CHAPTER XLII

CONCLUSION

Lord Anophel one morning paid Anthelia his usual visit. ‘You must be aware, Miss Melincourt,’ said he, ‘that if your friends could have found you out, they would have done it before this; but they have searched the whole country far and near, and have now gone home in despair.’

_Anthelia._ That, my Lord, I cannot believe; for there is one, at least, who I am confident will never be weary of seeking me, and who, I am equally confident, will not always seek in vain.

_Lord Anophel Achthar._ If you mean the young lunatic of Redrose Abbey, or his friend the dumb Baronet, they are both gone to London to attend the opening of the Honourable House; and if you doubt my word, I will show you their names in the _Morning Post_, among the Fashionable Arrivals at Wildman’s Hotel.

_Anthelia._ Your Lordship’s word is quite as good as the authority you have quoted.

_Lord Anophel Achthar._ Well, then, Miss Melincourt, I presume you perceive that you are completely in my power, and that I have gone too far to recede. If, indeed, I had supposed myself an object of such very great repugnance to you, which I must say (_looking at himself in a glass_) is quite unaccountable, I might not, perhaps, have laid this little scheme, which I thought would be only settling the affair in a compendious way; for that any woman in England would consider it a very great hardship to be Lady Achthar, and hereafter Marchioness of Agaric, and would feel any very mortal resentment for means that tended to make her so, was an idea, egad, that never entered my head. However, as I have already observed, you are completely in my power: both our characters are compromised, and there is only one way to mend the matter, which is to call in Grovelgrub, and make him strike up ‘Dearly beloved.’

[Illustration: _Preparing to administer natural justice by throwing him out at the window._]

_Anthelia._ As to your character, Lord Anophel, that must be your concern. Mine is in my own keeping; for, having practised all my life a system of uniform sincerity, which gives me a right to be believed by all who know me, and more especially by all who love me, I am perfectly indifferent to private malice or public misrepresentation.

_Lord Anophel Achthar._ There is such a thing, Miss Melincourt, as tiring out a man’s patience; and, ‘pon honour, if gentle means don’t succeed with you, I must have recourse to rough ones, ‘pon honour.

_Anthelia._ My Lord!

_Lord Anophel Achthar._ I am serious, curse me. You will be glad enough to hush all up, then, and we’ll go to court together in due form.

_Anthelia._ What you mean by hushing up, Lord Anophel, I know not: but of this be assured, that under no circumstances will I ever be your wife; and that whatever happens to me in any time or place, shall be known to all who are interested in my welfare. I know too well the difference between the true quality of a pure and simple mind and the false affected modesty which goes by that name in the world, to be intimidated by threats which can only be dictated by a supposition that your wickedness would be my disgrace, and that false shame would induce me to conceal what both truth and justice would command me to make known.

[Illustration: _We shall leave them to run_ ad libitum.]

Lord Anophel stood aghast for a few minutes, at the declaration of such unfashionable sentiments. At length saying, ‘Ay, preaching is one thing, and practice another, as Grovelgrub can testify,’ he seized her hand with violence, and threw his arm round her waist. Anthelia screamed, and at that very moment a violent noise of ascending steps was heard on the stairs; the door was burst open, and Sir Oran Haut-ton appeared in the aperture, with the Reverend Mr. Grovelgrub in custody, whom he dragged into the apartment, followed by Mr. Forester and Mr. Fax. Mr. Forester flew to Anthelia, who threw herself into his arms, hid her face in his bosom, and burst into tears: which when Sir Oran saw, his wrath grew boundless, and quitting his hold of the Rev. Mr. Grovelgrub (who immediately ran downstairs, and out of the castle, as fast as a pair of short thick legs could carry him), seized on Lord Anophel Achthar, and was preparing to administer natural justice by throwing him out at the window; but Mr. Fax interposed, and calling Mr. Forester’s attention, which was totally engaged with Anthelia, they succeeded in rescuing the terrified sprig of nobility; who immediately, leaving the enemy in free possession, flew downstairs after his reverend tutor; whom, on issuing from the castle, he discovered at an immense distance on the sands, still running with all his might. Lord Anophel gave him chase, and after a long time came within hail of him, and shouted to him to stop. But this only served to quicken the reverend gentleman’s speed; who, hearing the voice of pursuit, and too much terrified to look back, concluded that the dumb Baronet had found his voice, and was then in the very act of gaining on his flight. Therefore, the more Lord Anophel shouted ‘Stop!’ the more nimbly the reverend gentleman sped along the sands, running and roaring all the way, like Falstaff on Gadshill; his Lordship still exerting all his powers of speed in the rear, and gaining on his flying Mentor by very imperceptible gradations: where we shall leave them to run _ad libitum_, while we account for the sudden appearance of Mr. Forester and his friends.

[Illustration: ‘_He would confess all._’]

We left them walking along the shore of the sea, which they followed till they arrived in the vicinity of Alga Castle, from which the Reverend Mr. Grovelgrub emerged in evil hour, to take a meditative walk on the sands. The keen sight of the natural man descried him from far. Sir Oran darted on his prey; and though it is supposed that he could not have overtaken the swift-footed Achilles,[133] he had very little difficulty in overtaking the Reverend Mr. Grovelgrub, who had begun to run for his life as soon as he was aware of the foe. Sir Oran shook his stick over his head, and the reverend gentleman dropping on his knees, put his hands together, and entreated for mercy, saying ‘he would confess all.’ Mr. Forester and Mr. Fax came up in time to hear the proposal: the former restrained the rage of Sir Oran, who, however, still held his prisoner fast by the arm; and the reluctant divine, with many a heavy groan, conducted his unwelcome company to the door of Anthelia’s apartments.

‘O Forester!’ said Anthelia, ‘you have realised all my wishes. I have found you the friend of the poor, the enthusiast of truth, the disinterested cultivator of the rural virtues, the active promoter of the cause of human liberty. It only remained that you should emancipate a captive damsel, who, however, will but change the mode of her durance, and become your captive for life.’

It was not long after this event, before the Reverend Mr. Portpipe and the old chapel of Melincourt Castle were put in requisition, to make a mystical unit of Anthelia and Mr. Forester. The day was celebrated with great festivity throughout their respective estates, and the Reverend Mr. Portpipe was _voti compos_, that is to say, he had taken a resolution on the day of Anthelia’s christening, that he would on the day of her marriage drink one bottle more than he had ever taken at one sitting on any other occasion; which resolution he had now the satisfaction of carrying into effect.

Sir Oran Haut-ton continued to reside with Mr. Forester and Anthelia. They discovered in the progress of time that he had formed for the latter the same kind of reverential attachment as the Satyr in Fletcher forms for the Holy Shepherdess:[134] and Anthelia might have said to him in the words of Corin:

They wrong thee that do call thee rude: Though thou be’st outward rough and tawny-hued, Thy manners are as gentle and as fair As his who boasts himself born only heir To all humanity.

His greatest happiness was in listening to the music of her harp and voice: in the absence of which he solaced himself, as usual, with his flute and French horn. He became likewise a proficient in drawing; but what progress he made in the art of speech we have not been able to ascertain.

Mr. Fax was a frequent visitor at Melincourt, and there was always a cover at the table for the Reverend Mr. Portpipe.

Mr. Hippy felt half inclined to make proposals to Miss Evergreen; but understanding from Mr. Forester that, from the death of her lover in early youth, that lady had irrevocably determined on a single life,[135] he comforted himself with passing half his time at Melincourt Castle, and dancing the little Foresters on his knee, whom he taught to call him ‘grandpapa Hippy,’ and seemed extremely proud of the imaginary relationship.

Mr. Forester disposed of Redrose Abbey to Sir Telegraph Paxarett, who, after wearing the willow twelve months, married, left off driving, and became a very respectable specimen of an English country gentleman.

We must not conclude without informing those among our tender-hearted readers who would be much grieved if Miss Danaretta Contantina Pinmoney should have been disappointed in her principal object of making a _good match_, that she had at length the satisfaction, through the skilful management of her mother, of making the happiest of men of Lord Anophel Achthar.

THE END

_Printed by_ R. & R. CLARK, LIMITED, _Edinburgh_.

-----

Footnote 1:

The following is the motto of the title-page of the first edition:—‘Nous nous moquons des Paladins! quand ces maximes romanesques commencèrent à devenir ridicules, ce changement fut moins l’ouvrage de la raison que celui des mauvaises mœurs.’—ROUSSEAU.

Footnote 2:

Written in 1817.—Published in 1818.

Footnote 3:

Hor. Epist. I. ii. 27–30.

Footnote 4:

Junius.

Footnote 5:

For Lucy Gray and Alice Fell, see Mr. Wordsworth’s Lyrical Ballads.

Footnote 6:

Coleridge’s ‘Friend.’

Footnote 7:

‘There is not any burden that some would gladlier post off to another than the charge and care of their religion. There be of Protestants and professors who live and die in as arrant and implicit faith as any lay Papist of Loretto. A wealthy man, addicted to his pleasure and to his profits, finds religion to be a traffic so entangled and of so many peddling accounts, that, of all mysteries, he cannot skill to keep a stock going upon that trade. What should he do? Fain would he have the name to be religious: fain would he bear up with his neighbours in that. What does he, therefore, but resolves to give over toiling, and to find himself out some factor, to whose care and credit he may commit the whole management of his religious affairs; some divine of note and estimation that must be. To him he adheres, resigns the whole warehouse of his religion, with all the locks and keys, into his custody, and, indeed, makes the very person of that man his religion, esteems his associating with him a sufficient evidence and commendatory of his own piety. So that a man may say, his religion is now no more within himself, but is become a dividual movable, and goes and comes near him according as that good man frequents the house. He entertains him, gives him gifts, feasts him, lodges him: his religion comes home at night, prays, is liberally supped, and sumptuously laid to sleep, rises, is saluted, and after the malmsey, or some well-spiced brewage, and better breakfasted than he whose morning appetite would have gladly fed on green figs between Bethany and Jerusalem, his religion walks abroad at eight, and leaves his kind entertainer in the shop, trading all day without his religion.’—MILTON’S _Speech for the Liberty of Unlicensed Printing_.

Footnote 8:

‘I think I have established his humanity by proof that ought to satisfy every one who gives credit to human testimony.’—_Ancient Metaphysics_, vol. iii. p. 40.

‘I have brought myself to a perfect conviction that the oran outang is a human creature as much as any of us.’—_Ibid._

‘Nihil humani ei deesse diceres praeter loquelam.’—BONTIUS.

‘The fact truly is, that the man is easily distinguishable in him; nor are there any differences betwixt him and us, but what may be accounted for in so satisfactory a manner that it would be extraordinary and unnatural if they were not to be found. His body, which is of the same shape as ours, is bigger and stronger than ours, ... according to that general law of nature above observed (_that all animals thrive best in their natural state_). His mind is such as that of a man must be, uncultivated by arts and sciences, and living wild in the woods.... One thing, at least, is certain: that if ever men were in that state which I call natural, it must have been in such a country and climate as Africa, where they could live without art upon the natural fruits of the earth. “Such countries,” Linnaeus says, “are the native country of man; there he lives naturally; in other countries, _non nisi coacte_, that is, by force of art.” If this be so, then the short history of man is, that the race, having begun in those fine climates, and having, as is natural, multiplied there so much that the spontaneous productions of the earth could not support them, they migrated into other countries, where they were obliged to invent arts for their subsistence; and with such arts, language, in process of time, would necessarily come.... That my facts and arguments are so convincing as to leave no doubt of the humanity of the oran outang, I will not take upon me to say; but thus much I will venture to affirm, that I have said enough to make the philosopher consider it as problematical, and a subject deserving to be inquired into. _For, as to the vulgar, I can never expect that they should acknowledge any relation to those inhabitants of the woods of Angola_; but that they should continue, through a false pride, to think highly derogatory from human nature what the philosopher, on the contrary, will think the greatest praise of man, that from the savage state in which the oran outang is, he should, by his own sagacity and industry, have arrived at the state in which we now see him.’—_Origin and Progress of Language_, book ii. chap. 5.

Footnote 9:

‘L’Oran Outang, ou l’homme des bois, est un être particulier à la zone torride de notre hémisphère: le Pline de la nation qui l’a rangé dans la classe de singes ne me paroît pas conséquent; car il résulte des principaux traits de sa description que c’est un homme dégénère.’—_Philosophie de la Nature._

Footnote 10:

‘The dispositions and affections of his mind are mild, gentle, and humane.’—_Origin and Progress of Language_, book ii. chap. 4.

‘The oran outang whom Buffon himself saw was of a sweet temper.’—_Ibid._

Footnote 11:

‘But though I hold the oran outang to be of our species, it must not be supposed that I think the monkey or ape, with or without a tail, participates of our nature: on the contrary, I maintain that, however much his form may resemble man’s, yet he is, as Linnaeus says, of the Troglodyte, _nec nostri generis nec sanguinis_. For as the mind, or internal principle, is the chief part of every animal, it is by it principally that the ancients have distinguished the several species. Now it is laid down by Mr. Buffon, and I believe it to be a fact that cannot be contested, that neither monkey, ape, nor baboon, have anything mild or gentle, tractable or docile, benevolent or humane in their dispositions; but, on the contrary, are malicious and untractable, to be governed only by force and fear, and without any _gravity or composure in their gait or behaviour, such as the oran outang has_.’—_Origin and Progress of Language_, book ii. chap. 4.

Footnote 12:

‘He is capable of the greatest affection, not only to his brother oran outangs, but to such among us as use him kindly. And it is a fact well attested to me by a gentleman who was an eye-witness of it, that an oran outang on board his ship conceived such an affection for the cook, that when upon some occasion he left the ship to go ashore, the gentleman saw the oran outang shed tears in great abundance.’—_Ibid._ book ii. chap. 4.

Footnote 13:

‘One of them was taken, and brought with some negro slaves to the capital of the kingdom of Malemba. He was a young one, but six feet and a half tall. Before he came to this city he had been kept some months in company with the negro slaves, and during that time was tame and gentle, and took his victuals very quietly; but when he was brought into the town, such crowds of people came about him to gaze at him, that he could not bear it, but grew sullen, abstained from food, and died in four or five days.’—_Ibid._ book ii. chap. 4.

Footnote 14:

‘He has the capacity of being a musician, and has actually learned to play upon the pipe and harp: a fact attested, not by a common traveller, but by a man of science, Mr. Peiresc, and who relates it, not as a hearsay, but as a fact consisting with his own knowledge. And this is the more to be attended to, as it shows that the oran outang has a perception of numbers, measure, and melody, which has always been accounted peculiar to our species. But the learning to speak, as well as the learning music, must depend upon particular circumstances; and men living as the oran outangs do, upon the natural fruits of the earth, with few or no arts, are not in a situation that is proper for the invention of language. The oran outangs who played upon the pipe had certainly not invented this art in the woods, but they had learned it from the negroes or the Europeans; and that they had not at the same time learned to speak, may be accounted for in one or other of two ways: either the same pains had not been taken to teach them articulation; or, secondly, music is more natural to man, and more easily acquired than speech.’—_Origin and Progress of Language_, book ii. chap. 5.

Footnote 15:

‘Ces animaux,’ dit M. de la Brosse, ‘ont l’instinct de s’asseoir à table comme les hommes; ils mangent de tout sans distinction; ils se servent du couteau, de la cuillère, et de la fourchette, pour prendre et couper ce qu’on sert sur l’assiette: _ils boivent du vin et d’autres liqueurs_: nous les portâmes à bord; quand ils étoient à table ils se faisoient entendre des mousses lorsqu’ils avoient besoin de quelque chose.’—BUFFON.

Footnote 16:

‘If I can believe the newspapers, there was an oran outang of the great kind, that was some time ago shipped aboard a French East India ship. I hope he has had a safe voyage to Europe, and that his education will be taken care of.’—_Ancient Metaphysics_, vol. iii. p. 40.

Footnote 17:

_Origin and Progress of Language_, book ii. chap. 4.

Footnote 18:

‘Homo nocturnus, Troglodytes, silvestris, orang outang Bontii. Corpus album, incessu erectum.... Loquitur sibilo, cogitat, ratiocinatur, credit sui causa factam tellurem, se aliquando iterum fore imperantem.’—LINNAEUS.

Footnote 19:

‘Il n’a point de queue: ses bras, ses mains, ses doigts, ses ongles, sont pareils aux nôtres: il marche toujours debout: il a des traits approchans de ceux de l’homme, des oreilles de la même forme, des cheveux sur la tête, de la barbe au menton, et du poil ni plus ni moins que l’homme en a dans l’état de nature. Aussi les habitans de son pays, les Indiens policés, n’ont pas hésité de l’associer à l’espèce humaine, par le nom d’oran outang, _homme sauvage_. Si l’on ne faisoit attention qu’à la figure, on pourroit regarder l’oran outang comme le premier des singes ou le dernier des hommes, parce qu’à l’exception de l’âme, il ne lui manque rien de tout ce que nous avons, et parce qu’il diffère moins de l’homme pour le corps qu’il ne diffère des autres animaux auxquels on a donné le même nom de singe.—S’il y avoit un degré par lequel on pût descendre de la nature humaine à celle des animaux, si l’essence de cette nature consistoit en entier dans la forme du corps et dépendoit de son organisation, l’oran outang se trouveroit plus près de l’homme que d’aucun animal: assis au second rang des êtres, s’il ne pouvoit commander en premier, il feroit au moins sentir aux autres sa supériorité, et s’efforceroit à ne pas obéir: si l’imitation qui semble copier de si près la pensée en étoit le vrai signe ou l’un des résultats, il se trouveroit encore à une plus grande distance des animaux et plus voisin de l’homme.’—BUFFON.

‘On est tout étonné, d’après tous ces aveux, que M. de Buffon ne fasse de l’oran outang qu’une espèce de magot, essentiellement circonscrit dans les bornes de l’animalité: il falloit, ou infirmer les rélations des voyageurs, ou s’en tenir à leurs résultats.—Quand on lit dans ce naturaliste l’histoire du Nègre blanc, on voit que ce bipède diffère de nous bien plus que l’oran outang, soit par l’organisation, soit par l’intelligence, et cependant on ne balance pas à le mettre dans la classe des hommes.’—_Philosophie de la Nature._

Footnote 20:

‘Les jugemens précipités, et qui ne sont point le fruit d’une raison éclairée, sont sujets à donner dans l’excès. Nos voyageurs font sans façon des bêtes, sous les noms de pongos, de mandrills, d’oran outangs, de ces mêmes êtres, dont, sous le nom de satyres, de faunes, de sylvains, les anciens faisoient des divinités. Peut-être, après des recherches plus exactes, trouvera-t-on que ce sont des hommes.’—ROUSSEAU, _Discours sur l’Inégalité_, note 8.

‘Il est presque démontré que les faunes, les satyres, les sylvains, les ægipans, et toute cette foule de demi-dieux, difformes et libertins, à qui les filles des Phocion et des Paul Émile s’avisèrent de rendre hommage, ne furent dans l’origine que des oran outangs. Dans la suite, les poëtes chargèrent le portrait de l’homme des bois, en lui donnant des pieds de chèvre, une queue et des cornes; mais le type primordial resta, et le philosophe l’apperçoit dans les monumens les plus défigurés par l’imagination d’Ovide et le ciseau de Phidias. Les anciens, très embarrassés de trouver la filiation de leurs sylvains, et de leurs satyres, se tirèrent d’affaire en leur donnant des dieux pour pères: les dieux étoient d’un grand secours aux philosophes des temps reculés, pour résoudre les problèmes d’histoire naturelle; ils leur servoient comme les cycles et les épicycles dans le système planétaire de Ptolomée: avec des cycles et des dieux on répond à tout, quoiqu’on ne satisfasse personne.’—_Philosophie de la Nature._

Footnote 21:

Orphica, Hymn. XI. (X _Gesn._)

Footnote 22:

The words in italics are from the _Ancient Metaphysics_, vol. iii. pp. 41, 42. Lord Monboddo adds: ‘I hold it to be impossible to convince any philosopher, or any man of common sense, who has bestowed any time to consider the mechanism of speech, that such various actions and configurations of the organs of speech as are necessary for articulation can be natural to man. Whoever thinks this possible, should go and see, as I have done, Mr. Braidwood of Edinburgh, or the Abbé de l’Epée in Paris, teach the dumb to speak; and when he has observed all the different actions of the organs, which those professors are obliged to mark distinctly to their pupils with a great deal of pains and labour, so far from thinking articulation natural to man, he will rather wonder how, by any teaching or imitation, he should attain to the ready performance of such various and complicated operations.’

‘Quoique l’organe de la parole soit naturel à l’homme, la parole elle-même ne lui est pourtant pas naturelle.’—ROUSSEAU, _Discours sur l’Inégalité_, note 8.

‘The oran outang, so accurately dissected by Tyson, had exactly the same organs of voice that a man has.’—_Ancient Metaphysics_, vol. iii. p. 44.

‘I have been told that the oran outang who is to be seen in Sir Ashton Lever’s collection, had learned before he died to articulate some words.’—_Ibid._ p. 40.

Footnote 23:

‘I desire any philosopher to tell me the specific difference between an oran outang sitting at table, and behaving as M. de la Brosse or M. Buffon himself has described him, and one of our dumb persons; and in general I believe it will be very difficult, or rather impossible, for a man who is accustomed to divide things according to specific marks, not individual differences, to draw the line betwixt the oran outang and the dumb persons among us: they have both their organs of pronunciation, and both show signs of intelligence by their actions.’—_Origin and Progress of Language_, book ii. chap. 4.

Footnote 24:

_Ancient Metaphysics_, vol. iv. p. 55.

Footnote 25:

‘Toute la terre est couverte de nations, dont nous ne connoissons que les noms, et nous nous mêlons de juger le genre humain! Supposons un Montesquieu, un Buffon, un Diderot, un Duclos, un d’Alembert, un Condillac, ou des hommes de cette trempe, voyageant pour instruire leurs compatriotes, observant et décrivant comme ils sçavent faire, la Turquie, l’Égypte, la Barbarie, l’Empire de Maroc, la Guinée, le pays des Caffres, l’intérieur de l’Afrique et ses côtes orientales, les Malabares, le Mogol, les rives du Gange, les royaumes de Siam, de Pégu et d’Ava, la Chine, la Tartarie, et sur-tout le Japon; puis dans l’autre hémisphère le Méxique, le Pérou, le Chili, les Terres Magellaniques, sans oublier les Patagons vrais ou faux, le Tucuman, le Paraguai, s’il étoit possible, le Brésil, enfin les Caraïbes, la Floride, et toutes les contrées sauvages, voyage le plus important de tous, et celui qu’il faudroit faire avec le plus de soin; supposons que ces nouveaux Hercules, de retour de ces courses mémorables, fissent à loisir l’histoire naturelle, morale, et politique de ce qu’ils auroient vus, nous verrions nous-mêmes sortir un monde nouveau de dessous leur plume, et nous apprendrions ainsi à connoître le nôtre: je dis que quand de pareils observateurs affirmeront d’un tel animal que c’est un homme, et d’un autre que c’est une bête, il faudra les en croire: mais ce seroit une grande simplicité de s’en rapporter là-dessus à des voyageurs grossiers, sur lesquels on seroit quelquefois tenté de faire la même question qu’ils se mêlent de résoudre sur d’autres animaux.’—ROUSSEAU, _Discours sur l’Inégalité_, note 8.

Footnote 26:

ΑΝΩΦΕΛον ΑΧΘος ΑΡουρας. _Terrae pondus inutile._

Footnote 27:

_Agaricus_, in Botany, a genus of plants of the class Cryptogamia, comprehending the mushroom, and a copious variety of toadstools.

Footnote 28:

ἐγγυς γαρ νυκτος τε και ἡματος εἰσι κελευθοι.

Footnote 29:

‘Ils sont si robustes, dit le traducteur de l’Histoire des Voyages, que dix hommes ne suffiroient pas pour les arrêter.’—ROUSSEAU.

‘The oran outang is prodigiously strong.’—_Ancient Metaphysics_, vol. iv. p. 51; vol. v. p. 4.

‘I have heard the natives say, he can throw down a palm-tree, by his amazing strength, to come at the wine.’—_Letter of a Bristol Merchant in a note to the Origin and Progress of Language_, book ii. chap. 4.

Footnote 30:

See Louvet’s _Récit de mes Périls_.

Footnote 31:

Rousseau, _Émile_, liv. 5.

Footnote 32:

‘L’issue aucthorise souvent une tres-inepte conduitte. Nostre entremise n’est quasy qu’une routine, et plus communement consideration d’usage et d’exemple que de raison.... L’heur et le malheur sont à mon gré deux souveraines puissances. C’est imprudence d’estimer que l’humaine prudence puisse remplir le roolle de la fortune. Et vaine est l’entreprinse de celuy qui presume d’embrasser et causes et consequences, et meiner par la main le progrez de son faict.... Qu’on reguarde qui sont les plus puissans aux villes, et qui font mieulx leurs besongnes, on trouvera ordinairement que ce sont les moins habiles.... Nous attribuons les effects de leur bonne fortune à leur prudence.... Parquoy je dy bien, en toutes façons, que les evenements sont maigres tesmoings de nostre prix et capacité.’—MONTAIGNE, liv. iii. chap. 8.

Footnote 33:

Ecclesiastes, chap. iv.

Footnote 34:

_Origin and Progress of Language_, book ii. chap. 4.

Footnote 35:

‘I have endeavoured to support the ancient definition of man, and to show that it belongs to the oran outang, though he have not the use of speech. And indeed it appears surprising to me that any man, pretending to be a philosopher, should not be satisfied with the expression of intelligence in the most useful way for the purposes of life; I mean by actions; but should require likewise the expression of them, by those signs of arbitrary institution we call _words_, before they will allow an animal to deserve the name of _man_. Suppose that, upon inquiry, it should be found that the oran outangs have not only invented the art of building huts, and of attacking and defending with sticks, _but also have contrived a way of communicating to the absent, and recording their ideas by the method of painting or drawing_, as is practised by many barbarous nations (and the supposition is not at all impossible, or even improbable); and suppose they should have contrived some form of government, and should elect kings or rulers, which is possible, and, according to the information of the Bristol merchant above mentioned, is reported to be actually the case, what would Mr. Buffon then say? Must they still be accounted brutes, because they have not yet fallen upon the method of communication by articulate sounds?’—_Origin and Progress of Language_, book ii. chap. 4.

Footnote 36:

Wordsworth’s ‘Tintern Abbey.’

Footnote 37:

The _Iliad_.

Footnote 38:

The _Odyssey_.

Footnote 39:

The _Prometheus_ of Aeschylus.

Footnote 40:

The _Philoctetes_ of Sophocles.

Footnote 41:

The _Hippolytus_ of Euripides.

Footnote 42:

‘Je l’ai vu présenter sa main pour reconduire les gens qui venoient le visiter; se promener gravement avec eux et comme de compagnie, etc.’—BUFFON. _H. N. de l’Oran Outang._

Footnote 43:

Fletcher’s ‘Sea Voyage.’

Footnote 44:

Anima certe, quia spiritus est, in sicco habitare non potest.

Footnote 45:

_Edinburgh Review_, No. liii. p. 10.

Footnote 46:

See the preface to the third volume of the _Ancient Metaphysics_. See also Rousseau’s _Discourse on Inequality_ and that on the _Arts and Sciences_.

Footnote 47:

nam si Pieria quadrans tibi nullus in umbra ostendatur, ames nomen victumque Machaerae, et vendas potius commissa quod auctio vendit, etc.—JUV.

Footnote 48:

‘They use an artificial weapon for attack and defence, viz. a stick, which no animal merely brute is known to do.’—_Origin and Progress of Language_, book ii. chap. 4.

Footnote 49:

‘There is a story of one of them, which seems to show they have a sense of justice as well as honour. For a negro having shot a female of this kind, that was feeding among his Indian corn, the male, whom our author calls the husband of this female, pursued the negro into his house, of which having forced open the door, he seized the negro and dragged him out of the house to the place where his wife lay dead or wounded, and the people of the neighbourhood could not rescue the negro, nor force the oran to quit his hold of him, till they shot him likewise.’—_Origin and Progress of Language_, book ii. chap. 4.

Footnote 50:

See Chap. IV.

Footnote 51:

‘Homer has said nothing, positively, of the size of any of his heroes, but only comparatively, as I shall presently observe: nor is this to be wondered at; for I know no historian, ancient or modern, that says anything of the size of the men of his own nation, except comparatively with that of other nations. But in that fine episode of his, called by the ancient critics the Τειχοσκοπια or _Prospect from the Walls_, he has given us a very accurate description of the persons of several of the Greek heroes; which I am persuaded he had from very good information. In this description he tells us that Ulysses was shorter than Agamemnon by the head, shorter than Menelaus by the head and shoulders, and that Ajax was taller than any of the Greeks by the head and shoulders; consequently, Ulysses was shorter than Ajax by two heads and shoulders, which we cannot reckon less than four feet. Now, if we suppose heroes to have been no bigger than we, then Ajax must have been a man about six feet and a half, or at most seven feet; and if so Ulysses must have been most contemptibly short, not more than three feet, which is certainly not the truth, but a most absurd and ridiculous fiction, such as we cannot suppose in Homer: whereas, if we allow Ajax to have been twelve or thirteen feet high, and, much more, if we suppose him to have been eleven cubits, as Philostratus makes him, Ulysses, though four feet short of him, would have been of a good size, and, with the extraordinary breadth which Homer observes he had, may have been as strong a man as Ajax.’—_Ancient Metaphysics_, vol. iii. p. 146.

Footnote 52:

‘It was only in after-ages, when the size of men was greatly decreased, that the bodies of those heroes, if they happened to be discovered, were, as was natural, admired and exactly measured. Such a thing happened in Laconia, where the body of Orestes was discovered, and found to be of length seven cubits, that is, ten feet and a half. The story is most pleasantly told by Herodotus, and is to this effect: The Lacedemonians were engaged in a war with the Tegeatae, a people of Arcadia, in which they were unsuccessful. They consulted the oracle at Delphi, what they should do in order to be more successful. The oracle answered ‘That they must bring to Sparta the bones of Orestes, the son of Agamemnon.’ But these bones they could not find, and therefore they sent again to the oracle to inquire where Orestes lay buried. The god answered in hexameter verse, but so obscurely and enigmatically that they could not understand what he meant. They went about inquiring everywhere for the bones of Orestes, till at last a wise man among them, called by Herodotus _Liches_, found them out, partly by good fortune, and partly by good understanding; for, happening to come one day to a smith’s shop in the country of the Tegeatae, with whom at that time there was a truce and intercourse betwixt the two nations, he looked at the operations of the smith, and seemed to admire them very much; which the smith observing, stopped his work, and, “Stranger,” says he, “you that seem to admire so much the working of iron would have wondered much more if you had seen what I saw lately; for, as I was digging for a well in this court here, I fell upon a coffin that was seven cubits long; but _believing that there never were at any time bigger men than the present_, I opened the coffin, and found there a dead body as long as the coffin, which having measured I again buried.” Hearing this, the Spartan conjectured that the words of the oracle would apply to a smith’s shop, and to the operations there performed; but taking care not to make this discovery to the smith, he prevailed on him, with much difficulty, to give him a lease of the court; which having obtained, he opened the coffin, and carried the bones to Sparta. After which, says our author, the Spartans were upon every occasion superior in fight to the Tegeatae.’—_Ancient Metaphysics_, vol. iii. p. 146.

‘The most of our philosophers at present are, I believe, of the opinion of the smith in Herodotus, who might be excused for having that opinion at a time when perhaps no other heroic body had been discovered. But in later times, I believe there was not the most vulgar man in Greece, who did not believe that those heroes were very much superior, both in mind and body, to the men of after-times. Indeed, they were not considered as mere men, but as something betwixt gods and men, and had _heroic_ honours paid them, which were next to the _divine_. On the stage they were represented as of extraordinary size, both as to length and breadth; for the actor was not only raised upon very high shoes, which they called _cothurns_, but he was put into a case that swelled his size prodigiously (and I have somewhere read a very ridiculous story of one of them, who, coming upon the stage, fell and broke his case, so that all the trash with which it was stuffed, came out and was scattered upon the stage in the view of the whole people). This accounts for the high style of ancient tragedy, in which the heroes speak a language so uncommon, that, if I considered them as men nowise superior to us, I should think it little better than fustian, and should be apt to apply to it what Falstaff says to Pistol: “Pr’ythee, Pistol, speak like a man of this world.” And I apply the same observation to Homer’s poems. If I considered his heroes as no more than men of this world, I should consider the things he relates of them as quite ridiculous; but believing them to be men very much superior to us, I read Homer with the highest admiration, not only as a poet, but as the historian of the noblest race of men that ever existed. Thus, by having right notions of the superiority of men in former times, we both improve our philosophy of man and our taste in poetry.’—_Ancient Metaphysics_, vol. iii. p. 150.

Footnote 53:

‘But though we should give no credit to those ancient authors, there are monuments still extant, one particularly to be seen in our own island, which I think ought to convince every man that the men of ancient times were much superior to us, at least in the powers of the body. The monument I mean is well known by the name of Stonehenge, and there are several of the same kind to be seen in Denmark and Germany. I desire to know where are the arms now, that, with so little help of machinery as they must have had, could have raised and set up on end such a number of prodigious stones, and put others on the top of them, likewise of very great size? Such works are said by the peasants in Germany to be the works of giants, and I think they must have been giants compared with us. And, indeed, the men who erected Stonehenge could not, I imagine, be of size inferior to that man whose body was found in a quarry near to Salisbury, within a mile of which Stonehenge stands. The body of that man was fourteen feet ten inches. The fact is attested by an eye-witness, one Elyote, who writes, I believe, the first English-Latin Dictionary that ever was published. It is printed in London in 1542, in folio, and has, under the word _Gigas_, the following passage: “About thirty years past and somewhat more, I myself beynge with my father Syr Rycharde Elyote at a monastery of regular canons, called Juy Churche, two myles from the citie of Sarisburye, beholde the bones of a deade man founde deep in the grounde, where they dygged stone, which being joined togyther, was in length xiiii feet and ten ynches, there beynge mette; whereof one of the teethe my father hadde, whych was of the quantytie of a great walnutte. This have I wrytten, because some menne wylle believe nothynge that is out of the compasse of theyre owne knowledge, and yet some of them presume to have knowledge, above any other, contempnynge all men but themselfes or suche as they favour.” It is for the reason mentioned by this author that I have given so many examples of the greater size of men than is to be seen in our day, to which I could add several others concerning bodies that have been found in this our island, particularly one mentioned by Hector Boece in his _Description of Scotland_, prefixed to his Scotch History, where he tells us that in a certain church which he names in the shire of Murray, the bones of a man of much the same size as those of the man mentioned by Elyote, viz. fourteen feet, were preserved. One of these bones Boece himself saw, and has particularly described.’—_Ancient Metaphysics_, vol. iii. p. 156.

‘But without having recourse to bones or monuments of any kind, if a man has looked upon the world as long as I have done with any observation he must be convinced that the size of man is diminishing. I have seen such bodies of men as are not now to be seen: I have observed in families, of which I have known three generations, a gradual decline in that, and I am afraid in other respects. Others may think otherwise; but for my part I have so great a veneration for our ancestors, that I have much indulgence for that ancient superstition among the Etrurians, and from them derived to the Romans, of worshipping the _manes_ of their ancestors under the names of _Lares_ or domestic gods, which undoubtedly proceeded upon the supposition that they were men superior to themselves, and their departed souls such genii as Hesiod has described,

ἐσθλοι, ἀλεξικακοι, φυλακες θνητων ἀνθρωπων.

And if antiquity and the universal consent of nations can give a sanction to any opinion, it is to this, that our forefathers were better men than we. Even as far back as the Trojan war, the best age of men of which we have any particular account, Homer has said that few men were better than their fathers, and the greater part worse:

οἱ πλεονες κακιους, παυροι δε τε πατρος ἀρειους.

And this he puts into the mouth of the Goddess of Wisdom.... But when I speak of the universal consent of nations, I ought to except the men, and particularly the young men, of this age, who generally believe themselves to be better men than their fathers, or than any of their predecessors.’—_Ancient Metaphysics_, vol. iii. p. 161.

Footnote 54:

ἡμεις μεν προπαν ἡμαρ, ἐς ἡελιον καταδυντα, ἡμεθα, δαινυμενοι κρεα τ’ ἀσπετα και μεθυ ἡδυ κτλ.

Footnote 55:

The nightingale is gay, For she can vanquish night, Dreaming, she sings of day, Notes that make darkness bright.

But when the refluent gloom Saddens the gaps of song, We charge on her the dolefulness, And call her crazed with wrong.—PATMORE.

Footnote 56:

Hudibras, Part III. ii. 1493.

Footnote 57:

See Forsyth’s _Principles of Moral Science_.

Footnote 58:

‘Il buvoit du vin, mais le laissoit volontiers pour du lait, du thé, ou d’autres liqueurs douces.’—BUFFON _of the Oran Outang, whom he saw himself in Paris_.

Footnote 59:

See Mr. Wordsworth’s Lyrical Ballads.

Footnote 60:

The figures of speech marked in italics are familiar to the admirers of parliamentary rhetoric.

Footnote 61:

_Supplices_, 807, ed. Schutz.

Footnote 62:

Matthew xi. 19.

Footnote 63:

‘He that will mould a modern bishop into a primitive, must yield him to be elected by the popular voice, undiocesed, unrevenued, unlorded, and leave him nothing but brotherly equality, matchless temperance, frequent fasting, incessant prayer and preaching, continual watchings and labours in his ministry, which, what a rich booty it would be, what a plump endowment to the many-benefice-gaping mouth of a prelate, what a relish it would give to his canary-sucking and swan-eating palate, let old bishop Mountain judge for me.—They beseech us, that we would think them fit to be our justices of peace, our lords, our highest officers of state, though they come furnished with no more knowledge than they learnt between the cook and the manciple, or more profoundly at the college audit, or the regent house, or to come to their deepest insight, at their patron’s table.’—MILTON: _Of Reformation in England_.

Footnote 64:

‘Much have those travellers to answer for, whose casual intercourse with this innocent and simple people tends to corrupt them: disseminating among them ideas of extravagance and dissipation—giving them a taste for pleasures and gratifications of which they had no ideas—inspiring them with discontent at home—and tainting their rough industrious manners with idleness and a thirst after dishonest means.

‘If travellers would frequent this country with a view to examine its grandeur and beauty, or to explore its varied and curious regions with the eye of philosophy—if, in their passage through it, they could be content with such fare as the country produces, or at least reconcile themselves to it by manly exercise and fatigue (for there is a time when the stomach and the plainest food will be found in perfect harmony)—if they could thus, instead of corrupting the manners of an innocent people, learn to amend their own, by seeing in how narrow a compass the wants of human life may be compressed—a journey through these wild scenes might be attended, perhaps, with more improvement than a journey to Rome or Paris. Where manners are polished into vicious refinement, simplifying is the best mode of improving; and the example of innocence is a more instructive lesson than any that can be taught by artists and literati.

‘But these parts are too often the resort of gay company, who are under no impressions of this kind—who have no ideas but of extending the sphere of their amusements, or of varying a life of dissipation. The grandeur of the country is not taken into the question, or at least it is not otherwise considered than as affording some new mode of pleasurable enjoyment. Thus, even the diversions of Newmarket are introduced—diversions, one would imagine, more foreign to the nature of this country than any other. A number of horses are carried into the middle of the lake in a flat boat: a plug is drawn from the bottom: the boat sinks, and the horses are left floating on the surface. In different directions they make to land, and the horse which arrives soonest secures the prize.’—GILPIN’S _Picturesque Observations on Cumberland and Westmoreland_, vol. ii. p. 67.

Footnote 65:

‘The necessary consequence of men living in so unnatural a way with respect to houses, clothes, and diet, and continuing to live so for many generations, each generation adding to the vices, diseases, and weaknesses produced by the unnatural life of the preceding, is, that they must gradually decline in strength, health, and longevity, till at length the race dies out. To deny this would be to deny that the life allotted by nature to man is the best life for the preservation of his health and strength; for, if it be so, I think it is demonstration that the constant deviation from it, going on for many centuries, must end in the extinction of the race.’—_Ancient Metaphysics_, vol. v. p. 237.

Footnote 66:

‘Rome, le siège de la gloire et de la vertu, si jamais elles en eurent un sur la terre.’—ROUSSEAU.

Footnote 67:

——extrema per illos Justitia, excedens terris, vestigia fecit.—VIRG.

Footnote 68:

_Ancient Metaphysics_, vol. v. book iv. chap. 8.

Footnote 69:

_Ancient Metaphysics_, vol. v. book iv. chap. 8.

Footnote 70:

See _Xenophon’s Memorabilia_.

Footnote 71:

_Ancient Metaphysics_, vol. v. book iv. chap. 8.

Footnote 72:

si tantum culti solus possederis agri, quantum sub Tatio populus Romanus arabat.—JUV.

Footnote 73:

_Ancient Metaphysics_, vol. v. book iv. chap. 8.

Footnote 74:

‘Pochi compagni avrai per l’altra via: Tanto ti prego più, gentile spirto, Non lasciar la magnanima tua impresa.’—PETRARCA.

Footnote 75:

‘If it were seriously asked (and it would be no untimely question), who of all teachers and masters that have ever taught hath drawn the most disciples after him, both in religion and in manners, it might be not untruly answered, Custom. Though Virtue be commended for the most persuasive in her theory, and Conscience in the plain demonstration of the spirit finds most evincing; yet, whether it be the secret of divine will, or the original blindness we are born in, so it happens for the most part that Custom still is silently received for the best instructor. Except it be because her method is so glib and easy, in some manner like to that vision of Ezekiel, rolling up her sudden book of implicit knowledge, for him that will to take and swallow down at pleasure; which proving but of bad nourishment in the concoction, as it was heedless in the devouring, puffs up unhealthily a certain big face of pretended learning, mistaken among credulous men for the wholesome habit of soundness and good constitution, but is, indeed, no other than that swoln visage of counterfeit knowledge and literature which not only in private mars our education, but also in public is the common climber into every chair where either religion is preached or law reported, filling each estate of life and profession with abject and servile principles, depressing the high and heaven-born spirit of man, far beneath the condition wherein either God created him, or sin hath sunk him. To pursue the allegory, Custom being but a mere face, as Echo is a mere voice, rests not in her unaccomplishment, until by secret inclination she accorporate herself with Error, who being a blind and serpentine body, without a head, willingly accepts what he wants, and supplies what her incompleteness went seeking: hence it is that Error supports Custom, Custom countenances Error, and these two, between them, would persecute and chase away all truth and solid wisdom out of human life, were it not that God, rather than man, once in many ages calls together the prudent and religious counsels of men deputed to repress the encroachments, and to work off the inveterate blots and obscurities wrought upon our minds by the subtle insinuating of Error and Custom, who, with the numerous and vulgar train of their followers, make it their chief design to envy and cry down the industry of free reasoning, under the terms of humour and innovation, as if the womb of teeming Truth were to be closed up, if she presume to bring forth aught that sorts not with their unchewed notions and suppositions; against which notorious injury and abuse of man’s free soul, to testify and oppose the utmost that study and true labour can attain, heretofore the incitement of men reputed grave hath led me among others, and now the duty and the right of an instructed Christian calls me through the chance of good or evil report TO BE THE SOLE ADVOCATE OF A DISCOUNTENANCED TRUTH.’—MILTON: _The Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce_.

Footnote 76:

Ιλ. Ζ. 261.

Footnote 77:

The words in italics are Lord Monboddo’s: _Ancient Metaphysics_, vol. iii. preface, p. 79.

Footnote 78:

ῥιζῃ μεν μελαν ἐστι, γαλακτι δε εἰκελον ἀνθος, ΜΩΛΥ δε μιν καλεουσι θεοι, χαλεπον δε τ’ ὀρυσσειν θνητοις ἀνθρωποισι.

Footnote 79:

The reader who is desirous of elucidating the mysteries of the words and phrases marked in italics in this chapter may consult the German works of Professor Kant, or Professor Born’s Latin translation of them, or M. Villar’s _Philosophie de Kant, ou Principes fondamentaux de la Philosophie Transcendentale_; or the first article of the second number of the _Edinburgh Review_, or the article ‘Kant,’ in the _Encyclopaedia Londinensis_, or Sir William Drummond’s _Academical Questions_, book ii. chap. 9.

Footnote 80:

Πρωτευς Ὀλβοδοτης, _Proteus the giver of riches_, certainly deserves a place among the _Lares_ of every poetical and political turncoat.

Footnote 81:

See the Βατραχοι of Aristophanes.

Footnote 82:

informi limo glaucaque exponit in ulva.

Footnote 83:

_Coleridge’s Lay Sermon_, p. 10.

Footnote 84:

_Ibid._

Footnote 85:

_Ibid._ p. 21.

Footnote 86:

_Ibid._ p. 25.

Footnote 87:

_Ibid._ p. 27.

Footnote 88:

_Ibid._ pp. 45, 46 (where the reader may find in a note the two worst jokes that ever were cracked).

Footnote 89:

_Ibid._ p. 17.

Footnote 90:

‘Some travellers speak of his strength as wonderful; greater they say, than that of ten men such as we.’—_Ancient Metaphysics_, vol. iii. p. 105.

Footnote 91:

_Esquisse d’un Tableau historique des Progrès de l’Esprit humain._

Footnote 92:

_Ancient Metaphysics_, vol. iii. p. 139.

Footnote 93:

_Ibid._ p. 193.

Footnote 94:

_Ibid._ p. 191.

Footnote 95:

_Ancient Metaphysics_, vol. iii. p. 181.

Footnote 96:

_Ibid._ p. 182.

Footnote 97:

Cottle’s Edda, or, as the author calls it, _Translation_ of the Edda, which is a misnomer.

Footnote 98:

_Quarterly Review_, No. xxxi. p. 237.

Footnote 99:

_Ibid._

Footnote 100:

_Ibid._ p. 252.

Footnote 101:

_Quarterly Review_, No. xxxi. p. 252.

Footnote 102:

_Ibid._

Footnote 103:

_Quarterly Review_, No. xxxi. p. 226.

Footnote 104:

_Ibid._

Footnote 105:

_Ibid._ p. 236.

Footnote 106:

_Ibid._ p. 226.

Footnote 107:

_Ibid._ p. 228.

Footnote 108:

_Ibid._

Footnote 109:

_Quarterly Review_, No. xxxi. p. 273, _et passim_.

Footnote 110:

_Ibid._ p. 258.

Footnote 111:

_Ibid._

Footnote 112:

_Quarterly Review_, No. xxxi. p. 249. It is curious, that in the fourth article of the same number from which I have borrowed so many exquisite passages, the reviewers are very angry that certain ‘scandalous and immoral practices’ in the island of Wahoo are not reformed: but certainly, according to the logic of these reviewers, the Government of Wahoo is entitled to look upon _them_ in the light of ‘ruffians, scoundrels, incendiaries, firebrands, madmen, and villains’; since all these hard names belong of primary right to those who propose the reformation of ‘scandalous and immoral practices’! The people of Wahoo, it appears, are very much addicted to drunkenness and debauchery; and the reviewers, in the plenitude of their wisdom, recommend that a few clergymen should be sent out to them, by way of mending their morals. It does not appear, whether King Tamaahmaah is a king by _divine right_; but we must take it for granted that he is not; as, otherwise, the _Quarterly Reviewers_ would either not admit that there were any ‘scandalous and immoral practices’ under his government, or, if they did admit them, they would not be such ‘incendiaries, madmen, and villains,’ as to advocate their reformation. There are some circumstances, however, which are conclusive against the _legitimacy_ of King Tamaahmaah, which are these: that he is a man of great ‘feeling, energy, and steadiness of conduct’; that he ‘goes about among his people to learn their wants’; and that he has ‘prevented the recurrence of those horrid murders’ which disgraced the reigns of his predecessors: from which it is obvious that he has neither put to death brave and generous men, who surrendered themselves under the faith of treaties, nor re-established a fallen Inquisition, nor sent those to whom he owed his crown to the dungeon and the galleys.

In the tenth article of the same number the reviewers pour forth the bitterness of their gall against Mr. Warden of the Northumberland, who has detected them in promulgating much gross and foolish falsehood concerning the captive Napoleon. They labour most assiduously to _impeach his veracity_ and to _discredit his judgment_. On the first point, it is sufficient evidence of the truth of his statements, that the _Quarterly Reviewers_ contradict them: but on the second, they accuse him, among other misdemeanours, of having called their _Review_ ‘_a respectable work_‘! which certainly _discredits his judgment_ completely.

Footnote 113:

_Quarterly Review_, No. xxxi. p. 249. The reader will be reminded of _Croaker_ in the fourth act of the _Good-natured Man_: ‘Blood and gunpowder in every line of it. Blown up! murderous dogs! all blown up! (_Reads._) “Our pockets are low, and money we must have.” Ay, there’s the reason: they’ll blow us up _because they have got low pockets_.... Perhaps this moment I’m treading on lighted matches, blazing brimstone, and barrels of gunpowder. They are preparing to blow me up into the clouds. Murder!... Here, John, Nicodemus, search the house. Look into the cellars, to see if there be any combustibles below, and above in the apartments, that no matches be thrown in at the windows. _Let all the fires be put out_, and let the _engine_ be drawn out in the yard, to _play upon the house_ in case of necessity.’—_Croaker_ was a deep politician. The _engine_ to _play_ upon the _house_: mark that!

Footnote 114:

This illustration of the old fable of the mouse and the mountain falls short of an exhibition in the Honourable House, on the 29th of January 1817; when Mr. Canning, amidst a tremendous denunciation of the parliamentary reformers, and a rhetorical chaos of storms, whirlwinds, rising suns, and twilight assassins, produced in proof of his charges—_Spence’s Plan!_ which was received with an _éclat_ of laughter on one side, and shrugs of surprise, disappointment, and disapprobation on the other. I can find but one parallel for the Right Honourable Gentleman’s dismay:

So having said, awhile he stood, expecting Their universal shout and high applause To fill his ear; when contrary he hears On all sides, from innumerable tongues, A dismal universal hiss, the sound Of public scorn.—_Paradise Lost_, x. 504.

This Spencean chimaera, which is the very foolishness of folly, and which was till lately invisible to the naked eye of the political entomologist, has since been subjected to a _lens_ of _extraordinary power_, under which, like an insect in a microscope, it has appeared a formidable and complicated monster, all bristles, scales, and claws, with a ‘husk about it like a chestnut’: _horridus, in jaculis et pelle Libystidis ursae!_

Footnote 115:

_Quarterly Review_, No. xxxi. p. 271.

Footnote 116:

_Ibid._

Footnote 117:

_Ibid._ p. 258.

Footnote 118:

_Ibid._

Footnote 119:

_Ibid._ p. 273.

Footnote 120:

_Quarterly Review_, No. xxxi. p. 276.

Footnote 121:

_Ibid._ p. 260.

Footnote 122:

_Ibid._ p. 192.

Footnote 123:

‘To scatter praise or blame without regard to justice is to destroy the distinction of good and evil. Many have no other test of actions than general opinion; and all are so far influenced by a sense of reputation, that they are often restrained by fear of reproach, and excited by hope of honour, when other principles have lost their power; nor can any species of prostitution promote general depravity more, than that which destroys the force of praise by showing that it may be acquired without deserving it, and which, by setting free the active and ambitious from the dread of infamy, lets loose the rapacity of power, and weakens the only authority by which greatness is controlled. What credit can he expect who professes himself the hireling of vanity however profligate, and without shame or scruple celebrates the worthless, dignifies the mean, and gives to the corrupt, licentious, and oppressive, the ornaments which ought only to add grace to truth, and loveliness to innocence? EVERY OTHER KIND OF ADULTERATION, HOWEVER SHAMEFUL, HOWEVER MISCHIEVOUS, IS LESS DETESTABLE THAN THE CRIME OF COUNTERFEITING CHARACTERS, AND FIXING THE STAMP OF LITERARY SANCTION UPON THE DROSS AND REFUSE OF THE WORLD.’—_Rambler_, No. 136.

Footnote 124:

Deorum injurias diis curae.—_Tiberius apud Tacit. Ann. I._ 73.

Footnote 125:

‘Besides all these evils of modern times which I have mentioned, there is in some countries of Europe, and particularly in England, another evil peculiar to civilised countries, but quite unknown in barbarous nations. The evil I mean is _indigence_, and the reader will be surprised when I tell him that it is _greatest in the richest countries_; and, therefore, in England, which I believe is the richest country in Europe, there is more indigence than in any other; for the number of people that are there maintained on public or private charity, and who may therefore be called _beggars_, is prodigious. What proportion they may bear to the whole people, I have never heard computed: but I am sure it must be very great. And I am afraid in those countries they call rich, indigence is not confined to the lower sort of people, but extends even to the better sort: for such is the effect of wealth in a nation, that (however paradoxical it may appear) it does at last make all men poor and indigent; the lower sort through idleness and debauchery, the better sort through luxury, vanity, and extravagant expense. Now, I would desire to know from the greatest admirers of modern times, who maintain that the human race is not degenerated, but rather improved, whether they know any other source of human misery, besides vice, disease, and indigence, and whether these three are not in the greatest abundance in the rich and flourishing country of England? I would further ask these gentlemen, whether, in the cities of the ancient world, there were poor’s houses, hospitals, infirmaries, and those other receptacles of indigence and disease which we see in the modern cities? And whether, in the streets of ancient Athens and Rome, there were so many objects of disease, deformity, and misery to be seen as in our streets, besides those which are concealed from public view in the houses above mentioned? In later times, indeed, in those cities, when the corruption of manners was almost as great as among us, some such things might have been seen as we are sure they were to be seen in Constantinople, under the later Greek Emperors.’—_Ancient Metaphysics_, vol. iii. p. 194.

Footnote 126:

‘Omnia, quae nunc vetustissima creduntur, nova fuere. Inveterascet hoc quoque: et, quod hodie exemplis tuemur, inter exempla erit.’—TACITUS, _Ann. XI._ 24.

Footnote 127:

_Drummond’s Academical Questions._—Preface, p. 4.

Footnote 128:

_Ancient Metaphysics_, vol. iii. p. 280.

Footnote 129:

_Malthus on Population_, book i. chap. vii.

Footnote 130:

Sophocles, Antigone, 850. (Ed. Erfurdt.)

Footnote 131:

‘It is notorious, that towards one another the Indians are liberal in the extreme, and for ever ready to supply the deficiencies of their neighbours with any superfluities of their own. They have no idea of amassing wealth for themselves individually; and they wonder that persons can be found in any society so destitute of every generous sentiment as to enrich themselves at the expense of others, and to live in ease and affluence regardless of the misery and wretchedness of members of the same community to which they themselves belong.’—WELD’S _Travels in Canada; Letter XXXV._

Footnote 132:

See the Edda and the Northern Antiquities.

Footnote 133:

‘The civilised man will submit to the greatest pain and labour, in order to excel in any exercise which is honourable; and this induces me to believe that such a man as Achilles might have beat in running even an oran outang, or the savage of the Pyrenees, whom nobody could lay hold of, though that be the exercise in which savages excel the most, and though I am persuaded that the oran outang of Angola is naturally stronger and swifter of foot than Achilles was, or than even the heroes of the preceding age, such as Hercules, and such as Theseus, Pirithous, and others mentioned by Nestor.’—_Ancient Metaphysics_, vol. iii. p. 76.

Footnote 134:

See Fletcher’s _Faithful Shepherdess_. The following extracts from the Satyr’s speeches to Corin will explain the allusion in the text.

But behold a fairer sight! By that heavenly form of thine, Brightest fair! thou art divine! Sprung from great immortal race Of the gods; for in thy face Shines more awful majesty Than dull weak mortality Dare with misty eyes behold, And live! Therefore on this mould Lowly do I bend my knee, In worship of thy deity. _Act I. Scene I._

Brightest! if there be remaining Any service, without feigning I will do it: were I set To catch the nimble wind, or get Shadows gliding on the green, Or to steal from the great queen Of the fairies all her beauty, I would do it, so much duty Do I owe those precious eyes. _Act IV. Scene II._

Thou divinest, fairest, brightest, Thou most powerful maid, and whitest, Thou most virtuous and most blessed, Eyes of stars, and golden tressed Like Apollo. Tell me, sweetest, What new service now is meetest For the Satyr? Shall I stray In the middle air, and stay The sailing rack? or nimbly take Hold by the moon, and gently make Suit to the pale queen of night For a beam to give thee light? Shall I dive into the sea, And bring thee coral, making way Through the rising waves that fall In snowy fleeces? Dearest, shall I catch thee wanton fauns, or flies Whose woven wings the summer dyes Of many colours? Get thee fruit? Or steal from heaven old Orpheus’ lute? All these I’ll venture for, and more, To do her service all these woods adore. _Act V. Scene V._

Footnote 135:

‘There are very few women who might not have married in some way or other. The old maid, who has either never formed an attachment, or who has been disappointed in the object of it, has, under the circumstances in which she has been placed, conducted herself with the most perfect propriety; and has acted a much more virtuous and honourable part in society than those women who marry without a proper degree of love, or at least of esteem, for their husbands; a species of immorality which is not reprobated as it deserves.’—_Malthus on Population_, book iv.

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TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES

● Typos fixed; non-standard spelling and dialect retained. ● Used numbers for footnotes, placing them all at the end of the last chapter. ● Enclosed italics font in _underscores_. ● Enclosed bold or blackletter font in =equals=.