forces, and a battalion of marines, making in the whole near upon 3000 men. Generals Clinton and Burgoyne take their stand upon Copp’s Hill, to observe and contemplate the bloody and destructive operations that are now commencing. The regulars form in two lines, and advance deliberately, frequently halting, to give time for the artillery to fire, but it is not well served. The light infantry are directed to force the left point of the breast-work, and to take the American line in flank. The grenadiers advance to attack in front, supported by two battalions, while the left, under general Pigot, inclines to the right of the American line. One or two of the continental regiments had been posted in Charlestown; but afterward removed to prevent their being cut off by a sudden attack; so that the British are not hurt in the least by any musketry from thence, whatever may hereafter be pretended; neither do generals Clinton and Burgoyne perceive any[123] though properly stationed for observing all that passes. General Gage had for some sime resolved upon burning the town, when once any works were raised by the Americans upon the hills belonging to it;[124] and while the British are advancing nearer and nearer to the attack, orders come to Copp’s Hill for executing the resolution; soon after a carcass is discharged, which sets fire to an old house near the ferry way; the fire spreads, and most of the place is instantly in flames. The houses at the eastern end of Charlestown are fired by men landed from the boats. The regulars derive no advantage from the smoke of the conflagration, for the wind suddenly shifting, carries it another way, so that they have not the cover of it in their approach. The provincials have not a rifleman among them, not one being yet arrived from the southward; nor have they any rifle guns; they have only common muskets, nor are these in general furnished with bayonets; but then they are almost all marksmen, being accustomed to sporting of one kind or other from their youth. A number of the Massachusetts troops are in the redoubt and the part of the breast-work nearest it. The left of the breast-work, and the open ground stretching beyond its point to the water side, through which there has not been the opportunity of carrying the work, is occupied partly by the Massachusetts forces, and partly by the Connecticut, under capt. Nolton of Ashford, and the New-Hampshire, under colonel Stark.

By the direction of the officers, the troops upon the open ground pull up the post and rail fence, and carrying it forward to another of the same kind, and putting some newly mowed grass between them, form a slight defence in some parts. General Warren joins the Massachusetts forces in one place, and general Pomeroy in another. General Putnam is busily engaged in aiding and encouraging, here and there as the case requires. The provincials are impatiently waiting the attack of the enemy. What scenes now offer to our view! Here, a large and noble town, consisting of about 300 dwelling houses, and near upon 200 other buildings, in one great blaze, burning with amazing fury, being chiefly timber, with but little exception. The only place of worship, a large commodious meeting house, by its aspiring steeple, forms a pyramid of fire above the rest. There, in Boston, the steeples, houses, and heights, are covered with the inhabitants, and those of the military, whose duty does not call them elsewhere. Yonder, the hills around the country, and the fields, that afford a safe and distinct view of the momentous contest, are occupied by Americans of all ages and orders. The British move on steadily, but slowly, instead of using a quick step; which gives the provincials the advantage of taking surer and cooler aim. These reserve their fire till the regulars come within ten or twelve rods, when they began a furious discharge of small arms, by which the enemy is arrested, and which they return for some time without advancing a step. The stream of American fire is so incessant, and does such execution, that the regulars retreat in disorder, and with great precipitation toward the place of landing, and some seek refuge even in their boats. The officers are seen by the spectators on the opposite shore running down to them, using the most passionate gestures, and pushing them forward with their swords. At length they are rallied; but march with apparent reluctance up to the entrenchment. The Americans again reserve their fire, till the enemy come within five or six rods; then discharge their well directed pieces, and put them a second time to flight. Such is the loss already sustained, that several of the officers say, “It is downright butchery to lead the men on afresh against the lines.” But British honor is at stake; these must therefore be carried. General Howe and the officers double their exertions. General Clinton perceiving how the army is staggered, passes over, without waiting for orders, and joins them in time to be of service. The united and strenuous efforts of the different officers are again successful, notwithstanding the men discover an almost insuperable aversion to renewing the attack. The Americans are in want of powder, send for a supply, but can procure none; for there is but a barrel and a half in the magazine. This deficiency disables them from making the same defence as before; while the British reap a farther advantage by bringing some cannon to bear so as to rake the inside of the breast-work from end to end; upon which the provincials retreat within their fort. The regular army now makes a decisive push. The fire from the ships and batteries and field artillery is redoubled. The officers in the rear goad on the soldiers, and the redoubt is attacked on three sides at once. The provincials are of necessity ordered to retreat; but they delay, and keep the enemy at bay for some time with the butt end of their muskets, till the redoubt is half filled with regulars; the works of which are easily mounted, a few hours only having been employed in throwing them up.

While these operations are going forward, at the breast-work and redoubt, the light infantry are engaged in attempting to force the left point of the former, through the space between that and the water, that they may take the American line in flank. They exhibit repeated proofs of undaunted courage; but the resistance they met with is as formidable and fatal as what their fellow soldiers experienced in the other quarter. Here the provincials also, by command, reserve their fire till the enemy is near, and then pour in their shot upon the infantry with such a true direction, and amazing success, as to mow them down in ranks. Some of them are slightly guarded by the rail fences above mentioned: but others are quite exposed, and more than is needful; and the regulars will have no reason in future to charge them with fighting unfairly, because of their using defences not formed by military rules and workmen. The engagement between the two parties is kept up with great resolution, but the well-aimed fire of the Americans does astonishing execution; and the strenuous exertions of the regulars cannot compel them to retreat, till they observe that their main body has left the hill: when they give way but with more regularity than could be expected from troops who had been no longer under discipline, and in general never before saw an engagement.

The courage and conduct of the provincials that opposed the light infantry, saved their co-patriots, who were overpowered and obliged to retreat from the fort; and who must otherwise have been cut off, as the enemy, but for such opposition, would have been instantly upon the back of the redoubt. While these brave men were retreating, general Warren was shot in the back part of his head, on the right side:[125] having mechanically clapt his hand to the wound, he dropt down dead.

The retreat of the Americans lay over the Neck, which joined the peninsula of Charlestown to the main land; and the Glasgow man of war and two floating batteries were so stationed as to rake every part of it with her shot, it was feared that they would be cut off after all, but they retired with very little loss. The incessant fire kept up by the ship and batteries across the Neck from the beginning of the engagement, prevented any considerable reinforcements getting to the hill; but this was owing more to the cowardice of some provincial officers than to the execution of the shot.

The number of Americans engaged, including those who dared to cross the Neck and join them, amounted only to fifteen hundred; but the unengaged, who appeared in various parts, did, by their different movements, lead many of the Boston spectators to apprehend, at that distance, that they consisted of some thousands.

It was feared by the Americans, that the British troops would push the advantage they had gained, and march immediately to head-quarters at Cambridge, about two miles distant, and in no state of defence. But they advanced no further than to Bunker’s Hill, of which they possessed themselves the night of their retreat from Lexington; and here they threw up works for their own security. The provincials did the same upon Prospect Hill in front of them, about half way to Cambridge. The apprehensions of each side in regard to the other appeared to be similar. Both were guarding against an attack, in hopes of preventing it. Had the resolution of either led on immediately to a fresh engagement, the day would probably have been far more decisive. But the loss of the peninsula damped the courage of the Americans, and the loss of men depressed the spirits of the British. A veteran officer, who was at the battles of Dittengen and Minden, and at several others in Germany, has said, that for the time the engagement lasted, and the number of men in it, he never knew any thing equal it. There was a continued sheet of fire from the provincials for near half an hour, and the action was hot for about double that period. In this short space, the loss of the British, according to general Gage, amounted to 1054, of whom 226 were killed, of these 19 were commissioned officers, including a lieutenant-colonel, 2 majors, and 7 captains; 70 other officers were wounded. Among those more generally regretted, were lieutenant-colonel Abercrombie and major Pitcairn, who occasioned the first shedding of blood at Lexington. The battle of Quebec, in the late war, with all its glory, and the vastness of the consequences it produced, was not so destructive to the British officers as this affair of an American entrenchment, the work of only a few hours. Even at the battle of Minden, where the British regiments sustained the force of the whole French army for a considerable time, the number of officers killed, including two who soon died of their wounds, was only 13, and the wounded remaining 66; their whole loss in killed, was 291, in wounded 1037, together 1328.[126] That the officers suffered so, must be imputed partly to their being aimed at by the Americans; and this may account for most of those who were near the person of general Howe being slain or disabled. It was a wonder that the general himself escaped. The men, habituated to take sight, would naturally aim at the officers, without expecting or waiting for orders, from an apprehension that much confusion would follow upon their dropping. Gage’s account of the killed and wounded is large, but does not equal by much, what has been given to one of the select men of Boston, remaining in the town, by a sergeant who declared he had seen the returns from the proper persons, the total of which was 1325. The light infantry and grenadiers, the moment they presented themselves, lost three-fourths of their men, and in a few instances more. Of one company only three or five, and of another only fourteen escaped. A number of tories served as volunteers, several of whom were killed. The unexpected resistance of the Americans called forth all the courage and exertions of the British officers, which did not fail upon the occasion; but whatever commendations they are entitled to upon that account, the Americans are certainly entitled to a proper portion of the like, for having made the same necessary. These have now wiped away the reproaches unjustly cast upon them by their enemies in Britain. Let such praise the spirited conduct of general Howe and of general Clinton, and attribute in a great measure the success of the day to the firmness and gallantry of general Pigot; but let them no more pronounce the colonists cowards, who will fly at the very sight of a grenadier’s cap. The British, beside gaining the peninsula, took thirty wounded prisoners, and five pieces of cannon out of six.

The loss of the provincials has been trifling. The killed and dead of their wounds, are 139; the wounded living, 278; and the missing 36, in all 453. They deeply regret the deaths of major general Warren, of colonel Gardner of Cambridge, of lieutenent-colonel Parker, of Clemsford, who was wounded taken prisoner, and perished in Boston jail; of major Moore and major M‘Clany, who were the only officers of distinction that they lost. But the death of general Warren will be most severely felt and occasions the greatest sorrow. His enemies bear testimony to his importance, by triumphing at his fall, and rating it as better to them than 500 men. Neither resentment nor interested views, but a regard to the liberties of his country induced him to oppose the measure of government. He stepped forward into public view, not that he might be noted and admired for a patriotic spirit, but because he _was_ a patriot. He was a gentleman of integrity, in whom the friends of liberty could confide. The soundness of his judgment enabled him to give good advice in private consultations. His powers of speech and reasoning commanded respect and gained him influence in the provincial congress. He aimed not at a separation from, but a coalition with Britain, upon a full redress of grievances, and a reciprocal intercourse of interests and affection. He was valued in private life for his engaging manners, and as a physician for his professional abilities. The death of an amiable consort had made his life of the greatest importance to his children; he was willing however to risk it in the service of the public. His intrepidity and zeal for the cause he had espoused, together with the electing voice of the provincial congress, induced him to enter upon the military line. Within four days after his appointment to a a major-generalship, he fell a noble sacrifice to the natural rights of mankind. He was of a middling size, and, of a lowish stature. The ladies pronouced him handsome.

The tories exulted upon the acquisition of the peninsula of Charlestown; but the experienced officers in the British service thought the advantage too dearly purchased, and their countenances became gloomy upon the occasion. The reason for it has been increasing from the frequent and multiplied deaths of the wounded. These have suffered greatly for want of fresh provisions and other supplies, which the country alone could furnish: many would have survived, had they been as well nursed as the wounded Americans out of Boston, of whom but few have died; with regard to the wounded prisoners in town, there are complaints of their having been ill-treated.

The burning of Charlestown, now a heap of ruins, though before the present troubles, a place of great trade, has not had the least tendency toward discouraging the provincials from prosecuting their opposition to ministerial measures, whatever might have been the intention of general Gage. It has not excited fear, but resentment, wrath and execration. Such military executions may distress and impoverish, but will not subdue the colonists. They might answer for the old world, but are not calculated for the new.

In the opinion of many, general Howe was chargeable with a capital error for landing and attacking as he did. It might originate from too great a confidence in the forces he commanded, and in too contemptuous an opinion of the enemy he had to encounter. He certainly might have entrapped the provincials by landing on the narrrowest part of Charlestown Neck, under the fire of the floating batteries and ships of war. Here he might have stationed and fortified his army, and kept up an open communication with Boston by a water carriage, which he would have commanded through the aid of the navy, on each side of the peninsula. Had he attempted this manœuvre, the provincials on observing it must have made a rapid retreat from Breed’s Hill, to have escaped having his troops in their rear, and being inclosed. It is said that general Clinton proposed it. The rejection of the proposal, if really made, has greatly weakened the British army, and probably prevented the ruin of the American.

The colonists may regret, that general Howe conquered at Breed’s Hill; but had the provincials driven him back into Boston it might have been of far greater detriment to the common cause, than the present situation of affairs. The Massachusetts colony would scarce have been easy under the appointment of general Washington to the chief command, had general Ward been crowned with the laurels of victory. The victory, as it stands, will make the appointment go down easily, and prevent objections. Not only so, but it has occasioned Gage’s dividing his army to secure the conquest he has made. He has another post to maintain which will employ so great a force, as to cramp his future operations. Besides, had the British been driven back into Boston, they might have removed to New-York, which would have answered their general design better than remaining cooped up in their present position. In that city and colony they would have had many more friends. There it is that the ministry have their greatest influence. That would have been the securest place for the troops, and where they might have procured those supplies from the country which they are now deprived of. By early reinforcements from Great-Britain, it might have been made so strong a post, as to have commanded the North-river, and cut of the communication between the colonies which that separates.

The provincials have been indefatigable in throwing up works and securing the most exposed parts of their lines, with strong redoubts, covered with artillery. They had strangely neglected fortifying the passage from the Neck to the post of Roxbury, and even the post itself: but since the Breed’s Hill battle they have compensated for the defect; and to make their defence the more perfect have pulled down a very good house (on a point where the road coming from Boston divides) which was built by governor Dudley, and to whose false politics many are ready to ascribe the early origin of those designs which the ministry are now endeavoring to accomplish. The ministerial army abound in military stores and artillery, and are not sparing in throwing shells and supporting a great cannonade upon the provincial works, especially at Roxbury. It was terrifying at first to raw troops, who, not being accustomed to, expected to suffer greatly by it. Some damage has been done among the houses in the street, one or two have been burnt, and a man or two killed. But the provincials stationed there have found by experience, that tho’ the noise is great, the damage is trifling, and therefore despise it. They are so hardened by repeated firing, that a cannonading is no more minded than a common thunder shower.

Breed’s Hill engagement excited fresh desires in the inhabitants of Boston to leave the town. The select men had given repeated assurances to general Gage, that they had delivered up their arms according to agreement. In order to justify his detaining them [June 19.] he issued a proclamation, in which he declared, that he had full proof of the contrary, and that many had been perfidious in that respect, and had secreted great numbers. Some few might secrete their sporting guns, or curious arms. No doubt however is to be made, but that the greatest part, or nearly all the training arms were delivered up. The impartial world will scarcely acquit him of having been guilty of a notorious breach of faith, even admitting his own plea. If individuals had not complied with the proposal of delivering up their arms, yet as the community had done it, the innocent were entitled to all the benefits of the agreement. Numbers were afterward allowed to quit the town, but not to take their effects, tho’ that was stipulated in the beginning; the allowance, however, was thought to be owing to a desire of reducing the consumption of provisions, when a scarcity was approaching.

The day the proclamation appeared, the chiefs and warriors of the _Oneida_ tribe of Indians, directed the following speech to governor Trumbull, to be communicated by him to the four New-England provinces:

“As my younger brothers of the New-England Indians, who have settled in the vicinity, are now going down to visit their friends, and to move up parts of their families that were left behind—with this belt, by them, I open the road wide, clearing it of all obstacles, that they may visit their friends and return to their settlements here in peace.

“We Oneidas are induced to this measure on account of the disagreeable situation of affairs that way; and we hope by the help of God, they may return in peace. We earnestly recommend them to your charity through their long journey.

“Now we more immediately address you our brother, the governor, and the chiefs of New-England.

“Brothers!—We have heard of the unhappy differences and great contention between you and Old England. We wonder greatly, and are troubled in our minds.

“Brothers! Possess your minds in peace respecting us Indians.—We cannot intermeddle in this dispute between two brothers.—The quarrel seems to be unnatural.—You are _two brothers of one blood_.—We are unwilling to join on either side in such a contest, for we bear an equal affection to both you Old and New-England.—Should the great king of England apply to us for aid—we shall deny him.—If the colonies apply—we will refuse.—The present situation of you two brothers, is new and strange to us.—We Indians cannot find, nor recollect in the traditions of our ancestors, the like case, or a similar instance.

“Brothers!—For these reasons possess your minds in peace, and take no umbrage that we Indians refuse joining in the contest.—We are for peace.

“Brothers!—Was it an alien, a foreign nation, who had struck you, we should look into the matter.—We hope through the wise government and good pleasure of God, your distresses may be soon removed, and the dark clouds be dispersed.

“Brothers!—As we have declared for peace, we desire you will not apply to our Indian brethren in New-England for assistance.—Let us Indians be all of one mind, and live with one another; and you white people settle your own disputes betwixt yourselves.

“Brothers!—We have now declared our minds—please to write to us, that we may know yours. We the sachems and warriors, and female governesses of _Oneida_, send our love to you, brother governor, and all the other chiefs in New-England.”

Signed by _William Sunoghsis_, _Nicklasha Watshaleagh_, _William Kanaghquaesea_, _Peter Thayeheare_, _Jimmy Tekayaheare Nickhis Aghsenhare_, i. e. garter; _Thomas Yoghtanowea_, i.e. spreading the dew; _Adam Ohonwano_, _Quedellis Agwerondongwas_, i. e. breaking of the twigs; _Handereheks Tegahsweahdyen_, i. e. a belt (of wampum) extended; _Johnko Skeanendo_, _Thomas Teondeatha_, i. e. a fallen tree. Above a hundred years back, a sachem of a family which was becoming extinct, adopted a numerous family, and to commemorate their own decay and extinction, called the adopted _Teondeatha_, which name is perpetuated, as are several of their family names.

The speech was dated from _Kononwarohare_, i. e. a head erected on a pole.

My friend the Rev. Mr. Samuel Kirkland, a missionary among the Oneidas, and who understands the language, interpreted and wrote the above. He tells me, that the Indian names of men, rivers and places, have often special meanings, alluding to events or qualities, as is much the case in the Hebrew language. The Indians are very deliberate in their speeches, often pausing, to engage a closer attention to what they deliver. They have a prevailing species of politeness, frequently wanting in the conversation of civilized Europeans, too apt to pronounce them savages and barbarians. They give close attention to the person addressing them. They do not interrupt him while speaking, but wait till he has finished; and consider it as great rudeness to be interrupted. In their councils every one is heard with patience in all that he has to say; profound silence reigns among the audience, to the exclusion o£ all disturbance, and there are no private confabulations

The above Indian speech seems to refer to one which had been delivered to the provincial congress eleven days before, by the Stockbridge delegate, being the answer of the Indians dwelling there, to a message of the former congress. This answer was—“Brothers! we have heard you speak by your letter—we thank you for it—we now make answer. Brothers! you remember when you first came over the great waters I was great and you was little, very small. I then took you in for a friend, and kept you under my arms, so that no one might injure you; since that time we have ever been true friends; there has never been any quarrel between us. But now our conditions are changed. You are become great and tall. You reach to the clouds. You are seen all round the world. I am become small, very little. I am not so high as your heel. Now you take care of me, and I look to you for protection. Brothers! I am sorry to hear of this great quarrel between you and Old England. It appears that blood soon must be shed to end this quarrel. We never till this day understood the foundation of this quarrel between you and the country you came from. Brothers! Whenever I see your blood running, you will soon find me about you to revenge my brother’s blood. Although I am low and very small, I will gripe hold of your enemy’s heel, that he cannot run so fast and so light as if he had nothing at his heels.

“Brothers! You know I am not so wise as you are, therefore I ask your advice in what I am now going to say—I have been thinking before you come to action, to take a run to the westward, and feel the mind of my Indian brethren the six nations, and know how they stand, whether they are on your side or for your enemies. If I find they are against you, I will try to turn their minds. I think they will listen to me, for they have always looked this way for advice concerning all important news that comes from the rising of the sun. If they hearken to me, you will not be afraid of any danger from behind you. However their minds are affected, you shall soon know by me.—Now I think I can do you more service in this way, than by marching off immediately to Boston, and staying there; it may be a great while before blood runs. Now as I said, you are wiser than I, I leave this for your consideration, whether I come down immediately or wait till I hear some blood is spilled.

“Brothers! I would not have you think by this that we are falling back from our engagements. We are ready to do any thing for your relief, and shall be guided by your counsel.

“Brothers! One thing I ask of you, if you send for me to fight, that you will let me fight in my own Indian way. I am not used to fight English fashion, therefore you must not expect I can train like your men. Only point out to me where your enemies keep, and that is all I shall want to know.”

This speech was delivered the eleventh of April, 1775, by the chief sachem of the _Moheakounuck_ tribe of Indians, residing at Stockbridge, after sitting near two days in council. The provincial congress ordered the following reply on the eighth of June, viz.

“Brothers! We this day, by the delegate from Stockbridge, first heard of your friendly answer to our speech to you by captain William Goodrich, which answer we are told you made to us immediately by a letter, which we have not yet received. We now reply.

“Brothers! You say that you was once great, but that you are now little; and that we were once little, but are now great. The supreme spirit orders these things. Whether we are little or great, let us keep the path of friendship clear which our fathers made, and in which we have both travelled to this time. The friends of the wicked counsellors of our king, fell upon us, and shed some blood soon after we spake to you last by our letter. But we, with a small twig, killed so many, and frightened them so much, that they have shut themselves up in our great town called Boston, which they have made strong. We have now made our hatchets, and all our instruments of war sharp and bright. All the chief counsellors who live on this side the great water, are sitting in the grand council-house in Philadelphia; when they give the word, we shall all as one man fall on, and drive our enemies out of their strong fort, and follow them till they shall take their hand out of our pouches, and let us sit in our council-house, as we used to do, and as our father’s did in old times.

“Brothers! Though you are small, yet you are wise. Use your wisdom to help us. If you think it best, go and smoke your pipe with your Indian brothers toward the setting of the sun, and tell them of all you hear and all you see; and let us know what their wise men say. If some of your young men should have a mind to see what we are doing here, let them come down and tarry among our warriors. We will provide for them while they are here.

“Brothers! When you have any trouble, come and tell it to us, and we will help you.”

To captain Solomon _Ahhaunnauwaumut_, chief sachem of the _Moheakounuck_ Indians.

[June 20.] the Massachusetts congress wrote to the several towns, that the continental congress resolved on the 9th instant, “that no obedience being due to the act of parliament for altering the charter of the colony, &c.” and directed them to elect one or more freeholders to represent them in a great and general court, to be held upon the 19th of July, at Watertown. They also chose colonel Heath major-general, in the place of the late general Warren.

[June 22.] Before general Washington left Philadelphia, the continental congress chose by ballot, eight brigadier-generals—Seth Pomeroy, esq. of the Massachusetts colony, the first; Richard Montgomery, esq. of New-York, the second; David Wooster, esq. of Connecticut, the third; William Heath, esq. of the Massachusetts, the fourth; Joseph Spencer, esq. of Connecticut, the fifth; John Thomas, esq. of the Massachusetts, the sixth; John Sullivan, esq. of Hampshire, the seventh; and Nathaniel Greene, esq. of Rhode-Island, the eighth; and resolved, that the officers in the army should receive their new commissions through the hands of the general.

The same day they resolved, “That a sum not exceeding 2,000,000 of Spanish milled dollars, be emitted by the congress, in bills of credit, for the defence of America; and that THE TWELVE CONFEDERATED COLONIES (thus they are termed) be pledged for the redemption of the bills.” This is an expedient, without which they are not able to prosecute the defence of America, as they have neither money nor revenues to recur to. Some few of the delegates know, from what has happened in the northern colonies, that the effects of a paper emission will be bad when it becomes plentiful; has no stable fund for the speedy redemption of it; and cannot be exchanged in the common intercourse of business for specie or specie value. But the risk of smaller and personal evils must take place rather than the total subversion of the rights of the united colonies be endangered. No one delegate therefore opposed the present expedient. As the news of Breed’s Hill battle had reached them by means of a quick conveyance, they resolved, “That Pennsylvania raise two more companies of riflemen, and that the whole eight be formed into a battalion, to be commanded by such officers as shall be recommended by the assembly or convention of said colony.”

Measures being pursued in North-Carolina to defeat the American association, they resolved [June 26.] “That it be recommended to all in that colony, who wish well to the liberties of America, to associate for the defence of American liberty, and to embody themselves as militia, under proper officers; and that in case the assembly or convention of that colony shall think it absolutely necessary for the support of the American association and safety of that colony to raise a thousand men, this congress will consider them as an American army, and provide for their pay.” They have gone too far to recede from the use of force, and so must employ it wherever wanted to secure their friends, till the point in dispute with Great-Britain is settled. The zeal, activity, and unanimity of those Pennsylvanians in general, whose principles admit of hostile resistance, have superceded the necessity of such like resolutions in respect to them. The Philadelphia militia have been formed into three battalions for some time; and in the beginning of the month these, consisting of 1500 men, an artillery company of 150, with two twelve and four six pound brass field pieces; a troop of light horse, several companies of light infantry, rangers, and riflemen, in the whole about two thousand, marched to the common, and having joined in brigade went through the manual exercise, firing and manœuvres (with a dexterity scarcely to be expected from so short a practice) in the presence of the members of the continental congress, and several thousand spectators. A considerable number even of the quakers, have joined in the military association of the city. There is one company composed entirely of gentlemen belonging to the religious denomination of people they are convinced that weapons of war may be lawfully employed in defending their national rights and liberties, though they are averse to all offensive operations to gratify ambition covetousness or revenge. The Pennsylvanians are careful to order the militia of the counties to be frequently exercised. The colony has put on the most martial appearance.

About the begining of June a committee of congress drew up a declaration containing an offer to Great-Britain, “That the colonies would not only continue to grant extraordinary aids in time of war, but also, if allowed a free commerce, pay into the sinking fund such a sum annually for one hundred years, as should be more than sufficient in that time, if faithfully applied, to extinguish all the present debts of Britain. Or, provided this was not accepted, that to remove the groundless jealousy of Britain, that the colonies aimed at independence, and an abolition of the navigation act which in truth they have never intended: and also, to avoid all future disputes about the right of making that and other acts for regulating their commerce for the general benefit they would enter in a covenent with Britain, that she should fully possess and exercise that right for one hundred years to come.” This declaration was never entered upon the minutes of congress, for before that could be done, they received the accout of the two restraining acts, which proved its ruin.[127]

They resolved, “That in case any agent of the ministry shall induce the Indian tribes, or any of them, to commit actual hostilities against these colonies, or enter into an offensive alliance with the British troops, thereupon the colonies ought to avail themselves of an allience with such Indian nations as will enter into the same, to oppose such British troops and their Indian allies.”

[July 2.] General Washington, accompanied by general Lee and other gentlemen, arrived at Cambridge. A committee from the Massachusetts congress repaired to Springfield, about a hundred miles from Boston, on the way to Connecticut, there to receive them, and provide proper escorts for them from thence to the army. They had been treated with the highest honors in every place through which they passed; and been escorted by large detachments of volunteers composed of gentlemen. The general was addressed by the provincial congress of New-York as he came along. They expressed their joy in his appointment; and toward the close said, “We have the fullest assurances, that whenever this important contest shall be decided by that fondest wish of each American soul, an accomodation with our mother country, you will cheerfully rasign the important deposit committed into your hands, and re-assume the character of our worthiest citizen.” The general, after declaring his gratitude for the regard shown him, added, “Be assured, that every exertion of my worthy colleagues and myself, will be extended to the re-establishment of peace and harmony, between the mother country and these colonies; as to the fatal but necessary operations of war, when we assumed the soldier, we did not lay aside the citizen and we shall most sincerely rejoice with you, in that happy hour, when the establishment of American liberty, on the most firm and solid foundations, shall enable us to return to our private stations, in the bosom of a free, peaceful and happy country.” Since his arrival he has been addressed in the most affectionate and respectful manner by the Massachusetts congress. You must have a recourse to the public prints for his whole answer, but take the beginning for a specimen, “Gentlemen, your kind congratulations on my appointment and arrival, demand my warmest acknowledgments and will be ever retained in grateful remembrance. In exchanging the enjoyments of domestic life for the duties of my present honorable but arduous station, I only emulate the virtue and public spirit of the whole province of Massachusetts Bay, which, with a firmness, and patriotism without example in modern history, has sacrificed all the comforts of social and political life, in support of the rights of mankind, and the welfare of our common country. My highest ambition is, to be the happy instrument of vindicating those rights, and to see this devoted province again restored to peace, liberty, and safety.” This paragraph was extremely gratifying to the persons to whom it was directed.

The general began to give out the congressional commissions, but suspended all further delivery when general Putnam had received his, upon learning that the appointments so degraded general Thomas by ranking him far below is juniors in office, that he could not with any propriety continue in the army on that footing, but must decline serving the country in a military capacity. The several generals regretted the mistake, and wished to have the difficulty removed. Washington acquainted the congress with it, upon which they appointed him first brigadier-general, in the room of Seth Pomeroy, who had never acted under his commission, and was too far advanced in life.

General Green testified his regard for the commander in chief, by addressing him on his appointment and arrival, and by declaring the satisfaction he should feel in serving under his command. He was joined in the address by the officers of his brigade. If other generals and officers have done the like, it has not come to my knowledge. This singular instance of respect must make a favorable and lasting impression on the mind of general Washington. The general, after a careful inspection, could not estimate the continental army at more than 14,500 men capable of duly, who had to defend an extent of at least twelve miles. But such has been the precaution and guard exercised on every side of Boston, that the regiment of light cavalry arrived there, has not set foot beyond the garrison, and serves only to create new wants, and to increase the inconveniencies of the people as well as of the British army. The hay growing upon the islands, together with the sheep and cattle remaining upon them, proved an object of necessary attention:—but the continentals possessing a number of whale boats, and being masters of the shores and inlets, were successful in burning, destroying, or carrying off those essential articles of supply, notwithstanding the number of British ships of war and armed vessels.

[July 11.] A party of 500 continentals went at night from the Roxbury camp, and getting into 65 whale boats, proceeded to Long-Island, and brought off 15 of the enemy, about 20 head of cattle, and 100 sheep. The next day [July 12.] they went again and burnt the hay, &c., when there was considerable fighting between them and the British boats and schooners. About six days after, a number burnt the light-house on an island, nine miles below Boston, at the entrance of the harbour, though a man of war lay within a mile of the place.

Since the arrival of the continental generals, the regulations of the camp have been greatly for the better. Before, there was little emulation among the officers: and the soldiers were lazy, disorderly and dirty. The freedom of which the New-Englanders have alway been accustomed, makes them impatient of controul, and renders it extremely difficult to establish that discipline so essential to troops, in order to success. Discipline will not inspire cowards with courage, but it will make them fight. The army has been thrown into three grand divisions: general Ward commands the right wing at Roxbury; general Lee the left at Prospect Hill; and the centre, in which is included a corps de reserve, is commanded by general Washington. Adjutant-general Gates has been of special service in arranging the army. His military skill in those matters has supplied the want of it in others. The public cannot be too thankful for this benefit. Every officer and private begins to know his place and duty. Method and punctuality are growing into use, and becoming habitual. The troops will shortly have the mechanism and movements, as well as the name of an army.

The continental lines are so strengthened, the number of redoubts and mounted cannon so many, as to make an attack upon Cambridge, or a penetration into the country that way impracticable. The British according to the intelligence obtained from Boston, have lost by death, including the slain, and those who died of their wounds near upon 2500, since the nineteenth of April.

General Washington acquainted congress, that the allowance of provisions to the troops and the mode of delivering out, are different from what has fallen within his experience, and must prove very wasteful and expensive. The high pay of the soldiers,[128] which greatly exceeds that of the British will make a more œconomical plan necessary. But the most painful information he had to communicate, was that of the want of powder. [August 13.] He discovered, that the whole stock of the army at Roxbury, Cambridge, and the adjacent places, consisted but of ninety barrels or thereabouts: that there were no more than 36 in the Massachusetts magazine, which with the stock of New-Hampshire, Rhode-Island and Connecticut, made but 9937lb. not more than nine rounds a man. The continentals remained in this destitute condition for about a fortnight or more, till the Jersey committee of Elizabeth-Town, upon receiving the alarming news, sent on a few tons, which they were obliged to do with the greatest privacy, lest the fears of their own people, had it been known, should have stopt it for their own use, in case of an emergency. During this interval, the scarcity of powder became a camp talk; and a deserter carried the account of it to Boston. The British dared not to rely upon the intelligence, having been so often deceived. Beside, though they had met with unexpected proofs of American courage, yet they could not believe the colonists possessed of such consummate assurance, as to continue investing them, while so destitute of ammunition. They rather suspected a deep laid plot to ensnare them.

All the riflemen are arrived in camp. The congressional resolve, for raising eight hundred, passed on the fourteenth of June, and on the twenty second they agreed upon two additional companies of Pennsylvanians. No orders were dispatched before the fourteenth, and the expresses had to ride three or four hundred miles to the persons directed to raise them. The men to the amount of 1430, were raised, completely armed, most with their own rifles, and accoutred for the field with such expedition as to join the army at Cambridge, one company on the 25th of July, the rest on the 5th and 7th of August; all had marched from four to seven hundred miles. The whole business was performed in less than two months, without a farthing advanced from the continental treasury.

The present is a good time for relating what the congress have been doing.

[July 6.] They agreed to a _Declaration_ in behalf of the colonies, _setting forth the causes and necessity of their taking up arms_. After enumerating the injuries they had suffered, they reprobated the principles of lord North’s conciliatory plan, without naming it, and said, “Parliament adopted an insidious manœuver, calculated to divide us, to establish a perpetual auction of taxations, where colony should bid against colony, all of them uninformed what ransom would redeem their lives.” They went on to mention the perfidy of general Gage in breaking his agreement with the inhabitants of Boston—the wanton burning of Charlestown, and a considerable number of houses in other places—the seizure of their ships and vessels—the instigation of the Canadians and Indians to fall upon them. They then said, “We are reduced to the alternative of choosing an unconditional submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers, or resistance by force. The latter is our choice. We have counted the cost of this contest, and find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. Honor, justice, and humanity, forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom which we received from our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have a right to receive from us. We cannot endure the infamy and guilt of resigning succeeding generations to that wretchedness which inevitably awaits them, if we basely entail hereditary bondage upon them.”

“Our cause is just. Our union is perfect. Our internal resources are great; and if necessary _foreign assistance_ is undoubtedly attainable.” This intimation of _foreign assistance_, was not founded upon any private information, but flowed solely from the persuasion that one or more foreign powers will readily embrace the opportunity of a fixed breach between Great-Britain and the colonies, to weaken the power of the first by assisting the last. But that they might not by their declaration, disquiet the minds of their friends and fellow-subjects, congress assured them, that they meant not to dissolve that union which had so long and so happily subsisted between them and Britain. They concluded thus, “With an humble confidence in the mercies of the supreme and impartial Judge and Ruler of the universe, we most devoutly implore his divine goodness to protect us happily through this great conflict, to dispose our adversaries to reconciliation on reasonable terms, and thereby to relieve the empire from the calamities of civil war.”

The declaration of congress has been read with religious solemnity by the chaplains, to the different bodies of the American army about Boston, and received with loud acclamations by the troops, and the numerous spectators who were present upon the occasion. The same day that congress agreed upon the declaration, they resolved upon a letter of thanks to the lord mayor, aldermen, and livery of the city of London, for their virtuous and spirited opposition to the oppressive and ruinous system of colony administration adopted by the British ministry.

[July 8.] The petition to the king being ready, it was signed by the members present. It is a decent, dutiful, and truly filial petition, and deserves to be written in letters of gold, for the sentiments it breathes toward the parent state. Had money been wanting to have purchased it, it would have been wisdom to have bought it at any price. If properly received, it may be made the basis of an internal compact between Great-Britain and her American colonies, which may to all ages bid defiance to the intrigues of France, and the murmurs of rotten hearted men, either in Britain or America. The sincerity of it may be called into question by the ministry. Let them put the sincerity of it to the test, by promoting a compliance with the contents, and so over-reach those individual delegates who may wish a continuance of the present quarrel. The colonies, as yet, desire no more than a redress of grievances, and security against a repetition of them. They most ardently long for a firm and indissoluble union with the parent state, upon these grounds. Thus it is with the army. It is the wish of general Washington particularly, and such is its reasonableness, that he hopes and expects that the contest will be shortly terminated, so as to admit of his eating his next Christmas dinner at his own delightful residence on _Mount Vernon_.

The same day the congress agreed to an _Address to the inhabitants of_ Great-Britain—In it they said, “We have again presented an humble and dutiful petition to our sovereign; and to remove every imputation of obstinacy, have requested his majesty to direct some mode by which the united applications of his faithful colonists may be improved into a happy and permanent reconciliation. We are willing to treat on such terms as can alone render an accommodation lasting; and we flatter ourselves that our pacific endeavors will be attended with a removal of ministerial troops, and a repeal of those laws, of the operation of which we complain, on the one part, and a disbanding of our army, and a dissolution of our commercial associations, on the other.” They, after that, insinuated the danger the inhabitants of Britain would be in of losing their freedom, in case their American brethren were subdued. The address is intended to conciliate the minds of the inhabitants of Britain to the measures that the colonists have already taken, or may be obliged further to take, and to obtain the countenance of the former.

The petition to the king, the address to the inhabitants of Great-Britain, and the letter to the lord mayor, &c. were ordered to be sent under cover to Richard Penn, esq. whom the president was to request, in behalf of the congress, to join with the colony agents in presenting the petition to the king. Mr. Penn sailed four days after this order, for England.

[July 12.] The congress agreed upon appointing commissioners to superintend Indian affairs in behalf of the colonies.—Proper talks to the Indians were ordered to be prepared, which were reported the next day [July 13.] and accepted.

[July 18.] The congress resolved to recommend to all able-bodied effective men in each colony, between sixteen and fifty, immediately to form themselves into regular companies of militia; to acquire military skill, and to be well prepared for defence; and that a fourth part of the militia in every colony be selected for minute-men, and be ready to march wherever their assistance may be required. It was earnestly recommended to those who could not conscientiously bear arms in any case to contribute liberally to the relief of their distressed brethren, and to do all other services to their oppressed country, which they could consistently with their religious principles. They also proposed that each colony should appoint a committee of safety, to direct all matters necessary for the security of their respective colonies, in the recess of their assemblies and conventions; and should make such provision, by armed vessels or otherwise, as might be judged expedient for the protection of their harbours and navigation on their sea-coasts, against all hostile cutters and ships of war.

[July 20.] This being the day appointed for the continental fast, congress agreed to meet, and go in a body to divine service both parts of the day. They requested Mr. _Duche_ to preach before them in the morning, and Dr. _Allison_ in the afternoon. But before the service, they met time enough to read some dispatches brought by express from general Schuyler, and a letter from the convention of Georgia, setting forth that the colony had acceded to the general association, and appointed delegates to attend the congress.

The day was kept at Philadelphia as the most solemn fast ever held in that city. It was religiously observed throughout the united colonies. The united synod of New-York and Philadelphia had published a pastoral letter some time before; it was read on that day in the churches under their care, which are very numerous. They said in it, “As the whole continent, with hardly any exception, seem determined to defend their rights by force of arms, it becomes the peculiar duty of those who profess a willingness to hazard their lives in the cause of liberty, to be prepared for death, which to many must be a certain, and to every one is a possible or probable event. It is well known to you (otherwise it would be impudent thus publicly to profess) that we have not been instrumental in inflaming the minds of the people, or urging them to acts of violence and disorder. Perhaps no instance can be given, on so interesting a subject, in which political sentiments have been so long and so fully kept from the pulpit, and even malice itself has not charged us with laboring from the press; but things are now come to such a height, that we do not wish to conceal our opinions as men. Suffer us therefore to exhort you, by assuring you, that there is no army so formidable as those who are superior to the fear of death. Let, therefore, every one who, from generosity of spirit, or benevolence of heart, offers himself as a champion in his country’s cause, be persuaded to reverence the _Lord of Hosts_, and walk in the fear of the _Prince of the kings of the earth_, and then he may, with the most unshaken firmness, expect the issue either in death or victory.”

After several other exhortations, they offered six advices, in substance as follows: 1st, Let every opportunity be taken to express your attachment to king George and the revolution principles. We recommend esteem and reverence for the person of the prince, who has probably been misled into the late and present measures by those about him; neither have we any doubt, that they themselves have been in a great degree deceived by false information from interested persons residing in America.—2dly, Be careful to maintain the union which at present subsists in all the colonies, on which the success of every measure depends.—3dly, We earnestly beseech all societies to watch over their members, and discourage luxury of living, public diversions, and gaming of all kinds.—4thly, We recommend a regard to public order and peace; that all persons conscientiously pay their debts, and to the utmost of their power serve one another, so that the evils inseparable from a civil war may not be augmented by wantonness and irregularity.—5thly, We recommend to all ranks, but particularly to those who may be called to action, a spirit of humanity and mercy. We recommend that meekness and gentleness of spirit which is the noblest attendant on true valor. That man will fight most bravely, who never fights but when it is necessary, and who ceases to fight as soon as the necessity is over.—Lastly, We would recommend to all societies, not to content themselves with attending devoutly on fasts, but to continue habitually in prayer, and to have frequent voluntary meetings for solemn intercession with God on the important trial.”

The accession of Georgia, was owing much to the exertions of the reverend Dr. Zubly; who roused the attention of many in the province to the alarming situation of American affairs; so that at length a general election was held for delegates to set in provincial congress. They met on the fourth of July in Savannah: and requested the governor to appoint a day of fasting and prayer throughout the province, that a happy reconciliation might soon take place between America and the parent state, and that, under the auspicious reign of his majesty and his descendants, both countries might remain united, virtuous, free and happy, till time should be no more. His excellency James Wright consented, as the request was expressed in such loyal and dutiful terms, and the ends proposed such as every good man most ardently wished. They chose the reverend Dr. Zubly, and four others, delegates to represent the province in the continental congress; and at once entered into all the spirit of the resolutions formed by the other colonies, and adopted similar. They declared, that, though their province was not included in the late restraining bill, they considered that circumstance rather as an insult than a favor, as being meant to break the union of the provinces, as being grounded on the supposition, that the inhabitants of the excepted province could be base enough to turn the oppression of America into a mean advantage. They also agreed upon an humble address and representation to his majesty, which as it was not deficient in a certain freshness of colouring, had the appearance of novelty.

[July 25.] The congress agreed in an address to the assembly of Jamaica: and in it said, “We receive uncommon pleasure from observing the principles of our righteous opposition distinguished by your approbation. We feel the warmest gratitude for your pathetic mediation in our behalf with the crown. The peculiar situation of your island forbids your assistance. But we having your good wishes to the friends of liberty and mankind, shall always derive consolation.”

They also resolved, That a body of forces, not exceeding five thousand, be kept up in the New-York department:—and that a further sum of one million Spanish milled dollars, be struck in bills of thirty dollars each.

[July 26.] They established a post-office, to reach from Falmouth, in New-England, to Savannah, in Georgia; and then unanimously elected Benjamin Franklin, esq. post-master general.

[July 27.] They proceeded to the establishment of an hospital for an army of 20,000 men; and elected Benjamin Church, to be director of and physician in it.

[July 28.] They agreed to an address to the people of Ireland, and in it furnished them with a true state of the colonial motives and objects, the better to enable them to judge of the conduct of the colonists with accuracy, and to determine the merits of the controversy with impartiality and precision. They then anticipated the golden period, when liberty, with all the gentle arts of peace and humanity, should establish her mild dominion in the western world, and erect eternal monuments to the memory of those virtuous patriots and martyrs, who shall have fought and bled, and suffered in her cause. Toward the close the language is, “Accept our most greatful acknowledgments for the friendly disposition you have always shown toward us.—We know that you are not without your grievances—We sympathize with you in your distress, and are pleased to find that the design of subjugating us, has persuaded administration to dispense to _Ireland_ some vagrant rays of ministerial sunshine.—Even the tender mercies of government have long been cruel toward you.—In the rich pastures of Ireland, many hungry parricides have fed, and grown strong to labour in its destruction.” In the body of it, a shaft is elegantly pointed at one of the British generals.—“_America_ is amazed to find the name of _Howe_ in the catalogue of her enemies:—she loved his brother.” The former lord _Howe_ fell by the shot of a French Indian, after landing on the left toward the bottom of Lake George, and while heading his corps and marching under the command of general Abercrombie, to attack Tyconderoga. The Massachusetts assembly, to express their affection and strong sense of his worthy character, had a monument erected to his memory in Westminster-abby.

[July 29.] The quotas of the several colonies toward the common expence was settled, for the present, subject to a future revision and correction.

[July 31.] The assemblies of New-Jersey, Pennsylvania and Virginia, having referred to the congress the resolution of the house of commons, comprehending lord North’s conciliatory plan, they expressed their opinion upon it, to the following purpose, viz. “The colonies are entitled to the sole and exclusive privilege of giving and granting their own money. As they possess a right of appropriating their gifts, so are they entitled at all times to inquire into their application. This privilege of giving or withholding their monies, is an important barrier against the undue exertion of prerogative.

“The proposition contained in the resolution is unreasonable and insidious: _unreasonable_, because, if we declare we accede to it, we declare without reservation, we will purchase the favor of parliament, not knowing at the same time at what price they will please to estimate their favor; it is _insidious_, because individual colonies, having bid and bidden again, till they find the avidity of the seller too great for all their powers to satisfy, are then to return into opposition, divided from their sister colonies, whom the minister will have previously detached by a grant of easier terms, or by an artful procrastination of a definitive answer. The suspension of the exercise of their pretended power of taxation being expressly made commensurate with the continuance of our gifts, these must be perpetual to make that so. The proposition is altogether unsatisfactory, because it imports only a suspension of the mode, not a renunciation of the pretended right to tax us; because too, it does not propose to repeal the several acts of parliament complained of as grievances.

“Upon the whole, this proposition seems to have been held up to the world, to deceive it into a belief that there was nothing in dispute between us, but the mode of levying taxes; and that the parliament having now been so good as to give up this, the colonies are unreasonable if not perfectly satisfied: whereas, in truth, our adversaries still claim a right of demanding _ad libitum_, and of taxing us themselves to the full amount of their demand, if we do not comply with it. This leaves us without any thing we can call property.”

Congress had reprobated the conciliatory plan in their address to the British inhabitants; but now they discussed it fully, and exposed its futility. The next day, August the first, they adjourned to Tuesday the fifth of September.

The declaration of congress, their petition to the king, their address to the inhabitants of Great-Britain, the other to the people of Ireland, and their opinion upon the resolution of the house of commons, must evidence to the world, that they have men of the first abilities among them, whose writings will vie with the public declarations and acts of any powers, on the greatest occasions, in respect to art, address and execution.

When you consider the variety of climates, soils, religions, civil governments, commercial interests, &c. which were represented in the former congress, and the late session of the present; and the various occupations, educations and characters of the gentleman who composed them; you will judge, that the general harmony and unanimity which prevailed in them, is scarcely to be paralleled. At the revolution, such mighty questions as, “Whether is the throne vacant or not? Whether shall the prince of Orange be king or not?” were determined in the convention parliament, by small majorities—the last question by two only. The great majorities, the almost unanimity, with which most capital questions have been decided in the continental congress, will be considered by numbers in no other light than as the happiest omens; or rather as providential dispensations in favor of the colonies; as well as the clearest demonstrations of their cordial, firm, radical, and indissoluble union.

The adjournment of congress affords the delegates the best means of consulting with their constituents, as to what further measures it may be necessary to adopt: as also certain individuals who may look forward to independency, a much more favorable opportunity of ripening their designs by private, personal intercourse with special confidents, than can be enjoyed by an epistolary correspondence. By well-timed hints, they may scatter those sentimental seeds, which shall at length produce events not at present suspected even by the persons attending to such hints.

The Georgia delegates did not come on, and join the congress before the session was closed.

The inhabitants of South-Carolina were so zealous, and the alarm spread by the Lexington engagement so extensive through the colony, that 172 members met in provincial congress, [June 1.] agreeable to the summons issued three and twenty days before by the general committee.

[June 2.] They unanimously resolved, that an association was necessary, which was drawn up and signed by their president Henry Laurens, esq. and all the members present. In it they declared—“Thoroughly convinced that, under our present distressed circumstances, we shall be justified before God and man, in resisting force by force, we do unite ourselves under every tie of religion and honor, and associate as a band in the defence of an injured country against every foe—hereby solemnly engaging, that, whenever our continental or provincial councils shall decree it necessary, we will go fourth, and be ready to sacrifice our lives and fortunes to secure her freedom and safety. This obligation to continue in full force until a reconciliation shall take place between Great-Britain and America, upon constitutional principles—an event which we most heartily desire. And we will hold all those persons inimical to the liberty of the colonies who shall refuse to subscribe this association.” This was afterward prettly generally subscribed by the inhabitants.

[June 5.] It was resolved to raise two regiments of foot, and a regiment of rangers; and to put the town and province in a respectable posture of defence. The provincial congress were sensible that the expences would be great. But it was the language there, as well as in the other colonies, among the friends to freedom, “_We will freely give up half, or even the whole of our fortunes to secure our liberties_.” Bills of credit were struck, which, through the consent and enthusiasm of the people, supplied the present emergency.

So great was the military order among the gentlemen, that candidates for commissions were four times more than could be employed; and in the number were many of the first families and fortunes. The militia officers resigned their commissions under the governor, and by their own consent were subjected to the orders of the provincial congress.

Thus the popular leaders, in a few weeks, had an army and treasury at their command. Thirteen gentlemen were chosen a council of safety.

While this congress was setting, lord William Campbell, governor of the province, arrived, and was received with all the demonstrations of joy usual on similar occasions.

[June 12.] The congress waited on him with an address, in which they disclosed to him the true causes of their present proceedings; and declared, that no love of innovation, no desire of altering the constitution of government, no lust of independence, had the least influence upon their councils; but that they had been impelled to associate and take up arms, solely for the preservation, and in defence of their lives, liberties and properties. They entreated his excellency to make such a representation of the state of the colony, and of their true motives, as to assure his majesty, that he had no subjects who more sincerely desired to testify their loyalty and affection, or would be more willing to devote their lives and fortunes in his real service. His lordship returned a very mild and prudent answer.

[June 22.] They adjourned, having first delegated a great part of their authority to the council of safety and the general committee; the former of which is in the nature of an executive, and the latter of a legislative authority. It was particularly recommended to the general committee, to take effectual methods to have the association signed through the province, and to demand from the non-subscribers the reasons of their refusal.

The non-subscribers have been advertised as inimical to the liberties of America, and all intercourse between them and the associators interdicted. An oath of neutrality has been required of all, to which some have agreed; others refusing have been disarmed; and a few, who would not enter into any engagements for the public security, have been confined to their houses and plantations.

In these kinds of interesting civil broils, matters are generally carried to an excess, and policy often tramples upon truth and justice. Among the non-subsribers, there may have been several real friends to the liberties of America, who could not in conscience subscribe the association.

The South-Carolinians, having agreed upon a military opposition, were resolved to defend Charlestown to the last extremity; and yet the whole quantity of powder in the colony did not exceed three thousand pounds. A military opposition, not being originally designed or expected by them any more than by the people of the other colonies, there was the like inattention as elsewhere, in regard to the providing of stores. Reduced now to the alternative of fighting or submitting, they took extraordinary methods to obtain a supply. The inhabitants of East-Florida, having never joined in measures of opposition to Britain, the ports of that province were open for the purposes of trade.

Twelve persons, therefore, authorised by the council of safety, sailed from Charlestown for that coast; and by surprise, boarded a vessel near the bar of St. Augustine, though twelve British grenadiers, of the 14th regiment, were on board. They took out fifteen thousand pounds of powder, for which they gave a bill of exchange to the captain; and having secured a safe retreat to themselves, steered for Beaufort, and from thence by an inland navigation escaped their pursuers, and got safe to Charlestown.

North-Carolina was no less spirited than South. The militia were arrayed and exercised, and other measures taken to support whatever opposition they might be called to make against the British adherents. Governor Martin was equally vigorous, though not equally successful. He expected, by means of the back settlers, Scotch inhabitants, and Highland emigrants, to have made a stand against the patriotic party, and therefore took pains to fortify his palace at Newbern; but before it could be effected, his attempting to move the palace guns, alarmed the committee of the place; who, at the head of a body of armed men, interposed, seized and carried off six pieces of artillery, which lay behind the palace. This occasioned the governor’s making a precipitate flight to Fort Johnson on Cape-Fear river. The people, apprehensive that he would strengthen, and prepare it for the reception of a force to be employed in reducing the colony, and concluding, that he would encourage the slaves to revolt, in case of the failure of all other means to maintain the king’s government; collected at Wilmington under colonel Ashe, who had resigned his governmental commission, [July 17.] and accepted one from popular authority. The colonel designed removing the king’s artillery from the fort; but the cannon and stores were secured in time, by order of the governor, who retired on board the king’s sloop the Cruiser.

[July 18.] Colonel Ashe, in the dead of the night, entered the fort, fired it, and reduced the houses and buildings to ashes. The next day he compleated the destruction of its wooden defences, to which the fire had not extended; and burnt the houses, and desolated every thing in the neighborhood of the place, that so they might prove of no benefit to the governor.

The Newbern committee apprehending he means to erect the king’s standard, and to commence hostilities, have resolved “That no person or persons whatsoever have any correspondence with him, on pain of peing deemed enemies to the liberties of America, and dealt with accordingly.” Persons, throughout the united colonies, dread being advertised for _enemies to the liberties of America_.

In treating of Virginia, we must go back to captain Henry’s advancing with his volunteers toward Williamsburgh. The alarm it occasioned, put lord Dunmore upon converting his palace into a garrison, fortifying it in the best manner he could, and surrounding it with artillery. From thence he issued a proclamation, charging Mr. Henry and his followers with rebellious practices, and attributing the present commotions to disaffection in the people, and a desire of changing the established form of government; which served only to increase the discontent. On the other hand, the Virginians, in their county meetings, applauded Mr. Henry’s conduct; and insisted, that they wanted nothing but to preserve their ancient constitution, and only opposed innovations. The disturbances they charged to the governor’s late conduct. The discontents of the people were increased by some procured copies of letters from his lordship to the minister of the American department, and which were severely censured as containing not only unfavorable, but unfair and unjust representations, as well of facts, as of the temper and disposition of the colony.

In this state of disorder, on the arrival of dispatches from Great-Britain, the house of burgesses was suddenly and unexpectedly convened by the governor, [June 1.] The grand motive for it was to procure their approbation of lord North’s concilitary plan; accordingly in his speech he used the utmost address to carry this point.

The first act however of the house, was the appointment of a committee to inquire into the causes of the late disturbances, and particularly to examine the state of the magazine, that measures might be taken for its replenishment. Means having been contrived by his lordship’s order for securing the magazine, and notice having been given of spring guns being prepared, some inconsiderate young men attempted to furnish themselves with arms out of it, and one of them was wounded. The mode of defending the magazine by spring guns, and the unfortunate accident, irritated the minds of many, who were joined by others. A great concourse of people, from different parts, assembled, and though the house was sitting, broke open the magazine, and took away many of the arms. Some of the members, hearing what was going forward, repaired to the magazine, and though not in time to prevent its being forced open, by remonstrating with all the people they met against such proceedings, prevailed with them to return the arms. The keys of the magazine were afterwards delivered to the committee of the house, by his lordship’s order; who, upon examination, found most of the remaining powder buried in the magazine yard, where it suffered considerable damage by the rain; the muskets were deprived of their locks; and the magazine was naked and insufficient in all respects.

[June 7.] An account was brought into Williamsburgh, that captain Collins of the Magdalen, had slipped his cables, and was come up the river with a number of boats, containing a hundred men at least, intended to be marched into the city. Upon this report a number of people assembled under arms, that they might defend the city and its inhabitants, in case any thing hostile should be attempted. Upon hearing what his lordship had said to the council, they retired peaceably and quietly, without any disturbance. However, their readiness to assemble under arms upon reports, without waiting to know whether they were true or false, made such an impression upon the governor’s mind that he with his lady and family quitted the place, early in the morning of July 8, proceeded to York-town, and went on board the Fowey man of war. He had the honor of being the first governor,[129] who thinks it necessary to quit his government, and take refuge on board his majesty’s fleet: though in his letter of May the first, he held out to ministry his hope, that with a supply of arms and ammunition, he should be able to collect from among Indians, negroes, and other persons, a sufficient force to defend government. He left a message for the house of burgesses, acquainting them, that both himself and family were in constant danger through the fury of the people; that he hoped they would proceed in the business before them; and that he should attend as usual to the duties of his office, and was disposed to restore the harmony, which had been so unhappily interrupted.

[June 9.] The message produced a joint address from the council and house, declaring that they would cheerfully concur in any measure he should propose for the security of himself and family; observing how impracticable it would be to carry on business at such a distance, and intreating his return with his lady and family to the palace, as what would also afford great public satisfaction, and be the likeliest means of quieting the minds of the people.

[June 10.] His lordship returned a written answer, in which he justified his apprehensions of danger, and specified several charges against the house of burgesses. It contained many other matters tending to irritate; but concluded with mollifying terms, by no means equal, however, to the removal of the acrimony excited by the preceding severe charges and implications. It soon produced a reply, of an uncommon length, under the form of an address. The address comprehended the substance of the report of the committee, appointed by the house of burgesses when they first met; and was fraught with all the bitterness of recrimination, as well as with defensive arguments, and an examination of facts. And yet the terms in which it was expressed, were as respectful as possible, and of a nature suited to the representative of their sovereign, and to their own dignity. When upon his lordship’s letter to the earl of Dartmouth, they replied to his assertion, “_not a few did join_ (in what he was pleased to call an _opprobrious measure_) _to avoid paying their debts, in which many of the principal people here are much involved_.” “We can only answer for ourselves in the negative; and must consider so indiscriminate a charge as extremely injurious.” It is well known, that many not only in Virginia, but in every other colony, were deeply indebted to British creditors; and it many be admitted, that several of the number became professedly zealous patriots for American liberty, with a view either of escaping or of delaying the payment of their just debts. However to infer from thence that the great body of popular leaders in the present dispute, were or are actuated by such a motive, would be highly culpable. All the supporters of a good cause should be influenced by principles that are unexceptionable; but the state of mankind forbids the expectation of so desirable an event.

The report of the committee asserted, that a general tranquility prevailed previous to the affair of the powder, and the governor’s declaration about freeing the slaves; that the people had no design or wish after an independency of Great-Britain; that they had a most eager desire for such a connection as existed before the late acts of parliament; and that a redress of grievances would immediately establish tranquility, and be productive of a reconciliation with the parent state.

[July 14.] The house of burgesses presented their address in answer to the governor’s speech; in which they said of lord North’s conciliatory motion, “We examined it minutely; we viewed it in every point of light in which we were able to place it, and, with pain and disappointment, we must ultimately declare, it only changes the form of oppression, without lightening its burden.” They close with these expressive words—“We have decently remonstrated with parliament; they have added new injuries to the old. We have wearied our king with supplications; he has not deigned to answer us. We have appealed to the native honor and justice of the British nation: their efforts in our favor have beer hitherto ineffectual. What then remains to be done? That we commit our injuries to the even-handed justice of that Being who doth no wrong; earnestly beseeching him to illuminate the councils, and prosper the endeavors of those to whom America hath confided her hopes, that, through their wise direction, we may again see re-united, the blessings of liberty and property, and the most permanent harmony with Great-Britain.” The body of the address contains this remark, “Lord Chatham’s bill on the one hand, and the terms of the congress on the other, would have formed a basis for negociation, which a spirit of accommodation, on both sides, might herhaps have reconciled.”

Every day afforded new ground for bickering, and every incident fresh room for altercation between the governor and the house of burgesses. At length the necessary bills having passed the house, and the advanced season requiring the attendance of the members in their several counties, the council and burgesses jointly intreated the governor’s presence to give his assent to them and finish the session. After messages to and fro, his lordship declined meeting them at the capital, though they pledged their honor and every thing sacred for his security; but he informed them, that he would be ready to receive them at his present residence. This answer put an end to all public correspondence between the governor and the colony. The burgesses passed resolutions, declaring, that the message requiring them to attend him on board a ship of war, was a high breach of their rights and privileges; that they had reason to fear a dangerous attack might be meditated against the unhappy people of the colony; and that it was therefore their opinion, that they should prepare for the preservation of their property, and their inestimable rights and privileges. They then made strong professions of loyalty to the king, and amity to the mother country, and adjourned themselves to October.

[July 18.] A convention of delegates was appointed to supply the place of the house of burgesses, who, having an unlimited confidence reposed in them by the people, became accordingly possessed of an unlimited power in all public affairs. They also formed themselves into a committee to take into consideration the state of the colony; and the next day resolved [July 19.] that a sufficient armed force be immediately raised and embodied for its defence and protection.

Nothing more need be said of the Delaware counties, than that they remain firm to the cause they have espoused.

[July 26.] The Maryland convention met at Annapolis, and unanimously resolved upon an association, to be signed by the members, and by all other the freemen of the province. They said, “We do unite as one band, and solemnly pledge ourselves to each other, and to America, that we will, to the utmost of our power, support the present opposition carrying on, as well by arms as by the continental association, restraining our commerce.” They also resolved, “That there be forty companies of minute-men enrolled as soon as may be; and that every able bodied effective freeman within the province, between sixteen and fifty (clergymen of all denominations, practising physicians, the household of the governor, minute and artillery men, and persons who from their religious principles cannot bear arms in any case, excepted) as soon as may be, and at furthest before the fifteenth of September, shall enroll himself in some company of militia.” They established a council of safety, consisting of sixteen persons, who are to regulate the operations of the minute-men and militia, and are also, during the recess, to do all other matters for securing the province, and for providing for its defence.

They ordered committees of observation and of correspondence to be chosen; and bills of credit, to the amount of 266,666 dollars, to be struck with all convenient speed, for the service of the province.

The Pennsylvania assembly have established a military association through the colony, and ordered several battalions to be raised, clothed and armed. The whole colony is preparing for a vigorous defence. The change in the assembly from a most pacific to a martial complexion, is owing to the times. The number of Quakers returned to serve in it, was not so large as formerly; and some of them, being upon principle opposed to present measures, have resigned their seats, (which they have the privilege of doing) and left them to be filled by persons of a different judgment.

The Philadelphians, with a view to the safety of the city, are also engaged in making huge machines to sink in the narrow part of the Delaware, and in completing a number of large galliots, carrying at their bows guns from 32 to 48 pounders, swivels, &c. The machines are formed of large heavy square pieces of timber. Two long ones, at a proper parallel distance from each other, form the horizontal base, that is to rest on the bed of the river. Right over these are placed two others of similar size, rising from toward the ends of the horizontal base, in such an angular direction, as with their elevated ends, fortified with strong iron points, to pierce any vessel which may sail against them. The degree of elevation is such as to give the greatest resistance with the least danger to the timbers. The four main pieces are joined to each other by many shorter ones. The whole machine is so contrived, that, with its own weight, and what may be added to it when sunk, it can neither be broken, nor forced backward, nor turned over. They have given the name of chevaux-de-frise to these machines.

There is nothing in New-Jersey which requires particular notice.

The New-Yorkers were freed from the apprehensions they were under, through the expectation of troops from Europe, soon after their arrival. The second embarkation from Cork, consisting of four regiments, got safe to Sandy-Hook, where they received orders from general Gage to sail for Boston. They were wanted to strengthen the army, after the loss it had sustained by Breed’s Hill battle. The few troops that were stationed at the barracks, about fifty, went on board the Asia man of war some time before, on the sixth of June, so that the city of New-York was wholly without regulars.

[June 24.] Governor Tryon arrived at New-York from London. He is in much esteem with a large number of the citizens and others; and if any one can succeed in drawing off that colony from the union, he will probably be the person. It is not to be thought that he is limited by ministry either as to expences or promises; but may suit himself to persons and emergencies. There is apparently good policy in employing him to effect the recovery of New-York, on the side of administration. He was in hope of finding the province disunited from the others.

[July 3.] The mayor, aldermen, and commonalty of the city, presented him with a congratulatory address; complimented him upon the rectitude of his former administration, and expressed their trust in the aid of his intercession with his majesty, for a speedy termination of the hostile animosities of his contending subjects.

The governor in his answer confessed his disappointment at the change of circumstances in the province. To palliate the treatment which the memorial and representation of the New-York general assembly met with, and to conciliate the minds of as many as could confide in his expressions, he closed with saying, “I am acquainted with a dispatch from the earl of Dartmouth, that the memorial and representation of the general assembly of this province, were unfortunately blended with expressions containing claims which made it impossible for parliament, consistent with its justice and dignity to receive them; yet the petition to the king has been presented to his majesty, who was pleased to receive it with the most gracious expressions of regard and attention to the humble requests of his faithful subjects in New-York; and I am authorized to say, that nothing can give greater satisfaction to the royal breast, than to see us again a happy and united people.”

The same day the address was presented, all the king’s stores of various kinds, were taken from Turtle Bay, and carried clear off by the friends of congress.

Connecticut and Rhode-Island, having had no occasion to change their forms of government, proceed in their usual modes of business, to fulfil the engagements that they are under to the united colonies in general, and the Massachusetts in particular, and flag not in their ardor to support the cause of America.

[June 28.] Let us return to the Massachusetts. Political necessity obliged the provincial congress to resolve, “That the notes and bills of the colony of Rhode-Island, of this and all the other colonies (except Nova-Scotia and Canada) shall be taken and received, and accounted a good and sufficient tender for the payment of all debts and damages arising upon the non-performance of any promises; and the committees of correspondence, inspection, and safety, in the respective towns, are to return the names of all persons who shall contravene this resolve.”

[July 9.] To procure a supply of articles for the troops of the colony, a resolve passed for the inhabitants of the several towns to furnish shirts, breeches, stockings and shoes, for the soldiers.——In a few days after a recommendation passed, not to kill any sheep or lambs, excepting in cases of absolute necesssity.

In consequence of the letters sent to the several towns and districts within the colony, for the choice of representatives, in order to take up a form of government, more than two hundred members met at Watertown [July 19.] and constituted the house of assembly. The general fast interposing, the counsellors were not chosen till Friday morning the twenty-first.

[Aug. 8.] The house agreed to raise £.30,000 sterling. The raising of money will probably produce much dissatisfaction. Great numbers, who are warm for the liberties of America, and violently opposed to being taxed by Great-Britain, are so inconsiderate as to imagine, they are to be exempted from almost every tax upon their succeeding in the present contest. They are for enjoying all the advantage of civilized society, without paying their proportion toward the expence of supporting it.

[Aug. 9.] Captain Linzee, of the Falcon sloop of war chaced two schooners from the West-Indies, one of which he soon brought to; the other, having the advantage of a fair wind, put into Gloucester harbour, at Cape-Ann, and the captain pursued into the harbour, bringing the one with him. He anchored, and sent two barges with fifteen men each, armed with swivels and muskets, attended with a whale boat, in which was the lieutenant and six privates, meaning to seize the loaded schooner. The militia and inhabitants took the alarm, collected, fired from the shore, and killed three men, beside wounding the lieutenant. On this the captain sent the other schooner and a small cutter well armed, with orders to fire on the damn’d rebels wherever they could see them, while he engaged in cannonading the town. Not a ball struck or wounded a single person, though they passed through the houses filled with women and children, in almost every direction. The party at the water side soon made themselves masters of both the schooners, the cutter, the two barges, the boat, and every man in them. The action lasted several hours. The provincials lost but one man, and had two others wounded; one of whom is since dead. They captured thirty-five men belonging to the Falcon, several of whom are wounded, and one of them since dead. Captain Linzee after this warped off, having lost half his men.

[Aug. 12.] The scarcity of ammunition is so alarming, that the house agreed upon recommending it to the inhabitants, not to fire a gun at beast, bird, or mark, without real necessity, to prevent a waste of powder.

About five weeks since general Gage sent two officers to New-York, to procure all the men they could, out of ships expected from Scotland or elsewhere, to join him as volunteers; and with orders to return to Boston with all expedition. This bespeaks a want of men. The want of fresh provision will be supplied for a short space, by the return of a fleet of transports this day [Aug. 15.] from the Sound, bringing with them about 2000 sheep and 110 oxen, beside eggs, butter, &c. which they have taken off from Gardner’s and other islands.

Governor Wentworth still continues in New-Hampshire; but the influence of the popular leaders is increasing, while his diminishes daily. He can no longer confide, as formerly, in the attachment of the people for safety; and has for these two months taken up his residence at Fort William and Mary.

The bulk of the colonists have certainly been much encouraged in their struggles against the claims of parliament and administration, from the multiplied assurances they have received that the body of the people in England wish them success; and from their knowing that many of the most virtuous and independent of the nobility and gentry are for them; and among this order, in their estimation, the best bishop that adorns the bench,[130] as great a judge as the nation can boast,[131] and the greatest statesman it ever saw.[132]

LETTER XV.

_Roxbury, December 30, 1775._

The accession of _Georgia_ to the colonies, will occasion their being called henceforward THE THIRTEEN UNITED COLONIES. To aid in the defence of that colony, congress resolved early in November, to keep up a battalion there at the continental expence. Toward the close of the year, Dr. Zubly, perceiving that there was an apparent propensity to independency in several of the delegates, withdrew and returned to Georgia. His opposition to it being well known, and his influence upon the Georgia inhabitants being feared, it was contrived that one of his brother delegates, Mr. John Houston, should likewise return, with a design of counteracting him, in case he soould set himself to oppose independency.

The first hostilities which happened in this colony between the opposite parties, commenced about the middle of November, when a number of royalists attacked the American whigs, and by their superiority obliged the latter, after three days, to surrender the fort, in which they expected to make an effectual resistance.

The governor of South-Carolina, lord William Campbell, after the provincial congress had raised troops, gave commissions to the officers of the volunteer companies of militia, that were formed and trained on the recommendation of the popular leaders. His lordship also convened an assembly, of which several officers in the provincial regiments were members; but finding them and their colleagues inflexibly set against his schemes, he dissolved them [Sept. 15.] and never afterward issued writs for a new election. He was indefatigable in secretly promoting opposition to the popular measures, and kept up a constant correspondence with the back country royalists. These people were told, that it would be impossible to resist the power of Britain; that the whole dispute was about a trifling tax on tea; and that the expences of the new raised provincial regiments would be infinitely more than the insignificant taxes imposed by the British parliament. They were therefore much disaffected with the proceedings of the provincial congress. It being suspected in Charleston that their disaffection was greatly owing to the governor, in order to ascertain, if possible, the connection between them, captain Adam M‘Donald, of a new raised provincial regiment, introduced himself to his lordship about the middle of September, under the feigned name of Dick Williams, a supposed confidential messenger from these royalists. In this assumed character he had a long conversation with his lordship, and was informed, that a letter received the day before, set forth, “That his majesty was determined speedily to send out troops to execute his schemes from one end of the continent to the other.” The conversation being reported to the general committee, they sent a deputation, of which captain M‘Donald was one, to demand a communication of his lordship’s late dispatches from England, and a perusal of his correspondence with the back country. These requisitions being refused, it was moved to take the governor into custody, but the motion was rejected by a great majority. His lordship, mortified at the deception which had been passed upon him, and distrustful of his personal safety in Charleston, took the provincial seal with him, and retired on board the Tamar sloop of war.

[Nov. 1.] When the new provincial congress met, it was thought by the royalists, that the determinations of the former would have been reversed; but they were disappointed.

In order to obstruct the passage of the king’s ships to Charleston through Hog-Island channel, a number of hulks were ordered to be sunk, and captain Tufts had the charge of covering the workmen, on board a schooner, armed for the security of the town, and called the Defence. [Nov. 12.] The Tamar and Cherokee warped in the night, within gun-shot of him, and began a heavy cannonade; but at sun-rise dropped down to their moorings, without having done any material injury. This was the commencement of open hostilities in South-Carolina.

[Nov. 13.] The provincial congress impressed the ship Prosper, and ordered her to be fitted as a frigate of war. They voted to raise a regiment of artillery, [Nov. 14.] to consist of three companies of a hundred men each; and that bills of credit, amounting to £.17,000 sterling should be struck for their support. About the same time a new council of safety was appointed, and authorised “to do all such matters and things relative to the strengthening and defending the colony, as should by them be judged expedient and necessary.”

That you may comprehend the nature of the opposition to popular measures in this colony, you must be informed of various events relative to the back country. About 1770, the extreme difficulty of bringing criminals from remote settlements to a legal condemnation, induced numbers, stiled regulators, to take the law into their own hands. They inflicted corporal punishment on persons without a regular condemnation. Lord Charles Greville Montague, the governor, to correct these abuses, advanced one Scovil, a man of low character, to the rank of colonel, and employed him to enforce settled law among these regulators. He adopted severe measures, which involved multitudes in great distress, who having suffered so for opposing regular government, could not be persuaded to co-operate with their countrymen in the support of congresses and committees, whom they conceived to be similar to their own regulating assemblies.

A number of Dutch inhabitants had settled in the same part of the country, on lands granted by the government. They brought from Europe the monarchical ideas of the holding their possessions at the king’s pleasure. They were therefore easily made to believe, that the loss of their freeholds would be the consequence of their acceding to American measures. After the peace of Paris, lands were offered upon easy terms, to induce foreign Protestants to exchange their native country for a settlement in South-Carolina. The Irish, who accepted these offers, owed all their indulgences to the bounty of the king, and so took part with his friends. Their countrymen, who had emigrated from the northern provinces, commonly entered with zeal into the new measures.

The violence of some over-zealous friends, who insisted upon their neighbors signing the association, produced in several a determined spirit of opposition.

At an election for representatives in the first popular assemblies, Moses Kirkland was an unsuccessful candidate. In wrath he exclaimed, “If this dispute becomes serious, the people of South-Carolina shall feel the weight of my influence.” The provincial congress, to gain him, gave him the rank of captain in one of the provincial regiments; but he was disgusted that his rival was promoted to the higher rank of major. He accepted his commission, and inlisted men; but soon resigned, and to the utmost encouraged opposition to the measures of congress.

The people in general felt themselves secure in their persons and property. It was therefore easy to offer arguments against renouncing present comforts, to ward off future evils. It was insinuated to them, that the gentlemen on the sea-cost, in order to obtain their tea free from tax, were adopting measures which would involve the back country in the want of salt, osnaburgs, and imported necessaries. The popular leaders could not urge the inhabitants to the dangers and expences of war, otherwise than on speculation, to prevent the more alarming consequences which would probably take place in future, if the proceedings of the British parliament, against Boston and the Massachusetts, were suffered to pass into precedent.

Though there were many royalists in most parts of the colony, the principal settlement, in which they out-numbered the friends of congress, was in the country between the Broad and Saluda rivers. When it was determined to raise troops, the inhabitants of that part could not be persuaded that the measure was necessary. They were happy, and free from present oppression, and averse to believing that any designs, inimical to American liberty, had been adopted by the British government. The council of safety sent the honorable William Henry Drayton, and the reverend William Tennent, to explain to them the nature of the dispute. They had several meetings, and much eloquence was exerted to induce them to sign the association. Some subscribed; but the greater part could not be persuaded that there was any necessity for congresses, committees, or military establishments. Suspicions prevailed. The friends of the royal government doubted the authenticity of all pamphlets and news-papers, which ascribed to the British troops in Boston, or to the British government, any designs injurious to the rights of the colonists. They viewed the whole as an imposition by artful men. The friends of congress suspected the leading men of the loyalists to be in the pay of lord William Campbell. Reports were circulated by one party, that a plan was laid to seize the commissioners sent by the council of safety: by the other, that the third provincial regiment was brought up to compel the inhabitants to sign the association. Motives and designs were reciprocally attributed to each other of the most mischievous tendency. The royalists imbodied for reasons similar to those which had induced the other inhabitants to arm themselves against Britain. They suspected their adversaries of an intention to dragoon them into a compliance with the measures of congress; and they in their turn, were suspected of a design to commence hostilities against the associators, for disturbing the established royal government. Camps were formed in opposition to each other, and great pains taken to increase their respective numbers. Moderate men employed their good offices; and after some days, the leaders on both sides met in conference. Several explications having taken place, a treaty was reciprocally agreed to, [Sept. 16.] by which it was stipulated, that the royalists should remain in a state of neutrality. Both parties retired to their homes, and a temporary calm succeeded.

But Mr. Robert Cunningham, a principal leader among the royalists, continued to encourage opposition to popular measures, and declared that he did not consider himself as bound by the treaty. This declaration was construed as an evidence of a fixed intention again to disturb the peace. To prevent his attempting it, he was apprehended, brought to Charleston, and committed to jail. His brother Mr. Patrick Cunningham, instantly armed a party of friends and pursued, in expectation of rescuing him. The party collected on this occasion seized a thousand pounds of power, and a quantity of lead, which was passing through their settlement, as a present to the Cherokee Indians; and was intended to confirm them in their pacific disposition. Some persons among the royalists propagated a report, that it was accompanied with instructions to them, to kill every man who should refuse to sign the association. This answered the purpose of inflaming the minds of several. It was also confidently asserted that private marks had been agreed on by the popular leaders and Indian chiefs, to distinguish the associators from the non-associators; the former of whom were to be spared, and the latter sacrificed. Great pains were moreover taken, to exasperate the inhabitants against the council of safety, for furnishing the Indians with powder, at a time when the white people could not be supplied with that article.

Lord William Campbell had uniformly recommended to the royalists to remain quiet till the arrival of a British force. This advice had been providentially frustrated. Similar reasons of policy to those which induced the royal governor to recommend inaction to the royalists, operated with the council of safety to crush their intestine foes before that force should arrive. The rising occasioned by the seizing of Mr. Cunningham, was construed into a violation of the treaty, and gave ground to doubt the sincerity of their engagements to continue in a state of neutrality. It was feared, that as soon as a proper opportunity offered, they would throw their weight into the royal scale. It was therefore judged necessary, to march an army into their settlements before that event should exist. But to remove prejudices, the provincial congress, first of all circulated through their settlements, [Nov. 19.] a declaration assigning the reasons for the present to the Cherokees, and detesting the invidious misrepresentations that had been put upon the measure. They solemnly declared before Almighty God, that they did not believe any order was ever issued, or any idea ever entertained by the late council of safety, or any member of it, or by any person under authority of congress, to cause the Indians to commence hostilities upon the frontiers or any part thereof. They then sent forward a large body of militia and new raised regulars who were joined by seven hundred militia from North-Carolina, and two hundred and twenty regulars. They soon had an army of seven thousand men under their direction, with instructions “to apprehend the leaders of the party which had seized the powder, and to do all other things necessary to suppress the present and prevent future insurrections.” Assurances were publicly given, that no injury should be done to inoffensive persons, remaining quietly on their plantations. The leaders of the royalists found great difficulty in persuading their followers to imbody; and they themselves were destitute of political knowledge and military experience. The unanimity of the whigs and the numbers, which from all sides invaded the settlements of the royalists, disheartened them from facing their adversaries in the field. The whigs acted by system, and in concert with their brethren of neighbouring colonies, and were directed by a council of safety, composed of the greatest and wisest men in the province. They easily carried every point, seized the leaders of the royalists, and dispersed their followers, without the loss of a single man; most of the royalists returned to their plantations, while several retired over the mountains.

In _North-Carolina_, the committees of the district of Wilmington alledged a number of charges against governor Martin, particularly those of fomenting a civil war, and of exciting an insurrection among the negroes; upon which they declared him an enemy to America in general, and to that province in particular, and forbad all persons holding any communication with him.

[Aug. 8.] When their proceedings appeared in print, the governor published his remarks upon them, in a proclamation of uncommon length; which the provincial congress, in their subsequent meeting at Hillsborough, [Aug. 25.] resolved unanimously, to be a false, scandalous, scurrilous, malicious and seditious libel, and ordered it to be burnt by the hands of the common hangman. Four days before, a plan of confederation was laid before them. Upon mature deliberation they resolved, that “They are of opinion, that the plan of general confederation between the united colonies is not at present eligible; and that the present association ought to be further relied on for bringing about a reconciliation with the parent state, and a further confederacy ought only to be adopted in case of the last extremity.” Afterward [Sept. 8.] Mr. Hooper submitted to them an address to the inhabitants of the British empire, which was unanimously received. In answer to the suggestion, that independence was their object, they say, “We again declare, that we invoke that Almighty Being who searches the recesses of the human heart, and knows our most secret intentions, that it is our most earnest wish and prayer to be restored, with the other united colonies, to the state in which we and they were placed before the year 1763, disposed to glance over any regulations which Britain had made previous to this, and which seems to be injurious and oppressive to these colonies, hoping that, at some future day, she will benignly interpose, and remove from us every cause of complaint.”

They broke up two days after, having sat three weeks. During the session, they agreed upon raising a 1000 men; upon striking a quantity of paper money, for the subsistence of the troops; upon inlisting a considerable body of minute-men; in a word, upon putting the colony immediately into a state of defence.

Within a fortnight after the session closed, the grand repository of the governor’s magazine was discovered. In the palace garden, under a bed of cabbages, was found a barrel, containing about three bushels of gun-powder. In the palace cellar were dug up two quarter casks of the same commodity; and in the garden about 1000lb. of musket-balls, about 500 weight of iron, swivel balls, a large quantity of small shot, lead, iron, worms for the cannon, and the whole apparatus for his park of artillery.

The Virginia convention continued to establish rules for the defence and regulation of the colony; and passed an ordinance for imbodying a sufficient force for its protection. It appearing to them, that only 15 half barrels of powder had been taken out of the magazine by lord Dunmore’s order, they valued it fairly, and then directed the surplus money received by Patrick Henry, esq. to be returned to the receiver general. [August 22.]

Upon a petition of sundry merchants and others, natives of Great-Britain, mostly from Scotland, praying to be exempted from bearing arms against the people among whom they were born, and promising to observe a strict neutrality in case the colony was attacked by the British troops, the convention unanimously recommended to the committees, [Aug. 25.] and others the good people of the colony, to treat all such resident natives as did not show themselves enemies to the common cause of America, with lenity and friendship; to protect all persons whatsoever in the just enjoyment of their civil rights and liberty; to discountenance all national reflections; and to promote union, harmony, and mutual good will, among all ranks of people.

Before the session ended, the delegates in a declaration set forth the cause of their meeting, and the necessity of immediately putting the country into a posture of defence, for the better protection of their lives, liberties and properties. In it they solemnly declare, “before God and the world, we do bear faith and true allegiance to his majesty; and will, so long as it may be in our power, defend him and his government, as founded on the laws and well-known principles of the constitution: we will, to the utmost of our power, endeavor by every honorable mean, to promote a restoration of that friendship and amity, which so long and happily subsisted between our fellow subjects in Great-Britain, and the inhabitants of America: and as, on the one hand, we are determined to defend our lives and properties, and maintain our just rights and privileges, at even the extremest hazard, so, on the other hand, it is our fixed and unalterable resolution to disband such forces as may be raised in this colony, whenever our dangers are removed, and America is restored to its former state of tranquility and happiness.”

Lord Dunmore, however, being joined by a number who had rendered themselves obnoxious to the country, as well as by a parcel of run-away negroes, and supported by the naval force upon the station, endeavored to establish such a marine, as might enable him, by means of the noble rivers with which the colony abounds, to be always at hand, and ready to profit by every favorable occasion which should offer. He by degrees fitted and armed several vessels, in one of which he constantly resided, never setting his foot on shore, but in an hostile manner. The force was calculated only for depredations; and while these were confined to the procuring of provisions or other necessaries, respect was shown to the rank and office of the governor: but being at length changed into open and avowed hostility, his lordship met with resistance. The Virginians could not brook his seizing persons, and conveying them on board the ships; destroying plantations, and carrying off the negroes, and burning houses. They therefore sent detachments of the new-raised forces to protect the coasts; and from thence ensued a small mischievous war, incapable of affording honor or benefit.

During this state of hostility, his lordship procured a few soldiers, with whose assistance an attempt was made to burn the port-town of Hampton. The inhabitants having a previous suspicion of the design, sunk a number of boats across the channel to prevent a landing. The ships, having surmounted all obstacles in the night, drew up close to the town, [October 27.] and began a furious cannonade in the morning. At this critical period, a detachment of riflemen from Williamsburgh, that had marched all night, arrived, and being joined by the minute-men and others, who had assembled the day before, took such a position as enabled them, with their small arms, to compel the enemy precipitately to quit their station, with the loss of some men and of a tender.

[Nov. 7.] In consequence of this repulse, the governor issued a proclamation, declaring that martial law should take place, and be executed through the colony; requiring all persons capable of bearing arms, to resort to his majesty’s standard, or to be looked upon as traitors; and further declaring all indented servants, negroes or others (appertaining to rebels) free, who were able and willing to bear arms, upon joining his majesty’s troops. The Virginians highly resented his lordship’s declaring martial law; and by his single fiat attempting to strip them of their property, and to arm their negroes and servants against them to effect their destruction. This measure occasioned to government the loss of many friends.

The proclamation, with his lordship’s presence and his marine, produced some effect in the town of Norfolk and the adjoining country, where many were well effected to the old government. He was accordingly joined by some hundreds of blacks and whites; but the pleasure it afforded, was soon interrupted by intelligence that a party of Virginians were marching toward them with great expedition. To obstruct their designs, and protect the well effected, he took possesion of the Great Bridge, near Norfolk, a pass of much consequence, being the only way by which the town could be approached He constructed a fort on the Norfolk side, and rendered it as defencible as time would admit. His force consisted of about 200 regulars, including the grenadiers of the 14th regiment, and a body of Norfolk volunteers; the rest was a motley mixture of blacks and whites. The Virginians, under colonel Woodford, fortified themselves within less than cannon shot of the royalists, having a narrow causeway in front, which was to be passed to come at their works.

In this state they continued quiet on both sides for some days. At length a servant belonging to major Marshall, being properly tutored, deserted to the royalists, and told them that colonel Woodford had not more than 300 shirtmen (as they called the riflemen, on account of their being dressed in their hunting shirts) badly provided with ammunition. The bait took, and a design was formed for surprising the Virginians in their entrenchments. Captain Leslie, with the regulars, arrived at the bridge about three in the morning; and being joined by about 300 white and black slaves, laid planks upon the bridge, and crossed just after the Virginians had beaten the reveille, a lucky time for the last, as their men were of course all under arms. Captain Fordyce, at the head of his grenadiers, amounting to about sixty, led the van, while lientenant Batut commanded the advanced party. They passed the causeway, which admitted only of a few men’s marching abreast, and approached the intrenchments with fixed bayonets, and a coolness and intrepidity which excited astonishment. They were not only exposed naked to the fire in front, but infiladed by another part of the provincial lines. The captain fell with several of his men, within a few yards of the breast work. The lieutenant with others were taken, and all the survivors of the grenadier company, whether prisoners or not, were wounded. The royalists were soon obliged to sound a retreat, having sixty-two men killed and wounded. The provincials, during the whole action, did not lose a single man, and had only one slightly wounded. The fire of the artillery from the fort covered the retreat of the royalists. None of the blacks, &c. in the rear, with captain Leslie, advanced further than the bridge. Captain Fordyce was buried with every military honor by the victors, who showed a due respect to his former merit, as well as to the gallantry which signalized his last moments. The British prisoners were treated with great kindness: the American royalists, who joined the king’s standard, with rigor. The king’s forces retired the ensuing night, without other loss than a few pieces of cannon. Captain Leslie, it is said, has absolutely refused to act any more on shore, till he can be better supported; on the other hand, the Norfolk volunteers, and the black battalions, have declined acting without the regulars; this has induced his lordship to abandon the entrenchments at Norfolk, and to go on board the ships. Most of the wretched negroes who had joined him, were now left to shift for themselves.

[Dec. 14.] Colonel Woodford, with the provincials, entered Norfolk; but almost all the inhabitants had fled on board the ships. At night he resigned the command to colonel Howe, designing to return to his family, and attend on his private affairs.

Many of the Scotch petitioners having, contrary to their faith, solemnly plighted, become strict adherents to lord Dunmore, and active promoters of his measures; and having excited their slaves to act against the colony, the convention has totally rescinded the former recommendation in their favor. But persons of ability, declining to act with the Virginians, and who have not taken up arms nor showed themselves against them, may be permitted to leave the country.

A scheme for raising a considerable force for the service of lord Dunmore, has been lately discovered in Maryland.

One John Connelly, a native of Pennsylvania, waited on his lordship with certain proposals, toward the latter end of July, which being approved of, he dispatched intelligence to the officers of the militia on the frontiers of Augusta county, with assurances from his lordship, that such of them as would hereafter evince their loyalty to his majesty, by putting themselves under his command, should be amply rewarded. He had before, by direction, prepared the Indians on the Ohio, to act in concert with him against his majesty’s enemies in that quarter. His lordship sent him to general Gage, at Boston, about the 15th of September; and about the middle of October he returned with instructions from the general to his lordship. A commission of lieutenant-colonel commandant of a regiment, to be raised in the back parts and in Canada, was to be granted to this adventurer; who was to be assisted by the garrisons at Detroit and Fort Gage, at the Illinois, with artillery and ammunition. He was to use means to urge the Indian chiefs to act with vigor in the execution of his orders; and to have the supreme direction of the new forces. When they were in sufficient condition, he was to penetrate through Virginia, so as to meet lord Dunmore at a set time in next April, at Alexandria, on the Potomak; his lordship was to bring such a naval strength and other assistance, as might be deemed necessary for the purpose. He had so far succeeded, that he was on his way, with two associates, to Detroit; where he was to meet his commission and instructions; but when they had reached about five miles beyond Hager’s-town, they were taken into custody and brought before the county committee, at Frederick-town, in Maryland [Nov. 23.] for examination, about ten days after parting with lord Dunmore. Their papers have betrayed every thing. Among them were the geneneral plan of the whole business, and a letter from lord Dunmore to one of the Indian chiefs, and other authentic vouchers, which leave nothing to be doubted. His lordship’s letter was accommodated, as is usual in all such cases, to the Indian taste, and addressed to _Brother Captain White Eyes_, who was to acquaint the _Corn-Stalk_, as well as the chiefs of the Mingoes, and the other six nations, with the sentiments contained in it.

The capture of Connelly and his associates, is ascribed to the seizure of an express passing between an Indian commissary and the governor; from whose papers such intelligence was gained as to put the provincial committee upon keeping a good look-out for the parties. The Indian commissary was known to be disaffected to the American cause, by a gentleman whose suspicions made him a principal in effecting the discovery.

The Pennsylvania general assembly, in their November session, instructed their delegates to exert their endeavors at the continental congress, for the adoption of such measures as might afford the best prospect of obtaining a redress of American grievances, and of restoring the union and harmony between Great-Britain and the colonies. They said, “Though the oppressive measures of the British parliament and administration have compelled us to resist their violence by force of arms, yet we strictly enjoin you, that you, in behalf of this colony, dissent from, and utterly reject any propositions, should such be made, that may cause or lead to a separation from the mother country, or a change in the form of this government.” The reason for mentioning _a change in the form of this government_, was, congress’s recommendation of a measure of that kind to the provincial convention of New-Hampshire, which will be properly noticed in its place.

[Nov. 16.] Governor Franklin met the general assembly of New-Jersey. In his speech he acquainted them, “That the commanders of his majesty’s squadrons in America, have orders to proceed as in the case of a town in actual rebellion, against such of the sea-port towns and places, being accessible to the king’s ships, as shall offer any violence to the king’s officers, or in which any troops shall be raised, or military works erected, or other than by his majesty’s authority, or any attempts made to seize or plunder any public magazine of arms or ammunition.” He said “Sentiments of independency, are by some men of present consequence, openly avowed, and essays are already appearing in the public papers, to redicule the people’s fears of that horrid measure.” The house of assembly in their answer declared, [Nov. 29.] “There is nothing we desire with greater anxiety, than a reconciliation with our parent state, on constitutional principles. We know of no sentiments of independency that are by men of any consequence openly avowed; nor do we approve of any essays tending to encourage such a measure. We have already expressed our detestation of such opinions; and we have so frequently and fully declared our sentiments on this subject, that we should have thought ourselves, as at present we really deserve to be, exempt from all suspicion of this nature.” The governor in his reply mentioned, that he had not the most distant thought while speaking of the sentiments of independency openly avowed by some that they would consider the remark as at all meant for, or applicable to their house. He concluded with pointedly saying, “I sincerely wish that both you and I may ere long have the happiness to see those who either openly or privately avow sentiments of independency, _men of no consequence_.”

The New-York convention having resolved upon the removal of the cannon from the battery in the city, captain Sears was appointed to the business. Captain Vandeput, of the Asia man of war, was privately informed of the design, and prepared to oppose its execution. Learning when it was to be attempted, he appointed a boat to watch the motion of the people assembled for that purpose about the dead of night. The sailors in the boat giving the signal, with a flach of powder, of what was going forward, the persons on shore mistook it for an attempt to fire a musket at them, and immediately aimed a volley of shot at the boat, by which a man was killed. Captain Vandeput soon after commenced a firing from the Asia with grape shot, swivel shot, 18 and 24 pounders, without killing a single person, and wounded only three, two slightly, the other lost the calf of his leg. He then ceased for a considerable time, supposing that the people had desisted from their purpose, while they were only changing their mode of operation. Captain Sears provided a deceiving party, intended to draw the Asia’s fire from the line of the working party. He sent the former behind a breast-work, by which they were secured on dodging down upon observing the flash of the Asia’s guns. When all was in readiness, they huzzaed, and sung out their notes, as though tugging in unison, and fired from the walls: while the working party silently got off twenty-one eighteen pounders, with carriages, empty cartridges, rammers, &c. Upon hearing the noise, and seeing the fire of the musketry, the captain ordered the Asia to fire a whole broad-side toward that part of the fort, where the deceiving party had secured themselves, without intending a particular injury to the city; however, some of the shot could not but fly into it and do damage. This affair happened at a very late hour, between twelve and two, [August 22.] and threw the citizens into the utmost consternation. Such was the stillness of the night, that the report of the cannon was heard at Philadelphia, ninety miles off. The distress of the Yorkers was much increased, by a painful apprehension, that captain Vandeput would renew the firing upon the city. A removal of men women, children and goods commenced and continued till Saturday. Matters were afterward so adjusted, as to quiet the apprehensions of the people, in reference to their suffering further from the Asia. To prevent it, the convention permitted Abraham Lott, esq. to supply all his majesty’s ships stationed at New-York, with all necessaries, as well fresh as salted, for the sole use of said ships.

The art and influence of governor Tryon alarmed the continental congress, some of the members especially, so that it was moved, that he should be seized. But Mr. Duane, one of the New-York delegates, speaking in behalf of, and answering for him, no resolution to that purpose was taken. Mr. Duane saying, in his eagerness to defend the governor, that he was as good a friend to the American cause as any one present, called up captain John Langdon from New-Hampshire, who resenting the assertion as an aspersion on the several members, answered with much acrimony, and was permitted to go on as long as he pleased, Mr. Duane’s conduct not having answered, in several instances, the warm wishes of the zealous delegates. Though nothing was resolved upon against governor Tryon, the matter only subsided for the present, under an apprehension that if the motion was made, it would not be carried, or when carried, would be conveyed to the governor time enough for him to secure himself. The affair was brought on again after a while in another form; and congress resolved, [October 6.] “That it be recommended to the several provincial assemblies or conventions, and councils or committees of safety, to arrest and secure every person in their respective colonies, whose going at large may in their opinion endanger the safety of the colony, or the liberties of America.”

An authentic copy of the resolve was to be transmitted by the delegates, to proper persons in the different colonies. The fathers of it aimed at governor Tryon; they had little or no expectation that the New-York convention would secure him; but they hoped that the sons liberty at large would effect the business. It has been asserted, that Mr. Duane was uneasy at the resolution, and withdrew from congress for near an hour before he returned to his seat. Be that as it may, it is certain that Mr. Duane’s footman went off to governor Tryon in season to give him information of what was resolved; which occasioned his writing to the mayor of New-York [Oct. 13.] acquainting him that he knew from _undoubted authority_, what was recommended to the provincial congress, and desiring to be informed whether he should be secure in the protection of the corporation and citizens. The provincial congress had not then received the recommendation. Several letters passed upon the occasion, but the governor not obtaining satisfaction as to his being secure, went on board the Halifax packet [Oct. 19.] of which he informed the mayor by letter; and in that expressed his readiness to do such business of the country, as the situation of the times would permit.

A correspondent residing at New-York complains, that the leaders of the people in that colony, are inconsistent and perfidious, and that their councils are stampt with folly, timidity, and treachery. Some days before the governor went on board, members of the provincial convention declared, even in the convention, that they would not receive the bills of credit to be emitted by themselves; that they would join the king’s standard if troops came, in order to save their estates, &c. These speeches were uttered without meeting with any censure.

The day the governor sent his letter from on board, Messrs. Low, De Lancey, Walton, Kissam, Verplank, &c. &c. labored hard in the provincial congress, to preclude the freemen of the city from voting for new members, and the mode of voting by ballot. They were for polling, as formerly, and expected, that if the freemen were excluded, the freeholders would return none but such as would be for preserving the city, though at the expence of the liberties of America.

The New-York troops are not to be depended upon in general. Persons who have been pretty hearty, are now afraid of falling a sacrifice. The defection becomes greater every day in both city and country. This may be owing to the arts of governor Tryon, whose exertions may be as strenuous and successful in the ship as in the city. He is not at a loss how to intrigue with the people of his government.

Such is the importance of securing the North River, that the continental congress have given direction for rendering it defensible, by erecting a fortification in the High-lands, and garrisoning the same. They have also directed Mr. Alexander, titular lord Sterling, to collect the troops in and for the defence of New-Jersey [Nov. 27.] (except six companies ordered to the forts on the North River) and to place them in barracks in the eastern division of the colony, as contiguous to New-York as can be, there to remain till further orders. The city abounds with persons opposed to congressional measures. This opposition was much strengthened by Mr. Rivington’s press, which was carried off four days before the above order. Captain Sears observing the mischievous effects of this press, determined upon a violent and effectual mode of silencing it. He procured seventy-five Connecticut horsemen, well armed, with muskets, &c. unexpectedly entered the city at the head of them; repaired immediately to Mr. Rivington’s, and seized all his types and printing materials, many of which were destroyed. While he was thus employed, people collected, and the street was thronged. To prevent interruption, he called out and told them, that if they attempted to oppose him, he would order his men to fire upon them; and preparation was made for doing it, in case it should be needful. This appearance instantly cleared the street, when captain Sears and his party rode off in triumph, with the booty they were pleased to take away.

[Sept. 30.] Captain Wallace, in the Rose man of war, and two tenders, began in the morning to fire upon Stonington, in Connecticut, close in with the Sound; and continued it the whole day, with very little intermission. They killed two men, much shattered the houses, stores, &c. and carried off a schooner loaded with molasses, and two small sloops. The firing was brought on by a vessel (which he was in chace of) escaping and securing itself in the harbour of the town. The men of war and transports at Newport, exciting a suspicion by their movements, that there was an intention of taking off live stock from the farms in the south part of Rhode-Island, a number of persons went down in the evening [Oct. 2.] and brought off about 1000 sheep and 50 head of cattle. The next day and the following one, the ships took off a quantity from the two farms, where it was thought they were collected for the purpose of supplying the British troops at Boston. Soon after 300 minute-men arrived, who marched to the spot [Oct 5.] and brought off the remaining cattle, sheep, hogs and poultry, though fired upon by the ships which lay within gun shot. The interposition of the minute-men subjected the town to threats of being cannonaded by the men of war; so that many of the inhabitants moved their effects, while others left the place. On Saturday afternoon [October 7.] the ships weighed anchor, went up the river to Bristol, and demanded 300 sheep, which not being complied with, between eight and nine o’clock, they began a heavy fire on the town, and continued it upward of an hour. The women and children, in great anxiety (dark and rainy as it was) were obliged to leave their habitations, and seek shelter in the adjacent country. Between nine and ten a committee went on board, and purchased peace and the safety of the town at the expence of forty sheep. The firing thus upon a defenceless town, greatly irritated the minds of the Americans in distant colonies, and they have censured it in their public transactions.

[Nov. 11.] The general assembly of _Rhode-Island_ passed an act for the capital punishment of persons who should be found guilty of holding a traitorous correspondence with the ministry of Great-Britain, or any of their officers or agents, or of supplying the ministerial army or navy employed against the united colonies, with provisions, arms, &c. or of acting as pilots on board any vessels. They however excepted the negociation and treaty of the town council with captain Wallace, respecting the supplying the ships of war stationed in the harbour of Newport, and regulation thereof by the commanding officer, which they had before permitted. They also passed an act for sequestring the estates of several persons, whom they considered as avowed enemies to the liberties of America.

[Nov. 30.] Captain Wallace, about one in the morning, left the harbour of Newport, went to Conanicut with several vessels, and landed about 200 marines, sailors, and negroes, who were employed in burning the houses and barns upon the island. The men, while upon the service, were ordered to fire on one Mr. Martin, who gave no provocation, and was standing unarmed at his own door. He was shot in the belly, and died. He was an inoffensive person, and had treated captain Wallace with great civility and friendship.

General Lee was at length detached with a small corps, from the army in the Massachusetts, to the assistance of the Rhode-Islanders; on whom, upon his arrival, he imposed a most tremendous oath. This act of the general’s does not meet with the approbation of the congress.

The _Massachusetts_ military and naval transactions will be related separate from the civil, as far as convenient.

The American prisoners taken on the 17th of June, were thrown indiscriminately into the jail at Boston, without any consideration being paid to those of rank, though languishing with wounds and sickness. The sick and wounded were put under the hands of a man who had never before been employed but in the diseases of horses.[133] The inhabitants of the town who befriended the American cause, were not allowed to afford the prisoners all that relief they were entitled to upon the principles of humanity. The sufferers had even some of their books of devotion taken from them, and were reproached for their much reading, as leading them into rebellion. Being accounted rebels, no cruelty was thought more than they deserved, while their existence was not terminated by a halter.

The education and reading of the colonists have undoubtedly contributed to encourage and support their opposition to measures deemed destructive to the liberties of their country. Every town in the Massachusetts and Connecticut, has a public English school for the education of youth, supported by an annual tax upon the inhabitants; to which any one may send his children, while the expence of their education is nothing more than his proportion of the tax. The masters are often young men who have finished their college education; and who spend a year or more in this employ, till they take to a different one, which often leads to their becoming some of the first persons in the colony. The universal education promoted by these schools, spreads a general knowledge among the lowest orders of people; and gives them a taste for reading the interresting publications of the day; while able writers have been and are employing their pens in nourishing the spirit of resistance, by arguments, historical narrations, and all the various arts of animated persuasion.

[Aug, 11.] General Washington wrote to general Gage upon the subject of the ill treatment of the prisoners, and apprized him, that he should regulate his conduct toward those gentlemen who are or may be in his possession, exactly by the rule that the other should observe toward the Americans who may be in his custody. [Aug. 13.] General Gage in his answer asserted, that the prisoners had hitherto been treated with care and kindness, though indiscriminately, as he acknowledged no rank that was not derived from the king. He mentioned, “I understand there are of the king’s faithful subjects, taken by the rebels, laboring like negro slaves to gain their daily subsistence, or reduced to the wretched alternative to perish by famine, or take arms against their king and country.” He remarked upon the passage relating to retaliation, with an appeal to God; and closed with this charge, “unfortunately for both countries, those who long since projected the present crisis, and influence the councils of America, have views very distant from accommodation.” General Gage was mistaken, in charging the party alluded to, with _projecting_ the present crisis, which is the casual and unexpected consequence of pernicious ministerial councils. He was no less far from the truth, while he intimated that the American leaders “have views very distant from accommodation.” Some few have such views, but the great body of them at present long for an accommodation.

[Aug. 19.] General Washington replied to general Gage, in a pointed manner, and told him, “I have taken time, Sir, to make a strict enquiry, and find the intelligence you have received, has not the least foundation in truth. Not only your officers and soldiers have been treated with a tenderness due to fellow citizens and brethren, but even those execrable parricides, whose councils and aid have deluged the country with blood, have been protected from the fury of a justly enraged people. You affect, Sir, to despise all rank, not derived from the same source with your own. I cannot conceive one more honorable than that which flows from the uncorrupted choice of a brave and free people, the purest source and original fountain of all power. May that God to whom you appeal, judge between America and you! Under his providence, those who influence the councils of America, and all the other inhabitants of the united colonies, at the hazard of their lives, are determined to hand down to posterity those just and invaluable privileges which they received from their ancestors.”

[Aug. 26.] At night about two thousand of the American troops intrenched on Plow’d Hill, within point blank shot of the British on Bunker’s Hill: notwithstanding a continual fire almost all the day following, they had only two killed and two wounded. While the intrenchments were carrying on, parties of riflemen were employed in firing upon the advanced guards on Charlestown Neck. One of the British officers and several men were seen to fall. Two of the British floating batteries attempting to annoy the Americans at work upon the hill, were silenced in Mystick river, and one partly sunk. More than 300 shells were thrown at the fortress on Plow’d Hill, without a single person’s being thereby hurt; and the consequent contempt they entertained of shells, induced them to omit providing a bomb-proof cover for the garrison. Bunker’s Hill, Plow’d Hill and Winter Hill, which last the Americans have possessed and fortified for some time, are situated in a range from east to west, each of them on or near Mystick river. Plow’d Hill is in the middle, and the lowest of the three, the summit is about half a mile from the works on Bunker’s Hill. The British finding that their firing did not answer, relaxed, and after a while desisted entirely, and the Americans remained quiet in their new post. General Washington received, in the beginning of September, a very acceptable remittance of ammunition from Rhode-Island, even 7000lb. of powder—a great quantity, compared with the late amazing scarcity. It is probably a part of what has been brought from Africa. The Americans practised a manœuvre, which credits their understanding. They sent out a quantity of New-England rum, which was exchanged for a fiery commodity of a different quality, so successfully as not to leave an ounce for sale in any of the British forts on the African coast.

The general having obtained pleasing accounts from Canada, being assured that neither Indians nor Canadians could be prevailed upon to act against the Americans, and knowing there was a design of penetrating into that province by Lake Champlain, concerted the plan of detaching a body of troops from head-quarters, through the province of Mein, across the country to Quebec. He communicated the same to general Schuyler, who approving it, all things were got in readiness. The corps was to be commanded by colonel Arnold, aided by colonels Christopher Green and Roger Enos, and majors Meigs and Bigelow; and was to consist of ten companies of musket men, and three companies of riflemen, amounting to eleven hundred.

[Sept. 13.] In the evening the detachment marched from Cambridge for Newbury-port, where, six days after, they embarked on board ten transports bound to Kennebec, fifty leagues distant. [Sept. 20.] They entered the mouth of the Kennebec in the morning, and favored with the wind and tide proceeded up to Gardner’s town. It was only fourteen days from first giving orders for building 200 batteaux, for collecting provisions, and for draughting the 1100 men, to their reaching this place. Such was the dispatch!

[Sept. 22.] The troops embarked on board the batteaux, and proceeded to Fort Western on the east side of the river. From thence, captain Morgan, with three companies of riflemen, was sent forward by water, [Sept. 25.] with orders to get on to the great carrying place in the most expeditious manner, and to clear the road, while the other divisions came up. The second division embarked the next day, and the third the day after. As they advanced up the river, the stream grew very rapid, and the bottom and shores were rocky. [Sept. 29.] By eleven in the morning, major Meigs with the third division, arrived at Fort Halifax, standing on a point of land between the rivers Kennebec and Sebasticook. In their progress up the river, they met with two carrying-places, over which they were obliged to carry their batteaux, baggage, and every other article, till they came again a part of the river which was navigable, and no longer obstructed by water-falls, rapids, rocks or other encumbrances, as was that which they avoided. [October 3.] They got to Norridgewalk, where the major’s curiosity was entertained by the sight of a child 14 months old, the first white one born in the place. After crossing over more carrying places, he and his men encamped at the great carrying place, [Oct. 10.] which was twelve miles and a half across, including three ponds that they were obliged to pass. These ponds had plenty of trout. Two days after colonel Enos arrived at the same place with the 4th division of the army consisting of three companies of musket men. [Oct. 13.] Colonel Arnold meeting with an Indian, wrote to general Schuyler, and inclosed his letter to a friend in Quebec. Though he had no knowledge of the Indian, he venturously intrusted the packet with him, to be carried and delivered according to order. This strange confidence may ruin his expedition, beside involving his friend in great trouble. [Oct. 15.] The provision was so reduced, that the men were put to allowance, 3–4lb. of pork and 3–4lb. of flour a day for each. The next day they reached Dead river. Colonel Enos having got up with his division in about three days, was ordered to send back the sick, and those that could not be furnished with provision; but, contrary to colonel Arnold’s expectation, returned to Cambridge with his whole division a few days after. Major Meigs received orders to push on with his division, [Oct. 19.] for Chaudiere head, with the greatest expedition. But they proceeded very slowly by reason of falls, carrying places and bad weather. Their course was only three miles. [Oct. 22.] The rains made the river raise the preceding night in some parts eight feet perpendicular: and in many places it overflowed its banks, and rendered it very difficult for the men on shore to march. The next day the stream was so rapid, that, in passing it, five or six batteaux filled and overset, by which they lost several barrels of provision, a number of guns, clothes, and other articles. Such was the rapidity of the stream, and interruptions by carrying places, that it was with much fatigue they got on one-and-twenty miles within the three following days. To their great satisfaction they reached the carrying place, [Oct. 27.] which lies across the height of land that runs through the colonies to Georgia, and on the further side of which the stream run the reverse of the river they had ascended. They crossed the heights to Chaudiere river, and continued their march by land to Quebec. [Nov. 1.] The marching through the woods was extremely bad. Major Meigs passed a number of soldiers who had no provisions, and some of whom were sick. It was not in his power to help or relieve them. But one or two dogs were killed, which the distressed soldiers eat with a relishing appetite, without sparing either feet or skin. A few eat their cartouch-boxes, breeches and shoes, being several days without provision. The major and his men marched on upon the banks of the Chaudiere, [Nov. 3.] and at twelve o’clock met with supplies, to the inexpressible joy of the soldiers, who were near starving. Colonel Arnold, with a small party, made a forced march, and returned with provisions purchased of the inhabitants; on which the hunger-bitten adventurers made a voracious meal. [Nov. 4.] The next day at eleven, major Meigs and his men arrived at a French house, and were hospitably treated. It was the first house he had seen for 31 days, having been all that time in a rough, barren, and uninhabited wilderness, where he never saw a human being except those belonging to the detachment. He and his party were immediately supplied with fresh beef, fowls, butter, pheasants and vegetables, at this settlement called Sertigan 25 leagues from Quebec. They were kindly entertained while marching down the country. When colonel Arnold got within two leagues and a half of Point Levi, [Nov. 8.] he wrote to general Montgomery, that as he had received no answer either from general Schuyler or his friend, he made no doubt but that the Indian had betrayed his trust: and that he was confirmed in it, upon finding that the inhabitants of Quebec had been some time apprised of his coming, and had destroyed all the canoes at Point Levi to prevent the detachments from passing over. The fact was, the Indian, instead of delivering the packet as directed, carried it to the lieutenant-governor, who on reading the letters, secured Mr. Mercier the merchant, and began immediately to put the city in the best state of defence he could; whereas before it was wholly defenceless, and might easily have been carried by surprise. [Nov. 9.] Colonel Arnold arrived at Point Levi, where we leave him to remove, if possble the embarrasments into which his own imprudence has brought him, by needlessly trusting an unknown Indian with dispatches of the utmost consequence. The detachment suffered hardships, beyond what can well be conceived of, in the course of the expedition. The men had to haul their batteaux up over falls, up rapid streams, over carrying places; and to march through morasses, thick woods and over mountains, for about 320 miles. In many places they had to pass over the ground and the mountains several times, as without it they must have left much of their baggage behind, and have failed in the enterprise. They lost all their powder, except what was in cartridges and horns, while penetrating through the woods. But what proved the greatest trial to them, was the starving condition to which they were reduced, when approaching the end of their tedious and distressing march. The pork being gone, they had for four days only half a pound of flour a day for each man. Their whole store was then divided, which yielded about four pints of flour per man—a small allowance for men near a hundred miles from any habitation or prospect of supply. It was used sparingly; but several when they had baked and eaten their last morsel, discovered, to their great confusion, that they had thirty miles to travel before they could expect the least mouthful more. But their dread of consequences was soon removed, by the unexpected return of colonel Arnold with cattle. The soldiers exercised the greatest fortitude and patience under the difficulties and sufferings that occurred; and when again in the midst of plenty and an easy situation, soon lost all painful remembrance of what had happened, and gloried in having accomplished, by their indefatigable zeal and industry, an undertaking above the common race of men in this debauched age. Let us attend to colonel Enos. His return to camp excited both astonishment and indignation. [Dec. 1.] A court martial was ordered to sit upon him; when it appeared, that he had but three days provisions, and was about one hundred miles from the English settlements; that a council of war was called, which agreed upon the return of the colonel’s whole division, and that he was for going on without, but that it was opposed. It was the unanimous opinion of the court, that colonel Enos was under a necessity of returning, and he has been acquitted with honor. A number of officers of the best character are fully satisfied, and persuaded that his conduct deserves applause rather than sensure. Had he not returned, his whole division must have been starved.

We must now resume the account of the military transactions in the Massachusetts, from the period of colonel Arnold’s leaving the camp.

The Americans, that they might equal in some measure the British, have built some floating batteries with a deck, to secure the people on board from suffering by musketry. General Washington perceiving that the expence of supporting the army will by far exceed any idea formed of it in congress, is alarmed at the apprehension of consequences, and most earnestly wishes for such a termination of the campaign, as may make the army no longer necessary. The want of powder has subsided in part. Salt-peter is made in every colony. Powder-mills have been erected at Philadelphia and New-York. Non only so, but upward of a hundred barrels of powder have been taken out of the magazine at Bermuda, as supposed by a sloop from Philadelphia, and a schooner from Carolina. It was easily accomplished from the magazine’s being situated far distant from the town, without any dwelling-house in the vicinity. Some of the inhabitants were probably concerned in the transaction. It might be connected with the address to the deputies from the different parishes of Bermuda presented to congress in July, and might influence the subsequent resolve of congress in November, “That the inhabitants of Bermuda appear friendly to the cause of America, and ought to be supplied with such a quantity of the produce of these colonies, as may be necessary for their subsistence and home consumption.”

[Oct.] The perfidy of Dr. Church has been at length detected, by the discovery of a traiterous correspondence with a British officer in Boston. He had intrusted a letter in cypher with his kept mistress to be forwarded, which being found upon her, she was taking and carried to head quarters. The Doctor not being suspected, had an opportunity of speaking to her, so that she would not discover the writer, till terrified into it by the severest threats. The general was shocked at the discovery, and talked with the doctor upon the baseness of his conduct. The marks of guilt were apparent. The doctor was confounded, and never attempted to vindicate himself. He was immediately secured. Since the letter has been decyphered, and the doctor has had opportunity of recollecting himself, he has pleaded that his intentions were not criminal; admitting his plea, so gross a piece of stupidity in so sensible a man is quite a prodigy. But this plea was invalidated, though not by the contents of the letter, which served mainly to point out the necessity of a speedy accommodation; yet by the marks of guilt he discovered in the presence of the general, and in his attempt to conceal the writer, instead of declaring at once who he was, what was his design, and what he had written. The doctor being a representative, was, on the 27th of October, examined at the bar of the house. He endeavored to evade the censure of the house, by insisting, that as the affair would be before another court where the matter must have a final issue, should the house proceed to expel him it would have a fatal effect whenever a final judgment was to be given on his conduct. He made the most solemn appeal to heaven, that the letter was written with the design of procuring some important intelligence. He observed, that there was not a single paragraph in it which contained information that could hurt the Americans; and that the exaggerated accounts of their force, strength and unanimity, tended to dishearten the enemy, and keep them quiet, at a time when the Americans were poorly able to have withstood a vigorous attack. It is impossible to write all he said; but if the force of rhetoric and the powers of language, if the most pathetic arts of persuasion, enforced by all the ingenuity, sense, and spirit of the doctor, could have made him innocent, he would have appeared spotless as an angel of light.—The house however expelled him as guilty; and congress afterward resolved, “That he be close confined in some secure jail in Connecticut, without the use of pen, ink and paper, and that no person be allowed to converse with him, except in the presence and hearing of a magistrate or the sheriff of the county.”

The time for which the continental soldiers were engaged to serve, was hastening to a close; the evil of a very short inlistment was felt; it was therefore unanimously agreed at a council of war, [Oct. 8.] that the men to be raised for the future army, should be engaged to the first of December 1776, but be discharged sooner if necessary. Hopes still remain, that an accommodation may possibly take place.

[October 10.] General Gage sailed for Great-Britain, leaving several thousand of the inhabitants of the town in want of bread and every necessary of life. Before his departure, he was addressed by his majesty’s mandamus council; by a number of gentlemen and principal inhabitants of the town; and by such as were driven from their habitations in the country to Boston, amounting to no more than seventy-six, a small number considering the extent and populousness of the colony, and that many of them would not pass for gentlemen in Great-Britain. The command of the army devolved of course upon general Howe, who issued one proclamation, condemning to military execution, such inhabitants as attempt to quit the town without a written licence, if detected and taken; if they escape, they are to be proceeded against as traitors, and their effects are to be forfeited: and another, declaring that if such as are permitted to depart, attempt carrying away more than five pounds in specie, to which sum they have been restrained for some time past, they shall forfeit the whole sum discovered, beside suffering fine and imprisonment.

Congress having intimated to general Washington, that an attack upon Boston was much desired, a council of war was called, [October 18.] but unanimously agreed that it was not expedient, at least, for the present. On the same day captain Mowat destroyed 139 houses, and 278 stores and other buildings, the far greatest and best part of the town of Falmouth in the northern part of the Massachusetts. The inhabitants, in compliance with a resolve of the provincial congress to prevent tories carrying out their effects, gave some violent obstruction to the loading of a mast ship, which drew upon them the indignation of the admiral. Captain Mowat was dispatched in the Canceaux, of sixteen guns, with an armed large ship, schooner and sloop. After anchoring toward the evening of the seventeenth, within gun-shot, he sent a letter on shore giving them two hours for the removal of their families, as he had orders to fire the town, they having been guilty of the most unpardonable rebellion. A committee of three gentlemen went on board, to learn the particular reasons for such orders. He answered, that his orders were to set on fire all the sea-ports between Boston and Halifax; but agreed to spare the town till nine o’clock the next morning, would they consent to send him off eight small arms, which was immediately done. The next morning the committee applied afresh; he concluded to spare the town till he could hear from the admiral, in case they would send him off four carriage guns, deliver up all their arms, ammunition, &c. and four gentlemen of the town as hostages. That not being complied with, about half past nine he began to fire from the four armed vessels, and continued it till after dark. With shells and carcases, and about thirty marines whom he landed, he set the town on fire in several places. About a hundred of the worst houses escaped destruction, but suffered damage. The inhabitants got out a very considerable part of their furniture, and had not a person killed or wounded, though the vessels fired into the town about three thousand shot, beside bombs and carcases. General Lee reprobates their cowardice, in admitting such a paltry party to land with impunity, an set their town in flames, when they had at least two hundred fighting men, and powder enough for a battle. In the private letter wherein he expressed these sentiments, he made no mention of the sailors being repulsed, with the loss of a few men; though this might happen in the close of the day, and give occasion for its being related by others. The burning of Falmouth spread an alarm upon the sea-coast, but produced no disposition to submit to the power and mercy of the armed British agents. The people in common, chose rather to abandon the sea-ports that could not be defended, than quit their country’s cause; and therefore removed back with their effects to a safe distance.

The congress, the latter end of September, concluded upon sending a committee of three members, to confer with general Washington and the governor of Connecticut, the lieutenant-governor of Rhode-Island, the council of Massachusetts, and the president of the convention of New-Hampshire, and others, touching the most effectual method of continuing, supporting, and regulating a continental army. They met and agreed on the measures to be pursued. Dr. Franklin being one of the committed, the Massachusetts general court embraced that opportunity [Oct. 23.] of ordering the treasurer to pay him £.1854 sterling, in full for his late services as agent, from October 31, 1770, to March 1, 1775. You may recollect that governor Hutchinson always refused signing the grants made him by the house of assembly. The doctor might lave liked specie at the time such grants were made, better than the present paper money; but his foresight will undoubtedly transform the latter into some solid substance. He had to pay £.100 of it back into the hands of a committee, appointed to wait upon him within a day or two, being the amount of a sum sent by several persons from England, for the relief of those Americans who were wounded in the battle of Lexington, and of the widows and children of those who were then slain.

[October 27.] The old south meeting-house, a large, handsome brick building, well fitted up without and within, was taken possession of, and destined for a horse riding-school and the service of the light dragoons. It is said and believed, that an offer was made of building a complete riding-school for less money than it would cost to remove the pews and the side galleries (the front remains for the accommodation of tea-company and others) and to make a proper flooring for the horse. In clearing every thing away, a beautiful carved pew, with silk furniture, formerly belonging to a deceased gentleman in high estimation, was taken down and carried to Mr. John Amory’s house, by the order of an officer, who applied the carved work to the erecting of a hogsty. Had the meeting-house and its contents been honored with episcopal consecration, these proceedings would be deemed by multitudes, profane and sacriligious. But they, who in the present day hold not with the holiness of any buildings, will censure the insults offered professors of whatever denomination, by needlessly demolishing their places of worship, or consigning them to despicable and filthy uses. When Roman virtue and patriotism were at their height, the Roman officers would not allow the religion or temples of the persons with whom they fought, to be insulted and profaned. They were more politic than to exasperate men into a ferocious courage for the defence of their altars. But too many of the present British officers act as though they owed a spite to all the meeting-houses of the presbyterians, by which common name they stigmatize those who dissent from the church of England, without reflecting that it is no stigma in Scotland, but the reverse.

The southern colonies, in consequence of accounts transmitted to them from the camp, begin to entertain prejudices with respect to the troops raised in the Massachusetts. They ought to allow for the precipitation with which the army was necessarily collected. General Thomas declared [Oct. 24.] that the regiments at Roxbury were equal, as to the privates, to any with whom he served the last war, and many of them have proved themselves brave. The greatest part of the officers are unexperienced, and in general unqualified, being strangers to subordination, which was not unexpected to the general, as they were chosen by their privates. He complained of many of the southern riflemen, that they often deserted to the enemy, were mutinous, repugnant to all kind of duty, and so exceedingly vicious that the army would be as well without them; but spake with satisfaction of their officers. It is a mortifying truth, that some of the Massachusetts officers disgrace the colony, by practising the meanest arts of peculation. Every subtilty that avarice can invent, or rascality carry on, are used to cheat the public, by men who procured commissions, not to fight for the liberty of their country, but to prey upon its distresses. The army about to be enlisted, will undoubtedly be better officered.

Gentlemen, ladies, and others, from neighboring and distant colonies, attracted by curiosity, have visited the American troops, and animated them by their presence. A number of Indian chiefs have also been down, that they might see and judge for themselves, how far the reports propagated among them, were true or false. They were treated at head-quarters, and by different officers, with much respect. One evening they entertained the general and others with a war dance, if that may be called an entertainment, wherein the motions and actions of the dancers were calculated to alarm and terrify those who were not acquainted with such sights. They were pleasant and agreeable company. Two of them had their squaws or wives with them; who were well looking women, allowing for their dark complexion; one of them was much dejected, having lately lost her papoos or child. When the Indians danced in company with the American gentlemen and ladies, both men and women kept time with far greater exactness than the others. They went off upon their return, fully satisfied with the treatment they had received; and it is hoped will carry back those accounts which will keep their tribes peaceable.

Many of the Americans have sickened and died of the dysentery, brought upon them, in a great measure, through an inattention to cleanliness. When at home, their female relations put them upon washing their hands and faces, and keeping themselves neat and clean; but being absent from such monitors, through an indolent heedless turn of mind, they have neglected the means of health, have grown filthy, and poisoned their constitutions by nastiness.

[Nov. 2.] The weather set in very cold, and the soldiers were distressed for want of wood. The building of barracks had been delayed too long: and they were not in sufficient forwardness to admit and accommodate all the troops. Several regiments were obliged to keep the field; and some in a bleak position on the brow of hills, where it was difficult to drag up the wood with which they could be supplied. It is mortifying to reflect how these supplies have been reduced by short measure. But many persons think it no harm in this way to cheat the united colonies, and to deliver a less quantity than they are paid for.

[Nov. 9.] Several companies of the British regulars passed over from Charlestown to Phipp’s farm, and kept possession of the ground for near an hour before they could be obstructed, owing to a high tide that prevented the Americans crossing the causeway, which was overflowed. During this period they were employed in shooting cattle with a design of carrying them off. At length a battalion of riflemen, under colonel Thomson, took to the water, when up to their middles, and a quarter of a mile across; at their approach the British hastened to their boats.—The Charlestown forts, one in Boston and a frigate, kept up a warm fire upon the Americans the whole time, killed them one man and wounded three. The British have provided for the security of Charlestown, by the erection of a strong citadel on Bunker’s Hill, with convenient barracks for the garrison. [Nov. 16.] Such was the distress of the inhabitants in Boston, that fences, trees, houses, &c. were taken down and carried off for fuel: beef, mutton and pork, were 1s. 1½d. sterling per lb. geese, half a guinea a piece, and fowls five shillings. At the scarcest season half a guinea was given for a dozen of common eggs.

General Washington, desirous of improving the troops to the utmost ere the army was weakened by the return of the Connecticut ones to their own colony, resolved upon securing Cobble, or Miller’s Hill, about half a mile in a direct line from the enemy’s works on Bunker’s Hill, and at a like distance from the shipping at West Boston. About 1000 men broke ground on the hill, [Nov. 22.] without having a single cannon fired at them. They went on intrenching and planting several 9, 18, and 24 pounders, till they made themselves secure. General Howe does not seem so fond of cannonading as was general Gage. [Oct. 24.] To lessen the demand for provision, he ordered a transport ship to carry about 400 of the inhabitants out of the town to Point Shirley, to be taken care of by the country. Ten days after he sent out 300 more. The persons thus sent out were not thought to be wholly free from the small-pox; and it was suspected that there might be a design of spreading that disorder among the American troops, which induced the Massachusetts assembly to resolve upon measures for preventing such an event.

The Massachusetts assembly resolved, October the ninth, to fit out armed vessels; which proving a sufficient encouragement for individuals to apply themselves to that business, and some being in proper forwardness, an act was passed in November for granting letters of marque and reprisal, and the establishment of courts of admiralty. The declared intention of the act was for the defence of the American coast, and the condemnation of those vessels only which should be proved to be the property of, or in any wise employed by the enemies of the united colonies, or for supplying said enemies. The Lee privateer, captain Manly, belonging to Marblehead, was soon at sea, and took the brig Nancy, [Nov. 29.] an ordinance ship from Woolwich, containing, beside a large brass morter upon a new construction, several pieces of fine brass cannon, a large quantity of small arms and ammunition, with all manner of tools, utensils and machines, necessary for camps and artillery, in the greatest abundance. General Washington, but thirteen days before wrote, “I am in very great want of powder, lead, morters, indeed of most sorts of military stores.” Had congress sent an order for articles most wanted, they could not have made a more satisfactory invoice. The morter is now at Cambridge, in the park of artillery, is named _the Congress_, and is much admired for its size by every spectator, whether acquainted or nor with the uses for which it is designed. About two months before this capture, a ship from Bristol with flour for Boston, having parted with her convoy, was decoyed into Portsmouth in New-Hampshire, and secured for the benefit of the Americans.

[Dec. 8.] Three ships from London, Glasgow, and Liverpool, with various stores for the army, and a brig from Antigua with rum, were taken in the bay by captain Manly, by whale-boats, &c. A number of men in whale-boats can overpower unarmed vessels, and carry them off into secure harbours. These and the privateers captured several more store-ships before five days were ended. Among the privateers were some continental ones, for general Washington fitted out a few armed vessels, which has met with the approbation of congress. These repeated and considerable captures have increased the distress of the troops and people in Boston, and furnished the continental army with many, valuable articles. But though the success of the Americans upon the watery element has been matter of joy and triumph, their affairs upon land do not answer the wishes of the genuine patriots. On the first of the month the enlistment of the Connecticut troops expired. They were urged to tarry longer by different persons, who harrangued them upon the occasion. A few hundreds were prevailed upon to continue; but the main body marched off, leaving the army in too week a condition. It is true they had suffered greatly through the intenseness of the cold, and the want of fuel, with which they ought to have been more faithfully and punctually supplied. The Massachusetts and New-Hampshire men complete their term the first of January; and the enlistment of the new army goes on very heavily. There is a general reluctance among the soldiers to inlisting afresh. The Massachusetts people show as much backwardness as the others. In short, they expect to be hired, and that at a very high price, to defend their own liberties; and choose to be slaves unless they can be bribed to be freemen. _Quid facit libertas, cum sola pecunia regnat?_ How must it afflict general Washington to observe in the present crisis, so little of that patriotic spirit, which he was taught to believe was the characteristic of the Massachusetts people; and on which he relied greatly for support. While burdened with an apprehension that he might possibly be deserted, he could recollect the severity of the season, and the distresses of his fellow-creatures at a distance, and wrote to the gentleman with whom he had intrusted the management of his concerns at Mount-Vernon, “Let the hospitality of the house be kept up with respect to the poor. Let no one go hungry away. If any of this kind of people should be in want of corn, supply their necessities, provided it does not encourage them in idleness. I have no objection to your giving my money in charity, when you think it will be well bestowed. I mean, it is my desire that it should be done. You are to consider, that neither myself or wife are now in the way to do these good offices.”

[Dec. 11.] About 2000 militia arrived in camp, and 3000 more were expected every hour, making in the whole the number required by the general to supply the deficiency of the continental regiments. The American army being by this mean sufficiently strengthened, carried their approaches to within half a mile of Boston, and broke ground at Lechmere’s Point which brought on a cannonade from the batteries of Charlestown and Barton’s Point, that continued for four days, without obliging them to desist. Their labor was hard, owing to the ground’s being so frozen; but they persevered till they had perfected their design.

[Dec. 25.] Some persons have been so curious as to note the number of men killed by the firing of the enemy on Cambridge side of the American lines, and on the Roxbury, as also, the number and nature of their firings. The accounts stands thus “From the burning of Charlestown down to this day, the enemy have fired upward of 2000 shot and shells, an equal number of 24 pounders with any other sort. They threw more than 300 bumbs at Plowed Hill, and 100 at Lechmere’s Point. By the whole firing on Cambridge side, they killed only seven, and on Roxbury side five, just a dozen.”

Let me now give you the following anecdote. Deacon Whitcomb of Lancaster, (who was a member of the Massachusetts assembly till the present contest, had served in former wars, and been in different engagements) has served as a colonel in the American army; but on account of his age was left out upon the late new regulation. His men highly resented it, and declared they would not inlist again, after their time was out. The colonel told them, he did not doubt there were sufficient reasons for the regulation, and he was satisfied with it; he then blamed them for their conduct, and said he would inlist as a private. A colonel Brewer heard of it, and offered to resign in favor of colonel Whitcomb. The whole coming to general Washington’s ears, he has allowed of colonel Brewer’s resignation in colonel Whitcomb’s favor, appointed the former barrack-master, till he can further promote him, and acquainted the army with the whole affars in general orders. This terminates the narrative of the military and naval transactions within the Massachusetts; little remain to be mentioned of the civil. The great call there was for salt-petre, put the house of assembly upon resolving [Oct. 30.] to pay a bounty of three shillings sterling in paper currency per lb. for all that shall be manufactured before the first of next June, beside two shillings and three-pence per lb. purchase money. The assembly was far from giving satisfaction to general Lee, who about the middle of November, pronounced them benumbed in a fixed state of torpitude, without the symptoms of animation, unless an apprehension of rendering themselves unpopular among their particular constituents, by any act of vigor for the public service, deserved the name of animation. He charged them with inconsistent and timid conduct; and ascribed it to their torpor, narrow politics, or call it what you will, that the army had been reduced to very great distress. There was however, about the beginning of December, an act passed for emitting bills of credit to the amount of more than £.50,000 sterling, with a pretty device on the back, viz. an American with a sword in his right hand, with the following inscription suspended therefrom, “_Ense petit placidam sub libertate quietem_;” and from his left hand “_Magna Charta_;” and round the figure these words, “_Issued in defence of American liberty_.” The assembly also gave orders relating to wood [Dec. 26.] that so the great distresses of the army on that head might be removed.

_New-Hampshire_ colony has presented us with a novelty, which the polititians will apply to the purpose of promoting independency. By some dextrous, or rather sinister management, instructions were delivered to the New-Hampshire delegates at the continental congress containing these expressions, “we would have you immediately use your utmost endeavours to obtain the advice and direction of the congress, with respect to a method for our administering justice and regulating our civil police. We press you not to delay this matter, as its being done speedily will probably prevent the greatest confusion among us.” They were laid before congress Oct. the eighteenth, and proved a fine opening for those individual delegates, who were looking forward to a separation from Great-Britain, to introduce an entering wedge wherewith to divide the empire. Even these very instructions might be designedly obtained by confidential letters written to trusty deputies in the New-Hampshire convention, by certain delegates in the general congress. The first step to be taken by such was, to procure, in some one colony, the establishment of a new form of government, in which the people at large should have a leading influence, that so their attachments and efforts might be secured in support of the same. The inhabitants of adjoining colonies would soon be eager to enjoy the like power and importance, which would pave the way for their insisting also upon a change. These changes being once effected, the parties will then have gone too far to retreat, and must seek their security in independence. The scheme met with opposition, and the New-Hampshire delegates used unwearied importunity, both within doors and without, before they obtained the recommendation they were after. At length the report of the committee was taken into consideration, and it was resolved by congress, [Nov. 3.] “That it be recommended to the provincial convention of New-Hampshire, to call a full and free representation of the people, and that the said representatives, if they think it necessary, establish such a form of government, as in their judgment will best produce the happiness of the people, and most effectually secure the peace and good order in the province, during the continuance of the present dispute between Great-Britain and the colonies. The vote was far from being unanimous; and, in order to make it pass, was qualified with a seeming desire of an accommodation with Britain, and of restoration by that mean to the old form of government. The provincial convention, without waiting for the arrival of the recommendation, appointed a committee to report a mode of representation, which being laid before them, [Nov. 14.] they agreed, that precepts be sent to elect persons to represent the towns, &c. in congress, to meet at Exeter on the twenty-first of December, and to be empowered to prosecute such measures as they may deem necessary for the public good, during the term of one year, unless they see fit to disolve themselves sooner. And in case there should be a recommendation from the continental congress for this colony to assume a government, in a way that will require a house of representatives, that the said congress of this colony be empowered to resolve themselves into such a house as may be recommended, and remain such for the aforesaid term of one year.” The provincial congress met agreeable to the receipts, and after a while voted, “That congress will at any time take up civil government, to continue during the present contest with Great-Britain; and resolve themselves into a house of representatives, and then choose a council to continue one year from the twenty-first of December.”

The continental congress having dispatched the New-Hampshire case, immediately took into consideration the state of _South-Carolina_ and appointed a committee to consider a number of papers relative thereto, and to report what in their opinion was necessary to be done. What this opinion would be was easily foreseen, from Messrs. Chase and Samuel Adams being of the committee. The report was brought in the next day, [Nov. 4.] and it was resolved, “That for the defence of South-Carolina, there be kept up in that colony, at the continental expences, three battalions of foot: That if the convention, or council of safety shall think it expedient, for the security of the colony, to seize or destroy any ship or vessel of war, this congress will approve of such proceeding:—That Charleston ought to be defended against any attempts to take possession thereof by the enemies of America; and that the convention or council of safety ought to proceed immediately to erect such fortifications and batteries as will best conduce to its security;—That if the convention of South-Carolina shall find it necessary to establish a form of government in that colony, it be recommended to that convention to call a full and free representation of the people, &c. &c.” as to the convention of New-Hampshire.

The measures pursued by lord Dunmore naturally led congress to resolve, [Nov. 10.] “That a committee be appointed to inquire into the state of the colony of _Virginia_, to consider what provisions may be necessary for its defence, and to report the same.” Mr. Samuel Adams was of the number. New information being received before they reported, when they did it, it was in such a way that congress resolved [Dec. 4.] “That three companies of the Pennsylvania battalion immediately march into Northampton county, in Virginia, for the protection of the association—That it be recommended to the inhabitants to resist to the utmost, the arbitrary government intended to be established therein.” They then said, “Whereas lord Dunmore by his proclamation, has declared his intention to execute martial law, thereby tearing up the foundations of civil authority and government within the colony; resolved, therefore, that if the convention of Virginia, &c. &c.” as to the conventions of New-Hampshire and South-Carolina.

A growing change in the sentiments of congress, would of course follow upon the dispatches received the day before the committee on the state of Virginia was appointed. Their agents informed them, that the American minister told them, some days after the delivery of the petition by the late governor Penn, _No answer will be given to it_; and that no one person in authority had, since the arrival of that gentleman, deigned to propose a single question to him, or to desire the smallest information from him. This cavalier treatment of a petition containing professions of the greatest loyalty to the king, and attachment to the mother country, and couched in terms the most moderate and humble; and of the person who was intrusted with it; left no reasonable ground for hoping that the present dispute could be amicably adjusted.

Having been led by the New-Hampshire instructions, to mention some of the doings of congress, let me proceed to relate some others which have been unnoticed.

Congress resolved, that the new army intended to lie before Boston [Nov. 4.] consist of 20,372 men, officers included. Beside, it has been recommended to particular colonies to raise battalions at the expence of the continent. Orders have also been given for fitting out four armed vessels, for the intercepting of such transports as may be laden with warlike stores and other supplies for the enemy; and for the protection and defence of the united colonies. [Nov. 9.] It was agreed, “That every member consider himself under the ties of virtue, honor, and love of his country, not to divulge, directly or indirectly, any matter or thing agitated or debated in congress, before the same shall have been determined, without the leave of congress; or any other matter or thing determined in congress, which the majority of congress shall order to be kept secret; and that if any member shall violate this agreement, he shall be expelled this congress, and be deemed an enemy to the liberties of America, and liable to be treated as such; and that every member signify his consent to this agreement by signing the same.” [Nov. 10.] They resolved upon raising two battalions of marines, to be considered as part of the number of which the continental army before Boston is to consist.

[Nov. 28.] A committee appointed to take into consideration the state of _North-Carolina_, made their report, whereupon it was resolved, among other matters, that two ministers of the gospel be applied to, to go immediately among the regulators and highlanders of that colony, for the purpose of informing them of the nature of the present dispute between Great-Britain and the colonies. Instead of a similar recommendation to what was given to South-Carolina about establishing a form of government, it was only recommended to the convention or committee of safety, in case the method of defending the colony by minute-men, be inadequate to the purpose, to substitute such other mode as to them should appear most likely to effect the security of the colony.

[Nov. 29.] Congress resolved, that a committee of five be appointed for the sole purpose of corresponding with their friends in Great-Britain, Ireland, and other parts of the world. Information being given, that there is a large quantity of powder in the island of Providence, the secret committee were ordered to take measures for securing and bringing away the said powder. To prevent any petition to the king from a particular colony, they declared [Dec. 4.] that in the present situation of affairs, it would be very dangerous to the liberties and welfare of America, if any colony should separately petition the king, or either house of parliament. This declaration is thought to be owing to an apprehension that the New-Jersey assembly would be drawn in, by the art and persuasion of governor Franklin and his adherents, to adopt such a measure. Congress were certainly alarmed at some disagreeable appearances, for they appointed a committee to confer with that assembly immediately after the declaration. [Dec. 6.] They agreed to the report of the committee on proclamations. It contained many severe remarks upon the royal proclamation of August, for suppressing rebellion and sedition; together with many pointed questions, designed to sink it into equal contempt with what it experienced at the Royal Exchange, where we have heard it was read by one of the lord mayor’s officers, accompanied only by the common crier, without horse or mace to grace the ceremony, and when finished, saluted with a general hiss. Toward the close, the report holds forth the following threat; “we, in the name of the people of these united colonies, and by authority, according to the purest maxims of representation, derived from them, declare, that whatever punishment shall be inflicted upon any persons in the power of our enemies, for favoring, aiding, or abetting the cause of American liberty, shall be retaliated in the same kind and the same degree, upon those in our power, who have favored, aided, or abetted, or shall favor, aid, or abet the system of ministerial oppression.”

[Dec. 13.] Congress determined upon building five ships of 32 guns, five of 28, and three of 24, in all 13; one in New-Hampshire, two in Massachusetts, one in Connecticut, two in Rhode-Island, two in New-York, four in Pennsylvania, and one in Maryland. [Dec. 20.] They, having taken into consideration the dispute between the people of Pennsylvania and Connecticut, on the lands near Wyoming, on the Susquehannah river, recommended, that “the contending parties immediately cease all hostilities; that all persons seized and detained on account of said dispute, on either side, be dismissed and permitted to go to their respective homes; and that, things being put in the same situation they were before the late unhappy contest, they continue to behave themselves peaceably, until a legal decision can be had on said dispute, or congress shall take further order thereon.” The committee appointed to fit out armed vessels, having procured a few, laid before congress [Dec. 22.] a list of the officers by them appointed; and were directed to give such instructions to the commander of the fleet, Ezekiel Hopkins, esq. touching the operations of the ships under his command, as should appear to them most conducive to the defence of the united colonies, and to the distress of the enemy’s naval forces and vessels.

In Canada, Sir Guy Carleton was no sooner acquainted with the Americans having surprised Tyconderoga and Crown-Point, and obtained the command of Lake Champlain, than he planned a scheme for their recovery. The British troops he had with him were too few to admit of their being drawn out of garrison. He expected a supply of Canadians sufficient for his purpose, and to have the assistance of the Indians in his intended operations; but both failed him. He established martial law in the province, that he might be able in that way authoritatively to force the people to take arms, but they refused. They had tasted the sweets of the English mode of government since the conquest of the country; and were disgusted (the noblesse excepted) at the re-establishment of the French. The Quebec act was of no use in exciting them against the colonists; on the contrary they talked much of liberty.[134] They declared themselves ready to defend the province, but absolutely refused to march out of it, and commence hostilities upon their neighbors. The governor applied to the bishop of Quebec to use his spiritual influence, particularly to issue an episcopal mandate, to be read by the parish priests in the time of divine service, but the bishop excused himself. The ecclesiastics, in the place of this, issued their letters, which were however greatly disregarded. The noblesse alone, who were chiefly considered in the Quebec act, showed a zeal against the English colonists.

Colonel Johnson, a son of the late Sir William Johnson, had repeated conferences with the Indians; at the one in Montreal, he delivered to each of the Canadian tribes a war-belt and the hatchet; after which he invited them to feast on a Bostonian, and to drink his blood, figuratively, an ox being roasted for the purpose, and a pipe of wine given; but the entertainment could not prevail with them to take up the hatchet. The congress, being made acquainted with the disposition of the Canadians, and the designs of governor Carleton, and expecting a powerful opposition from that quarter when European troops were arrived, unless they could prevent it by securing the country, determined upon penetrating into Canada, in hope of gaining the speedy possession of it, and of joining it to the union. The more effectually to support the reasonableness of the measure, and to strengthen the operation, it was given out, that the powers with which governor Carleton was entrusted by his commission, were special and extraordinary, _purposely_ designed to warrant his attempting by force to suppress the opposition making in the colonies to the British measures. Several, or even most of the members of congress could not but know, that the words of the commission for governing their own colonies, name and place excepted. Sir Guy’s commission was in the usual mode, and similar to what was given to Danvers Osborne, esq. governor of New-York.[135]

General Montgomery was sent forward to Tyconderoga with a body of troops, New-Yorkers and New-Englanders. When he took leave of his lady, his parting words were, “You shall never blush for your Montgomery.” [Aug. 21.] He arrived with the continental army (if not too diminutive to be so called) at the place of destination. General Schuyler, who was the chief commander, remained at Albany, to attend the Indian treaty carrying on in that city. General Montgomery made a movement down Lake Champlain, without waiting the arrival of more troops, that so he might hinder the enemy’s armed vessels getting into the lake. [Sept. 4. 5.] Schuyler having pushed forward, notwithstanding great indisposition, and joined Montgomery at Isle la Motte, they moved on, and arrived at Isle aux Noix. Here he drew up a declaration, which he sent among the Canadians by colonel Allen and major Brown, assuring them, that the army was designed only against the English garrisons, and not the country, their liberties or religion. [Sept. 6.] The army, not exceeding a thousand men, proceeded without any obstruction toward St. John’s. When in sight of the works, and about two miles distant, the enemy began to fire, without doing any damage. After advancing half a mile nearer, the troops landed without opposition, in a close deep swamp; and being formed, marched through grounds marshy and covered with woods, in order to reconnoitre the fortresses. The left was attacked in crossing a creek, by a party of Indians, who killed a sergeant, corporal, and three privates, beside wounding eight, three of whom died. Three officers also were wounded. The Indians were soon compelled to give way, and had five killed and four badly wounded. Gen. Schuyler receiving certain intelligence in the evening, that the enemy’s fortifications were complete, and plentifully furnished with cannon, it was thought advisable the next morning, to return to Isle aux Noix, which was accordingly done; and the troops were employed in erecting proper works to secure the entrance into the lake; and in getting ready, on the arrival of further reinforcements, to take advantage of any events that might happen in Canada. Schuyler returned, leaving the command to Montgomery; who, being strengthened by an addition of men and artillery, and receiving orders to undertake the siege of St. John’s, [Sept. 17.] proceeded to execute the same. The next day the enemy threw bombs, but did no damage. The Americans returned the salute. [Sept. 21.] The lines of circumvallation were finished; but between 20 and 30 waggons with provisions, rum, brandy, &c. for the garrison, were taken prior to it. Afterwards there was a continual firing for some days and nights; and could the general have depended upon the troops, he might have ventured to promise success, but he could say nothing pleasing on that head. The men took good care of themselves; and one night captain Mott, of the 1st regiment of Yorkers, basely deserted the mortar battery without ever being attacked.

Colonel Allen being upon his return, with a guard of about eighty men, from a tour upon which he had been sent by the general, was desired to halt by major Brown, who proposed that colonel Allen should return to Longuil, procure canoes and cross the river St. Lawrence a little north of Montreal; while he crossed a little to the south of the town with near 200 men, as he had boats sufficient. The plan was approved of, and colonel Allen crossed in the night. Major Brown by some means failed on his part; and colonel Allen found himself, the next morning, in a critical situation; but concluded upon maintaining his grounds. [Sept. 25.] General Carleton learning how weak colonel Allen was, marched out against him with about forty regulars, together with Canadians, English and Indians, amounting to some hundreds. The colonel defended himself with much bravery; but being deserted by several, chiefly Canadians, and having had fifteen of his men killed, was under the necessity of surrendering with thirty-one effectives and seven wounded. He was directly put into irons. Had the plan been executed according to major Brown’s proposal, Montreal would probably have been surprised and taken. Success would have prevented the censures, which are now passed upon the one for proposing, and the other for adopting a plan of operation to which the general was an entire stranger. [Oct. 4.] A party of Canadians, who had joined and greatly assisted the besiegers, intrenched themselves on the east side of the lake, on which the enemy sent an armed sloop with troops to drive them away; but the Canadians attacked the sloop with vigor, killed a number of the men, and obliged her to return to St. Johns in a shattered condition. The main body of the army decamped from the south, [Oct. 7.] and marched to the north side of the fort: and in the evening began to throw up a breast work, in order to erect a battery of cannon and mortars. The continental troops brought such a spirit of liberty into the field, and thought so freely for themselves, that they would not bear either subordination or discipline. The general could not in truth direct their operations, and would not have stayed an hour at their head, had he not feared that the example would be too generally followed and so the public service suffer. There was a great want of powder, which with the disorderly behavior of the troops was a damp to the hope of terminating the siege successfully.

[Oct. 18.] The prospect was much brightened. The Canadians planned an attack upon Chamblee, and carried down in batteaux the artillery, past the fort of St. John’s. After a short demur it surrendered to major Brown and major Livingston.—The greatest acquisition was about six tons of powder, which enabled the general to accomplish his wishes. The other particulars you have below,[136] except the colours of the 7th regiment, which were immediately transmitted to congress—the first present of the kind they ever received. The garrison became prisoners of war, but were allowed all their baggage, the quantity of which was astonishing. Their women and children, whose number was equally astonishing, were permitted to go with them and to take their effects. The besiegers having obtained a full supply of ammunition, went to work in earnest, compleated a battery within 250 yards of the fort, and mounted in it [Oct. 30.] four guns and six mortars, in defiance of the continual fire of the enemy. While the army was busily engaged in preparing for a cannonade, and an assault if necessary, they received the agreeable news of governor Carleton’s being repulsed. [Oct. 31.] The governor, with a view of raising the siege, collected a body of about 800 forces, consisting of the militia of Montreal, a number of Canadians, whom he had maintained for some time, a few troops, not a hundred, and some Indians. They left Montreal in high spirits, and attempted to cross the river St. Lawrence and land at Longeuil; but colonel Warner, with 300 Green Mountain boys, and a four pounder which kept pouring grape-shot into the boats, prevented their making good a landing. They were suffered to come very near the shore, and then the fire was so hot and distructive, that they were thrown into great confusion, and retired with the utmost precipitation. [Nov. 1.] The batteries kept an incessant fire all day on the garrison of St. John, which returned a very brisk one.—In the evening general Montgomery sent a flag, with a letter to major Preston, the commander, by one of the prisoners taken by colonel Warner, informing him of governor Carleton’s defeat, and recommending to him the surrender of the fort, as he could now have no longer reason to expect relief from that quarter. Major Preston in return sent an officer to the camp, proposing to answer the letter fully in the morning, and that in the mean time hostilities should cease on both sides. Two officers came into the camp [Nov. 2.] with an answer from major Preston, who requested the general to wait four days, to see whether no relief would come in that time, if not, they would make proposals for a surrender. The advanced season of the year did not allow of the general’s complying. He required them immediately to surrender prisoners of war; but referred them for the truth of the governor’s defeat to another prisoner. It was at length agreed that the garrison should march out with the honors of war, as what was due to their fortitude and perseverance. The non-commissioned officers and privates were to ground their arms on the plain; the officers were to keep their side arms, and their fire arms were to be reserved for them. The effects of the garrison were not to be withheld from them. The Canadian gentlemen and others, at St. John’s, were considered as part of the garrison, which amounted to about 500 regulars, and better than 100 Canadian volunteers. The next morning they marched out [Nov. 31.] and the continental troops took possession of the fort, in which were 17 brass ordnance, from 2 to 24 pounders, 2 eight inch howitzers, seven mortars, and 22 iron ordnance, from 3 to 9 pounders, a considerable quantity of shot and small shells, and about 800 stand of small arms, beside a small quantity of naval stores. The ammunition and provision was trifling, these having been nearly expended.

General Montgomery pressed on to Montreal. It being capable of making no defence, governor Carleton quitted it in one day; the general entered it the next [Nov. 12.] He treated the inhabitants with becoming liberality, engaging upon his honor to maintain the individuals and religious communities of the city in the peaceable enjoyment of their property of every kind; and the inhabitants, whether English, French, or others, in the free exercise of their religion. The general, in all his transactions, wrote, spake, and behaved with that attention, regard, and politeness to both privates and officers, soldiers and citizens, which might be expected from the gentleman. He was careful to push forward in time, a number of continental troops under colonel Easton, to the point of Sorel River, which they guarded so with cannon, an armed gondola, and their fire arms, that the fleet which had fallen down below Montreal, would not venture to attempt passing it. General Prescot, who was on board, with about 120 privates and several officers, was reduced to the necessity of surrendering by capitulation. [Nov. 17] 11 sail of vessels, with all their contents, consisting of, beside sailors and soldiers, 760 barrels of flour, 675 ditto of beef, 376 firkins of butter, 3 barrels of powder, 4 nine and six pounders, cannon cartridges and ball, 2380 musket cartridges, 8 chests of arms, 200 pair of shoes, and a quantity of entrenching tools; all of which proved very acceptable to the continental troops, who had no redundency of any articles whatever. In the preceding midnight, governor Carleton was conveyed, in a boat, with muffled paddles, by a secret way, to the Three Rivers, and arrived safe at Quebec the Sunday following.

Notwithstanding the advanced and severe season, general Montgomery marched on for the capital, expecting to be joined by colonel Arnold and his detachment in its neighbourhood, and designing to complete the reduction of Canada before the arrival of any British reinforcement. But while he was advancing, numbers were returning. An unhappy home sickness prevailed, and no specific was so efficacious as a discharge. No sooner was it administered, but the cure of nine out of ten was perfected; who, refusing to wait for boats to go by the way of Fort George, upon their arrival at Tyconderoga, flung their heavy packs over their shoulders, crossed the lake at that place, and undertook a march of two hundred miles with the greatest good will and alacrity. Three hundred of the continentals passed by Tyconderoga on their way home, by the end of the month. The ruin of the cause was further hazarded by the turbulent and mutinous spirit of several officers.

Colonel Arnold’s arrival with his detachment, at Point Levi, was not known at Quebec for twenty-four hours; and was at length discovered by his ordering out some men to secure the midshipman of the Hunter sloop of war, who was just landed on that side the river; the boat returned, and carried the intelligence to Quebec; on which two ships of war were stationed, one above and the other below Wolfe’s Cove, to prevent the Americans crossing over. A council was called, and by a majority of one it was agreed _not_ to proceed immediately to attack the town. The contrary resolution, backed by vigorous exertion, would probably have put him into the possession of it. On the fifth of November it was really in a defenceless state, without a single soldier. Had the detachment crossed, the gates would, it is thought, have been opened by the disaffected and faint-hearted. The colonel however declared, that he would certainly make the attack when he had crossed, in case they were not discovered to be over. In the mean time the troops were employed in preparing scaling ladders. Before they were ready with these, colonel Maclean, the deputy governor, arrived at Quebec from Sorel [Nov. 12.] with about 170 men of his new raised regiment of emigrants; of this colonel Arnold had advice the next day, when, in the evening at nine o’clock, he began to embark his forces on board thirty-five canoes, leaving the ladders behind, and by four the next morning, got over and landed 500 men, wholly undiscovered. They landed in the small cove where the brave and enterprising general Wolfe did, now called Wolfe’s Cove. The Lizard’s barge rowing up the river, the colonel ordered her to be hailed, and fired upon for refusing to come in shore; on which she pushed off, and carried the account of the detachment’s having crossed over. But before this discovery, the men paraded on the Heights of Abraham. From thence they sent out a reconnoitering party toward the city, marched across the plain, and took possession of a large house, formerly owned by general Murray, and other adjacent houses, which afforded fine accommodations for the troops. Guards were placed on the different roads, to cut off the communication between the city and country. The main body, about noon, marched fairly in view of the enemy, and gave them three huzzas, which were returned by a few shot from the ramparts. In the evening the colonel sent a flag of truce with a demand of the garrison, in the name and on hehalf of the united colonies, which was fired upon as it approached the walls. The colonel was certainly overseen; he should have taken the scaling ladders along with him, have concealed his being over, and attempted a coup-de-main the next night, which might have been done with a prospect of success, as his Canadian friends, English and French, were in the city to second his operations, and as the sailors were then scattered on board the ships, some about Quebec, and others up the river. [Nov 16.] A company of men were sent to take possession of the general hospital. The Canadians were continually coming in to express their satisfaction at the continental forces having entered the country. The next day a certain account was received of the capture of Montreal. Early in the morning [Nov. 19.] the troops decamped, and marched up to Point-au-Trembles, about seven leagues from Quebec, through a thick settled country, where you meet every few miles with a handsome little chapel. This was the day on which governor Carleton arrived at Quebec; and the first thing he did was to turn out the suspected, and all who would not assist in the defence of the city. [Nov. 23.] By express from Montreal, the forces were informed that Montgomery was upon his march, and had sent down clothing for them. The general finding plenty of woollens at Montreal, at a reasonable price, gave his soldiers new clothes, after their having suffered much by the severity of the climate, to which they submitted with patience and resolution, particularly in marching from St. John’s to Montreal, the road being half leg deep in mire. He was also mindful of colonel Arnold’s detachment, which had suffered still greater hardships. General Montgomery arrived at one o’clock [Dec. 1.] with three armed schooners, men, ammunition, and provision, to the great joy of the colonel’s forces, who toward evening turned out and marched to the general’s quarters, and were there received and complimented by him upon their appearance. The next day the batteaux were sent to Point Levi for the scaling ladders. The general appeared before Quebec [Dec. 5.] which is the last we have heard of his movements.

[Dec. 14.] General Howe issued orders for taking down the old north meeting-house, a large wooden building, containing a great deal of timber; and a hundred old wooden dwelling-houses and other buildings, to be used for fuel. The scarcity of this article, now that the usual supplies from the country are cut off, will reduce the inhabitants to an entreme difficutly.

[Dec. 30.] P. S. Admiral Shuldham is just arrived from Great-Britain in the Chatham man of war of 50 guns, to supersede admiral Greaves.

END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

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Footnote 1:

Townshend’s Historical Collections, p. 76.

Footnote 2:

Prince’s New-England Chronology,