Part i

. (1898). (F. W. R.*)

CORUNNA, a maritime province in the extreme north-west of Spain; forming part of Galicia, and bounded on the E. by Lugo, S. by Pontevedra, W. and N. by the Atlantic Ocean. Pop. (1900) 653,556; area, 3051 sq. m. The coast of Corunna is exposed to the full force of the Atlantic; it forms one succession of fantastically shaped promontories, divided by bays and estuaries which often extend for many miles inland, with reefs and small islands in their midst. Though well lighted, this coast is very dangerous to navigation, gales and fogs being frequent in winter and spring. The most conspicuous headlands are Cape Ortegal and Cape de Vares, the most northerly points of the Spanish seaboard, and Capes Finisterre and Toriñana in the extreme west. The principal bays are those of Santa Marta, Ferrol and Corunna, on the north; Corcubion, Muros y Noya and Arosa, on the west. Wild and rugged though this region appears to travellers at sea, the mountains which overspread the interior are covered with forests and pastures, and watered by an abundance of small rivers and streams. The climate is mild and singularly equable, but the rainfall is very heavy. All the fruits and vegetables of northern Europe thrive in the sheltered valleys, and the cultivation of cherries, strawberries, peas and onions, for export, ranks among the most profitable local industries. Heavy crops of wheat, rye, maize and sugar-beet are raised. The wines of Corunna are heady and of inferior flavour. Cattle-breeding, once a flourishing industry, had greatly declined by the beginning of the 20th century, owing to foreign competition. All along the coast there are valuable fisheries of sardines, lobsters, cod, hake and other fish. Copper, tin and gold are procured in small quantities, and other minerals undoubtedly exist. The exports consist chiefly of farm produce and fish; the imports, of coal and textiles from England, petroleum from the United States, marble from Italy, salt fish from Norway and Newfoundland, and hides. The principal towns are Corunna, the capital and chief port (pop. 1900, 43,971); Ferrol (25,281), another seaport; Santiago de Compostela (24,120), famous as a place of pilgrimage; Carballo (13,032); Ortigueira (18,426) and Ribeira (12,218). These are described under separate headings. Along the coast there are numerous trading and fishing stations of minor importance. Railway communication is very defective. From Corunna a line passes south-eastward to Lugo and Madrid, and from Santiago another line goes southward to Vigo and Oporto; but the centre and the north-west of the province are, to a great extent, inaccessible except by road; and many, even of the main highways, are ill-constructed and ill-kept. Very few Spanish provinces have so high a birthrate, but the population increases very slowly owing to emigration. For a description of the peasantry, who are distinguished in may respects from those inhabiting other parts of Spain, see GALICIA.

CORUNNA (Span. _La Coruña_; Fr. _La Corogne_; Eng. formerly often _The Groyne_), the capital of the province described above; in 43° 22' N., and 8° 22' W.; on the bay of Corunna, an inlet of the Atlantic Ocean. Pop. (1900) 43,971. The principal railways of north-western Spain converge on Corunna, and afford direct communication with Madrid and Oporto. Corunna consists of an upper and a lower town, built respectively on the eastern side of a small peninsula, and on the isthmus connecting the peninsula with the mainland. The upper town is the more ancient, and is still surrounded by walls and bastions, and defended by a citadel; but it has been gradually outgrown by the lower, which, though at first a mere fishing village, as its name of _Pescaderia_ implies, is now comparatively well built, and has many broad and handsome streets. There is little remarkable in the public buildings, although the churches of Santiago and the Colegiata date respectively from the 12th and 13th centuries, and there are several convents, two hospitals, a palace for the captain-general of Galicia, a theatre, a school of navigation, an arsenal and barracks. The harbour is on the east. Though difficult to approach in stormy weather, it is completely sheltered, and accommodates vessels drawing 22 ft. It is defended by several forts, of which the most important are San Diego, on the east, and San Antonio, on the west. These fortifications are of little practical value on the landward side, as they are commanded by a hill which overlooks the town. The so-called Tower of Hercules, on the north, has been increased by modern additions to a height of nearly 400 ft., and is surmounted by a fine revolving light. Many foreign steamers call here, for emigrants or mails, on their way to South America. Upwards of 1200 merchant ships, mostly British, entered the port in 1905. The exports are chiefly agricultural produce, wine and fish; the imports are coal, colonial products, and manufactured goods. Chief among the industrial establishments is a state tobacco factory; the sardine and herring fisheries also employ a large number of the inhabitants.

Corunna, possibly at first a Phoenician settlement, is usually identified with the ancient _Ardobrica_, a seaport mentioned by the 1st-century historian, Pomponius Mela, as in the country of the _Artabri_, from whom the name of _Portus Artabrorum_ was given to the bay on which the city is situated. In the middle ages, and probably at an earlier period, it was called _Caronium_; and this name is much more probably the origin of the present designation than the Latin _Columna_ which is sometimes put forward. The harbour has always been of considerable importance, but it is only in comparatively modern times that it has made a figure in history. In 1588 it gave shelter to the Invincible Armada; in 1598 the town was captured and burned by the British under Drake and Norris. In 1747, and again in 1805, the bay was the scene of a naval victory of the British over the French; and on the 16th of January 1809 a battle took place in the neighbourhood, which is celebrated in British military annals (see PENINSULAR WAR). The French under Marshal Soult attempted to prevent the embarcation of the English under Sir John Moore, but were successfully repulsed in spite of their superior numbers. Moore was mortally wounded and died shortly afterwards. He was hastily buried in the ramparts near the sea; a monument in the Jardin de San Carlos raised by the British government commemorates his death. The town joined the revolutionary movement of 1820, but in 1823 it was forced to capitulate by French troops. In 1836 it was captured by the Carlists. Corunna suffered heavily when Spain was deprived of Cuba and Porto Rico by the Spanish-American War of 1898, for it had hitherto had a thriving trade with these colonies.

CORVÉE, in feudal law, the term used to designate the unpaid labour due from tenants, whether free or unfree, to their lord; hence any forced labour, especially that exacted by the state, the word being applied both to each particular service and to the system generally. Though the corvée formed a characteristic feature of the feudal system, it was, as an institution, much older than feudalism, and was already developed in its main features under the Roman Empire. Thus, under the Roman system, personal services (_operae_) were due from certain classes of the population not only to the state but to private proprietors. Apart from the obligations (_operae officiales_) imposed on freedmen as a condition of their enfranchisement, which in the country usually took the form of unpaid work on the landlord's domain, the semi-servile _coloni_ were bound, besides paying rent in money or kind, to do a certain number of days' unremunerated labour on that part of the estate reserved by the landed proprietor. The state also exacted personal labour (_operae publicae_), in lieu of taxes, from certain classes for such purposes as the upkeep of roads, bridges and dykes; while the inhabitants of the various regions were responsible for the maintenance of the posting system (_cursus publicus_), for which horses, carts or labour would be requisitioned.

Under the Frankish kings, who in their administration followed the Roman tradition, this system was preserved. Thus for the repair of roads, or other public works, within their jurisdiction the counts were empowered to requisition the labour of the inhabitants of the _pagus_, while the _missi_ and other public functionaries on their travels were entitled to demand from the population _en route_ entertainment and the means of transport for themselves and their belongings. It was, however, the economic revolution which between the 6th and 10th centuries converted the Gallo-Roman estates into the feudal model, and the political conditions under which the officials of the Frankish empire developed into hereditary feudal nobles, that evolved the system of the corvée as it existed throughout the middle ages and, in some countries, survived far into the 19th century. The Roman estate had been cultivated by free farmers, by _coloni_, and by slave labour. Under Frankish rule the farmers became _coloni_ or _hospites_, the slaves, serfs. The estate was now habitually divided into the lord's domain (_terra indominicata_, _dominicum_) and a series of allotments (_mansi_), parcels of land distributed by lot to the cultivators of the domain, who held them,

## partly by payment of rent in money or kind, partly by personal service

and labour on the domain, these obligations both as to their nature and amount being very rigorously defined and permanently fixed in the case of each _mansus_ and passing with the land to each new tenant. They varied, of course, very greatly according to the size of the holding and the needs of the particular estate, but they possessed certain common characteristics which are everywhere found. Luchaire (_Manuel_, p. 346) divides all corvées into two broad categories, (1) corvées properly so called, (2) military services. The second of these, so far as the obligation to serve in the host (_Hostis et equitatus_) is concerned, was common to all classes of feudal society; though the obligation of villeins to keep watch and ward (_gueta_, _warda_) and to labour at the building or strengthening of fortifications (_muragium_, _munitio castri_) are special corvées. We are, however, mainly concerned with the first category, which may again be subdivided into two main groups, (1) personal service of men and women (_manoperae_, _manuum operae_, Fr. _manoeuvres_, manual labour), (2) carriage (_carroperae_, _carragia_, _carrata_, &c., Fr. _charrois_), i.e. service rendered by means of carts, barrows or draught animals. These again were divided into fixed services (_operae rigae_) and exceptional services, demanded when the others proved insufficient. To these latter was given in the 8th century the name of _operae corrogatae_ (i.e. requisitioned works, from _rogare_, to request). From this term (corrupted into _corvatae_, _curvadae_, _corveiae_, &c.) is derived the word corvée, which was gradually applied as a general term for all the various services.

As to the nature of these corvées it must be noted that in the middle ages the feudal lords had replaced the centralized state for all administrative purposes, and the services due to them by their tenants and serfs, were partly in the nature of rent in the form of labour,

## partly those which under the Roman and Frankish monarchs had been

exacted in lieu of taxes, and which the feudal lords continued to impose as sovereigns of their domains. To the former class belonged the service of personal labour in the fields, of repairing buildings, felling trees, threshing corn, and the like, as well as the hauling of corn, wine or wood; to the latter belonged that of labouring on the roads, of building and repairing bridges, castles and churches, and of carrying letters and despatches. Corvées were further distinguished as _real_, i.e. attached to certain parcels of land, and _personal_, i.e. due from certain persons.

In spite of the fact that the corvées were usually strictly defined by local custom and by the contracts of tenancy, and that, in an age when currency was rare, payment in personal labour was a convenience to the poor, the system was open to obvious abuses. With the growth of communal life in the towns the townsmen early managed to rid themselves of these burdensome obligations either by purchase, or by exchanging the obligation of personal work for that of supplying carts, draught animals and the like. In the country, however, the system survived all but intact; and, so far as it was modified, was modified for the worse. Whatever safeguards the free cultivators may have possessed, the serfs were almost everywhere--especially in the 10th and 11th centuries--actually as well as nominally in this respect at the mercy of their lords (_corvéables à merci_), there being no limit to the amount of money or work that could be demanded of them. The system was oppressive even when the nobles to whom these services were paid gave something in return, namely, protection to the cultivator, his family and his land; they became intolerable when the development of the modern state deprived the land-owners of their duties, but not of their rights. In the case of France, in the 17th century the so-called _corvée royale_ was added to the burden of the peasants, i.e. the obligation to do unpaid labour on the public roads, an obligation made general in 1738; and this, together with the natural resentment of men at the fact that the land which their ancestors had bought was still subject to burdensome personal obligations in favour of people whom they rarely saw and from whom they derived no benefit, was one of the most potent causes of the Revolution. By the Constituent Assembly personal corvées were abolished altogether, while owners of land were allowed the choice of continuing real corvées or commuting them for money. The corvée as an incident of land tenure has thus disappeared in France. The _corvée royale_ of repairing the roads, however, abolished in 1789, was revived, under the name of _prestation_, under the Consulate, by the law of 4 Thermidor an X., modified by subsequent legislation in 1824, 1836 and 1871. Under these laws the duty of keeping the roads in repair is still vested in the local communities, and all able-bodied men are called upon either to give three days' work or its equivalent in money to this purpose. It is precisely the same system as that in force under the Roman Empire, and if it differ from the corvée it is mainly in the fact that the burden is equitably distributed, and that the work done is of actual value to those who do it.

As regards other countries, the corvée was everywhere, sooner or later, abolished with the serfdom of which it was the principal incident (see SERFDOM). Though so early as 1772 Maria Theresa had endeavoured to mitigate its hardships in her dominions (in Hungary unpaid labour was only to be demanded of the serfs on 52 days in the year!) it survived longest in the Austrian empire, being finally abolished by the revolution of 1848. The duty of personal labour on the public roads is, however, still maintained in other countries besides France. This was formerly the case in England also, where the occupiers of each parish who, by the common law, had access to the roads were responsible also for their upkeep. An act of 1555 imposed four days of forced labour for the repair of roads, and an act of Elizabeth (5 Eliz. c. 13) raised the number of days to six, or the payment of a composition instead. The system of turnpikes, dating from 1663, which gradually extended over the whole of England, lessened the burden of this system of taxation, so far as main roads were concerned, but the greater number of the local roads were subject to repair by statutory labour until the Highways Act 1835, by which highways were put under the direction of a parish surveyor, and the necessary expenses met by a rate levied on the occupiers of land. In Scotland, statutory labour on highways was created by an act of 1719, and abolished in 1883.

In Egypt, the corvée has been employed from time immemorial, more especially for the purpose of cleaning out the irrigation canals. In the days when only one harvest a year was reaped, this forced labour was not a very great burden, but the introduction of cotton and the sugar-cane under Mehemet Ali changed the conditions. These latter are crops which require watering at various seasons of the year, and very often the fellah was called away for work in the canals at times when his own crops required the utmost attention. Moreover, the inequality of the corvée added to the evil. In some districts it was possible to purchase exemption, and the more wealthy paid no more for the privilege than the humblest fellah, consequently the corvée fell with undue hardship on the poorer classes. Under the premiership of Riaz Pasha the corvée was gradually abolished in Egypt between the years 1888 and 1891, and a small rate on the land substituted to provide the labour necessary for cleaning the canals. The corvée is now employed only to a limited extent to guard the banks of the Nile during flood.

See Du Cange, _Glossarium inf. et med. Lat. s.v._ "Corvatae"; A Luchaire, _Manuel des institutions françaises_ (Paris, 1892), pp. 346-349; _La Grande Encyclopédie, s.v._, with bibliography. For further works see the bibliography to the article SERFDOM.

CORVEY, a place in the Prussian province of Westphalia, on the Weser, a mile north of the town of Höxter, with which it communicates by an avenue of lime trees. During the middle ages it was famous for its great Benedictine abbey, which was founded and endowed by the emperor Louis the Pious about 820, and received its name from having been first occupied by a body of monks coming from Corbie in Picardy. The bones of St Vitus, the patron saint of Saxony, were removed thither according to legend in 836, but apart from this attraction, Corvey became the centre of Christianity in Saxony and a nursery of classical studies. The abbot was a prince of the Empire, and Corvey was made a bishopric in 1783. In 1803 the abbey was secularized, in 1815 its lands were given to Prussia, and in 1822 they were bestowed on Victor Amadeus, landgrave of Hesse-Rotenburg, by whom they were bequeathed, in 1834, to Prince Victor of Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst, duke of Ratibor. The abbey, which is now used as a residence, possesses a magnificent library of 150,000 volumes especially rich in old illustrated works, though the ancient collection due to the literary enthusiasm of the Benedictines is no longer extant. Here in 1517 the manuscript of the five first books of the _Annals_ of Tacitus was discovered. Here Widukind wrote his _Res gestae Saxonicae_. Here, also, the librarian and poet Hoffmann von Fallersleben lived and worked. The _Annales Corbejenses 648-1148_ of the monks can be read in the _Monumenta Germaniae historica_, Band iii. The _Chronicon Corbejense_, published by A. C. Wedekind in 1823, has been declared by S. Hirsch and Waitz (_Kritische Prüfung_, Berlin, 1839) to be a forgery.

See P. Wigand, _Geschichte der Abtei Korvey_ (Höxter, 1819); and M. Meyer, _Zur ältern Geschichte Corveys und Höxters_ (Paderborn, 1893).

CORVINUS, JÁNOS [JOHN] (1473-1504), illegitimate son of Matthias Hunyadi, king of Hungary, and one Barbara, supposed to be the daughter of a burgess of Breslau. He took his name from the raven (_corvus_) in his father's escutcheon. Matthias originally intended him for the Church, but on losing all hope of offspring from his consort Queen Beatrice, determined, towards the end of his life, to make the youth his successor on the throne. He loaded him with honours and riches, till he was by far the wealthiest magnate in the land. He publicly declared him his successor, created him a prince with vast apanages in Silesia, made the commandants of all the fortresses in the kingdom take an oath of allegiance to him, and tried to arrange a marriage for him with Bianca Maria Sforza of Milan, a project which was frustrated by the intrigues of Queen Beatrice. Matthias also intended to make the recognition of János as prince royal of Hungary by the emperor Frederick a condition precedent of relinquishing all or part of the conquered hereditary domains of the house of Habsburg; but his sudden death left the matter still pending, and the young prince suddenly found himself alone in the midst of enemies. The inexperienced and irresolute youth speedily became the victim of the most shameful chicanery. He was first induced formally to resign his claims to the throne, on the understanding that he was to be compensated with the crown of Bosnia. He was then persuaded to retire southwards with the royal treasures which Matthias had confided to him, whereupon an army immediately started in pursuit, scattered his forces, and robbed him of everything. Meanwhile the diet had elected Vladislav of Bohemia king (July 15, 1490), to whom János hastened to do homage, in order to save something from the wreck of his fortunes. He was also recognized as prince of Slavonia and duke of Troppau, but compelled to relinquish both titles five years later. On the invasion of Hungary by Maximilian, he shewed his loyalty to the crown by relinquishing into the hands of Vladislav the three important fortresses of Pressburg, Komárom and Tata, which had been entrusted to him by his father. But now, encouraged by his complacency, the chief dignitaries, headed by the palatine Stephen Zapolya, laid claim to nearly all his remaining estates and involved him in a whole series of costly processes. This they could do with perfect impunity, as they had poisoned the mind of the indolent and suspicious king against their victim. In 1496 Corvinus married Beatrice, the daughter of Bernard Frangepán. His prospects now improved, and in 1498 he was created perpetual ban of Croatia and Slavonia. From 1499 to 1502 he successfully defended Bosnia against the Turks, and in the following year aspired to the dignity of palatine, but was defeated by a combination of Queen Beatrice and his other enemies. He died on the 12th of October 1504, leaving one son, Prince Christopher, who died on the 17th of March 1505.

See Gyula Schönherr, _János Corvinus Hunyadi_ (Hung.) (Budapest, 1894). (R. N. B.)

CORVUS, MARCUS VALERIUS (c. 370-270 B.C.), Roman general of the early republican period. According to the legend a raven settled on his helmet during his combat with a gigantic Gaul, and distracted the enemy's attention by flying in his face. He was twice dictator and six times consul, and occupied the curule chair twenty-one times. In his various campaigns he defeated successively the Gauls, the Volscians, the Samnites, the Etruscans and the Marsians. His most important victory (343) was over the Samnites at Mount Gaurus.

See Livy vii. 26-42, x. 2-11.

CORWEN ("the white choir"), a market town of Merionethshire, Wales, on branches of the London & North Western and the Great Western railways; 10 m. from Llangollen, through the Glyn Dyfrdwy (Dee Vale). Pop. (1901) 2680. Telford's road, raised on the lower Berwyn range side and overlooking the Dee, opens up the picturesqueness of Corwen, historically interesting from the reminiscences of Wales's last struggle for independence under Owen Glendower. In the old parish church was traditionally Owen's pew; his knife, fork and dagger, are at the neighbouring Rûg (Rhûg); his palace, 3 m. distant at Sychnant (dry stream). Here is the church dedicated to St Julian, archbishop of St David's (d. 1009), with "the college," an almshouse endowed by William Eyton of Plâs Warren, Shropshire. The old British fort, Caer Drewyn, one of a chain of forts from Dyserth to Canwyd, is the supposed scene of Glendower's retreat under Henry IV., and here Owen Cwynedd is said to have prepared to repulse Henry II. To the N.E. are the Clwyd hills; to the S. the Berwyn range, to the S.W. Arran Mawddy and Cadair (Cader) Idris; to the W. the two Arenigs; to the N.W. Snowdon. Corwen is a favourite station for artists and anglers. Besides the Dee, there are several streamlets, such as the Trystion, which forms the Rhaiadr Cynwyd (waterfall), the Ceudiog, and the Alwen.

CORWIN, THOMAS (1794-1865), American statesman and orator, was born in Bourbon county, Kentucky, on the 29th of July 1794. In 1798 his father, Matthias Corwin (1761-1829), removed to what later became Lebanon, Ohio, where the son worked on a farm, read much, and in 1817 was admitted to the bar. As an advocate he was at once successful, but after 1831 he devoted his attention chiefly to politics, identifying himself first with the Whig and after 1858 with the Republican party. He was a member of the lower house of the Ohio legislature in 1821, 1822 and 1829, and of the national House of Representatives from 1831 to 1840; was governor of Ohio in 1840-1842; served in the United States Senate from 1845 to 1850; was secretary of the treasury in the cabinet of President Fillmore in 1850-1853; was again a member of the national House of Representatives from 1859 to 1861; and from 1861 to 1864 was minister of the United States to Mexico--a position of peculiar difficulty at that time. As a legislator he spoke seldom, but always with great ability, his most famous speech being that of the 11th of February 1847 opposing the Mexican War. In 1860 he was chairman of the House "Committee of Thirty-three," consisting of one member from each state, and appointed to consider the condition of the nation and, if possible, to devise some scheme for reconciling the North and the South. He is remembered chiefly as an orator. Many anecdotes have been told to illustrate his kindliness, his inimitable humour, and his remarkable eloquence. He died at Washington, D.C., on the 18th of December 1865.

See the _Life and Speeches of Thomas Corwin_ (Cincinnati, 1896), edited by Josiah Morrow; and an excellent character sketch, _Thomas Corwin_ (Cincinnati, 1881), by A. P. Russell.

CORY, WILLIAM JOHNSON (1823-1892), English schoolmaster and author, son of Charles Johnson of Torrington, Devonshire, was born on the 9th of January 1823. He was educated at Eton and King's College, Cambridge. At Cambridge he gained the chancellor's medal for an English poem on Plato in 1843, and the Craven Scholarship in 1844. In 1845, after graduating at the university, he was made an assistant master at Eton, where he remained for some twenty-six years. He has been called "the most brilliant Eton tutor of his day." He had a great influence on his pupils, and he defended the Etonian system against the criticism of Matthew James Higgins. In 1872, having inherited an estate at Halsdon and assumed the name of Cory, he left Eton. He married late in life, and after four years spent in Madeira he settled in 1882 at Hampstead. He died on the 11th of June 1892. He proved his genuine lyrical power in _Ionica_ (1858), which was republished with some additional poems in 1891. He also produced _Lucretilis_ (1871), a work on the writing of Latin verses; _Iophon_ (1873), on Greek Iambics; and _Guide to Modern History from 1815 to 1835_ (1882). Extracts from the _Letters and Journals of William Cory_, which contains much paradoxical and suggestive criticism, were edited by F.W. Cornish and published by private subscription in 1897.

His elder brother, Charles Wellington Johnson Furse (1821-1900), who, on the death of his father in 1854, took the name of Furse, was canon and archdeacon of Westminster from 1894 till his death. The artist Charles Wellington Furse, A.R.A. (1868-1904), was a son of Archdeacon Furse.

CORYATE, THOMAS (1577?-1617), English traveller and writer, was born at Odcombe, Somersetshire, where his father, the Rev. George Coryate, prebendary of York Cathedral, was rector. Educated at Westminster school and at Oxford, he became a kind of court fool, eventually entering the household of Prince Henry, the eldest son of James I. In 1611 he published a curious account of a prolonged walking tour undertaken in 1608, under the title of _Coryate's Crudities hastily gobbled up in Five Months Travels in France, Italy, &c_. At the command of Prince Henry, verses in mock praise of the author, and intended originally to persuade some bookseller to undertake the publication of the _Crudities_, were added to the volume. These commendatory verses, written in a number of languages, and some in a mixture of languages, by Ben Jonson, Donne, Chapman, Drayton and others, were afterwards published (1611) by themselves as the _Odcombian Banquet_. The book contains a clear and interesting account of Coryate's travels, and, being the first of its kind, was extremely popular. It is now very rare, and the copy in the Chetham library is said to be the only perfect one. In the same year was published a second volume of a similar kind, _Coryats Crambe, or his Coleworte twice Sodden_. In 1612 he set out on another journey, which also was mostly performed on foot. He visited Greece, the Holy Land, Persia and India; from Agra and Ajmere he sent home an account of his adventures. Some of his letters were published in 1616 under the title of _Letters from Asmere, the Court of the Great Mogul, to several Persons of Quality in England_, and some fragments of his writings were included in _Purchas his Pilgrimes_ in 1625. Coryate was a curious and observant traveller; he gives accounts of inscriptions he had copied, of the antiquities of the towns he passed through, and of manners and customs, from the Italian pronunciation of Latin to the new-fangled use of forks. He acquired a knowledge of Turkish, Persian and Hindustani in the course of his travels, and on being presented by the English ambassador, Sir Thomas Roe, to the Great Mogul, he delivered a speech in Persian. His journeys were performed at small expense, for he says that he spent only three pounds between Aleppo and Agra, and often lived "competently" for a penny a day. Coryate died at Surat in 1617.

_Coryate's Crudities_, with his letters from India, was reprinted from the edition of 1611 in 1776, and at the Glasgow University Press (2 vols., 1905). The _Odcombian Banquet_ was ridiculed by John Taylor, the Water Poet, in his _Laugh and be Fat, or a Commentary on the Odcombian Banket_ (1613) and two other satires.

CORYBANTES (Gr. [Greek: Korybantes]), in Greek mythology, half divine, half demonic beings, bearing the same relation to the Asiatic Great Mother of the Gods that the Curetes bear to Rhea. From their first appearance in literature, they are already often identified or confused with them, and are distinguished only by their Asiatic origin and by the more pronouncedly orgiastic nature of their rites. Various accounts of their origin are given: they were earth-born, sons of Cronus, sons of Zeus and Calliope, sons of Rhea, of Ops, of the Great Mother and a mystic father, of Apollo and Thalia, of Athena and Helios. Their names and number were as indistinct even to the ancients as those of the Curetes and Idaean Dactyli. Like the Curetes, Dactyli, Telchines and Cabeiri (q.v.), however, they represent primitive gods of procreative significance, who survived in the historic period as subordinate deities associated with a form of the Great Mother goddess, their relation to the Great Mother of the Gods, Cybele, being comparable with that of Attis (q.v.). They may have been represented or impersonated by priests in her rites as Attis was, but they were also, like him, not actual priests in the first instance, but objects of worship in which a frenzied dance, with accompaniment of flute music, the beating of tambourines, the clashing of cymbals and castanets, wild cries and self-infliction of wounds--the whole culminating in a state of ecstasy and exhaustion--were the most prominent features. The dance of the Corybantic priests, like that of the priests who represented the Curetes, may have originated in a primitive faith in the power of noise to avert evil. Its psychic effect, both upon the dancer and upon the mystic about whom he danced during the initiation of the Cybele-Attis mysteries, made it a widely known and popular feature of the cult.

In art the Corybantes appear, usually not more than two or three in number, fully armed and executing their orgiastic dance in the presence of the Great Mother, her lions and Attis. They sometimes appear with the child Dionysus, between whose cult and that of the Mother there was a close affinity. (G. SN.)

CORYDON, a town and the county-seat of Harrison county, Indiana, U.S.A., on Indian Creek, about 21 m. W. by S. of Louisville, Kentucky. Pop. (1900) 1610; (1910) 1703. Corydon is served by the Louisville, New Albany & Corydon railway, which connects at Corydon Junction, 8 m. N., with the Southern railway. There are sulphur springs here, and the town is a summer and health resort. Wyandotte Cave is several miles W. of Corydon. Corydon is in an agricultural region, and there are valuable quarries in the neighbourhood; among the town's manufactures are waggons, and building and lithographic stone. Corydon was settled about 1805, and was the capital of Indiana Territory from 1813 to 1816, and of the state until 1824. The convention which framed the first state constitution met here in June 1816. The original state house, an unpretentious two-storey stone building, is still standing. Corydon was captured by the Confederates during Gen. Morgan's raid on the 9th of July 1863.

CORYPHAEUS (from Gr. [Greek: koruphê], the top of the head), in Attic drama, the leader of the chorus. Hence the term (sometimes in an Anglicized form "coryphe") is used for the chief or leader of any company or movement. In 1856 in the university of Oxford there was founded the office of Coryphaeus or Praecentor, whose duty it was to lead the musical performances directed by the Choragus (q.v.). The office ceased to exist in 1899.

COS, or STANKO (Ital. _Stanchio_, Turk. _Istan-keui_, by corruption from [Greek: Eis tan Kô]), an island in that part of the Turkish archipelago which was anciently known as the Myrtoan Sea, not far from the south-western corner of Asia Minor, at the mouth of the Gulf of Halicarnassus, or Bay of Budrum. Its total length is about 25 m. and its circumference about 74. Its population is estimated at about 10,000, of whom nearly all are Greeks.

A considerable chain of mountains, known to the ancients as Oromedon, or Prion, extends along the southern coast with hardly a break except near the island of Nisyros; so that the greatest versant and most important streams turn towards the north. The whole island is little more than a mass of limestone, and consequently unites great aridity in the drier mountain regions with the richest fertility in the alluvial districts. As the attention of the islanders is mainly directed to the culture of their vineyards, which yield the famous sultana raisins, a considerable proportion of the arable land is left untouched, though wheat, barley and maize are sown in some quarters, and melons and sesamum seed appear among the exports. The Cos lettuce is well known. Fruit, especially grapes, is exported in large quantities to Egypt, mostly in local sailing boats. The wild olive is abundant enough, but neglected; and cotton, though it thrives well, is grown only in small quantities. As the principal harbour, in spite of dredging operations, is fit only for smaller vessels, the island is not of so much commercial importance as it would otherwise be; but since 1868 it has been regularly visited by steamers. The only town in the island is Cos, or Stanko, at the eastern extremity, remarkable for its fortress, founded by the knights of Rhodes, and for the gigantic plane-tree in the public square. The fortress preserves in its walls a number of interesting architectural fragments. The plane-tree has a circumference of about 30 ft., and its huge and heavy branches have to be supported by pillars; of its age there is no certain knowledge, but the popular tradition connects it with Hippocrates. The town is supplied by an aqueduct, about 4 m. in length, with water from a hot chalybeate spring, which is likewise named after the great physician of the island. The villages of Pyli and Kephalas are interesting, the former for the Greek tomb of a certain Charmylos, and the latter for a castle of the knights of St John and the numerous inscriptions that prove that it occupies the site of the chief town of the ancient deme of Isthmos. The most interesting site on the island is the precinct of Asclepius, which was excavated in 1900-1904 on the slope of Mount Prion, about 2 m. from the town of Cos. It consists of three terraces, the uppermost containing a temple, a cypress grove and porticoes; the middle, which is the earliest portion, two or three temples, an altar, and other buildings; and the lower a kind of sacred agora enclosed by porticoes. The precinct had been enlarged and reconstructed at various times. The earliest buildings on the middle terrace probably date from the 6th century B.C. The temple on the upper terrace, with the imposing flight of steps by which it is approached, seems to belong to the 2nd century B.C. when the whole precinct was enlarged and reconstructed. After a destructive earthquake, the whole appears to have been rebuilt by Xenophon, the physician and poisoner of the emperor Claudius. The final destruction was brought about by the earthquake of A.D. 554. Among other things the precinct contains a fountain of water with medicinal properties. It is doubtful whether this water is brought from Burinna, the famous fountain of Hippocrates in the mountain above.

_History._--Cos was a Dorian colony with a large contingent of settlers from Epidaurus who took with them their Asclepius cult and made their new home famous for its sanatoria. The other chief sources of the island's wealth lay in its wines, and in later days, in its silk manufacture. Its early history is obscure. During the Persian wars it was ruled by tyrants, but as a rule it seems to have been under an oligarchic government. In the 5th century it joined the Delian League, and after the revolt of Rhodes served as the chief Athenian station in the south-eastern Aegean (411-407). In 366 a democracy was instituted. After helping, in the Social War (357-355), to weaken Athenian power it fell for a few years to the Carian prince Maussollus. In the Hellenistic age Cos attained the zenith of its prosperity. Its alliance was valued by the kings of Egypt, who used it as an outpost for their navy to watch the Aegean. As a seat ef learning it rose to be a kind of provincial branch of the museum of Alexandria, and became a favourite resort for the education of the princes of the Ptolemaic dynasty; among its most famous sons were the physician Hippocrates, the painter Apelles, the poets Philetas and, perhaps, Theocritus (q.v.). Following the lead of its great neighbour, Rhodes, Cos generally displayed a friendly attitude towards the Romans; in A.D. 53 it was made a free city. In A.D. 1315 it was occupied by the Knights of St John; in 1523 it passed under Ottoman sway. Except for occasional incursions by corsairs and some severe earthquakes the island has rarely had its peace disturbed.

AUTHORITIES.--L. Ross, _Reisen nach Kos, &c._ (Halle, 1852), pp. 11-29, and _Reisen auf den griechischen Inseln_ (Stuttgart, 1840-1845), ii. 86 ff.; O. Rayet, _Mémoire sur l'île de Cos_ (Paris, 1876); M. Dubois, _De Co Insula_ (Paris and Nancy, 1884); W. Paton and E. Hicks, _The Inscriptions of Cos_ (Oxford, 1891); B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), pp. 535-537; _Archäol. Anzeiger_, 1905, i.; for coins see also NUMISMATICS: Greek, § "Calymna and Cos." (E. GR.; M. O. B. C.)

COSA, an ancient city of Etruria, on the S.W. coast of Italy, close to the Via Aurelia, 4½ m. E.S.E. of the modern town of Orbetello. Apparently it was not an independent Etruscan town, but was founded as a colony by the Romans in the territory of the Volceientes, whom they had recently conquered, in 273 B.C. The town was strongly fortified, and the walls, about a mile in circuit, with three gates, and seventeen projecting rectangular towers at intervals, are in places preserved to a height of over 30 ft. on the outside, and 15 on the inside. The lower

## part is built of polygonal, the upper of rectangular, blocks, and the

masonry is of equal fineness all through, so that a difference of date cannot be assumed; such a change of technique is not without parallel in Greece (F. Noack in _Römische Mitteilungen_, 1897, 194). Within the city no remains are visible. The place was of importance as a fortress; it was approached by a branch road which diverged from the Via Aurelia at the post station of Succosa, at the foot of the hill on which the town stood. The harbour, too, was of some importance. In the 5th century we hear of it as deserted, and in the 9th a town called Ansedonia took its place for a short time, but itself soon perished, though it has left its name to the ruins.

See G. Dennis, _Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria_ (London, 1883), ii. 245. (T. AS.)

COSEL, or KOSEL, a town of Germany, in the Prussian province of Silesia, at the junction of the Klodnitz and the Oder, 29 m. S.E. of Oppeln by rail. Pop. (1905) 7085. It has an Evangelical and a Roman Catholic church, an old château and a grammar-school (Progymnasium). Its industries are of some importance, including a manufactory of cellulose (employing 1200 hands), steam saw- and flour-mills and a petroleum refinery. There is a lively trade by river.

The first record of Cosel dates from 1286. From 1306 to 1359 it was the seat of an independent duchy held by a cadet line of the dukes of Teschen. In 1532 it fell to the emperor, was several times besieged during the Thirty Years' War, and came into Prussian possession by the treaty of Breslau in 1742. Frederick II. converted it into a fortress, which was besieged in vain by the Austrians in 1758, 1759, 1760 and 1762. In 1807 it withstood another siege, by the Bavarian allies of Napoleon. The fortifications were razed and their site converted into promenades in 1874.

COSENZ, ENRICO (1812-1898), Italian soldier, was born at Gaeta, on the 12th of January 1812. As captain of artillery in the Neapolitan army he took part in the expedition sent by Ferdinand II. against the Austrians in 1848; but after the _coup d'état_ at Naples he followed General Guglielmo Pepe in disobeying Ferdinand's order for the withdrawal of the troops, and proceeded to Venice to aid in defending that city. As commandant of the fort of Marghera, Cosenz displayed distinguished valour, and after the fall of the fort assumed the defence of the Piazzale, where he was twice wounded. Upon the fall of Venice he fled to Piedmont, where he remained until, in 1859, he assumed the command of a Garibaldian regiment. In 1860 he conducted the third Garibaldian expedition to Sicily, defeated two Neapolitan brigades at Piale (August 23), and marched victoriously upon Naples, where he was appointed minister of war, and took part in organizing the _plébiscite_. During the war of 1866 his division saw but little active service. After the war he repeatedly declined the portfolio of war. In 1881, however, he became chief of the general staff, and held that position until a short time before his death at Rome on the 7th of August 1898.

COSENZA (anc. _Consentia_), a town and archiepiscopal see of Calabria, Italy, the capital of the province of Cosenza, 755 ft. above sea-level, 43 m. by rail S. by W. of Sibari, which is a station on the E. coast railway between Metaponto and Reggio. Pop. (1901) town, 13,841; commune, 20,857. It is situated on the slope of a hill between the Crati and Busento, just above the junction, and is commanded by a castle (1250 ft.). The Gothic cathedral, consecrated in 1222, on the site of another ruined by an earthquake in 1184, goes back to French models in Champagne, and is indeed unique in Italy. It contains the Gothic tomb of Isabella of Aragon, wife of Philip III. of France, and also the tomb of Louis III., duke of Anjou; but it has been spoilt by restoration both inside and out. S. Domenico has a fine rose window. The Palazzo del Tribunale (law courts) is a fine building, and the upper town contains several good houses of rich proprietors of the province; while the lower portion is unhealthy. Earthquakes, and a fire in 1901, have done considerable damage to the town.

The ancient Consentia is first named as the burial place of Alexander of Epirus in about 330 B.C. In 204 it became Roman, though it was more under the influence of Greek culture. It is mentioned by Strabo as the chief town of the Bruttii, and frequently spoken of in classical authors as an important place. It lay on the Via Popillia. Varro speaks of its apple trees which gave fruit twice in the year and Pliny praises its wine also. It is the more surprising that in the whole of its territory no inscriptions, either Greek or Latin, have ever been found, those that are recorded by some writers being fabrications. in A.D. 410 Alaric fell in battle here and was buried, it is said, in the bed of the Busento, which was temporarily diverted and then allowed to resume its natural course. Cosenza became an archbishopric in the 11th century. In 1461 it was taken by Roberto Orsini, and suffered severely. It was the home of a scientific academy founded by the philosopher Bernardino Telesio (1509-1588). In 1555-1561 it was the centre of the persecution by the Inquisition of the Waldenses who had settled there towards the end of the 14th century. (T. AS.)

COSHOCTON, a city and the county-seat of Coshocton county, Ohio, U.S.A., at the confluence of the Tuscarawas and the Walhonding rivers, with the Muskingum river, and about 70 m. E.N.E. of Columbus. Pop. (1890) 3672; (1900) 6473 (364 foreign-born); (1910) 9603. It is served by the Pennsylvania, the Pittsburg, Cincinnati, Chicago & St Louis (controlled by the Pennsylvania), and the Wheeling & Lake Erie railways. The city is built on a series of four broad terraces, the upper one of which has an elevation of 824 ft. above sea-level, and commands pleasant views of the river and the valley. It has a public library. Coshocton is the commercial centre of an extensive agricultural district and has manufactories of paper, glass, flour, china-ware, cast-iron pipes and especially of advertising specialities. The municipality owns and operates its water-works. Coshocton occupies the site of a former Indian village of the same name--the chief village of the Turtle tribe of the Delawares. This village was destroyed by the whites in 1781. The first settlement by whites was begun in 1801; and in 1802 the place was laid out as a town and named Tuscarawas. In 1811, when it was made the county-seat, the present name was adopted. Coshocton was first incorporated in 1833.

COSIN, JOHN (1594-1672), English divine, was born at Norwich on the 30th of November 1594. He was educated at Norwich grammar school and at Caius College, Cambridge, where he was scholar and afterwards fellow. On taking orders he was appointed secretary to Bishop Overall of Lichfield, and then domestic chaplain to Bishop Neile of Durham. In December 1624 he was made a prebendary of Durham, and in the following year archdeacon of the East Riding of Yorkshire. In 1628 he took his degree of D.D. He first became known as an author in 1627, when he published his _Collection of Private Devotions_, a manual stated to have been prepared by command of Charles I., for the use of the queen's maids of honour.[1] This book, together with his insistence on points of ritual in his cathedral church and his friendship with Laud, exposed him to the suspicions and hostility of the Puritans; and the book was rudely handled by William Prynne and Henry Burton. In 1628 Cosin took part in the prosecution of a brother prebendary, Peter Smart, for a sermon against high church practices; and the prebendary was deprived. In 1634 Cosin was appointed master of Peterhouse, Cambridge; and in 1640 he became vice-chancellor of the university. In October of this year he was promoted to the deanery of Peterborough. A few days before his installation the Long Parliament had met; and among the complainants who hastened to appeal to it for redress was the ex-prebendary, Smart. His petition against the new dean was considered; and early in 1641 Cosin was sequestered from his benefices. Articles of impeachment, were, two months later, presented against him, but he was dismissed on bail, and was not again called for. For sending the university plate to the king, he was deprived of the mastership of Peterhouse (1642). He thereupon withdrew to France, preached at Paris, and served as chaplain to some members of the household of the exiled royal family. At the Restoration he returned to England, was reinstated in the mastership, restored to all his benefices, and in a few months raised to the see of Durham (December 1660). At the convocation in 1661 he played a prominent part in the revision of the prayer-book, and endeavoured with some success to bring both prayers and rubrics into completer agreement with ancient liturgies. He administered his diocese with conspicuous ability and success for about eleven years; and applied a large share of his revenues to the promotion of the interests of the Church, of schools and of charitable institutions. He died in London on the 15th of January 1672.

Cosin occupies an interesting and peculiar position among the churchmen of his time. Though a ritualist and a rigorous enforcer of outward conformity, he was uncompromisingly hostile to Roman Catholicism, and most of his writings illustrate this antagonism. In France he was on friendly terms with Huguenots, justifying himself on the ground that their non-episcopal ordination had not been of their own seeking, and at the Savoy conference in 1661 he tried hard to effect a reconciliation with the Presbyterians. He differed from the majority of his colleagues in his strict attitude towards Sunday observance and in favouring, in the case of adultery, both divorce and the re-marriage of the innocent party. He was a genial companion, frank and outspoken, and a good man of business.

Among his writings (most of which were published posthumously) are a _Historia Transubstantiationis Papalis_ (1675), _Notes and Collections on the Book of Common Prayer_ (1710) and _A Scholastical History of the Canon of Holy Scripture_ (1657). A collected edition of his works, forming 5 vols. of the Oxford _Library of Anglo-Catholic Theology_, was published between 1843 and 1855; and his _Correspondence_ (2 vols.) was edited by Canon Ornsby for the Surtees Society (1868-1870).

FOOTNOTE:

[1] See John Evelyn's _Diary_ (Oct. 12, 1651).

COSMAS, of Alexandria, surnamed from his maritime experiences _Indicopleustes_, merchant and traveller, flourished during the 6th century A.D. The surname is inaccurate, since he never reached India proper; further, it is doubtful whether Cosmas is a family name, or merely refers to his reputation as a cosmographer. In his earlier days he had sailed on the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean, visiting Abyssinia and Socotra and apparently also the Persian Gulf, western India and Ceylon. He subsequently became a monk, and about 548, in the retirement of a Sinai cloister, wrote a work called _Topographia Christiana_. Its chief object is to denounce the false and heathen doctrine of the rotundity of the earth, and to vindicate the scriptural account of the world. Photius, who had read it, calls it a "commentary on the Octateuch" (meaning the eight books of Ptolemy's great geographical work; according to some, the first eight books of the Old Testament). According to Cosmas the earth is a rectangular plane, covered by the vaulted roof of the firmament, above which lies heaven. In the centre of the plane is the inhabited earth, surrounded by ocean, beyond which lies the paradise of Adam. The sun revolves round a conical mountain to the north--round the summit in summer, round the base in winter, which accounts for the difference in the length of the day. Cosmas is supposed by some to have been a Nestorian. Although not to be commended from a theological standpoint, the _Topographia_ contains some curious information. Especially to be noticed is the description of a marble seat discovered by him at Adulis (Zula) in Abyssinia, with two inscriptions recounting the heroic deeds and military successes of Ptolemy Euergetes and an Axumitic king. It also contains in all probability the oldest Christian maps. From allusions in the _Topographia_ Cosmas seems to have been the author of a larger cosmography, a treatise on the motions of the stars, and commentaries on the Psalms and Canticles. Photius (_Cod._ 36) speaks contemptuously of the style and language of Cosmas, and throws doubt upon his truthfulness. But the author himself expressly disclaims any claims to literary elegance, which in fact he considers unsuited to a Christian circle of readers, and the accuracy of his statements has been confirmed by later travellers.

The _Topographia_ will be found in Migne, _Patrologia Graeca_, lxxxviii.; an edition by G. Siefert is promised in the Teubner series. See H. Gelzer, "Kosmas der Indienfahrer," in _Jahrbücher für protestantische Theologie_, ix. (1883) and C. R. Beazley, _The Dawn of Modern Geography_, i. (1897). There is an English translation, with introduction and notes, by J. W. McCrindle (1897), published by the Hakluyt society.

COSMAS, of Prague (1045-1125), dean of the cathedral and the earliest Bohemian historian. His _Chronicae Bohemorum libri iii._, which contains the history and traditions of Bohemia up to nearly the time of his death, has earned him the title of the Herodotus of his country. This work, which his continuators brought down to the year 1283, is of the highest value to historians in spite of the fact that its reputation for disingenuousness and credibility has been greatly affected by the critical attacks of J. Loserth (_Studien zu Cosmas von Prag_, Vienna, 1880, &c.).

The work was first published at Hanover in 1602, from the imperfect Strassburg codex. A perfected edition was brought out at the same place in 1607; this was reprinted, with notes by C. G. Schwarz in I. B. Menckenius, _Scriptores rer. Germ._ (3 vols., Lips., 1728-1730). It is included in Pelzel and Dobrowsky, _Script. rer. Bohem._ i. pp. 1-282, after collation with Dresden MS., edited very fully by R. Köpke in _Mon. Germ. Hist. Scrip._ ix. 1-132, and repeated in Migne, _Patrol. lat._ clxvi. pp. 55-388, and in _Fontes rer. Bohem._ ii. (1874), 1-370 (Latin and Czech), by W. Wl. Tomek. See A. Potthast, _Bibliotheca Hist. Med. Aevi_.

COSMATI, the name of a Roman family, seven members of which, for four generations, were skilful architects, sculptors and workers in mosaic. The following are the names and dates known from existing inscriptions:--

Lorenzo (born in the second half of the 12th century). | Jacopo (dated works 1205 and 1210). | Cosimo ( " " 1210-1235). | +---------------+-------------+--------------+ | | | | Luca Jacopo Adeodato Giovanni (1231 and 1235). (1231-1293). (1294). (1296 and 1303).

Their principal works in Rome are: ambones of S. Maria in Ara Coeli (Lorenzo); door of S. Saba, 1205, and door with mosaics of S. Tommaso in Formis (Jacopo); chapel of the Sancta Sanctorum, by the Lateran (Cosimo); pavement of S. Jacopo alla Lungara, and (probably) the magnificent episcopal throne and choir-screen in S. Lorenzo fuori le Mura, of 1254 (Jacopo the younger); baldacchino of the Lateran and of S. Maria in Cosmedin, c. 1294 (Adeodato); tombs in S. Maria sopra Minerva (c. 1296), in S. Maria Maggiore, and in S. Balbina (Giovanni). The chief signed works by Jacopo the younger and his brother Luca are at Anagni and Subiaco. A large number of other works by members and pupils of the same family, but unsigned, exist in Rome. These are mainly altars and baldacchini, choir-screens, paschal candlesticks, ambones, tombs and the like, all enriched with sculpture and glass mosaic of great brilliance and decorative effect.

Besides the more mechanical sort of work, such as mosaic patterns and architectural decoration, they also produced mosaic pictures and sculpture of very high merit, especially the recumbent effigies, with angels standing at the head and foot, in the tombs of Ara Coeli, S. Maria Maggiore and elsewhere. One of their finest works is in S. Cesareo; this is a marble altar richly decorated with mosaic in sculptured panels, and (below) two angels drawing back a curtain (all in marble) so as to expose the open grating of the confessio. The magnificent cloisters of S. Paolo fuori le Mura, built about 1285 by Giovanni, the youngest of the Cosmati, are one of the most beautiful works of this school. The baldacchino of the same basilica is a signed work of the Florentine Arnolfo del Cambio, 1285, "cum suo socio Petro," probably a pupil of the Cosmati. Other works of Arnolfo, such as the Braye tomb at Orvieto (q.v.), show an intimate artistic alliance between him and the Cosmati. The equally magnificent cloisters of the Lateran, of about the same date, are very similar in design; both these triumphs of the sculptor-architect's and mosaicist's work have slender marble columns, twisted or straight, richly inlaid with bands of glass mosaic in delicate and brilliant patterns. The shrine of the Confessor at Westminster is a work of this school, executed about 1268. The general style of works of the Cosmati school is Gothic in its main lines, especially in the elaborate altar-canopies, with their pierced geometrical tracery. In detail, however, they differ widely from the purer Gothic of northern countries. The richness of effect which the English or French architect obtained by elaborate and carefully worked mouldings was produced in Italy by the beauty of polished marbles and jewel-like mosaics--the details being mostly rather coarse and often carelessly executed.

An excellent account of the Cosmati is given by Boito, _Architettura del media evo_ (Milan, 1880), pp. 117-182.

COSMIC (from Gr. [Greek: kosmos], order or universe), pertaining to the universe, universal or orderly. In ancient astronomy, the word "cosmical" means occurring at sunrise, and designates especially the rising or setting of the stars at that time. "Cosmical physics" is a term broadly applied to the totality of those branches of science which treat of cosmical phenomena and their explanation by the laws of physics. It includes terrestrial magnetism, the tides, meteorology as related to cosmical causes, the aurora, meteoric phenomena, and the physical constitution of the heavenly bodies generally. It differs from astrophysics only in dealing principally with phenomena in their wider aspects, and as the products of physical causes, while astrophysics is more concerned with minute details of observation.

COSMOGONY (from Gr. [Greek: kosmos], world and [Greek: gignesthai], to be born), a theory, however incomplete, of the origin of heaven and earth, such as is produced by primitive races in the myth-making age, and is afterwards expanded and systematized by priests, poets or philosophers. Such a theory must be mythical in form, and, after gods have arisen, is likely to be a theogony ([Greek: theos], god) as well as a cosmogony (Babylonia, Egypt, Phoenicia, Polynesia).

1. To many the interest of such stories will depend on their parallelism to the Biblical account in Genesis i.; the anthropologist, however, will be attracted by them in proportion as they illustrate the more primitive phases of human culture. In spite of the frequent overgrowth of a luxuriant imagination, the leading ideas of really primitive cosmogonies are extremely simple. Creation out of nothing is nowhere thought of, for this is not at all a simple idea. The pre-existence of world-matter is assumed; sometimes too that of heaven, as the seat of the earth-maker, and that of preternatural animals, his coadjutors. The earth-making process may, among the less advanced races, be begun by a bird, or some other animal (whence the term "theriomorphism"), for the high idea of a god is impossible, till man has fully realized his own humanity. Of course, the earth-forming animal is a preternaturally gifted one, and is on the line of development towards that magnified man who, in a later stage, becomes the demiurge.[1] Between the two comes the animal--man, i.e. a being who has not yet shed the slough of an animal shape, but combines the powers--natural and preternatural--of some animal with those of a man. Let us now collect specimens of the evidence for different varieties of cosmogony, ranging from those of the Red Indian tribes to that of the people of Israel.

2. _North American Stories._--Theriomorphic creators are most fully attested for the Red Indian tribes, whose very backwardness renders them so valuable to an anthropologist. There is a painted image from Alaska, now in the museum of the university of Pennsylvania, which represents such an one. We see a black crow tightly holding a human mask which he is in the act of incubating. Let us pass on to the Thlinkît Indians of the N.W. coast. A cycle of tales is devoted to a strange humorous being called Yehl or Yelch, i.e. the Raven, miraculously born, not to be wounded, and at once a semi-developed creator and a culture hero.[2] His bitter foe is his uncle; the germs of dualism appear early. Like some other culture-heroes, he steals sun, moon and stars out of a box, so enlightening the dark earth. These people are at any rate above the Greenlanders, but are surpassed by the Algonkins described by Nicholas Perrot in 1700, and by the Iroquois, whom the heroic Father Brébeuf (1593-1649) learned to know so well.[3] The earth-maker of the former was called Michabo, i.e. the Great Hare.[4] He is the leader of some animals on a raft on a shoreless sea. Three of these in succession are sent to dive for a little earth. A grain of sand is brought; out of it he makes an island (America?). Of the carcases of the dead animals he makes the present men (N. Americans?). There is also a Flood-story, an episode in which has a bearing on the great dragon-myth[5] (see DELUGE). The Iroquois are in advance of the Algonkins; their creator-hero has no touch of the animal in him. Above the waters there existed a heaven, or a heavenly earth (cf. Mexico, Babylonia, Egypt), through a hole in which Aataentsic fell to the water. The broad back of a tortoise (cf. § 6) on which a diving animal had placed some mud, received her. Here, being already pregnant, she gave birth to a daughter, who in turn bore the twins Joskeha and Tawiscara (myth of hostile brothers). By his violence (cf. Gen. xxv. 22) the latter killed his mother, out of whose corpse grew plants. Tawiscara fled to the west, where he rules over the dead. Joskeha made the beasts and also men. After acting as culture-giver he disappeared to the east, where he is said to dwell with his grandmother as her husband.[6]

3. _Mexican._--The most interesting feature in the Mexican cosmology is the theory of the ages of the world. Greece, Persia and probably Babylon, knew of four such ages.[7] The Priestly Writer in the Pentateuch also appears to be acquainted with this doctrine; it is the first of four ages which begins with the Creation and ends with the Deluge. The Mexicans, however, are said to have assumed five ages called "suns." The first was the sun of earth; the second, of fire; the third, of air; the fourth, of water; the fifth (which is the present) was unnamed. Each of these closed with a physical catastrophe.[8] The speculations which underlie the Mexican theory have not come down to us. For the Iranian parallel, see § 8, and on the Hebrew Priestly Writer, Gunkel, _Genesis_[2], pp. 233 ff.

4. _Peruvian._--In Peru, as in Egypt, the sun-god obtained universal homage. But there were creator-gods in the background. A theoretical supremacy was accorded by the Incas to Pachacamac, whose worship, like that of Viracocha, they appear to have already found when they conquered the land. Pachacamac means, in Quichua, "world-animator."[9] The "philosophers" of Peru declared that he desired no temples or sacrifices, no worship but that of the heart. This is conceivable; Maui, too, in New Zealand had no temple or priests. But most probably this deity had another less abstract name, and the horrible worship offered in the one temple which he really had under the Incas, accorded with his true cosmic significance as the god of the subterranean fire. Viracocha too had a cosmic position; an old Peruvian hymn calls him "world-former, world-animator."[10] He was connected with water. A third creator was Manco Capac ("the mighty man"), whose sister and wife is called Mama Oello, "the mother-egg." Afterwards, the creator and the mother-egg became respectively the sun and the moon, represented by the Inca priest-king and his wife, the supposed descendants of Manco Capac.[11] Dualistic tendencies were also developed. Las Casas[12] reports a story that before creation the creator-god had a bad son who sought, after creation, to undo all that his father had done. Angered at this, his father hurled him into the sea. We need not suspect Christian influences, but the parallelism of Rev. xx. 3, Isa. xiv. 12, 15, Ezek. xxviii. 16 is obvious.

5. _Polynesian._--Polynesia, that classic land of mythology, is specially rich in myths of creation. The Maori story, told by Grey and others, of the rending apart of Rangi ( = Langi, heaven) and Papa (earth) can be paralleled in China, India and Greece, and more remotely in Egypt and Babylonia. The son of Rangi and Papa was Tangaloa (also called Tangaroa and Taaroa), the sea-god and the father of fishes and reptiles.[13] In other parts of Polynesia he is the Heaven God, to whom there is no like, no second. In Samoa he is even called Tangaloa-Langi (Tangaloa = heaven). And if he is the sea-god, we must remember that there is a heavenly as well as an earthly ocean; hence the clouds are sometimes called Tangaloa's ships. It is true, the popular imagery is unworthy of such a god. Sometimes he is said to live in a shell, by throwing off which from time to time he increases the world; or in an egg, which at last he breaks in pieces; the pieces are the islands. We also hear that long ago he hovered as an enormous bird over the waters, and there deposited an egg. The egg may be either the earth with the overarching vault of heaven or (as in Egypt--but this is a later view) the sun. The latter received mythical representation in that most interesting god (but originally rather culture-hero) Maui, who, in New Zealand practically supplants Tangaloa, and becomes the god of the air and of the heaven, the creator and the causer of the flood.[14] Speculation opened the usual deep problem; whence came the gods? It was answered that Po, i.e. darkness, was the begetter of all things, even of Tangaloa.

6. _Indian._--India, however, is the natural home of a mythology recast by speculation. The classical specimen of an advanced cosmogony is to be found in the Rig Veda (x. 129); it is the hymn which begins, "There then was neither Aught nor Naught!"[15] Another such cosmogony is given in Manu. It is "the self-existent Lord," who, "with a thought, created the waters, and deposited in them a seed which became a golden egg, in which egg he himself is born as Brahm[=a], the progenitor of the worlds."[16] The doctrine of creation by a thought is characteristically Indian. In the satapatha Brahmana (cf. Deluge), we meet again with the primeval waters and the world-egg, and with the famous mythological tortoise-theory,[17] also found among the Algonkins (§ 2)--antique beliefs gathered up by the framers of philosophic systems, who felt the importance of maintaining such links with the distant past.

7. _Egyptian._--In Egypt too the systematizers were busily engaged in the co-ordination of myths. They retained the belief that the germs of all things slept for ages within the dark flood, personified as Nûn or Nû. How they were drawn forth was variously told.[18] In some districts the demiurge was called Khn[=u]mu; it was he who modelled the egg (of the world?) and also man.[19] Elsewhere he was the artizan-god Ptah, who with his hammer broke the egg; sometimes Thoth, the moon-god and principle of intelligence, who spoke the world into existence.[20] A strange episode in the legend of the destruction of man by the gods tells how Ra (or Re), the first king of the world, finding in his old age that mankind ceased to respect him, first tried the remedy of massacre, and then ascended the heavenly cow, and organized a new world--that of heaven.[21]

8. _Iranian._--The Iranian account of creation[22] is specially interesting because its religious spirit is akin to that of Genesis i. From a literary point of view, indeed, it cannot compare with the dignified Hebrew narrative, but considering the misfortunes which have befallen the collection of Zoroastrian traditions now represented by the Bundahish (the Parsee Genesis) we cannot reasonably be surprised. The work referred to begins by describing the state of things in the beginning; the good spirit in endless light and omniscient, and the evil spirit in endless darkness and with limited knowledge. Both produced their own creatures, which remained apart, in a spiritual or ideal state, for 3000 years, after which the evil spirit began his opposition to the good creation under an agreement that his power was not to last more than 9000 years, of which only the middle 3000 were to see him successful. By uttering a sacred formula the good spirit throws the evil one into a state of confusion for a second 3000 years, while he produces the archangels and the material creation, including the sun, moon and stars. At the end of that period the evil spirit, encouraged by the demons he had produced, once more rushes upon the good creation to destroy it. The demons carry on conflicts with each of the six classes of creation, namely, the sky, water, earth, plants, animals represented by the primeval ox, and mankind represented by G[=a]y[=o]mard or Kayumarth (the "first man" of the _Avesta_).[23] Four points to be noticed here: (1) the belief in the four periods of the world, each of 3000 years (cf. § 3); (2) the comparative success for a time of Angra Mainyu (the evil principle personified); (3) the absence of any recognition of pre-existent matter; (4) the mention of six classes of good creatures. Each of these deserves a comment which we cannot, however, here give, and the third may seem to suggest direct influence of the Iranian upon the Jewish cosmogony. But though there are in Gen. i. six days of creative activity, and the creative works are not six, but eight, if not ten in number, and indirect Babylonian influence is more strongly indicated. Jewish thinkers would have been attracted by the emphatic assertion of the creatorship of the One God in the royal Persian inscriptions more than by the traditional cosmogony. See further _Ency. Bib._, "Creation," § 9.

9. _Phoenician and Greek._--Phoenician cosmogonies would appear, from the notices which have come down to us,[24] to have been composite. The traditions are pale and obscure. It is clear, however, that the primeval flood and the world-egg (out of which came heaven and earth) are referred to. See _Ency. Bib._, "Creation" § 7; "Phoenicia" § 15; Lagrange, _Religions sémitiques_, pp. 351 ff. Greek cosmogonies (the orientalism of which is clear) will be found in Hesiod, _Theog._ 116 ff.; Aristophanes, _Birds_, 692 ff.; cf. Clem. Rom., _Homil._ vi. 4. See Miss Harrison, _Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion_, chap. xii, "Orphic Cosmogony."

10. _Babylonian and Israelitish._--Of the Babylonian and Israelitish cosmogonies we have several more or less complete records. For details as to the former, see BABYLONIAN AND ASSYRIAN RELIGION. With regard to the latter, we may notice that in Gen. ii. 4b-25 we have an account of creation which, though in its present form very incomplete, is highly attractive, because it is pervaded by a breath from primitive times. It has, however, been interwoven with an account of the Garden of Eden from some other source (see EDEN; PARADISE), and perhaps in order to concentrate the attention of the reader, the description of the origin of "earth and heaven" as well as of the plants and of the rain, appears to have been omitted. In fact, both the creation-stories at the opening of Genesis must have undergone much editorial manipulation. Originally, for instance, Gen. i. 26 must have said that man was made out of earth; this point of contact between the two cosmogonic traditions has, however, been effaced.

The other narrative, Gen. i. 1-ii. 4a, is a much more complete cosmogony, and since the theory of P. A. Lagarde (1887), which ascribes it to Iranian influence (see § 8), has no very solid ground, whereas the theory which explains it as largely Babylonian is in a high degree plausible, we must now consider the relations between the Israelitish and Babylonian cosmogonies. The short account of creation first translated in 1890 by T. G. Pinches is distinguished by its non-mythical character; in particular, the dragon of chaos and darkness is conspicuous by her absence. This may illustrate the fact that the dragon is also unmentioned in the Hebrew cosmogony; to some writers the dragon-element may have seemed grotesque and inappropriate. We must, however, study this element in the most important Babylonian tradition, even if only for its relation to non-Semitic myths and especially to some striking passages in the Bible (Isa. xxvii. 1, li. 9b; Ps. lxxiv. 14, lxxxix. 10, 11; Job iii. 8, ix. 13, xxvi. 12, 13; Rev. xii. 3, 4, xx. 1-3). One may also be permitted to hold that the mythic figure of the dragon, if used poetically, is a highly serviceable one, and consider that "in the beginning God fought with the dragon, and slew him" would have formed an admirable illustration of the passages just now referred to, especially to those in the Apocalypse.

The student should, however, notice that the dragon-element is not entirely unrepresented even in the priestly Hebrew cosmogony. It is said in Gen. i. 9, 10, 14, 15, that God divided the primeval waters into two parts by an intervening "firmament" or "platform," on which the sun, moon and stars (planets) were placed to mark times and to give light. This division (cp. Ps. lxxiv. 13) is really a pale version of the old mythic statement respecting the cleaving of the carcase of Ti[=a]mat (the Dragon) into two parts, one of which kept the upper waters from coming down.[25] And we must affirm that the technical term _t[)e] h[=o]m_ (rendered in the English Bible "the deep"), which evidently signifies the enveloping primeval flood, and which closely resembles Ti[=a]mat, the name given to the dragon or serpent in the epic (cf. _tiamtu_ and _tamtu_, Babylonian words for "the ocean"), can only be due to the influence--probably the very early influence--of Babylonia.

But we are far from having exhausted the evidence of Babylonian influence on the Hebrew cosmogony. The description of chaos in v. 2 not only mentions the great water (_t[)e]h[=o]m_), but the earth, i.e. the earth-matter, out of which the earth and (potentially) its varied products (vv. 9-11), and (as we know from the Babylonian epic) the "firmament" or "platform" of the heaven were to appear. This earth-matter is called "_t[=o]hu_ and _b[=o]hu_"; there is nothing like this phrase in the epic, but we may infer from Jer. iv. 23, where the same phrase occurs, that it means "devoid of living things." For a commentary on this see the opening of the Babylonian account referred to above, which refers to the period of chaos as one in which there were neither reeds nor trees, and where "the lands altogether were sea." As to the creative acts, we may admit that the creation of light does not form one of them in the epic (cf. Gen. i. 3), but the existence of light apart from the sun is presupposed; Marduk the creator is in fact a god of light. Nor ought we to find a discrepancy between the Babylonian and the Hebrew accounts in the creation of the heavenly bodies after the plants, related in Gen. i. 14-18. For the position of this creative act is due to the necessity of bringing all the divine acts into the framework of six working days. On the whole, the Hebrew statement of the successive stages of creation corresponds so nearly to that in the Babylonian epic that we are bound to assume that one has been influenced by the other. And if we are asked, "Which is the more original?" we answer by appealing to the well-established fact of the profound influence of Babylonian culture upon Canaan in remote times (see CANAAN). An important element in this culture would be mythic representations of the origin of things, such as the Babylonian Creation and Deluge-stories in various forms. Indeed, not only Canaan but all the neighbouring regions must have been pervaded by Babylonian views of the universe and its origin. Myths of origins there must indeed have been in those countries before Babylonian influence became so overpowering, but, if so, these myths must have become recast when the great Teacher of the Nations half-attracted and half-compelled attention. More than this we need not assert. Zimmern's somewhat different treatment of the subject in _Ency. Biblica_, "Creation," § 4, may be compared.

Popular writers are in some danger of misrepresenting this important result. It is tempting, but incorrect, to suppose that a docile Israelitish writer accepted one of the chief forms of the Babylonian cosmogony, merely omitting its polytheism and substituting "Yahweh" for "Marduk." As we have seen, various myths of Creation may have been current both in N. Arabia (whence the Israelites may have come) and in Canaan prior to the great extension of Babylonian influence. These myths doubtless had peculiarities of their own. From one of them may have come that remarkable statement in Gen. i. 2b, "and the spirit of God (Elohim) was hovering over the face of the waters," which, until we find some similar myth nearer home, is best illustrated and explained by a Polynesian myth (see Cheyne, _Traditions and Beliefs of Ancient Israel_, ad loc.). It is also probably to a non-Babylonian source that we owe the prescription of vegetarian or herb diet in Gen. i. 29, 30, which has a Zoroastrian parallel[26] and is evidently based on a myth of the Golden Age, independent of the Babylonian cosmogony. Gen. i., therefore, has not, as it stands, been directly borrowed from Babylonia, and yet the infused Babylonian element is so considerable that the story is, in a purely formal aspect, much more Babylonian than either Israelitish or Canaanitish or N. Arabian. We say "in a purely formal aspect," because the strictness with which Babylonian mythic elements have been adapted in Gen. i. to the wants of a virtually monotheistic community is in the highest degree remarkable.

On the literary scheme of the Creation-story in Gen. i. see the commentaries (e.g. Dillman's and Driver's). On the other Old Testament references to creation, and on the prophetic doctrine of creation, see _Ency. Bib._, "Creation," §§ 27-29. On the traces of dragon and serpent myths in the Old Testament and their significance, see Gunkel, _Schöpfung und Chaos_ (1895)--a pioneering work of the highest merit--and _Ency. Bib._, "Behemoth," "Dragon," "Rahab," "Serpent." On the connexion of the Creation and the Deluge-stories, see DELUGE. Cf. also the article on BABYLONIAN AND ASSYRIAN RELIGION; and Cheyne, _Traditions and Beliefs of Ancient Israel_ (1907). (T. K. C.)

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Cf. Miss Harrison, _Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion_, chaps. vi., vii., "The Making of a Goddess and of a God."

[2] See Ratzel. _Hist. of Mankind_, ii. 147-148; Breysig, _Die Entstehung des Gottesgedankens_ (1905), pp. 10-12.

[3] See Chamberlain, _Journ. of American Folklore_, iv. 208-209 (analysis of Perrot's account); Brinton, _Myths of the New World_, pp. 176-179; Breysig, op. cit., pp. 15-20.

[4] On Michabo see Brinton, op. cit. (1876), pp. 176 ff., _Essays of an Americanist_ (1890), p. 132. This scholar holds that "Michabo" has properly nothing to do with "Great Hare," but should be translated "the Great White One," i.e. the light of the dawn. The Algonkins, however, thought otherwise, and the myth itself suggests a theriomorphic earth-maker.

[5] See Schoolcraft, _Myth of Hiawatha_ (1856), pp. 35-39; and cf. the myth of Manabush, analysed in _Journ. of Amer. Folklore_, iv. 210-213.

[6] The latest explanation of Joskeha is "dear little sprout," and of Tawiscara, "the ice-one," while Aataentsic becomes "she of the swarthy body." Hewitt, _Journ. of Amer. Folklore_, x. 68. Brébeuf (1635) says that Iouskeha gives growth and fair weather (Tylor, _Prim. Cult._ i. 294).

[7] See Jeremias, _Das Alte Testament im Lichte des Alten Orients_, p. 121, 1; Winckler, _Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament_[3], p. 333.

[8] Réville, _Religions of Mexico and Peru_, p. 129.

[9] Garcilasso el Inca, _Comment. de los Incas_, lib. ii. c. 2; cf. Lang, _The Making of Religion_, pp. 262-270.

[10] Réville, p. 187.

[11] Réville, p. 158. Garcilasso (lib. i. c. 18) says that Manco Capac "taught the subject nations to be men," and also founded the imperial city of Cuzco ( = navel).

[12] _De las antiquas gentes del Peru_ (ed. 1892), pp. 55, 56.

[13] See especially Waitz-Gerland, _Anthropologie der Naturvölker_, vi. 229-302; Gill, _Myths and Songs of the South Pacific_; Schirren, _Wandersagen der Neuseeländer_; also an older work (Sir George) Grey's _Polynesian Mythology_.

[14] See Schirren, op. cit., pp. 64-89.

[15] J. Muir, _Metrical Translations_, pp. 188-189.

[16] J. Muir, _Sanscrit Texts_, iv. 26.

[17] See Tylor, _Early History of Mankind_, p. 340; _Primitive Culture_, i. 329; Oldenberg, _Religion des Veda_, pp. 85 f.

[18] See Maspero, _Dawn of Civilization_, p. 127; also Brugoch, _Religion und Mythologie der alten Ägypter_.

[19] See illustration in Maspero, p. 157.

[20] See Maspero, pp. 146-147.

[21] Maspero, pp. 160-169.

[22] See ZOROASTER, and cf. _Ency. Bib._, "Creation," § 9: "Zoroastrianism," §§ 20, 21.

[23] West, _Pahlavi Texts_ (S.B.E.), vol. i., introd. p. xxiii. We need not deny that, late as the Bundahish may be as a whole, the traditions which it contains are often old.

[24] Fragments of older works are cited by Philo of Byblus (in Eusebius, _Praep. Evang._ i. 10) and Mochus and Endemus (in Damascius, _De primis principiis_, c. 125).

[25] See Jastrow, _Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_, p. 428.

[26] See _Bundahish_, xv. 2 (_S.B.E._, v. 53).

COSMOPOLITAN (Gr. [Greek: kosmos], world, and [Greek: politês], citizen), of or belonging to a "citizen of the world," i.e. one whose sympathies, interests, whether commercial, political or social, and culture are not confined to the nation or race to which he may belong, opposed therefore to "national" or "insular." As an attribute the word may be applied to a cultured man of the world, who has travelled widely and is at home in many forms of civilization, to such races as the Jewish, scattered through the civilized world, yet keeping beneath their cosmopolitanism the racial type pure, and also to mark a profound line of cleavage in economic and political thought.

COSNE, a town of central France, capital of an arrondissement in the department of Nièvre, on the right bank of the Loire at its junction with the Nohain, 37 m. N.N.W. of Nevers by the Paris-Lyon railway. Pop. (1906) town, 5750; commune, 8437. Two suspension bridges unite it to the left bank of the Loire. The church of St Aignan is a building of the 12th century, restored in the 16th and 18th centuries; the only portions in the Romanesque style are the apse and the north-west portal. It formerly belonged to a Benedictine priory depending on the abbey of La Charité (Nièvre). The manufacture of files, flour-milling and tanning are carried on in the town which has a subprefecture, a tribunal of first instance and a communal college. Cosne is mentioned in the Antonine Itinerary under the name of _Condate_, but it was not till the middle ages that it rose into importance as a military post. In the 12th century the bishop of Auxerre and the count of Nevers agreed to a division of the supremacy over the town and its territory.

COSSA, LUIGI (1831-1896), Italian economist, was born at Milan on the 27th of May 1831. Educated at the universities of Pavia, Vienna and Leipzig, he was appointed professor of political economy at Pavia in 1858. He died at Pavia on the 10th of May 1896. Cossa was the author of several works which established for him a high reputation; including _Scienza delle finanze_ (1875, English translation 1888 under title _Taxation, its Principles and Methods_); _Guida allo studio dell' economia politica_ (1876, English translation 1880), an admirable compendium of the theoretical preliminaries of economics, with a brief critical history of the science and an excellent bibliography; _Introduzione allo studio dell' economia politica_, (1876, English translation by L. Dyer, 1893); and _Saggi di economia politica_, 1878.

COSSA, PIETRO (1830-1880), Italian dramatist, was born at Rome in 1830, and claimed descent from the family of Pope John XXIII., deposed by the council of Constance. He manifested an independent spirit from his youth, and was expelled from a Jesuit school on the double charge of indocility and patriotism. After fighting for the Roman republic in 1849, he emigrated to South America, but failing to establish himself returned to Italy, and lived precariously as a literary man until 1870, when his reputation was established by the unexpected success of his first acted tragedy, _Nero_. From this time to his death in 1880 Cossa continued to produce a play a year, usually upon some classical subject. _Cleopatra_, _Messalina_, _Julian_, enjoyed great popularity, and his dramas on subjects derived from Italian history, _Rienzi_ and _The Borgias_, were also successful. _Plautus_, a comedy, was preferred by the author himself, and is more original. Cossa had neither the divination which would have enabled him to reconstruct the ancient world, nor the imagination which would have enabled him to idealize it. But he was an energetic writer, never tame or languid, and at the same time able to command the attention of an audience without recourse to melodramatic artifice; while his sonorous verse, if scarcely able to support the ordeal of the closet, is sufficiently near to poetry for the purposes of the stage.

His collected _Teatro poetico_ was published in 1887.

COSSACKS (Russ. _Kazak_; plural, _Kazaki_, from the Turki _quzz[=a]q_, "adventurer, free-booter"), the name given to considerable portions of the population of the Russian empire, endowed with certain special privileges, and bound in return to give military service, all at a certain age, under special conditions. They constitute ten separate _voiskos_, settled along the frontiers: Don, Kuban, Terek, Astrakhan, Ural, Orenburg, Siberian, Semiryechensk, Amur and Usuri. The primary unit of this organization is the _stanitsa_, or village, which holds its land as a commune, and may allow persons who are not Cossacks (excepting Jews) to settle on this land for payment of a certain rent. The assembly of all householders in villages of less than 30 households, and of 30 elected men in villages having from 30 to 300 households (one from each 10 households in the more populous ones), constitutes the village assembly, similar to the _mir_, but having wider attributes, which assesses the taxes, divides the land, takes measures for the opening and support of schools, village grain-stores, communal cultivation, and so on, and elects its _ataman_ (elder) and its judges, who settle all disputes up to £10 (or above that sum with the consent of both sides). Military service is obligatory for all men, for 20 years, beginning with the age of 18. The first 3 years are passed in the preliminary division, the next 12 in active service, and the last 5 years in the reserve. Every Cossack is bound to procure his own uniform, equipment and horse (if mounted)--the government supplying only the arms. Those on active service are divided into three equal parts according to age, and the first third only is in real service, while the two others stay at home, but are bound to march out as soon as an order is given. The officers are supplied in the usual way by the military schools, in which all Cossack _voiskos_ have their own vacancies, or are non-commissioned Cossack officers, with officers' grades. In return for this service the Cossacks have received from the state considerable grants of land for each _voisko_ separately.

The total Cossack population in 1893 was 2,648,049 (1,331,470 women), and they owned nearly 146,500,000 acres of land, of which 105,000,000 acres were arable and 9,400,000 under forests. This land was divided between the _stanitsas_, at the rate of 81 acres per each soul, with special grants to officers (personal to some of them, _in lieu_ of pensions), and leaving about one-third of the land as a reserve for the future. The income which the Cossack _voiskos_ receive from the lands which they rent to different persons, also from various sources (trade patents, rents of shops, fisheries, permits of gold-digging, &c.), as also from the subsidies they receive from the government (about £712,500 in 1893), is used to cover all the expenses of state and local administration. They have besides a special reserve capital of about £2,600,000. The expenditure of the village administration is covered by village taxes. The general administration is kept separately for each _voisko_, and differs with the different _voiskos_. The central administration, at the Ministry of War, is composed of representatives of each _voisko_, who discuss the proposals of all new laws affecting the Cossacks. In time of war the ten Cossack _voiskos_ are bound to supply 890 mounted _sotnias_ or squadrons (of 125 men each), 108 infantry _sotnias_ or companies (same number), and 236 guns, representing 4267 officers and 177,100 men, with 170,695 horses. In time of peace they keep 314 squadrons, 54 infantry _sotnias_, and 20 batteries containing 108 guns (2574 officers, 60,532 men, 50,054 horses). Altogether, the Cossacks have 328,705 men ready to take arms in case of need. As a rule, popular education amongst the Cossacks stands at a higher level than in the remainder of Russia. They have more schools and a greater proportion of their children go to school. In addition to agriculture, which (with the exception of the Usuri Cossacks) is sufficient to supply their needs and usually to leave a certain surplus, they carry on extensive cattle and horse breeding, vine culture in Caucasia, fishing on the Don, the Ural, and the Caspian, hunting, bee-culture, &c. The extraction of coal, gold and other minerals which are found on their territories is mostly rented to strangers, who also own most factories.

A military organization similar to that of the Cossacks has been introduced into certain districts, which supply a number of mounted infantry _sotnias_. Their peace-footing is as follows:--Daghestan, 6 regular squadrons and 3 of militia; Kuban Circassians, 1 _sotnia_; Terek, 8 _sotnias_; Kars, 3 _sotnias_; Batum, 2 infantry and 1 mounted _sotnia_; Turkomans, 3 _sotnias_; total, 25 squadrons and 2 companies.

For the origin and history of the Cossacks see POLAND: History, and the biographies of Razin, Chmielnicki and Mazepa. (P. A. K.)

COSSIMBAZAR, or KASIMBAZAR, a decayed town on the river Bhagirathi in the Murshidabad district of Bengal, India, now included in the Berhampur municipality. Pop. (1901) 1262. Though the history of the place cannot be traced back earlier than the 17th century, it was of great importance long before the foundation of Murshidabad. From the first European traders set up factories here, and after the ruin of Satgaon by the silting up of the mouth of the Saraswati it gained a position, as the great trading centre of Bengal, which was not challenged until after the foundation of Calcutta. In 1658 the first English agent was established at Cossimbazar, and in 1667 the chief of the factory there became an _ex-officio_ member of council. In English documents of this period, and till the early 19th century, the Bhagirathi was described as the Cossimbazar river, and the triangular piece of land between the Bhagirathi, Padma and Jalangi, on which the city stands, as the island of Cossimbazar. The proximity of the factory to Murshidabad, the Mahommedan capital, while it was the main source of its wealth and of its political importance, exposed it to constant danger. Thus in 1757 it was the first to be taken by Suraj-ud-dowlah, the nawab; ana the resident with his assistant (Warren Hastings) were taken as prisoners to Murshidabad.

At the beginning of the 19th century the city still flourished; so late as 1811 it was described as famous for its silks, hosiery, _koras_ and beautiful ivory work. But an insidious change in its once healthy climate had begun to work its decay; the area of cultivated land round it had shrunk to vanishing point, jungle haunted by wild beasts taking its place; and in 1813 its ruin was completed by a sudden change in the course of the Bhagirathi, which formed a new channel 3 m. from the old town, leaving an evil-smelling swamp around the ancient wharves. Of its splendid buildings the fine palace of the maharaja of Cossimbazar alone remains, the rest being in ruins or represented only by great mounds of earth. The first wife of Warren Hastings was buried at Cossimbazar, where her tomb with its inscription still remains.

See _Imp. Gaz. of India_ (Oxford, 1908), s.v.

COSTA, GIOVANNI (1826-1903), Italian painter, was born in Rome. He fought under Garibaldi in 1848, and served as a volunteer in the war of 1859; and his enthusiasm for Italian unity was actively shown again in 1870, when he was the first to mount the breach in the assault of Rome near the Porta Pia. He had settled meanwhile at Florence, where his fight for the independence of art from worn-out traditions was no less strenuous, and he became known as a landscape-painter of remarkable originality, and of great influence in the return to minute observation of nature. He had many English friends and followers, notably Matthew Ridley Corbet (1850-1902), and Lord Carlisle, and was closely associated with Corot and the Barbizon school. In later years he lived and worked mainly in Rome, where his studio was an important centre. An exhibition of his pictures was held in London in 1904, and he is represented in the Tate Gallery. He died at Rome in 1903.

See also Madame Agresti's _Giovanni Costa_ (1904).

COSTA, LORENZO (1460-1535), Italian painter, was born at Ferrara, but went in early life to Bologna and ranks with the Bolognese school. In 1438 he painted his famous "Madonna and Child with the Bentivoglio family," and other frescoes, on the walls of the Bentivoglio chapel in San Giacomo Maggiore, and he followed this with many other works. He was a great friend of Francia, who was much influenced by him. In 1509 he went to Mantua, where his patron was the Marquis Francesco Gonzaga, and he eventually died there. His "Madonna and Child enthroned" is in the National Gallery, London, but his chief works are at Bologna. His sons, Ippolito (1506-1561) and Girolamo, were also painters, and so was Girolamo's son Lorenzo the younger (1537-1583).

COSTA, SIR MICHAEL ANDREW AGNUS (1808-1884), British musical conductor and composer, the son of Cavalière Pasquale Costa, a Spaniard, was born at Naples on the 14th of February 1808. Here he became at an early age a scholar at the Royal College of Music. His cantata _L'Immagine_ was composed when he was fifteen. In 1826 he wrote his first opera _Il Delitto Punito_; in 1827 another opera _Il sospetto funesto_. To this period belong also his oratorio _La Passione_, a grand Mass for four voices, a _Dixit Dominus_, and three symphonies. The opera _Il Carcere d'Ildegonda_ was composed in 1828 for the Teatro Nuovo, and in 1829 Costa wrote his _Malvina_ for Barbaja, the impresario of San Carlo. In this latter year he visited Birmingham to conduct Zingarelli's _Cantata Sacra_, a setting of some verses from Isaiah ch. xii. Instead, however, of conducting, he sang the tenor part. In 1830 he settled in London, having a connexion with the King's theatre. His ballet _Kenilworth_ was written in 1831, the ballet _Une Heure à Naples_ in 1832, and the ballet _Sir Huon_ (composed for Taglioni) in 1833. In this latter year he wrote his famous quartet _Ecco quel fiero istante. Malek Adhel_, an opera, was produced in Paris in 1837. In 1842 he wrote the ballet music of _Alma_ for Cerito, and in 1844 his opera _Don Carlos_ was produced in London. Costa became a naturalized Englishman and received the honour of knighthood in 1869. He conducted the opera at Her Majesty's from 1832 till 1846, when he seceded to the Italian Opera at Covent Garden; he was conductor of the Philharmonic Society from 1846 to 1854, of the Sacred Harmonic Society from 1848, and of the Birmingham festival from 1849. In 1855 Costa wrote _Eli_, and in 1864 _Naaman_, both for Birmingham. Meanwhile he had conducted the Bradford (1853) and Handel festivals (1857-1880), and the Leeds festivals from 1874 to 1880. On the 29th of April 1884 he died at Brighton. Costa was the great conductor of his day, but both his musical and his human sympathies were somewhat limited; his compositions have passed into oblivion, with the exception of the least admirable of them--his arrangement of the national anthem.

COSTAKI, ANTHOPOULOS (1835-1902), Turkish pasha, was born in 1835. He became a professor at the Turkish naval college; then entered the legal branch of the Turkish service, rising to the post of _procureur impérial_ at the court of cassation. He was governor-general of Crete; and in 1895 was appointed Ottoman ambassador in London, a post which he continued to hold until his death at Constantinople in 1902. He bore throughout his career the reputation of an intelligent and upright public servant.

COSTANZO, ANGELO DI (c 1507-1591), Italian historian and poet, was born at Naples about 1507. He lived in a literary circle, and fell in love with the beautiful Vittoria Colonna. His great work, _Le Istorie del regno di Napoli dal 1250 fino al 1498_, first appeared at Naples in 1572, and was the fruit of thirty or forty years' labour; but nine more years were devoted to the task before it was issued in its final form at Aquila (1581). It is still one of the best histories of Naples, and the style is distinguished by clearness, simplicity and elegance. The _Rime_ of di Costanzo are remarkable for finical taste, for polish and frequent beauty of expression, and for strict obedience to the poetical canons of his time.

See G. Tiraboschi, _Storia della letteratura italiana_, vol. vii. (Florence, 1812).

COSTA RICA, a republic of Central America, bounded on the N. by Nicaragua, E. by the Caribbean Sea, S.E. and S. by Panama, S.W., W. and N.W. by the Pacific Ocean. (For map, see CENTRAL AMERICA.) The territory thus enclosed has an area of about 18,500 sq. m., and may be roughly described as an elevated tableland, intersected by lofty mountain ranges, with their main axis trending from N.W. to S.E. It is fringed, along the coasts, by low-lying marshes and lagoons, alternating with tracts of rich soil and wastes of sand.

_Physical Description._--The northern frontier, drawn 2 m. S. of the southern shores of the river San Juan and of Lake Nicaragua, terminates at Salinas Bay on the Pacific; its southern frontier skirts the valley of the Sixola or Tiliri, strikes south-east along the crests of the Talamanca Mountains as far as 9° N., and then turns sharply south, ending in Burica Point. The monotonous Atlantic littoral is unbroken by any large inlet or estuary, and thus contrasts in a striking manner with the varied outlines of the Pacific coast, which includes the three bold promontories of Nicoya, Golfo Dulce and Burica, besides the broad sweep of Coronada Bay and several small harbours. The Gulf of Nicoya, a shallow landlocked inlet, containing a whole archipelago of richly-wooded islets, derives its name from Nicoya, an Indian chief who, with his tribe, was here converted to Christianity in the 16th century. It is famous for its purple-yielding murex, pearls and mother-of-pearl. The Golfo Dulce has an average depth of 100 fathoms and contains no islands. Two volcanic _Cordilleras_ or mountain chains, separated from one another by the central plateau of San José and Cartago, traverse the interior of Costa Rica, and form a single watershed, often precipitous on its Pacific slope, but descending more gradually towards the Atlantic, where there is a broad expanse of plain in the north-east. The more northerly range, in which volcanic disturbances on a great scale have been comparatively recent, extends transversely across the country, from a point a little south of Salinas Bay, to the headland of Carreta, the southern extremity of the Atlantic seaboard, also known as Monkey Point. Its direction changes from south-east to east-south-east opposite to the entrance into the Gulf of Nicoya, where it is cut into two sections by a depression some 20 m. wide. At first it is rather a succession of isolated volcanic cones than a continuous ridge, the most conspicuous peaks being Orosi (5185 ft.), the four-crested Rincon de la Vieja (4500), Miravalles (4698) and Tenorio (6800). In this region it is known as the Sierra de Tilaran. Then succeed the Cerros de los Guatusos, a highland stretching for more than 50 m. without a single volcano. Poas (8895), the scene of a violent eruption in 1834, begins a fresh series of igneous peaks, some with flooded craters, some with a constant escape of smoke and vapour. From Irazú (11,200), the culminating point of the range, both oceans and the whole of Costa Rica are visible; its altitude exceeds that of Aneto, the highest point in the Pyrenees, but so gradual is its acclivity that the summit can easily be reached by a man on horseback. Turialba (10,910), adjoining Irazú on the east, was in eruption in 1866. Its name, though probably of Indian origin, is sometimes written Turrialba, and connected with the Latin _Turris Alba_, "White Tower." The more southerly of the two Costa Rican ranges, known as the Cordillera de Talamanca, rises south of the Gulf of Nicoya, and extends midway between the two oceans towards the south-east. It follows exactly the curve of the mainland, and is continued into Panama, under the name of the Cordillera de Chiriqui. Its chief summits are Chirripo Grande (11,485), the loftiest in the whole country, Buena Vista (10,820), Ujum (8695), Pico Blanco (9645) and Rovalo (7050), on the borders of Panama. Throughout the volcanic area earthquakes and landslides are of frequent occurrence.

The narrowness of the level ground between the mountains and the sea renders almost impossible the formation of any navigable river. The most important streams are those of the Atlantic seaboard, notably the San Juan, which drains Lake Nicaragua. Issuing from the lake within Nicaraguan territory, the San Juan has a course of 95 m., mostly along the frontier, to the Colorado Mouth, which is its main outfall, and belongs wholly to Costa Rica. Its chief right-hand tributaries are the San Carlos and Sarapiqui. The Reventazon, or Parismina, flows from the central plateau to the Caribbean Sea; despite the shortness of its valley, its volume is considerable, owing to the prevalence of moist trade-winds near its sources. Six small streams and one large river, the Rio Frio, flow across the northern frontier into Lake Nicaragua. On the Pacific coast all the rivers are rapid and liable to sudden floods. None is large, although three bear the prefix _Rio Grande_, "great river." The Tempisque enters the Pacific at the head of the Gulf of Nicoya, and tends to silt up that already shallow inlet (5-10 fathoms) with its alluvial deposits. The Rio Grande de Tarcoles also enters the gulf, and the Rio Grande de Pirris and Rio Grande de Terrabis or Diquis flow into Coronada Bay. The Rio Grande de Tarcoles rises close to the Ochomogo Pass and the sources of the Reventazon, at the base of Irazú; and the headwaters of these two streams indicate precisely the depression in the central plateau which severs the northern from the southern mountains.

Costa Rica is not differentiated from the neighbouring lands by any very marked peculiarities of geological formation, or of plant and animal life. Its geology, flora and fauna are therefore described under Central America (q.v.).

_Climate._--Owing to the proximity of two oceans, and the varied configuration of the surface of Costa Rica, an area of a few square miles may exhibit the most striking extremes of climate; but, over the entire country, it is possible to distinguish three climatic zones--tropical, temperate and cold. These generally succeed one another as the altitude increases, although the heat is greater at the same elevation on the Pacific than on the Atlantic coast. It is, however, less oppressive, as cool breezes prevail and damp is comparatively rare. The tropical zone comprises the coast and the foothills, and ranges, in its mean annual temperature, from 72° F. to 82°. In the San José plateau (3000-5000 ft.), which is the most densely populated portion of the temperate zone, the average is 68°, with an average variation for all seasons of only 5°. Above 7500 ft. frosts are frequent, but snow rarely falls. The wet season, lasting during the prevalence of the south-west monsoon, from April to December, is clearly defined on the Pacific slope. It is curiously interrupted by a fortnight of dry weather, known as the _Veranillo de San Juan_, in June. Towards the Atlantic the trade-winds may bring rain in any month. Winter lasts from December to February. The normal rainfall is about 80 in., but as cloud-bursts are common, it may rise to 150 in. or even more. Rheumatism on the Atlantic seaboard, and malaria on both coasts, are the commonest forms of disease; but, as a whole, Costa Rica is one of the healthiest of tropical lands.

_Population._--In 1904, according to the official returns, the total population numbered 331,340; having increased by more than one-fourth in a decade. Spanish, with various modifications of dialect, and the introduction of many Indian words, is the principal language; and the majority of the inhabitants claim descent from the Spanish colonists--chiefly Galicians--who came hither during the 16th and subsequent centuries. The percentage of Spanish blood is greater than in the other Central American republics; but there is also a large population of half-castes (_ladinos_ or _mestizos_) due to intermarriage with native Indians. The resident foreigners, who are mostly Spaniards, Italians, Germans and British subjects, numbered less than 8000 in 1904; immigration is, however, encouraged by the easy terms on which land can be purchased from the state. The native Indians, though exterminated in many districts, and civilized in others, remain in a condition of complete savagery along parts of the Nicaraguan border, where they are known as Prazos or Guatusos, in the Talamanca country and elsewhere. Their numbers may be estimated at 4000. They are a quiet and inoffensive folk, who dwell in stockaded encampments, and preserve their ancestral language and customs. For an account of early Indian civilization in Costa Rica, see CENTRAL AMERICA: Archaeology. The Mosquito Indians come every summer to fish for turtle off the Atlantic coast. As only 200 negroes were settled in Costa Rica when slavery was abolished in 1824, and no important increase ever took place through immigration, the black population is remarkably small, amounting only to some 1200.

_Chief Towns and Communications._--The whites are congregated in or near the chief towns, which include the capital, San José (pop. 1904 about 24,500), the four provincial capitals of Alajuela (4860), Cartago (4536), Heredia (7151) and Liberia or Guanacaste (2831), with the seaportsof Puntarenas (3569), on the Pacific, and Limon (3171) on the Atlantic. These, with the exception of Heredia and Liberia, are described in separate articles. The transcontinental railway from Limon to Puntarenas was begun in 1871, and forms the nucleus of a system intended ultimately to connect all the fertile parts of the country, and to join the railways of Nicaragua and Panama. It skirts the Atlantic coast as far as the small port of Matina; thence it passes inland to Reventazon, and bifurcates to cross the northern mountains; one branch going north of Irazú, while the other traverses the Ochomogo Pass. At San José these lines reunite, and the railway is continued to Alajuela, the small Pacific port of Tivives, and Puntarenas. The railways are owned partly by the state, partly by the Costa Rica railway company, which, in 1904, arranged to build several branch lines through the banana districts of the Atlantic littoral. Apart from the main lines of communication the roads are very rough, often mere tracks; and the principal means of transport are ox-carts or pack-mules. The postal and telegraphic services are also somewhat inadequate.

_Agriculture and Industries._--The name "Costa Rica," meaning "rich coast," is well deserved; for, owing to the combination of ample sunshine and moisture with a wonderfully fertile soil, almost any kind of fruit or flower can be successfully cultivated; while the vast tracts of virgin forest, which remain along the Atlantic slopes, contain an abundance of cedar, mahogany, rosewood, rubber and ebony, with fustic and other precious dye-woods. The country is essentially agricultural, and owes its political stability to the presence of a large class of peasant proprietors, who number more than two-thirds of the population. Coffee, first planted in 1838, is grown chiefly on the plateau of San José. The special adaptability of this region to its growth is attributed to the nature of the soil, which consists of layers of black or dark-brown volcanic ash, varying in depth from 1 to 6 yds. Bananas are grown over a large and increasing area; rice, maize, barley, potatoes and beans are cultivated to some extent in the interior; cocoa, vanilla, sugar-cane, cotton and indigo are products of the warm coast-lands, but are hardly raised in sufficient quantities to meet the local demand. Stock-farming, a relatively undeveloped industry, tends to become more important, owing to the assistance which the state renders by the importation of horses, cattle, sheep and swine, from Europe and the United States, in order to improve the native breeds. In the south-east farmers are often compelled to retire with their flocks and herds before the thousands of huge, migratory vampires, which descend suddenly on the pastures and are able in one night to bleed the strongest animal to death. The manufactures are insignificant; and although silver, copper, iron, zinc, lead and marble are said to exist in considerable quantities, the only ores that have been worked are gold, silver and copper. At the beginning of the 20th century the silver and copper mines had been abandoned. The goldfields are exploited with American capital, and yield a fair return.

_Commerce._--The exports, which comprise coffee, bananas, cocoa, cabinet-woods and dye-woods, with hides and skins, mother-of-pearl, tortoiseshell and gold, were officially valued at £1,398,000 in 1904; and in the same year the imports, including foodstuffs, dry goods and hardware, were valued at £1,229,000. Over £1,250,000 worth of the exports consisted of coffee and bananas, and these commodities were of almost equal value. Nearly 85% of the coffee, or more than 20,000,000 lb., were sent to Great Britain. The development of the banana trade dates from 1881, when 3500 bunches of fruit were exported to New Orleans. This total increased very rapidly, and in 1902 a monthly service of steamers was established from Limon to Bristol and Manchester. The service to England soon became a weekly one, while there are at least three weekly sailings to the United States. In 1904 the number of bunches sent abroad exceeded 6,000,000. So important is this crop that the rate of wages to labourers in the banana districts is nearly 3s. daily, as compared with an average of 1s. 8d. in the coffee plantations. The bulk of the imports comes from the United States (52% in 1904), Great Britain (19%) and Germany (13%). Almost the whole foreign trade passes through Limon and Puntarenas. In 1904, exclusive of banana steamers, there were regular steamship services weekly from Limon to the United States and Germany, fortnightly to Great Britain, and monthly to France, Italy and Spain; while at Puntarenas four American liners called monthly on the voyage between San Francisco and Panama.

_Finance._--The valuable resources of the republic, and its comparative immunity from revolution, formerly attracted the attention of European and American investors, who supplied the capital for internal development. In 1871 the government contracted a loan of £1,000,000 in London, and in 1872 it borrowed an additional £2,400,000 for railway construction. The outstanding foreign debt amounted in 1887 to £2,691,300, while the arrears of interest were no less than £2,119,500. An arrangement with the creditors was concluded in 1888; but in 1895 the republic again became bankrupt, and a fresh arrangement was sanctioned in March 1897, by which the interest on £1,475,000 was reduced to 2½% and that on £525,000 to 3%. It was provided that amortization, at £10,000 yearly, should begin in 1917. In 1904 the service of the external debt, which then amounted to £2,500,000, including £500,000 arrears of interest, was again suspended; the total of the internal debt was £815,000. About one-half of the national revenue is derived from customs, the remainder being principally furnished by railways, stamps, and the salt and tobacco monopolies. In the financial year 1904-1905 the revenue was £503,000, the expenditure £390,000. Education, internal development and the service of the internal debt were the chief sources of expenditure.

_Money and Credit._--There are three important banks, the Anglo-Costa Rican Bank, with a capital of £120,000, the Bank of Costa Rica (£200,000), and the Commercial Bank of Costa Rica (£100,000), founded in 1905. On the 25th of April 1900 a law was enacted for the regulation of the constitution, capital, note emission and metallic reserves of banks. On the 24th of October 1896 an act was passed for the adoption of a gold coinage, and the execution of this act was decreed on the 17th of April 1900. The monetary unit is the gold colon weighing .778 gramme, .900 fine, and thus worth about 23d. It is legally equivalent to the silver peso, which continues in circulation. The gold coins of the United States, Great Britain, France and Germany are legally current. The metric system of weights and measures was introduced by law in 1884, but the old Spanish system is still in use.

_Constitution and Government._--Costa Rica is governed under a constitution of 1870, which, however, only came into force in 1882, and has often been modified. The legislative power resides in a House of Representatives, consisting of about 30 to 40 deputies, or one for every 8000 inhabitants. The deputies are chosen for a term of four years by local electoral colleges, whose members are returned by the votes of all self-supporting citizens. One-half of the chamber retires automatically every two years. The president and three vice-presidents constitute the executive. They are assisted by a cabinet of four ministers, representing the departments of the interior, police and public works; foreign affairs, justice, religion and education; finance and commerce; war and marine. For purposes of local administration the state is divided into five provinces, Alajuela, Cartago, Guanacaste, Heredia and San José, and two maritime districts (_comarcas_), Limon and Puntarenas. All these divisions except Guanacaste--which takes its name from a variety of mimosa very common in the province--are synonymous with their chief towns; and each is controlled by a governor or prefect appointed by the president. Justice is administered by a supreme court, two courts of appeal, and the court of cassation, which sit in San José, and are supplemented by various inferior tribunals.

_Religion and Education._--The Roman Catholic Church is supported by the state, and the vast majority of the people accept its doctrines; but complete religious liberty is guaranteed by the constitution. The Jesuits, who formerly exercised widespread influence, were expelled in 1884. Of the other religious communities, the most important are the Protestants, numbering 3000, and the Buddhists, about 250. Primary education is free and compulsory; the standard of attendance is high and the instruction fair, but a large proportion of the older inhabitants were illiterate at the beginning of the 20th century. In the matter of secondary education considerable neglect has been shown. In 1904 there were only six secondary schools, including the institute of law and medicine and the training-school for teachers at San José. The state grants scholarships tenable at European universities to promising pupils, and there are three important public libraries.

_Defence._--Military service in time of war is compulsory for all able-bodied citizens aged 18-50. There are a permanent army, of about 600; a militia, comprising an active service branch to which all under 40 belong, with a reserve for those between 40 and 50; and a national guard, including all males under 18 and over 50 who are capable of bearing arms. On a war footing these forces would number about 36,000. A gunboat and a torpedo boat constitute the navy, which, however, requires the services of an admiral, subordinate to the ministry of marine.

_History._--The origin of the name _Costa Rica_ (Spanish for "Rich Coast") has been much disputed. It is often stated that the territories to which the name is now applied were first known as _Nueva Cartago_, while _Costa Rica_ was used in a wider sense to designate the whole south-western coast of the Caribbean Sea, from the supposed mineral wealth of this region. Then, in 1540, the name was restricted to an area approximately equal to that of modern Costa Rica. In such a case it must have been bestowed ironically, for the country proved very unprofitable to the gold-seekers, who were its earliest European settlers. Col. Church, in the paper cited below, derives it from _Costa de Oreja_, "Earring Coast," in allusion to the earrings worn by the Indians and remarked by their conquerors. He quotes evidence to show that this name was known to 16th-century cartographers.

With the rest of Central America, Costa Rica remained a province of the Spanish captaincy-general of Guatemala until 1821. Its conquest was completed by 1530, and ten years later it was made a separate province, the limits of which were fixed, by order of Philip II., between 1560 and 1573. This task was principally executed by Juan Vazquez de Coronado (or Vasquez de Coronada), an able and humane governor appointed in 1562, whose civilizing work was undone by the almost uninterrupted maladministration of his fifty-eight successors. The Indians were enslaved, and their welfare was wholly subordinated to the quest for gold. From 1666 onwards both coasts were ravaged by pirates, who completed the ruin of the country. Diego de la Haya y Fernandez, governor in 1718, reported to the crown that no province of Spanish America was in so wretched a condition. Cocoa-beans were the current coinage. Tomás de Acosta, governor from 1797 to 1809, confirmed this report, and stated that the Indians were clothed in bark, and compelled in many cases to borrow even this primitive attire when the law required their attendance at church.

On the 15th of September 1821 Costa Rica, with the other Central American provinces, revolted and joined the Mexican empire under the dynasty of Iturbide; but this subjection never became popular, and, on the establishment of a Mexican republic in 1823, hostilities broke out between the Conservatives, who desired to maintain the union, and the Liberals, who wished to set up an independent republic. The opposing factions met near the Ochomogo Pass; the republicans were victorious, and the seat of government was transferred from Cartago, the old capital, to San José, the Liberal headquarters. From 1824 to 1839 Costa Rica joined the newly formed Republic of the United States of Central America; but the authority of the central government proved little more than nominal, and the Costa Ricans busied themselves with trade and abstained from politics. The exact political status of the country was not, however, definitely assured until 1848, when an independent republic was again proclaimed. In 1856-60 the state was involved in war with the adventurer William Walker (see CENTRAL AMERICA); but its subsequent history has been one of immunity from political disturbances, other than boundary disputes, and occasional threats of revolution, due chiefly to unsatisfactory economic conditions. The attempt of J. R. Barrios, president of Guatemala, to restore federal unity to Central America failed in 1885, and had little influence on Costa Rican affairs. In 1897 the state joined the Greater Republic of Central America, established in 1895 by Honduras, Nicaragua and Salvador, but dissolved in 1898. The boundary question between Costa Rica and Nicaragua was referred to the arbitration of the president of the United States, who gave his award in 1888, confirming a treaty of 1858; further difficulties arising from the work of demarcation were settled by treaty in 1896. The boundary between Costa Rica and Panama (then a province of Colombia) was fixed by the arbitration of the French president, who gave his award on the 15th of September 1900. The frontiers delimited in accordance with these awards have already been described.

BIBLIOGRAPHY.--In addition to the works on Central America cited under that heading, the following give much general information: G. Niederlein, _The Republic of Costa Rica_ (Philadelphia, 1898); R. Villafranca, _Costa Rica_ (New York, 1895); L. Z. Baron, _Compendio geographico y estadistico de la Republica de Costa Rica_ (San José, 1894); H. Pittier, _Apuntaciones sobre el clima y geographia de la Republica de Costa Rica_ (San José, 1890); P. Biolley, _Costa Rica and her Future_ (Washington, 1889); M. M. de Peralta, _Costa Rica_ (London, 1873). For an account of immigration, commerce and other mainly statistical matters, see J. Schroeder, _Costa Rica State Immigration_ (San José, 1894); _Bulletins_ of the Bureau of American Republics (Washington); British _Diplomatic and Consular Reports_ (London); U.S.A. _Consular Reports_ (Washington); _Reports of the Ministries_ (San José). For the history of Costa Rica, see L. Z. Baron, _Compendio de la historia de Costa Rica_ (San José, 1894); F. M. Barrantes, _Elementos de historia de Costa Rica_ (San José, 1892); J. B. Calvo, _The Republic of Costa Rica_ (Chicago, 1890), gives a

## partisan account of local politics, trade and finance, authorized by

the government. Frontier questions are discussed fully in Col. G. E. Church's "Costa Rica," a very valuable paper in vol. x. of the _Journal of the Royal Geographical Society_ (London, 1897); and, by Dr E. Seler, in "Der Grenzstreit zwischen den Republiken Costa Rica und Colombia," in _Petermann's Mittheilungen_, vol. xlvi. (1900). For a detailed bibliography see D. J. Maluquer, _Republica de Costa Rica_ (Madrid, 1890). The best maps are that of the Bureau of American Republics (1903), and, for physical features, that of Col. Church, published by the R.G.S. (London, 1897).

COSTELLO, DUDLEY (1803-1865), English journalist and novelist, son of Colonel J. F. Costello, was born in Ireland in 1803. He was educated for the army at Sandhurst, and served for a short time in India, Canada and the West Indies. His literary and artistic tastes led him to quit the army in 1828, and he then passed some years in Paris. He was introduced to Baron Cuvier, who employed him as draughtsman in the preparation of his _Règne animal_. He next occupied himself in copying illuminated manuscripts in the Bibliothèque Royale; and to him and his sister belongs the merit of being the first to draw general attention to this beautiful forgotten art, and of thus leading to its revival. About 1838 Costello became foreign correspondent to the _Morning Herald_; in 1846 he became foreign correspondent of the _Daily News_; and during the last twenty years of his life he held the post of sub-editor of the _Examiner_. He wrote _A Tour through the Valley of the Meuse_ (1845) and _Piedmont and Italy, from the Alps to the Tiber_ (1859-1861). Among his novels are _Stories from a Screen_ (1855), _The Millionaire_ (1858), _Faint Heart never won Fair Lady_ (1859) and _Holidays with Hobgoblins_ (1860). He died on the 30th of September 1865.

His elder sister, LOUISA STUART COSTELLO (1799-1870), author and miniature painter, was born in Ireland in 1799. Her father died while she was young, and Louisa, who removed to Paris with her mother in 1814, helped to support her mother and brother by her skill as an artist. At the age of sixteen she published a volume of verse entitled _The Maid of the Cyprus Isle, and other poems_. This was followed in 1825 by _Songs of a Stranger_, dedicated to W. L. Bowles. Ten years later appeared her _Specimens of the Early Poetry of France_, illustrated by beautifully executed illuminations, the work of her brother and herself. It was dedicated to Moore, and procured her his friendship as well as that of Sir Walter Scott. Her principal works are--_A Summer among the Bocages and Vines_ (1840); _The Queen's Poisoner_ (or _The Queen-Mother_), a historical romance (1841); _Béarn and the Pyrenees_ (1844); _Memoirs of Eminent Englishwomen_ (1844); _The Rose Garden of Persia_ (1845), a series of translations from Persian poets, with illuminations by herself and her brother; _The Falls, Lakes and Mountains of North Wales_ (1845); _Clara Fane_ (1848), a novel; _Memoirs of Mary of Burgundy_ (1853); and _Memoirs of Anne of Brittany_ (1855). She died at Boulogne on the 24th of April 1870.

COSTER-MONGER (originally COSTARD-MONGER, a seller of costards, a species of large ribbed apple). The word "monger" is common, in various forms, in Teutonic languages in the sense of trader or dealer, and appears in "iron-monger" and "fish-monger," and with a derogatory significance of petty or under-hand dealing in such words as "scandal-monger." A "coster-monger," or "coster," originally, therefore, one who sold apples and fruit in the street, is now an itinerant dealer in fruit, vegetables or fish, but more particularly, as distinguished from a "hawker" on the one hand, and "general dealer" on the other, is a street trader in the above commodities who uses a barrow. The coster-monger's trade in London, so far as it falls under clause 6 of the Metropolitan Streets Act 1867, which deals with obstruction by goods to footways and streets is subject to regulations of the commissioner of police. So long as these are carried out, coster-mongers, street hawkers and itinerant traders are exempted, by an amending act, from the liabilities imposed by clause 6 of the above act.

COSTS, a term used in English law to denote the expenses incurred (1) in employing a lawyer in his professional capacity for purposes other than litigation; (2) in instituting and carrying on litigation whether with or without the aid of a lawyer.

_Solicitor and Client._--The retainer of a solicitor implies a contract to pay to him his proper charges and disbursements with respect to the work done by him as a solicitor. In cases of conveyancing his remuneration is now for the most part regulated by scales _ad valorem_ on the value of the property dealt with (Solicitors' Remuneration Order 1882), and clients are free to make written agreements for the conduct of any class of non-litigious business, fixing the costs by a percentage on the value of the amount involved. So far as litigious business is concerned, the arrangement known as "no cure no pay" is objected to by the courts and the profession as leading to speculative actions, and stipulations as to a share of the proceeds of a successful action are champertous and illegal. An English solicitor's bill drawn in the old form is a voluminous itemized narrative of every act done by him in the cause or matter with a charge set against each entry and often against each letter written. Before the solicitor can recover from his client the amount of his charges, he must deliver a signed bill of costs and wait a month before suing.

The High Court has a threefold jurisdiction to deal with solicitors' costs:--(1) by virtue of its jurisdiction over them as its officers; (2) statutory, under the Solicitors Act 1843 and other legislation; (3) ordinary, to ascertain the reasonableness of charges made the subject of a claim.

The client can, as a matter of course, get an order for taxation within a month of the delivery of the solicitor's bill, and either client or solicitor can get such an order as of course within twelve months of delivery. After expiry of that time the court may order taxation if the special circumstances call for it, and even so late as twelve months after actual payment.

Costs as between solicitor and client are taxed in the same office as litigious costs, and objections to the decisions of the taxing officer, if properly made, can be taken for review to a judge of the High Court and to the Court of Appeal.

_Litigious Costs._--The expenses of litigation fall in the first instance on the person who undertakes the proceedings or retains and employs the lawyer. It is in accordance with the ordinary ideas of justice that the expenses of the successful party to litigation should be defrayed by the unsuccessful party, a notion expressed in the phrase that "costs follow the event." But there are many special circumstances which interfere to modify the application of this rule. The action, though successful, may be in its nature frivolous or vexatious, or it may have been brought in a higher court where a lower court would have been competent to deal with it. On the other hand the defendant, although he has escaped a judgment against him, may by his conduct have rendered the action necessary or otherwise justifiable. In such cases the rule that costs should follow the event would be felt to work an injustice, and exceptions to its operation have therefore been devised. In the law of England the provisions as to litigious costs, though now simpler than of old, are still elaborate and complicated, and the costs themselves are on a higher scale than is known in most other countries.

Except as regards appeals to the House of Lords and suits in equity, the right to recover costs from the opposite party in litigation has always depended on statute law or on rules made under statutory authority, "Costs are the creature of statute." The House of Lords has declared its competence to grant costs on appeals independently of statute.

In the judicial committee of the privy council the power to award, in its discretion, costs on appeals from the colonies or other matters referred to it, is given by § 15 of the Judicial Committee Act 1833; and the costs are taxed by the registrar of the council.

Courts of equity have always claimed a discretion independently of statute to give or refuse costs, but as a general rule the maxim of the civil law, _victus victori in expensis condemnatus est_, was followed. The successful party was recognized to have a prima facie claim to costs, but the court might, on sufficient cause shown, not only deprive him of his costs, but even in some rare cases order him to pay the costs of his unsuccessful opponent. There was a class of cases in which the court generally gave costs to parties sustaining a certain character, whatever might be the result of the suit (e.g. trustees, executors and mortgagees).

In the courts of common law, costs were not given either to plaintiff or defendant, although the damages given to a successful plaintiff might suffice to cover not only the loss sustained by the wrong done, but also the expense he had been put to in taking proceedings. The defendant in a baseless or vexatious action could not even recover his costs thus indirectly, and the indirect costs given to a plaintiff under the name of damages were often inadequate and uncertain. Costs were first given under the Statute of Gloucester (1277, 6 Edward I. c. 1), which enacted that "the demandant shall recover damages in an assize of novel disseisin and in writs of mort d'ancestor, cosinage, aiel and beziel, and further that the demandant may recover against the tenant the costs of his writ purchased together with the damages above said. And this act shall hold in all cases when the party is to recover damages." The words "costs of his writ" were extended to mean all the legal costs in the suit. The statute gave costs, wherever damages were recovered, and no matter what the amount of the damages may be. Costs were first given to a defendant by the Statute of Marlbridge (1267) in a case relating to wardship in chivalry (52 Henry III. C. 6); but costs were not given generally to successful defendants until 1531 (23 Henry VIII. c. 15), when it was enacted that "if in the actions therein mentioned the plaintiff after appearance of the defendant be non-suited, or any verdict happen to pass by lawful trial against the plaintiff, the defendant shall have judgment to recover his costs against the plaintiff, to be assessed and taxed at the discretion of the court, and shall have such process and execution for the recovery and paying his costs against the plaintiff, as the plaintiff should or might have had against the defendant, in case the judgment had been given for the plaintiff." In 1606 by 4 James I. c. 3, this "good and profitable law" was extended to other actions not originally specified, although within the mischief of the act, so that in any action wherein the plaintiff might have costs if judgment were given for him, the defendant if successful should have costs against the plaintiff. The policy of these enactments is expressed to be the discouragement of frivolous and unjust suits. This policy was carried out by other and later acts. The Limitations Act 1623, § 6, ordered that if the plaintiff in an action of slander recovered less than 40s. damages, the plaintiff should be allowed no more as costs than he got as damages. By 43 Elizabeth c. 6 it was enacted that in any personal action not being for any title or interest in land, nor concerning the freehold or inheritance of lands nor for battery, where the damages did not amount to 40s. no more costs than damages could be allowed. By 3 & 4 Vict. c. 24 (Lord Denman's Act 1840), where the plaintiff in an action of tort recovered less than 40s., he was not allowed costs unless the judge certified that the

## action was really brought to try a right besides the right to recover

damages, or that the injury was wilful or malicious.

All these enactments have been superseded by the Judicature Acts, but in the case of slander on women the provisions of the act of 1623 were re-enacted in the Slander of Women Act 1891.

_Supreme Court._--The general rule now in force in the Supreme Court of Judicature is as follows:--"Subject to the provisions of the Judicature Acts and the rules of the court made thereunder, and to the express provision of any statute whether passed before or after the 14th of August 1890, the costs of and incident to all proceedings in the Supreme Court, including the administration of estates and trusts, shall be in the discretion of the court or judge, and the court or judge shall have full power to determine by whom and to what extent such costs are to be paid. Provided (1) that nothing herein contained shall deprive an executor, administrator, trustee or mortgagee who has not unreasonably carried on or resisted any proceedings of any right to costs out of a

## particular estate or fund to which he would be entitled under the rules

hitherto (i.e. before 1883) acted upon in the chancery division as successor of the court of chancery; (2) that where an action, cause, matter or issue is tried with a jury, the costs shall follow the event unless the judge who tried the case or the court shall for good cause otherwise order." (R.S.C., O. 65, r. 1.)

The rule above stated applies to civil proceedings on the crown side of the king's bench division, including mandamus, prohibition _quo warranto_, and certiorari (_R._ v. _Woodhouse_, 1906, 2 K.B. 502, 540); and to proceedings on the revenue side of that division (O. 68, r. 1); but it does not apply to criminal proceedings in the High Court, which are regulated by the crown office rules of 1906, or by statutes dealing with particular breaches of the law, and as to procedure in taxing costs by O. 65, r. 27, of the Rules of the Supreme Court.

The rule is also subject to specific provision empowering the courts to limit the costs to be adjudged against the unsuccessful party in proceedings in the High Court, which could and should have been instituted in a county court, e.g. actions of contract under £100, or

## actions of tort in which less than £10 is recovered (County Courts Act

1888, §§ 65, 66, 116; County Courts Act 1903, § 3).

For instance, in actions falling within the Public Authorities Protection Act 1893 against public bodies or officials, the defendant, if successful, is entitled to recover costs as between solicitor and client unless a special order to the contrary is made by the court; and under some statutes still unrepealed, double or treble costs are to be allowed. Besides the rules above stated, there is also a provision, adopted from the practice of courts of equity, that if tender was made before action of a sum sufficient to satisfy the plaintiff's just demand and is followed by payment into court in the action of the sum tendered, the court will make the plaintiff pay the costs of action as having been unnecessarily brought.

Costs of interlocutory proceedings in the course of a litigation are sometimes said to be "costs in the cause," that is, they abide the result of the principal issue. A party succeeding in interlocutory proceedings, and paying the costs therein made "costs in the cause," would recover the amount of such costs if he had a judgment for costs on the result of the whole trial, but not otherwise. But it is usual now not to tax the costs of interlocutory proceedings till after final judgment.

_Taxation._--When an order to pay the costs of litigation is made the costs are taxed in the central office of the High Court, unless the court when making the order fixes the amount to be paid (R.S.C., O. 65, r. 23). Recent changes in the organization for taxing have tended to create a uniformity of system and method which had long been needed.

The taxation is effected, under an elaborate set of regulations, by reference to the prescribed scales, and on what is known as the lower scale, unless the court has specially ordered taxation on the higher scale (R.S.C., O. 65, rr. 8, 9, appendix N).

In the taxation of litigious costs two methods are still adopted, known as "between party and party" and "between solicitor and client." Unless a special order is made the first of the two methods is adopted. Until very recently "party and party" costs were found to be a very imperfect indemnity to the successful litigant; because many items which his solicitor would be entitled to charge against him for the purposes of the litigation were not recoverable from his unsuccessful opponent. The High Court can now, in exercise of the equitable jurisdiction derived from the court of chancery, make orders on the losing party to pay the costs of the winner as between solicitor and client. These orders are not often made except in the chancery division. But even where party and party costs only are ordered to be paid under the present practice (dating from 1902), the taxing office allows against the unsuccessful party all costs, charges and expenses necessary or proper for the attainment of justice or defending the rights of the successful party, but not costs incurred through over-caution, negligence, or by paying special fees to counsel or special fees to witnesses or other persons, or by any other unusual expenses (R.S.C., O. 65, rr. 27, 29). This practice tends to give an approximate indemnity, while preventing oppression of the losing party by making him pay for lavish expenditure by his opponent. The taxation is subject to review by a judge on formal objections carried on, and an appeal lies to the Court of Appeal.

_County Courts._--The costs of all proceedings in county courts follow the event, unless the judge in his discretion otherwise orders. The amount allowed is regulated by scales included in the county court rules, and is ascertained by the registrar of the court subject to any special direction by the judge, and to review by him. The costs are allowed as between party and party, but the registrar on the application of solicitor or party, and subject to the like review, taxes costs as between solicitor and client. Nothing is allowed which is not sanctioned by the scales, unless it is proved that the client has agreed in writing to pay (County Courts Act 1888, § 118).

_Costs in Criminal Cases._--In criminal cases the right to recover the expenses of prosecution or defence from public funds or the opposite party depends wholly on statute. According to the common law rule the crown neither pays nor receives costs, but the rule is in some cases altered by statute (_Thomas_ v. _Pritchard_, 1903, 1 K.B. 209).

Courts of summary jurisdiction may order costs to be paid by the unsuccessful to the successful party (Summary Jurisdiction Act 1848, § 18).

On prosecutions for treason or felony the court may order the accused person, if convicted, to pay the costs of his prosecution (Forfeiture

## Act 1870); and the like power exists as to persons convicted of offences

indictable under the Criminal Law Amendment Act 1885 (see § 18), and as to persons convicted on indictment of assault, corrupt practices at elections, offences against the Merchandise Marks Acts, or of defamatory libel, if they have unsuccessfully pleaded jurisdiction.

Provision is also made for the payment out of the local rate of the district of the costs of prosecuting all felonies (except treason felony) and a number of misdemeanours. A list of these offences will be found in Archbold, _Criminal Pleading_, 23rd ed., 246. The legislation on this subject authorizes the payment of the expenses of witnesses and of the prosecutor, both at a preliminary inquiry before justices and at the trial, and in the case of summary conviction for any of the indictable offences in question. It has been extended so as to include the expenses of witnesses for the defence in any indictable case if they have given evidence at the preliminary inquiry, and the costs of the defence of poor prisoners in every indictable case in which the committing justices or the court of trial certify for legal aid (Poor Prisoners' Defence Act 1903). The costs are taxed by the proper officer of the court of assize or the clerk of the peace in accordance with scales issued by the Home Office in 1903 and 1904. These scales do not fix the fees to be allowed to counsel or solicitor for the prosecution. The costs, when taxed, are paid by the treasurer of the county or borough on whom the order for payment is made.

Where a prosecution or indictment fails, the prosecutor cannot as a rule be made to pay the costs of the defence: except in cases within the Vexatious Indictments Act 1859 and its amendments (i.e. where he has, after a refusal by justices to commit for trial, insisted on continuing the prosecution); or where a defamatory libel is successfully justified, or where prosecutions in respect of merchandise marks or corrupt practices at elections have failed. (W. F. C.)

COSTUME (through the Fr. _costume_, from Ital. _costume_, Late Lat. _costuma_, a contracted form of Lat. _consuetudinem_, acc. of _consuetudo_, custom, habit, manner, &c.), dress or clothing, especially the distinctive clothing worn at different periods by different peoples or different classes of people. The word appears in English in the 18th century, and was first applied to the correct representation, in literature and art, of the manners, dress, furniture and general surroundings of the scene represented. By the early part of the 19th century it became restricted to the fashion or style of personal apparel, including the head-dresses, jewelry and the like.

The subject of clothing is far wider than appears at first sight. To the average man there is a distinction between clothing and ornament, the first being regarded as that covering which satisfies the claims of modesty, the second as those appendages which satisfy the aesthetic sense. This distinction, however, does not exist for science, and indeed the first definition involves a fallacy of which it will be as well to dispose forthwith.

Modesty is not innate in man, and its conventional nature is easily seen from a consideration of the different ideas held by different races on this subject. With Mahommedan peoples it is sufficient for a woman to cover her face; the Chinese women would think it extremely indecent to show their artificially compressed feet, and it is even improper to mention them to a woman; in Sumatra and Celebes the wild tribes consider the exposure of the knee immodest; in central Asia the finger-tips, and in Samoa the navel are similarly regarded. In Tahiti and Tonga clothing might be discarded without offence, provided the individual were tattooed; and among the Caribs a woman might leave the hut without her girdle but not unpainted. Similarly, in Alaska, women felt great shame when seen without the plugs they carried in their lips. Europeans are considered indelicate in many ways by other races, and a remark of Peschel[1] is to the point: "Were a pious Mussulman of Ferghana to be present at our balls and see the bare shoulders of our wives and daughters, and the semi-embraces of our round dances, he would silently wonder at the long-suffering of Allah who had not long ago poured fire and brimstone on this sinful and shameless generation." Another point of interest lies in the difference of outlook with which nudity is regarded by the English and Japanese. Among the latter it has been common for the sexes to take baths together without clothing, while in England mixed bathing, even in full costume, is even now by no means universal. Yet in England the representation of the nude in art meets with no reproach, though considered improper by the Japanese. Even more striking is the fact that in civilized countries what is permitted at certain times is forbidden at others; a woman will expose far more of her person at night, in the ballroom or theatre, than would be considered seemly by day in the street; and a bathing costume which would be thought modest on the beach would meet with reprobation in a town.

Modesty therefore is highly conventional, and to discover its origin the most primitive tribes must be observed. Among these, in Africa, South America, Australia and so forth, where clothing is at a minimum, the men are always more elaborately ornamented than the women. At the same time it is noticeable that no cases of spinsterhood are found; celibacy, rare as it is, is confined to the male sex. It is reasonable, therefore, to conclude that ornament is a stimulus to sexual selection, and this conclusion is enforced by the fact that among many comparatively nude peoples clothing is assumed at certain dances which have as their confessed object the excitation of the passions of the opposite sex. Many forms of clothing, moreover, seem to call attention to those parts of the body of which, under the conditions of Western civilization at the present day, it aims at the concealment; certain articles of dress worn by the New Hebrideans, the Zulu-Xosa tribes, certain tribes of Brazil and others, are cases in point. Clothing, moreover--and this is true also of the present day--almost always tends to accentuate rather than to conceal the difference between the sexes. Looking at the question then from the point of view of sexual selection it would seem that a stage in the progress of human society is marked by the discovery that concealment affords a greater stimulus than revelation; that the fact is true is obvious,--even to modern eyes a figure partially clad appears far more indecent than a nude. That the stimulus is real is seen in the fact that among nude races flagrant immorality is far less common than among the more clothed; the contrast between the Polynesians and Melanesians, living as neighbours under similar conditions, is striking evidence on this point. Later, when the novelty of clothing has spent its force, the stimulus is supplied by nudity complete or partial.

One more point must be considered: there is the evidence of competent observers to show that members of a tribe accustomed to nudity, when made to assume clothing for the first time, exhibit as much confusion as would a European compelled to strip in public. This fact, considered together with what has been said above, compels the conclusion that modesty is a feeling merely of acute self-consciousness due to appearing unusual, and is the result of clothing rather than the cause. In the words of Westermarck: "The facts appear to prove that the feeling of shame, far from being the cause of man's covering his body, is, on the contrary, a result of this custom; and that the covering, if not used as a protection from the climate, owes its origin, at least in a great many cases, to the desire of men and women to make themselves mutually attractive."

Primitive adornment in its earliest stages may be divided into three classes; first the moulding of the body itself to certain local standards of beauty. In this category may be placed head-deformation, which reached its extreme development among the Indians of North-West America and the ancient Peruvians; foot-constriction as practised by the Chinese; tooth-chipping among many African tribes; and waist-compression common in Europe at the present day. Many forms of deformation, it may be remarked in passing, emphasize some natural physical characteristic of the people who practise them. Secondly, the application of extraneous matter to the body, as painting and tattooing, and the raising of ornamental scars often by the introduction of foreign matter into flesh-wounds (this practice belongs partly to the first category also). Thirdly, the suspension of foreign bodies from, or their attachment to, convenient portions of the body. This category, by far the largest, includes ear-, nose- and lip-ornaments, head-dresses, necklets, armlets, wristlets, leglets, anklets, finger-and toe-rings and girdles. The last are important, as it is from the waist-ornaments chiefly that what is commonly considered clothing at the present day has been developed.

Setting aside for the moment the less important, historically, of these, nearly all of which exist in Western civilization of the present day, it will be as well to consider that form of dress which is marked by the greatest evolution. It is generally supposed that man originated in tropical or subtropical latitudes, and spread gradually towards the poles. Naturally, as the temperature became lower, a new function was gradually acquired by his clothing, that of protecting the body of the wearer. Climate then is one of the forces which play an important part in the evolution of dress; at the same time care must be taken not to attribute too much influence to it. It must be remembered that the Arabs, who inhabit an extremely hot country, are very fully clothed, while the Fuegians at the extremity of Cape Horn, exposed to all the rigours of an antarctic climate, have, as sole protection, a skin attached to the body by cords, so that it can be shifted to either side according to the direction of the wind.

Dr. C. H. Stratz divides clothing climatically into two classes: tropical, which is based on the girdle (or, when the attachment is fastened round the neck, the cloak), and the arctic, based on the trouser. This classification is ingenious and convenient as far as it goes, but it seems probable that the trouser, which also has the waist as its point of attachment, may itself be a further development of the girdle. Certainly, however, in historical times the division holds good, and it is worthy of remark that one of the points about the northern barbarians which struck the ancient Greeks and Romans most forcibly was the fact that they wore trousers. Amongst the most northerly races the latter garb is worn by both sexes alike; farther south by the men, the women retaining the tropical form; farther south still the latter reigns supreme. No distinct latitude can be assigned as a boundary between the two forms, from the simple fact that where migration in comparatively recent times has taken place a natural conservatism has prevented the more familiar garb from being discarded; at the same time the two forms can often be seen within the limits of the same country; as, for instance, in China, where the women of Shanghai commonly wear trousers, those of Hong-Kong skirts. The retention by women in Europe of the tropical garb can be explained by the fact that her sphere has been mainly confined to the house, and her life has been less active than that of man; consequently the adoption of the arctic dress has been in her case less necessary. But it is noticeable that where women engage in occupations of a more than usually strenuous nature, they frequently don male costume while at their work; as, for instance, women who work in mines (Belgium) and who tend cattle (Switzerland, Tirol). The retention of the tropical pattern by the Highlanders is due directly to environment, since the kilt is better suited than trousers for walking over wet heather.

Another factor besides climate which has exerted a powerful influence on dress--more perhaps on what is commonly regarded as "jewelry" as distinct from "clothing"--is superstition. Doubtless many of the smaller objects with which primitive man adorned himself, especially trophies from the animal world, were supposed to exert some beneficial or protective influence on the wearer, or to produce in him the distinguishing characteristics attributed to the object, or to the whole of which the object was a part. Such objects might be imitated in other materials and by successive copying lose their identity, or their first meaning might be otherwise forgotten, and they would ultimately exercise a purely decorative function. Though this factor may be responsible for much, or even the greater part, of primitive "jewelry," yet it does not seem likely that it is the cause of all forms of ornament; much must be attributed to the desire to satisfy an innate aesthetic sense, which is seen in children and of which some glimmerings appear among the lower animals also.

See Ed. Westermarck, _The History of Human Marriage_ (London, 1901); Racinet, _Le Costume historique_ (Paris, 1888); C. H. Stratz, _Frauenkleidung_ (Stuttgart). (T. A. J.)

I. ANCIENT COSTUME

i. _Ancient Oriental._--Although the numerous discoveries of monuments, sculptures, wall-paintings, seals, gems, &c., combine with the evidence from inscriptions and from biblical and classical writers to furnish a considerable accumulation of material, the methodical study of costume (in its widest sense) in the ancient oriental world (western Asia and Egypt) has several difficulties of its own. It is often difficult to obtain quite accurate or even adequate reproductions of scenes and subjects, and, when this is done, it is obviously necessary to refrain from treating the work of the old artists and sculptors as equivalent to photographic representations. Art tended to become schematic, artists were bound by certain limitations and conventions (Egypt under Amenophis IV. is a notable exception), and their work was apt to be stilted. In Egypt, too, the spirit of caricature occasionally shows itself. But when every allowance is made for the imperfections or the cunning of the workman, one need only examine any collection of antiquities to see that there was a distinct appreciation of foreign physical types (not so much for personal portraiture), costumes, toilet, armour and decoration, often markedly different from native forms, and that a single scene (e.g. war, tribute-bearers, captives) will represent varieties of dress which are consistently observed in other scenes or which can be substantiated from native sources.[2] Important evidence can thus be obtained on ethnological relations, foreign influences and the like. Speaking generally, it has been found that the East as opposed to the West has undergone relatively little alteration in the principal constituents of dress among the bulk of the population, and, although it is often difficult to interpret or explain some of the details as represented (one may contrast, for example, worn sculptures or seals with the vivid Egyptian paintings), comparison with later descriptions and even with modern usage is frequently suggestive. The vocabulary of old oriental costume is surprisingly large, and some perplexity is caused by the independent evolution both of the technical terms (where they are intelligible) and of the articles of dress themselves. In reality there were numerous minor variations in the cut and colour of ancient dress even as there are in the present day in or around Palestine. These differences have depended upon climate, occupation, occasion (e.g. marriage, worship, feasts), and especially upon individual status and taste. Rank has accounted for much, and ceremonial dress--the apparel of the gods, their representatives and their ministers--opens out several interesting lines of inquiry. The result of intercourse, whether with other Orientals, or (in later times) with Greeks and Romans, naturally left its mark, and there have been ages of increasing luxury followed by periods of reaction, with a general levelling and nationalization on religious grounds (Judaism, Islam). All in all the study of oriental costume down to the days of Hellenism proves to be something more than that of mere apparel, and any close survey of the evidence speedily raises questions which concern old oriental history and thought.

[Illustration: FIG. 1.--Egyptian Loin-cloth.]

[Illustration: FIG. 2.--Asiatics visiting Egypt (Beni-Hasan Tombs).]

Body-Covering.

The simplest of all coverings is the loin-cloth characteristic of warm climates, and a necessary protection where there are trying extremes of temperature. Clothing did not originate in ideas of decency (Gen. ii. 25, iii. 7). Children ran and still run about naked, the industrious workman upon the Egyptian monuments is often nude, and the worshipper would even appear before his deity in a state of absolute innocence.[3] The Hebrews held that the leaves of the fig-tree (the largest available tree in Palestine) served primitive man and that the Deity gave them skins for a covering--evidently after he had slain the animals (Gen. iii. 21). With this one may compare the Phoenician myth (now in a late source) which ascribed the novelty of the use of skins to the hero Us[=o]os (cf. the biblical Esau, q.v.). The loin-or waist-cloth prevailed under a very great variety of minor differentiated forms. In Egypt it was the plain short linen cloth wrapped around the loins and tied in front (see fig. 1). It was the usual garb of scribes, servants and peasants, and in the earlier dynasties was worn even by men of rank. Sometimes, however, it was of matting or was seated with leather, or it would take the form of a narrow fringed girdle resembling that of many African tribes. The Semites who visited Egypt wore a larger and coloured cloth, ornamented with parallel stripes of patterns similar to those found upon some early specimens of Palestinian pottery. The border was fringed or was ornamented with bunches of tassels. But a close-fitting skirt or tunic was more usual, and the Semites on the famous Beni-Hasan tombs (about the 20th or 19th century B.C.) wear richly decorated cloth (pattern similar to the above), while the leader is arrayed in a magnificent wrapper in blue, red and white, with fringed edges, and a neck-ribbon to keep it in position (see fig. 2).[4] In harmony with prevailing custom the women's dress is rather longer than that of the men, but both sexes have the arms free and the right shoulder is exposed. Returning to Egypt we find that the loin-cloth developed downwards into a skirt falling below the knees. Among the upper classes it was unusually broad and was made to stand out in front in triangular form. In the Middle Kingdom an outer fine light skirt was worn over the loin-cloth; ordinary people, however, used thicker material. Egyptian women had a tight foldless tunic which exposed the breasts; it was generally kept up by means of braces over the shoulders. This plain diaphanous garment, without distinction of colour (white, red or yellow), and with perhaps only an embroidered hem at the top, was worn by the whole nation, princess and peasant, from the IVth to the XVIIIth Dynasties (Erman, _Life in Ancient Egypt_, p. 212). Variation, such as it was, consisted of a sleeveless dress covering the shoulders, the neck being cut in the shape of a V. Female servants and peasants when engaged at work, however, had a short skirt which left the legs free and the upper part of the body bare; a like simplicity was probably customary among female servants or captives throughout (cf. Isa. xlvii. 2). Even at the present day the wardrobe of the Sinaitic Bedouin is much more complicated than that of their female folk.

[Illustration: From Hilprecht's _Explorations in Bible Lands_, by permission of A. J. Holman & Co. and T. & T. Clark.

FIG. 3.--Old Babylonian Costume.]

The earliest dress of Babylonia also covered only the lower half of the body. As worn by gods and men it was a long and rather loose kind of skirt suspended from a girdle. It is sometimes smooth; but sometimes it is a shaggy skin (or woollen) skirt with horizontal rows of vertically furrowed stuff. It allowed a certain freedom to the legs, but often it is not clear whether it was joined down the middle. An instructive development shows the upper part of the skirt hanging over the girdle so that an elementary mantle would be obtained by drawing the loose end up over the shoulders (Meyer, p. 93, cf. pp. 55, 76). The characteristic skirt is sometimes supplemented by a coarse cloth, perhaps a fleece, thrown over the shoulders; and in later times it is seen fastened outside a tunic by means of a girdle (see fig. 3).

[Illustration: FIG. 4.--Naram-Sin on the Stele of Victory.]

The favourite attitude, one leg planted firmly before the other, shows the right leg fully exposed. A tunic or skirt is found as early as the time of Naram-Sin, son of the great Sargon; it reaches to his knees and appears to be held up by ornamental shoulder-bands (Meyer, pp. 11, 115; fig. 4). Egyptian monuments depict Semites with long bordered tunics reaching from neck to ankle; they have sleeves, which are sometimes curiously decorated, and are tied at the neck with tasselled cords; sometimes there is a peculiar design at the neck resembling a cross (Müller, _Asien und Europa_, pp. 298 seq.). The Hittite warriors upon north Syrian sculptures (Zenj[=i]rli, perhaps 11th to 9th centuries) have a short-sleeved tunic which ends above the knees, and this type of garment recurs over a large area with numerous small variations (with or without girdle, slits at the neck, or bordering). An interesting example of the long plain variety is afforded by the prisoners of Lachish before Sennacherib (701 B.C.); the circumstances and a comparison of the details would point to its being essentially a simple dress indicative of mourning and humiliation. It may be compared in its general form with the woollen _jubba_ of Arabia, which reached to the knees and was sewn down the front (except at the top and bottom). A modern Bedouin equivalent has long sleeves; it is common to both sexes, the chief difference lying in the colour--white for men, dyed with indigo for women.

[Illustration: FIG. 5.--Asiatic Envoys in Egypt.]

Another very characteristic garment suggests an original loin-cloth considerably longer than the elementary article which was noticed above. The Arab _iz[=a]r_, though now a large outer wrapper, was once a loin-cloth (like the Hebrew _[)e]z[=o]r_), which, however, was long enough to be trodden upon. At the present day male and female pilgrims at Mecca wear such a cloth (the _ihr[=a]m_); it covers the knees and one end of it may be cast over the shoulder. In Egyptian tombs have been found linen bands no less than 30 ft. in length and 3 ft. in width. The distinctive feature is the spiral arrangement of the garment, the body being wrapped to a greater or less extent with a bandage of varying length in more or less parallel stripes. In old Babylonia both the arms and the whole of the right shoulder were originally uncovered, and one end of the garment was allowed to hang loose over the left arm. It is frequently found upon deities, kings and magnates, and appears to have been composed of some thick furrowed or fluted material, sometimes of bright and variegated design. Not seldom it is difficult to distinguish between the true spiral garment and a dress with parallel horizontal stripes, and one could sometimes suppose that the flounced dress with volants, well known in the Aegean area, had its parallel in Babylonia.[5] Egypt furnishes admirable painted and sculptured representations of the forms taken by the Semitic spiral dress in the XVIIIth and XIXth Dynasties; the highly-coloured and gay apparel of Palestine and Syria standing in the strongest contrast to the plain, simple and often scanty garments of the Egyptians (fig. 5). While the common Semite wore a short skirt, often with tassels and sometimes with an upper tunic, the more important had an elaborate scarf (extending from waist to knee) wound over the long tunic, or a longer and close-fitting variety coloured blue and red and generally adorned with rich embroidery. A significant feature is the kind of cape which covers the shoulders, it would not and no doubt was not intended to leave play for the arms; it was the dress of the leisured classes, and a typical

## scene depicts the chiefs of Lebanon thus arrayed submissively felling

cedars for Seti I. (about 1300 B.C.).

[Illustration: FIG. 6.--An Egyptian Officer.]

Not until the XVIIIth and XIXth Dynasties does a change come over Egyptian costume. The Asiatic conquests made Egypt politically supreme, the centre of life and intercourse, and the tendency arose to pay some attention to outward appearance. From the highest to the lowest--with the important exception of the priests--the new age of luxury wiped out the earlier simplicity. The upper part of the body was covered with a tunic fastened over the girdle. Often the left arm had a short sleeve while the right was bare, but flowing sleeves came into use and various pleated skirts became customary. Garments were multiplied, and the cape and long mantle, which had previously been uncommon, were now usual. Fashions changed in quick succession; upper classes were successively copied by those beneath them and were forced to ensure their dignity by assuming new styles. Whether for ordinary or for special occasions a great variety of costume prevailed, and several types can be distinguished among both sexes (Erman, pp. 207 seq., 213 sqq.; see fig. 6). The fashionable material was linen, and although, according to Herodotus (ii. 81), a woollen mantle was worn over the fringed linen skirt, wool was forbidden to the priests in the temple. The preference for fine white linen, quite in keeping with the exaggerated Egyptian ideas of cleanliness, brought the art of spinning and weaving to a singularly high level; in embroidery, as in tapestry, however, it is probable that western Asia more than held its own (see figs. 7 and 8).

[Illustration: Drawn from a photo by Giraudon.

FIG. 7. Sargon and his Commander-in-Chief.]

Quite distinct from the spiral is the old Babylonian cloak, which was thrown over the left shoulder, passed under the right armpit, and hung down, leaving sufficient freedom for the legs. It is often decorated with a fringed border from top to bottom. In time this mantle covered both shoulders and assumed sleeves, and in one form or another it is frequently represented. So Jehu's tribute-bearers wear short sleeves, trimmed border, and the general effect could even suggest an Assyrian dress (see fig 9). Not unlike this is the style on the bilingual Hittite boss of Tarkudimme, where the skirt ends in a point nearly to the ground and one leg stands out bare to the front--the very favourite attitude. Long fringed robes were worn by Hittites of both sexes, and the women represented at Mar'ash and Zenj[=i]li wear it hung over the characteristic Hittite cylindrical head-dress (fig. 10). On the other hand, the unhappy females of Lachish have a long plain mantle which covers the head and forehead (fig. 11), and the same principle recurs in modern usage, where the tunic will be supplemented by a veil or shawl which (generally bound to the head by a band) frames the face and falls back to the waist. A large mantle could thus serve as a veil, and Rebekah covered her face with her square or oblong wrapper on meeting Isaac (Gen. xxiv. 65). Veiling was ceremonial (1 Cor. xi. 5), and customary on meeting a future bridegroom or at marriage (see Gen. xxix. 23-25). Nevertheless veils were not usually worn out of doors, the countrywoman of to-day is not veiled, and it is uncertain whether there is any early parallel for the yashmak, the narrow strip which covers the face below the eyes and hangs down to the feet.

[Illustration: FIG. 8.--Assyrian Officers.]

[Illustration: FIG. 9.--Israelite Tribute-bearers introduced by two Assyrian Officers.]

[Illustration: From _Der alte Orient_, by permission of J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung.

FIG. 10.--Hittite Women.]

[Illustration: FIG. 11.--Prisoners of Lachish.]

Before passing to the special covering for the feet and head some further reference to the Old Testament usage may be made. Among the Hebrews the outer garment, as distinct from the inner loin wrapper ([)e]z[=o]r) or tunic, evidently took many forms. The tunic (_kutt[=o]neth_, cf. [Greek: chitôn], _tunica_), like its Greek counterpart, was apparently of two kinds, for, although essentially a simple and probably sleeveless garment, there was a special variety worn by royal maidens and men of distinction, explicitly described as a tunic of palms or soles (_pass[=i]m_), that is, one presumably reaching to the hands and feet (Gen. xxxvii. 3; 2 Sam. xiii. 18 sq.).[6] The _kutt[=o]neth_ could be removed at night (Cant. v. 3). For the outer garments the most distinctive term is the _simlah_. This was worn by both sexes, though obviously there was some difference as regards length, &c. (Deut. xxii. 5). Ruth put one on before going out of doors, and its folds could be used for carrying small loads (Ruth iii. 9; Ex. xii. 34). The law forbade the creditor to retain it over-night as a pledge (Ex. xxii. 26 sq.), and consequently we may assume that it was a large outer wrapper which could be dispensed with out of doors by men, or indoors by women. The _simlah_ of the warrior (Isa. ix. 5) can be illustrated from the Assyrian sculptures (Ency. Bib., art. "Siege"); according to Herodotus (vii. 69) the Arabs under Xerxes wore a long cloak fastened by a girdle. The outer girdle (Heb. _hag[=o]rah_; the Arabic equivalent term is a kilt from thigh to knee) varied, as the monuments show, in richness and design, and could be used as a sword-belt or pocket much in the same way as the modern native uses the long cloth twined twice or thrice around his body. The more ornate variety, called _ab[=n][=e]t_, was worn by prominent officials (Isa. xxii. 21) and by the high priest. The modern oriental open waistcoat finds its fellow in the jacket or bolero from ancient Crete, and seems to have been distinctively Aegean. The same may also be true of breeches. The pantaloons worn by modern females, with short tunic and waistcoat, are not found among the Bedouin (e.g. of Sinai), trousers being considered undignified even for men. But a baggy kind of knickerbockers is represented in old Aegean scenes, and it is noteworthy that the Arab _mi'zar_ (drawers such as were worn by wrestlers or sailors) takes its name from the _iz[=a]r_ or loin-cloth (_Ency. Bib._ 1734). Such a cloth may once have passed between the legs, being kept in position by the waistband (examples in Perrot and Chipiez, _Greece_, ii. 198 sq., 456). On the other hand, among the Africans of Punt the waistcloth passes from each knee to the opposite thigh, and two sashes hang down to conceal the parts where they intersect (Müller, 108). The people of Keft (Aegeans) wore a similar arrangement which is a step in the direction of the proper drawers. The latter are found exceptionally upon Semitic Bedouin with an upper covering of bands wound round the body (Müller, 140). However, the woven decorated drawers in Cyprus do not appear to be of Semitic origin (J. L. Myres, _Classical Review_, x. 355), and it is not until later that they were prescribed to the Israelite priests (Ezek. xliv. 18). But the garment as explained by Josephus (_Ant._ iii. 7. 1) was properly a loin-cloth (cf. the examples from Punt), and the reason given for its use (Ex. xxviii. 42) points to a later date than the law which enforced the same regard for decency by forbidding the priests to ascend altars with steps (ib. xx. 26). As trousers were distinctively Persian--though the Persians had the reputation for borrowing Median and foreign dress (Herod. i. 71, vii. 61)--they were no doubt familiar in Palestine in the post-exilic age, and in the Roman period the _braccae_ and _feminalia_ were certainly known. On supposed references to breeches in Dan. iii. 21, see _Journ. of Philology_, xxvi. 307-313.

[Illustration: FIG. 12. Assyrian Warriors with captured Idols.]

Footgear.

Special protection for the feet was chiefly necessary in rocky districts or upon long journeys. In early Egypt men of rank would be followed by a servant carrying a pair of sandals in case of need; but in the New Kingdom they were in common use, although a typical difference is observed when princes appear unshod in the presence of the Pharaoh, who wears sandals himself. The simplest kind was a pad or sole of leather or papyrus bound to the foot by two straps, one passing over the instep, the other between the toes.[7] A third was sometimes fastened behind the heel, and the front is often turned up to protect the toe (Egypt and elsewhere). The Semites of the XIIth Dynasty wore on their journeys sandals of black leather, those of the women and children being more serviceable, and, in the case of women, parti-coloured. Practically the same simple sandal came into use everywhere when required. But the warrior had something stouter, and the Hittites wore a turned-up shoe bound round the legs with thongs. Among the latter is also found a piece of protecting leather reaching halfway up the shin, and similar developments with tight-fitting bandages, buskins or laced garters were worn in Assyria and Asia Minor (see fig. 12). Such coverings find their analogies among the peasants of modern Cilicia and Cappadocia. Stockings, it may be added, do not appear, and are quite exceptional at the present day.

[Illustration: From Palestine Exploration Fund _Quarterly Statement_, Oct, 1907.

FIG. 13.--Sacrificial Scene on a Seal from Gezer.]

[Illustration: FIG. 14.--Hittite Weather-god.]

Headgear.

The treatment of the hair, moustache and beard is extremely interesting in the study of oriental archaeology (see Müller, Meyer, opp. citt.). A special covering for the head was not indispensable. The Semites often bound their bushy locks with a fillet, which varies from a single band (so often, e.g. Palestinian captives, 10th century) to a fourfold one, from a plain band to highly decorated diadems. The Ethiopians of Tirhakah's army (7th cent.) stuck a single feather in the front of their fillet, and a feathered ornament recurs from the old Babylonian goddess with two large feathers on her head to the feathered crown common from Assur-bani-pal's Arabians to Ararat, and is familiar from the later distinctive Persian head-dress.[8] But the ordinary Semitic head covering was a cloth which sometimes appears with two ends tied in front, the third falling behind. Or it falls over the nape of the neck and is kept in position with a band; or again as a cloth cap has lappets to protect the ears. Sometimes it has a more bulky appearance. In general, the use of a square or rectangular cloth (whether folded diagonally or not) corresponds to the modern _keffiyeh_ woven with long fringes which are plaited into cords knitted at the ends or worked into little balls sewn over with coloured silks and golden threads.[9] The _keffiyeh_ covering cheek, neck and throat, is worn over a small skull-cap and will be accompanied with the relatively modern fez (_tarb[=u]sh_) and a woollen cloth. Probably the oldest head-dress is the circular close-fitting cap (plain or braided), which, according to Meyer, is of Sumerian (non-Semitic) origin. But it has a long history. Palestinian captives in the Assyrian age wear it with a plain close-fitting tunic, and it appears upon the god Hadad in north Syria (cf. also the Gezer seal, fig. 13). With some deities (e.g. the moon-god Sin) it has a kind of straight brim which gives it a certain resemblance to a low-crowned "bowler." Very characteristic is the conical cap which, like the Persian hat (Gr. _kurbasia_), resembled a cock's comb. It is worn by gods and men, and with the latter sometimes has ear-flaps (at Lachish, with other varieties, Ball, 190) or is surmounted by a feather or crest. It was probably made of plaited leather or felt. Veritable helmets of metal, such as Herodotus ascribes to Assyrians and Chalybians (vii. 63, 76), and metal armour, though known farther west, scarcely appear in old oriental costume, and the passage which attributes bronze helmets and coats of mail to the Philistine Goliath and the Israelite Saul cannot be held (on other grounds) to be necessarily reliable for the middle or close of the 11th century (1 Sam. xvii). A loftier head-covering was sometimes spherical at the top and narrowed in the middle; with a brim or border turned up back and front it is worn by Hittite warriors of Zenj[=i]rli and by their god of storm and war (fig. 14). Elongated and more pointed it is the archaic crown of the Pharaohs (symbolical of upper Egypt), is worn by a Hittite god of the 14th century, and finds parallels upon old cultus images from Asia Minor, Crete and Cyprus. Later, Herodotus describes it as distinctively Scythian (vii. 64). Finally the cylindrical hat of Hittite kings and queens reappears with lappets in Phoenicia (Perrot and Chipiez, _Phoen._ ii. 77); without the brim it resembles the crown ofthe Babylonian Merodach-nadin-akhi, with a feathered top it distinguishes Adad (god of storm, &c.) at Babylonia. Narrower at the top and surmounted by a spike it distinguishes the Assyrian kings.

Costume of the Gods.

When the deities were regarded as anthropomorphic they naturally wore clothing which, on the whole, was less subject to change of fashion and was apt to be symbolical of their attributes. The old Babylonian hero Gilgamesh and the Egyptian Bes (perhaps of foreign extraction) are nude, and so in general are the figurines of the Ishtar-Astarte type. Numerous bronze images of a kneeling god at Telloh give him only a loin-cloth, and often the deity, like the monarch, has only a skirt. In course of time various plaids or mantles are assumed, and in Babylonia the goddesses were the first to have both shoulders covered. Distinctive features are found in the head-dress, e.g. crowns (cf. the Ammonite god, 2 Sam. xii. 30) or horns (a single pair or an arrangement of four pairs), and in Babylonia symbolical emblems are attached to the shoulders (e.g. the rays of the sun-god, stalks, running water). Long garments ornamented with symbolical designs (stars, &c.) are worn by Marduk and Adad. The custom of clothing images is well known in the ancient world, and at the restoration of an Egyptian temple care was taken to anoint the divine limbs and to prepare the royal linen for the god. The ceremonial clothing of the god on the occasion of festal processions, undertaken in Egypt by the "master of secret things," may be compared with the well-known Babylonian representations of such promenades. The Babylonian temples received garments as payment in kind, and the Egyptian lists in the Papyrus Harris (Rameses III.) enumerate an enormous number of skirts, tunics and mantles, dyed and undyed, for the various deities. A priest, "master of the wardrobe," is named as early as the VIth Dynasty, and later texts refer to the weavers and laundry servants of the temple. It is probable that 2 Kings xxiii. 7 originally referred to the women who wove garments for the goddess in the temple at Jerusalem.

Royal costume.

In Egypt the king was regarded as the incarnation of the deity, his son and earthly likeness. The underlying conception shows itself under differing though not unrelated forms over western Asia, and in their light the question of religious and ceremonial dress is of great interest. Throughout Egyptian history the official costume was conventionalized, and the latest kings and even the Roman emperors are arrayed like their predecessors of the IVth Dynasty. The crook which figures among royal and divine insignia may go back to the boomerang-like object which was a prominent weapon in antiquity (Müller, 123 sq.). It appears in old Babylonia as a curved stick, and, like the club, is a distinctive symbol of god and king. It resembles the sceptre curved at the end, which was carried by old Hittite gods. The Pharaoh's characteristic crown (or crowns) symbolized his royal domains, the sacred uraeus marked his divine ancestry, and he sometimes appeared in the costume of the gods with their fillets adorned with double feathers and horns. In Babylonia Naram-Sin in the guise of a god wears the pointed helmet and two great horns distinctive of the deities.[10] This relationship between the gods and their human representatives is variously expressed. Khammurabi and the sun-god Shamash, on the former's famous code of laws, have the same features and almost the same frizzled beard, and, according to Meyer, the king in claiming supremacy over Sumer and Akkad wears the costume of the lands.[11] Ordinary folk could not claim these honours, and in Egypt, where shaving was practically universal, artificial beards were worn upon solemn occasions as a peculiar duty. But the appendage of the official was shorter than that of the king, and the gods had a distinctive shape for themselves; if it appears upon the dead it is because they in their death had become identified with the god Osiris (Erman, 59, 225 sq.). Young Egyptian princes and youthful kings had a long plaited lock (or later a lappet) on the side of their head in imitation of the youthful Horus, and the peculiar tonsure adopted by the later Arabs of Sinai was inspired by the desire to copy their god Orotal-Dionysus.[12] Thus we perceive that ancient costume and toilet involves the relations between the gods and men, and also, what is extremely important, the political conditions among the latter. When the king symbolizes both the god and the extent of his kingdom, ceremonies which could appear commonplace often acquire a new significance, any discussion of which belongs to the intricacies of the history of religion and pre-monarchical society. It must suffice, therefore, to record the Pharaoh's simple girdle (with or without a tunic) from which hangs the lion's tail, or the tail-like band suspended from the extremity of his head-dress (above), or the panther or leopard skin worn over the shoulders by the high priest at Memphis, subsequently a ceremonial dress of men of rank. That the Pharaoh's skirt, sometimes decorated with a pleated golden material, should become an honorific garment, the right of wearing which was proudly recorded among the bearer's titles, is quite intelligible, but many difficulties arise when one attempts to identify the individuals represented, or to trace the evolution of ideas.[13]

Ceremonial costume.

The well-known conservatism of religious practice manifests itself in ceremonial festivals (where there is a tendency for the original religious meaning to be obscured) and among the priests, and it is interesting to observe that despite the great changes in Egyptian costume in the New Kingdom the priests still kept to the simple linen skirt of earlier days (Erman, 206). Religious dress (whether of priests or worshippers) was regulated by certain fundamental ideas concerning access to the deity and its consequences. That it was proper to wear special garments (or at least to rearrange one's weekday clothes) on the Jewish sabbath was recognized in the Talmud, and Mahommedans, after discussing at length the most suitable raiment for prayer, favoured the use of a single simple garment (Bukh[=a]ri, viii.). It was a deep-seated belief that those who took part in religious functions were liable to communicate this "holiness" to others (compare the complex ideas associated with the Polynesian taboo). Hence priests would remove their ceremonial dress before leaving the sanctuary "that they sanctify not the people with their garments" (Ezek. xliv. 19; cf. xlii. 14), and every precaution was taken on religious occasions to ensure purity by special ablutions and by cleansing the clothes.[14] In the old ritual at Mecca, the man who wore his own garments must leave them in the sanctuary, as they had become "taboo"; hence the sacred circumambulation of the Ka'ba was performed naked (prohibited by Mahomet), or in clothes provided for the occasion. The old archaic waist-cloth was used, and at the present day both male and female pilgrims enter bare-footed and clad in the scanty _ihr[=a]m_ (C. M. Doughty, _Arabia Deserta_, ii. 479, 481, 537). In several old Babylonian representations the priests or worshippers appear before the deity in a state of nature.[15] It is known that laymen were required to wear special garments, and the priests (who wore dark-red or purple) were sometimes called upon to change their garments in the course of a ceremony. Thus the temples required clothing not merely for the gods but also for the attendants (so at Samaria, 2 Kings x. 22).

In the late usage at Harran the worshipper, after purifying his garments and his heart, was advised to put on the clothing of the

## particular god he addressed (de Goeje, _Oriental Congress_, Leiden,

1883, pp. 341 sqq.). The reason is obvious, and the principle could be variously expressed. But we are not told whether the prophetess who wore bands on her arm and drew a mantle over her head (so read in Ezek. xiii. 17-23) actually used the clothing peculiar to some deity, nor is it quite clear what is meant when a Babylonian ritual text refers to the magical use of the linen garment of Eridu (seat of the cult of Ea). The Bishop Gregentius denounced as heathenish the rites in which the Arabs wore masks (W. R. Smith, 438), and one is tempted to compare the use of masks elsewhere in animal worship. Next, one may observe upon old Babylonian seals, eagle-headed deities with short feathered skirts attended by human beings similarly arrayed (Ball, 151) or figures draped in a fish skin (Menant, _Rev. de l'hist. des relig._ xi. 295-301) or a worshipper arrayed somewhat like a cock (Meyer, 63; cf. Lucian's _De Dea Syria_, § 48; for "bees," &c., as titles of sacred attendants, see J. G. Frazer, _Pausanias_, iv. 223, v. 621). Although there is much that is obscure in this line of research, it is a natural assumption that, in those ritual functions where the gods were supposed to participate, the rôle was taken by men, and the general idea of assimilating oneself to the god (and the reverse process) manifests itself in too many ways to be ignored (cf. W. R. Smith, 293, 437 sq., 474; C. J. Ball, _Ency. Bib._, art. "Cuttings"). But the deities were not originally anthropomorphic, and it is with the earlier stages in their development that some of the more remarkable costumes are apparently concerned.

Of all priestly costumes[16] the most interesting is undoubtedly that of the Jewish Levitical high-priest. In addition to a tunic (kutt[=o]neth) and a seamless mantle or robe (_m[)e]'[=i]l_), he wore the breastplate (_h[=o]shen_), the ephod, and a rich outer girdle. Breeches were assumed on the Day of Atonement. His head-dress was as distinctive as that of the high priest at Hierapolis, who wore a golden tiara and a purple dress, while the ordinary priests had a _pilos_ (conical cap, also worn in Israel, Ex. xxviii. 40) and white garments. But the various descriptions cannot be easily reconciled.[17] The robe had pomegranates and golden bells that the sound might give warning as he went in and out of the sanctuary, and "that he died not" (Ex. xxviii. 35). According to Josephus they symbolized the lightning and thunder respectively. The "ephod of prophecy" (so _Test. of Levi_, viii. 2) was essentially once an object of divination (see EPHOD). The "breastplate of judgment" was set with twelve jewels engraved with the names of the tribes; the foreordained covering of the semi-divine being in the garden of the gods bore the same number of stones (Ezek. xxviii. 13, Septuagint). This breast ornament finds analogies in the royal and high priestly dress of Egypt, and in the six jewels of the Babylonian king.[18] The sacred lots which gave "judgment" in accordance with the divine oracle (Num. xxvii. 21) have been plausibly compared with the Babylonian tablets of destiny worn by the gods and the mystic lots upon the bosom of Noah.[19] The two jewels also engraved with the names of the tribes in a suitable setting, worn upon the _shoulder_ (see p. 102, c.), served, like the twelve mentioned, for a memorial before the Deity, effectively bringing them to remembrance, without any action on the part of the bearer, and thus tacitly involving supernatural intervention as amulets are regularly expected to do. The golden plate inscribed "holy to Yahweh" placed over the head (the details are discrepant) had a mystic atoning force (Ex. xxviii. 38), and in general writers recognized the peculiar efficacy of the costume and its symbolical meaning (Philo, _Vita Mosis_, iii. 14; Jos. _Ant._ iii. 7. 7; Talm. _Zeb._ 88b). Although Jewish tradition ascribed this gorgeous and significant array to the Mosaic age (if not to the pre-Mosaic days of Levi, so the _Test. of Levi_), its very character, in common with the high priest's status, combines kingly and priestly powers in a manner which is impossible for the period (about 15th-13th cent.). Where the king is the human representative of the Deity he is theoretically and officially the priesthood, although the priests carry on the ordinary subordinate functions. The Hebrew kings, at all events, undertook priestly duties, and not until after the fall of Jerusalem does the history allow that usurpation of monarchical rights upon which the prophet Ezekiel (q.v.) encroaches. The embodiment of political and religious supremacy displayed in the high priest's authority, clothing and symbols can only reflect exilic or rather post-exilic conditions.[20] (See further PRIEST.) In the Maccabaean age the high priest Jonathan received the purple robe and crown and the buckle of gold worn on the shoulder as a sign of priestly and secular rank (1 Macc. x. 20, 38, 89, xi. 58). His brother Simon received similar honours (xiv. 48 sq.), and Hyrcanus, the "second David," was supposed to have had two crowns, one royal and the other priestly (Talm. _Kidd._ 66a). The later Rabbis wore most sumptuous apparel, and were crowned until the death of Eliezer ben Azarya.

Thus there was a real significance in ceremonial investiture (cf. Num. xx. 26, 28) and in the transference of clothes (cf. Elisha and Elijah's mantle, 2 Kings ii. 13). Further the exchange of garments was not meaningless, and the prohibition in Deut. xxii. 5 points to religious or superstitious beliefs, on which see J. G. Frazer, _Adonis, Attis and Osiris_ (2nd ed.), pp. 428-435. On the claim involved by the act of throwing a garment over another (Ruth iii. 9; cf. 1 Kings xix. 19), see W. R. Smith, _Kinship and Marriage_[21], 105 sq.; J. Wellhausen, _Archiv f. Religionswiss_. (1907), pp. 40 sqq.; and on some interesting ideas associated with sandals, see _Ency. Bib._, s.v. "Shoes." As a sign of grief, or on any occasion when the individual felt himself brought into closer contact with his deity, the garments were rent (subsequently a conventional slit at the breast sufficed) and he donned the _sak_, a loin-cloth or wrapper which appears to be a survival of older and more primitive dress.[21] Later tradition (Mish., Kil. ix. 1) does not endorse Ezekiel's prohibition of woollen garments among the priests in the sanctuary (xliv. 17 sq.). Why the layman was forbidden a mixture of wool and linen (_sha'atn[=e]z_, Deut. xxii. 11) is difficult to explain, though Maimonides perhaps correctly regarded the law as a protest against heathenism (on the magical use of representatives of the animal and vegetable kingdom, in conjunction with a metal ring, see I. Goldziher, _Zeit. f. alttest. Wissens._ xx. 36 sq.).

Ancient oriental costume then cannot be severed from the history and development of thought. On the one side we may see the increase of rich apparel and the profusion of clothes by which people of rank indicated their position. On the other are such figures as the Hebrew prophets, distinguished by their hairy garment and by their denunciation of the luxury of both sexes.[22] Superfluous clothing was both weakening and deteriorating; this formed the point of the advice of Croesus to Cyrus (Herod. i. 155). But "foreign apparel" was only too apt to involve ideas of foreign worship (Zeph. i. 8. sq.), and the recognition that national costume, custom and morality were inseparable underlay the objection to the Greek cap (the [Greek: petasos]) introduced among the Jews under Antiochus Epiphanes (2 Macc. iv. 10-17, with the parallel 1 Macc. i. 11-15). The Israelite distinctive costume and toilet as part of a distinctive national religion was in harmony with oriental thought, and, as a people chosen and possessed by Yahweh, "a kingdom of priests and an holy nation" (Ex. xix. 5 sq.; cf. Is. lxi. 6), certain outward signs assumed a new significance and continued to be cherished by orthodox Jews as tokens of their faith. The tassels attached by blue threads to the four corners of the outer garment were unique only as regards the special meaning attached to them (Num. xv. 37-41; Deut. xxii. 12), and when in the middle ages they marked out the Jew for persecution they were transferred to a small under-garment (the little _t[=a]l[=i]th_), the proper _t[=a]l[=i]th_ being worn over the head in the synagogue. Similarly, sentences bound on the left arm or placed upon the forehead (Deut. xi. 18, cf. the high priest's plate) find analogies in the means taken elsewhere to ensure the protection of or to manifest one's adherence to a deity; the novelty lies in the part these sentences took in the religion (see PHYLACTERY). While the particular prohibition regarding the beard and hair in Lev. xix. 27 (cf. Ezek. xliv. 20) was for the avoidance of heathen customs, the _p[=e]y[=o]th_ or long curls which became typical in the middle ages are reminiscent of the Horns-curl of Egypt and the Mahommedan "heaven lock" and evidently served as positive distinctive marks. Apart from these details later Jewish dress does not belong to this section. In the Greek and Roman period foreign influence shows itself very strongly in the introduction of novelties of costume and of classical terms, and the subject belongs rather to the Greek and Roman dress of the age.[23] Two conflicting tendencies were constantly at work, and reached their climax in the middle ages. There was an anxiety to avoid articles of dress peculiar to other religions, especially when these were associated with religious practices; and there was a willingness to refrain from costume contrary to the customs of an unsympathetic land. On the one hand, there was a conservatism which is exemplified when the Jews in course of immigration took with them the characteristic dress of their former adopted home, or when they remained unmoved by the changes of the Renaissance. On the other hand, the prominent badge enforced by Pope Innocent III. in 1215 was intended to prevent Jews from being mistaken for Christians, and similarly in Mahommedan lands they were compelled to wear some distinctive indication of their sect. Thus the many quaint and interesting features of later Jewish costume have arisen from certain specific causes, any consideration of which concerns later and medieval costume generally. See I. Abrahams, _Jewish Life in the Middle Ages_ (1896), chap. xv. sq.; and especially the _Jew. Encyc._, s.v. "Dress" (with numerous illustrations).

AUTHORITIES.--Much useful material will be found in popular illustrated books (especially C. J. Ball, _Light from the East_, London, 1899) and in the magnificent volumes on the history of ancient art by G. Perrot and C. Chipiez. On Egyptian costume see especially J. G. Wilkinson, _Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians_ (ed. by S. Birch, 1878), and A. Erman _Life in Ancient Egypt_ (1894, especially pp. 200-233); for Egyptian evidence, see W. M. Müller, _Asien und Europa nach altägypt. Denkmäler_ (Leipzig, 1893), _Mitteil. d. vorderasiat. Gesellschaft_ (1904), ii. (and elsewhere). The most important study on old Babylonian dress is that of E. Meyer, "Sumerier und Semiten in Babylonien," in the _Abhandlungen_ of the Berlin University (1906). For Hittite material, see the collection by L. Messerschmidt, _Mitteil. d. vorderas. Ges._ (1900 and 1902). For special discussions, see H. Weiss, _Kostümkunde_, i. (Stuttgart, 1881), articles in _Dict. Bible_ (Hastings), _Ency. Biblica_, and _Jewish Encyc._, and I. Benzinger, Hebr. _Archäologie_ (Tubingen, 1907), pp. 73 sqq. See also the general bibliography at the end. (S. A. C.)

[Illustration: From Petsofá (Annual of the Brit. School at Athens).

FIG. 15.--Terra-cotta Statuette.]

ii. _Aegean Costume._--The discoveries made at Mycenae and other centres of "Mycenaean" civilization, and those of more recent date due to the excavations of Dr A. J. Evans and others in Crete, have shown that Hellenic culture was preceded in the Aegean by a civilization differing from it in many respects (see AEGEAN CIVILIZATION), and not least in costume. The essential feature both of male and female dress during the "Minoan" and "Mycenaean" periods was the loin-cloth, which is best represented by the votive terra-cotta statuettes from Petsofá in Crete discovered by Professor J. L. Myres and published in the ninth volume of the _Annual of the British School at Athens_ (fig. 15). J. L. Myres shows that the costume consists of three parts--the loin-cloth itself, a white wrapper or kilt worn over it, and a knotted girdle which secured the whole and perhaps played its part in producing and maintaining the wasp waists characteristic of the Aegean race. The loin-cloth was the only costume (except for high boots, probably made of pale leather, since they are represented with white paint) regularly worn by the male sex, though we sometimes find a hood or wrapper, as on a lead statuette found in Laconia (fig. 16), but the Aegean women developed it into a bodice-and-skirt costume, well represented by the frescoes of Cnossus and the statuettes of the snake-goddess and her votaries there discovered. This transformation of the loin-cloth has been illustrated by Mr D. Mackenzie (see below) from Cretan seal-impressions. In place of the belted kilt of the men we find a belted panier or polonaise, considerably elongated in front, worn by Aegean women; and Mackenzie shows that this was repeated several times until it formed the compound skirt with a number of flounces which is represented on many Mycenaean gems. On a fresco discovered at Phaestus (Hagia Triada) (fig. 17) and a sealing from the same place this multiple skirt is clearly shown as divided; but this does not seem to have been the general rule. On other sealings we find a single overskirt with a pleated underskirt. The skirts were held in place by a thick rolled belt, and the upper part of the body remained quite nude in the earliest times; but from the middle Minoan period onward we often find an important addition in the shape of a low-cut bodice, which sometimes has sleeves, either tight-fitting or puffed, and ultimately develops into a laced corsage. A figurine from Petsofá (fig. 18) shows the bodice-and-skirt costume, together with a high pointed head-dress, in one of its most elaborate forms. The bodice has a high peaked collar at the back. Other forms of head-dress are seen on the great signet from Mycenae. The fact that both male and female costume amongst the primitive Aegean peoples is derivable from the simple loin-cloth with additions is rightly used by Mackenzie as a proof that their original home is not to be sought in the colder regions of central Europe, but in a warm climate such as that of North Africa. It is not until the latest Mycenaean period that we find brooches, such as were used in historical Greece, to fasten woollen garments, and their presence in the tombs of the lower city of Mycenae indicates the coming of a northern race.

[Illustration: Perrot et Chipiez's _Art in Primitive Greece_, by permission of Chapman & Hall.

FIG. 16.--Lead Statuette from Kampos.]

[Illustration: From _Monumenti antichi_ (Acad. Lincei).

FIG. 17.--Part of a Fresco discovered at Phaestus.]

[Illustration: From _Annual of the Brit. School at Athens_.

FIG. 18.--Terra-cotta Statuette from Petsofá.]

See _Annual of the British School at Athens_, ix. 356 sqq. (Myres); xii. 233 sqq. (Mackenzie); Tsountas and Manatt, _The Mycenaean Age_, ch. vii.

iii. _Greek Costume._--All articles of Greek costume belong either to the class of [Greek: endymata], more or less close-fitting, sewn garments, or of [Greek: periblêmata], loose pieces of stuff draped round the body in various ways and fastened with pins or brooches. For the former class the generic name is [Greek: chitôn], a word of Semitic origin, which denotes the Eastern origin of the garment; for the latter we find in Homer and early poetry [Greek: peplos], in later times [Greek: himation]. The [Greek: peplos] (also called [Greek: eanos] and [Greek: pharos] in Homer) was the sole indispensable article of dress in early Greece, and, as it was always retained as such by the women in Dorian states, is often called the "Doric dress" ([Greek: esthês Dôris]). It was a square piece of woollen stuff about a foot longer than the height of the wearer, and equal in breadth to twice the span of the arms measured from wrist to wrist. The upper edge was folded over for a distance equal to the space from neck to waist--this folded portion was called [Greek: apoptygma] or [Greek: diplois],--and the whole garment was then doubled and wrapped round the body below the armpits, the left side being closed and the right open. The back and front were then pulled up over the shoulders and fastened together with brooches like safety-pins ([Greek: peronai]). This was the Doric costume, which left the right side of the body exposed and provoked the censure of Euripides (_Andr_. 598). It was usual, however, to hold the front and back of the [Greek: peplos] together by a girdle ([Greek: zônê]), passed round the waist below the [Greek: apoptygma]; the superfluous length of the garment was pulled up through the girdle and allowed to fall over in a baggy fold ([Greek: kolpos]) (see GREEK ART, fig. 75). Sometimes the [Greek: apoptygma] was made long enough to fall below the waist, and the girdle passed outside it (cf. the figure of Artemis on the vase shown in GREEK ART, fig. 29); this was the fashion in which the Athena Parthenos of Pheidias was draped. The "Attic" or "Corinthian" [Greek: peplos] was sewn together on the right side from below the arm, and thus became an [Greek: endyma]. The [Greek: peplos] was worn in a variety of colours and often decorated with bands of ornament, both horizontal and vertical; Homer uses the epithets [Greek: krokopeplos] and [Greek: kyanopeplos], which show that yellow and dark blue [Greek: peploi] were worn, and speaks of embroidered [Greek: peploi] ([Greek: poikiloi]). Such embroideries are indicated by painting on the statues from the Acropolis and are often shown on vase paintings.

The chiton, [Greek: chitôn], was formed by sewing together at the sides two pieces of linen, or a double piece folded together, leaving spaces at the top for the arms and neck, and fastening the top edges together over the shoulders and upper arm with buttons or brooches; more rarely we find a plain sleeveless chiton. The length of the garment varied considerably. The [Greek: chitôniskos], worn in active exercise, as by the so-called "Atalanta" of the Vatican, or the well-known Amazon statues (Greek Art, fig. 40), reached only to the knee; the [Greek: chitôn podêrês] covered the feet. This long, trailing garment was especially characteristic of Ionia; in the Homeric poems (Il. xiii. 685) we read of the [Greek: Iaones helkechitônes]. If worn without a girdle it went by the name of [Greek: chitôn orthostadios]. The long chiton was regularly used by musicians (e.g. Apollo the lyre-player) and charioteers. In ordinary life it was generally pulled up through the girdle and formed a [Greek: kolpos] (GREEK ART, fig. 2).

Herodotus (v. 82-88) tells a story (cf. Aegina), the details of which are to all appearance legendary, in order to account for a change in the fashion of female dress which took place at Athens in the course of the 6th century B.C. Up to that time the "Dorian dress" had been universal, but the Athenians now gave up the use of garments fastened with pins or brooches, and adopted the linen chiton of the Ionians. The statement of Herodotus is illustrated both by Attic vase-paintings and also by the series of archaic female statues from the Acropolis of Athens, which (with the exception of one clothed in the Doric [Greek: peplos]) wear the Ionic chiton, together with an outer garment, sometimes laid over both shoulders like a cloak (GREEK ART, fig. 3), but more usually fastened on the right shoulder only, and passed diagonally across the body so as to leave the left arm free. The garment (which resembles the Doric [Greek: peplos], but seems to have been rectangular rather than square) is folded over at the top, and the central part is drawn up towards the right shoulder to produce an elaborate system of zigzag folds (GREEK ART, fig. 22). The borders of the garment are painted with geometrical patterns in vivid colours; a broad stripe of ornament runs down the centre of the skirt.[24]

This fashion of dress was only temporary. Thucydides (i. 6) tells us that in his own time the linen chiton of Ionia had again been discarded in favour of the Doric dress, and the monuments show that after the Persian wars a reaction against Orientalism showed itself in a return to simpler fashions. The long linen chiton, which had been worn by men as well as women, was now only retained by the male sex on religious and festival occasions; a short chiton was, however, worn at work or in

## active exercise (GREEK ART, fig. 3) and often fastened on the left

shoulder only, when it was called [Greek: chitôn heteromaschalos] or [Greek: exômis]. But the garment usually worn by men of mature age was the [Greek: himation], which was (like the [Greek: peplos]) a plain square of woollen stuff. One corner of this was pulled over the left shoulder from the back and tucked in under the left arm; the rest of the garment was brought round the right side of the body and either carried under the right shoulder, across the chest and over the left shoulder, if it was desired that the right arm should be free, or wrapped round the right arm as well as the body, leaving the right hand in a fold like a sling (GREEK ART, fig. 2). The [Greek: himation] was also worn by women over the linen chiton, and draped in a great variety of ways, which may be illustrated by the terra-cotta figurines from Tanagra (4th-3rd cent. B.C.) and the numerous types of female statues, largely represented by copies of Roman date, made to serve as grave-monuments. The upper part of the [Greek: himation] was often drawn over the head as in the example here shown (Plate, fig. 21), a statue formerly in the duke of Sutherland's collection at Trentham and now in the British Museum.

A lighter garment was the [Greek: chlamys], chlamys, a mantle worn by young men, usually over a short chiton girt at the waist, and fastened on the right shoulder (cf. the figure of Hermes in GREEK ART, fig. 2). The [Greek: chlaina] was a heavy woollen cloak worn in cold weather. Peasants wore sheepskins or garments of hide called [Greek: baitê] or [Greek: sisura]; slaves, who were required by custom to conceal their limbs as much as possible, wore a sleeved chiton and long hose.

A woman's head was usually covered by drawing up the [Greek: himation] (see above), but sometimes instead of this, a separate piece of cloth was made to perform this service, the end of it falling over the _himation_. This was the [Greek: kalyptra], or veil called [Greek: krêdemnon] in Homer. A cap merely intended to cover in the hair and hold it together was called [Greek: kekryphalos]. When the object was only to hold up the hair from the neck, the [Greek: sphendonê] was used, which, as its name implies, was in the form of a sling; but in this case it was called more particularly [Greek: opisthosphendonê], as a distinction from the _sphendon[=e]_ when worn in front of the head. The head ornaments include the [Greek: diadêma], a narrow band bound round the hair a little way back from the brow and temples, and fastened in the knot of the hair behind; the [Greek: ampux], a variety of the diadem; the [Greek: stephanê], a crown worn over the forehead, its highest point being in the centre, and narrowing at each side into a thin band which is tied at the back of the head. It is doubtful whether this should be distinguished from the [Greek: stephanos], a crown of the same breadth and design all round, as on the coins of Argos with the head of Hera, who is expressly said by Pausanias to wear a _stephanos_. This word is also employed for crowns of laurel, olive or other plant. High crowns made of wicker-work ([Greek: poloi, kalathoi]) were also worn (see Gerhard, _Antike Bildwerke_, pls. 303-305). When the hair, as was most usual, was gathered back from the temples and fastened in a knot behind, hair-pins were required, and these were mostly of bone or ivory, mounted with gold or plain; so also when the hair was tied in a large knot above the forehead, as in the case of Artemis, or of Apollo as leader of the Muses. The early Athenians wore their hair in the fashion termed [Greek: krôbylos], with fastenings called "grasshoppers" ([Greek: tettiges]), in allusion to their claim of having originally sprung from the soil (Thuc. i. 6). The [Greek: tettiges] have been identified by Helbig with small spirals of gold wire, such as are found in early Etruscan tombs lying near the head of the skeleton. Such spirals were used in early Athens to confine the back hair, and this fashion may therefore be identified as the [Greek: krôbylos]. In archaic figures the hair is most frequently arranged over the brow and temples in parallel rows of small curls which must have been kept in their places by artificial means. Ear-rings ([Greek: enôtia, ellobia, heliktêres]) of gold, silver, or bronze plated with gold, and frequently ornamented with pearls, precious stones, or enamel, were worn attached to the lobes of the ear. For necklaces ([Greek: hormoi]), bracelets ([Greek: opheis]), brooches ([Greek: peronai]), and finger-rings ([Greek: daktylioi] or [Greek: sphragides]) the same variety and preciousness of material was employed. For the feet the sandal ([Greek: sandalon, pedilon]) was the usual wear; for hunting and travelling high boots were worn. The hunting-boot ([Greek: endromis]) was laced up the front, and reached to the calves; the [Greek: kothornos] (cothurnus) was a high boot reaching to the middle of the leg, and as worn by tragic actors had high soles. Slippers ([Greek: persikai]) were adopted from the East by women; shoes ([Greek: embades]) were worn by the poorer classes. Gloves ([Greek: cheirides]) were worn by the Persians, but apparently never by the Greeks unless to protect the hands when working (_Odyssey_, xxiv. 230). Hats, which were as a rule worn only by youths, workmen and slaves, were of circular shape, and either of some stiff material, as the Boeotian hat observed in terra-cottas from Tanagra, or of pliant material which could be bent down at the sides like the [Greek: petasos] worn by Hermes and sometimes even by women. The [Greek: kausia], or Macedonian hat, seems to have been similar to this. The [Greek: kyrbasia], or [Greek: kidaris], was a high-pointed hat of Persian origin, as was also the [Greek: tiara], which served the double purpose of an ornament and a covering for the head. Workmen wore a close-fitting felt cap ([Greek: pilos]).

See F. Studniczka, "Beiträge zur Geschichte der altgriechischen Tracht" (_Abhandlungen des arch.-epigr_. _Seminars in Wien_, vii. 1886); Lady Evans, _Chapters on Greek Dress_ (1893); W. Kalkmann, "Zur Tracht archäischer Gewandfiguren" (_Jahrb. des k. deutschen arch. Instituts_, 1896, pp. 19 ff.); S. Cybulski, _Tabulae quibus antiquitates Graecae et Romanae illustrantur_, Nos. 16-18 (1903), with text by W. Amelung; Ethel B. Abrahams, _Greek Dress_ (1908).

[Illustration: Fig. 19.]

iv. _Etruscan Costume._--The female dress of the Etruscans did not differ in any important respect from that of the Greeks; it consisted of the _chiton_ and _himation_, which was in earlier times usually worn as a shawl, not after the fashion of the Doric [Greek: peplos]. Two articles of costume, however, were peculiar to the Etruscans--the high conical hat known as the _tutulus_,[25] and the shoes with turned-up points (Latin _calcei repandi_). These have oriental analogies, and lend support to the tradition that the Etruscans came from Asia. Both are represented on a small bronze figure in the British Museum (fig. 19). On a celebrated terra-cotta sarcophagus in the British Museum of much later date (fig. 20), the female figure reclining on the lid wears a Greek chiton of a thin white material, with short sleeves fastened on the outside of the arm, by means of buttons and loops; a _himation_ of dark purple thick stuff is wrapped round her hips and legs; on her feet are sandals, consisting of a sole apparently of leather, and attached to the foot and leg with leather straps; under the straps are thin socks which do not cover the toes; she wears a necklace of heavy pendants; her ears are pierced for ear-rings; her hair is partly gathered together with a ribbon at the roots behind, and partly hangs in long tresses before and behind; a flat diadem is bound round her head a little way back from the brow and temples. Purple, pale green and white, richly embroidered, are favourite colours in the dresses represented on the painted tombs.

[Illustration: Redrawn from photo (Mansell).

FIG. 20.]

The chief article of male dress was called the tebenna. We are told by ancient writers that the _toga praetexta_, with its purple border ([Greek: periporphyros têbenna]), as worn by Roman magistrates and priests, had been derived from the Etruscans (Pliny, N.H. ix. 63, "praetextae apud Etruscos originem invenere"); and the famous statue of the orator in Florence (Plate, fig. 22), an Etruscan work of the 3rd century B.C., represents a man clothed in this garment, which will be described below. Under the tebenna, or toga, which was necessary only for public appearance, the Etruscans wore a short tunic similar to the Greek chiton. For workmen and others of inferior occupation this appears to have been the only dress. Youths, when engaged in horsemanship and other exercises, wore a chlamys round the shoulders, which, however, was semicircular in cut, and was fastened on the breast by buttons and a loop, or tied in a knot, whereas the Greek chlamys was oblong and fastened on the shoulder by a brooch. On public or festal occasions the Etruscan noble wore, besides the tebenna, a _bulla_, or necklace of _bullae_, and a wreath, _corona Etrusca_. The bulla was a circular gold locket containing a charm of some kind against evil.[26] On the later sarcophagi the male figures wear not only a wreath or _corona_ proper, but also a garland of flowers hung round the neck. The male head-dress was the _galerus_, a hat of leather, said to have been worn by the Lucumos in early times, or the _apex_, a pointed hat corresponding to the _tutulus_ worn by females. The fashion of shoes worn by Roman senators was said to have been derived from Etruria. Etruscan shoes were prized both in Greece and in Rome.

Helbig's articles, referred to at the close of the next section, should be consulted. J. Martha, _L'Art étrusque_, gives reproductions of the most important monuments. See also the works on Etruscan civilization named in the art. ETRURIA.

v. _Roman Costume._--We are told that the _toga_, the national garment of the Romans, was originally worn both by men and by women; and though the female dress of the Romans was in historical times essentially the same as that of the Greeks, young girls still wore the _toga_ on festal occasions, as we see from the reliefs of the Ara Pacis Augustae. In early times no undergarment was worn save a loin-cloth (_subligaculum_), which seems to be a survival of early Mediterranean fashions (see above, sect. _Aegean Costume_), and candidates for office in historical times appeared in the _toga_ and _subligaculum_ only. In this period, however, the _tunica_, corresponding to the Greek chiton, was universally worn in ordinary life, and the _toga_ gradually became a full-dress garment which was only worn over the _tunica_ on important social occasions; Juvenal (iii. 171) tells us that in a great part of Italy no one wore the _toga_ except at his burial!

The _toga_ was a piece of woollen cloth in the form of a segment of a circle,[27] the chord of the arc being about three times the height of the wearer, and the height a little less than one-half of this length. One end of this garment was thrown over the left shoulder and allowed to hang down in front; the remainder was drawn round the body and disposed in various ways. In the _cinctus Gabinus_, which was the fashion adopted in early times when fighting was in prospect, the end of the _toga_ was drawn tightly round the waist and formed a kind of girdle; this was retained in certain official functions, such as the opening of the temple of Janus in historical times.[28] In time of peace the _toga_ was wrapped round the right arm, leaving the hand only free, much after the fashion of the Greek _himation_, and thrown over the left shoulder so as to fall down behind (see ROMAN ART, Plate II., fig. 11, male figure to r.); or, if greater freedom were desired, it was passed under the right arm-pit. In religious ceremonies, the magistrate presiding at the sacrifice drew the back of the toga over his head; see in the same illustration the priest with veiled head, _ritu Gabino_, who also wears his _toga_ with the _cinctus Gabinus_. Towards the end of the republic a new fashion was generally adopted. A considerable length of the toga was allowed to hang from the left shoulder; the remainder was passed round the body so as to rise like a baldric (_balteus_) from the right hip to the left shoulder, being folded over in front (the fold was called sinus), then brought round the back of the neck so that the end fell over the right shoulder; the hanging portion on the left side was drawn up through the _sinus_, and bulged out in an _umbo_ (Plate, fig. 24). Later still, this portion, instead of forming a bundle of folds in the centre, was carefully folded over and carried up over the left shoulder, and in course of time these folds were carefully arranged in several thicknesses resembling boards, _tabulae_, hence called _contabulatio_ (Plate, fig. 23). Yet another fashion was that adopted by the flamens, who passed the right-hand portion of the _toga_ over the right shoulder and arm and back over the left shoulder, so that it hung down in a curve over the front of the body; the upper edge was folded over. The flamens are thus represented on the Ara Pacis Augustae.

The plain white toga (_toga pura_) was the ordinary dress of the citizen, but the _toga praetexta_, which had a border of purple, was worn by boys till the age of sixteen, when they assumed the plain _toga virilis_, and also by curule magistrates and some priests. A purple toga with embroidery (_toga picta_) was worn together with a gold-embroidered tunic (_tunica palmata_) by generals while celebrating a triumph and by magistrates presiding at games; it represented the traditional dress of the kings and was adopted by Julius Caesar as a permanent costume. The emperors wore it on occasions of special importance. The _trabea_, which in historical times was worn by the consuls when opening the temple of Janus, by the _equites_ at their yearly inspection and on some other occasions, and by the Salii at their ritual dances, and had (according to tradition) formed the original costume of the augurs and flamens (who afterwards adopted the _toga praetexta_), was apparently a _toga_ smaller in size than the ordinary civil dress, decorated with scarlet stripes (_trabes_). It was fastened with brooches (fibulae) and appears to have been worn by the _equites_, e.g. at the funeral ceremony of Antoninus Pius.

The tunica was precisely like the Greek chiton; that of the senator had two broad stripes of purple (latus clavus) down the centre, that of the knight two narrow stripes (angustus clavus). A woollen undergarment (subucula) was often worn by men; the women's under-tunic was of linen (indusium). When women gave up the use of the toga, they adopted the stola, a long tunic with a border of a darker colour (instita) along the lower edge; the neck also sometimes had a border (patagium). The tunic with long sleeves (tunica manicata) was a later fashion. Over this the ricinium or rica, a shawl covering the head and shoulders, was worn in early times, and retained by certain priestesses as an official costume;[29] but it gave place to the palla, the equivalent of the Greek himation, and the dress of the Roman women henceforward differed in no essential particular from that of the Greek.

A variety of cloaks were worn by men during inclement weather; in general they resembled the Greek chlamys, but often had a hood (_cucullus_) which could be drawn over the head. Such were the _birrus_ (so-called from its red colour), _abolla_ and _lacerna_. The _paenula_, which was the garment most commonly worn, especially by soldiers when engaged on peace duties, was an oblong piece of cloth with a hole in the centre for the neck; a hood was usually attached to the back. It survives in the ritual chasuble of the Western Church. The Greek military chlamys appears in two forms--the _paludamentum_ of the general (e.g. Trajan as represented on the Arch of Constantine, ROMAN ART, Plate III., fig. 16), and the _sagum_ worn by the common soldier (e.g. by some of the horsemen on the base of the Antonine column, ROMAN ART, Plate V., fig. 21). When the toga went out of use as an article of everyday wear, the _pallium_, i.e. the Greek _himation_, was at first worn only by Romans addicted to Greek fashions, but from the time of Tiberius, who wore it in daily life, its use became general. Long robes bearing Greek names (_synthesis, syrma_, &c.) were worn at dinner-parties.

The Romans often wore sandals (_soleae_) or light shoes (_socci_), but in full dress (i.e. with the toga) it was necessary to wear the _calceus_, which had various forms by which classes were distinguished, e.g. the _calceus patricius, mulleus_ (of red leather) and _senatorius_ (of black leather). This was a shoe with slits at the sides and straps knotted in front; its forms may be seen on the relief from the Ara Pacis. The senators' _calceus_ had four such straps (_quattuor corrigiae_), which were wound round the ankle (cf. the _flamen_ on the Ara Pacis), and was also adorned with an ivory crescent (_lunula_). A leathern tongue (_lingula_) is often seen to project from beneath the straps. The soldier's boot (_caliga_, from which the emperor Gaius derived his nickname, Caligula) was in reality a heavy hobnailed sandal with a number of straps wound round the ankle and lower leg. A high hunting boot was called _compagus_. Women at times wore the _calceus_, but are generally represented in art with soft shoes or sandals.

Hats were seldom worn except by those who affected Greek fashions, but the close-fitting leather _pileus_ seems to have been an article of early wear in Italy, since its use survived in the ceremony of manumission, and the head-dress of the pontifices and flamines (cf. the relief of the Ara Pacis already referred to) consisted in such a cap (_galerus_) with an apex, or _spike_, of olive wood inserted in the crown.

For personal ornament finger-rings of great variety in the material and design were worn by men, sometimes to the extent of one or more on each finger, many persons possessing small cabinets of them. But at first the Roman citizen wore only an iron signet ring, and this continued to be used at marriages. The _jus annuli aurei_, or right of wearing a gold ring, originally a military distinction, became a senatorial privilege, which was afterwards extended to the knights and gradually to other classes. Women's ornaments consisted of brooches (_fibulae_), bracelets (_armillae_), armlets (_armillae, bracchialia_), ear-rings (_inaures_), necklaces (_monilia_), wreaths (_coronae_) and hair-pins (_crinales_). The tore (_torques_), or cord of gold worn round the neck, was introduced from Gaul. A profusion of precious stones, and absence of skill or refinement in workmanship, distinguish Roman from Greek or Etruscan jewelry; but in the character of the designs there is no real difference.

See Marquardt-Mau, _Privatleben der Römer_, pp. 550 seq. (gives a full collection of literary references); Cybulski, _op. cit_., pls. xix., xx., with Amelung's text; articles by W. Helbig, especially _Sitzungsberichte der bayrischen Akademie_ (1880), pp. 487 seq. (on headgear); _Hermes_ xxxix. 161 seq. (on _toga_ and _trabea_), and _Mémoires de l'Académie des inscriptions_, xxxvii. (1905) (on the costume of the Salii); articles by L. Heuzey in Daremberg and Saglio's _Dictionnaire des antiquités_, also in _Revue de l'art_, i. 98 seq., 204 seq., ii. 193 seq., 295 seq. (on the _toga_). See also the general bibliography at the end. (H. S. J.)

II. COSTUME IN MEDIEVAL AND MODERN EUROPE

i. _Pre-Roman and Roman Britain._--Men who had found better clothing than the skins of beasts were in Britain when Caesar landed. Little as we know of England before the English, we have at least the knowledge that Britons, other than the poorer and wilder sort of the north and the fens, wore cloaks and hats, sleeved coats whose skirts were cut above the knee and loose trousers after the fashion of the Gauls. They were not an armoured race, for they would commonly fight naked to the waist, dreadful with tattooing and woad staining, but Pliny describes their close-woven felts as all but sword-proof. Dyers as well as weavers, their cloaks, squares of cloth like a Highland plaid, were of black or blue, rough on the one side, while coats and trousers were bright coloured, striped and checkered, red being the favourite hue. For ornament the British chiefs wore golden torques about their necks and golden arm-rings with brooches and pins of metal or ivory, beads of brass, of jet and amber from their own coasts, and of glass bought of the Southern merchants. Their women had gowns to the ankle, with shorter tunics above them. The Druid bards had their vestments of blue, while the star-gazers and leeches went in green.

Agricola's Romanizing work must have made great changes in dress as in policy. The British chief with the Latin tongue in his mouth, living in a Roman villa and taking his bath as did the Romans, wore the white woollen toga and the linen tunic, his wife having the stole, the pall and the veil.

[Illustration: FIG. 25.--Old English Dress. From the Benedictional of St Æthelwold (c. 963-984).]

[Illustration: FIG. 26.--The Blessed Virgin. From the Benedictional of St Æthelwold (c. 963-984).]

Before the Conquest.

ii. _Old English Dress._--The skill of their artists gives us many accurate pictures of the dress of the English before the Norman Conquest, the simple dress of a nation whose men fight, hunt and plough. The man's chief garment is a sleeved tunic hanging to the knee, generally open at the side from hip to hem and in front from the throat to the breast. Sleeves cut loosely above the elbow are close at the forearm. The legs are in hose like a Highlander's or in long breeches bandaged or cross-gartered below the knee. A short mantle to the calf is brooched at the shoulder or breast (fig. 25). There are long gowns and toga-like cloaks, but these as a rule seem garments for the old man of rank. In the open air the cloak is often pulled over the head, for hats and caps are rare, the Phrygian bonnet being the commonest form. Girdles of folded cloth gather the loose tunic at the waist. Most paintings show the ankle shoe as black, cut with a pointed tab before and behind, the soles being sometimes of wood like the sole of the Lancashire clog of our own days. A nobleman will have his shoes embroidered with silks or coloured yarns, and the like decoration for the hem and collar of his tunic. Poor men wear little but the tunic, often going barelegged, although the hinds in the well-known pictures of the twelve months have shoes, and the shepherd as he watches his flock covers himself with a cloak. In every graveyard of the old English we find the brooches, armlets, rings and pins of a people loving jewelry. Women wore a long gown covering the feet, the loose sleeves sometimes hanging over the hands to the knee. Over this there is often a shorter tunic with short sleeves. Their mantles were short or long, the hood or head rail wrapped round the chin (fig. 26). In broidery and ornament the women's dress matched that of the men. The Danes, warriors of the sea, soon took the English habit, becoming notable for their many changes of gay clothing.

PLATE

[Illustration: _Photo, Walker._

FIG. 21.--GRAVE-STATUE.]

[Illustration: _Photo, Alinari._

FIG. 22.--THE ORATOR (R. ARCH. MUS., FLORENCE). ]

[Illustration: _Photo, Anderson._

FIG. 23.--BUST OF PHILIP THE ARABIAN (VATICAN).]

[Illustration: _Photo, Moscioni._

FIG. 24.--TITUS (VATICAN).]

The Normans.

The Norman Conquest is marked by no great change in English clothing, the conquerors inclining towards the island fashions, as we may see by the fact that they gave up their curious habit of shaving the back of the head. But with the reign of the second William came the taste for the luxury of clothing and that taste for flowing hair and shoes with sharp points which is lamented by William of Malmesbury. In this reign we have the story of the Red King refusing to put on boots that cost but three shillings--the price of an ox--and wearing the same gladly when his chamberlain told him that they were a new pair worth a mark. Even more than the fashion of long cloaks and trailing gowns whose sleeves hang far below the hands, the fantastic boot and shoe toes bring the curses of the clergy and the moralizings of chroniclers. Fulk Rechin of Anjou is said by Orderic to have invented such gear to hide the monstrous bunions upon his toes, but a worthless Robert, a hanger-on of the court of William II., distinguishes himself and gains the surname of Cornard by stuffing his shoe tips with tow and twisting them like the horns of the ram.

12th and 13th centuries.

There are many illuminations which give us in plenty the details of all costumes of the 12th century. Thus the devil in a well-known MS. wears the gown of a lady of rank, the bodice tightly laced, the hanging sleeve knotted to keep it out of the mud. A MS. at Corpus Christi College, Oxford, shows in a picture of the vision of Henry I. that the men who reap and dig are simply clad in loose skirted tunics with close sleeves, that they have hats with brims, and cloaks caught by a brooch at the shoulder. Hats and caps are common in all classes and take many shapes--the Phrygian cap, the flat bonnet, the brimmed hat and the skull-cap.

[Illustration: FIG. 27.--A Lady and a King (temp. Hen. III.). (From Cotton MS. Nero, D. i.)]

With the coming of the house of Anjou English dress clears itself of the more fantastic features of an earlier generation. Henry II. brought in the short Angevin mantle and from it had his name of Curtmantle, but it was not a mastering fashion and the long cloak holds its own. Rich stuffs, cloth of gold or silk woven with gold, webs of damask wrought with stripes or rays and figured with patterns are brought in from the ports. Rare furs are eagerly sought. But the simplicity of line is remarkable. The drawings made for Matthew Paris's lives of the two Offas show people of all ranks clad without a trace of the tailor's fantasy. Kings and lords, churchmen and men of substance go in long gowns to the feet, the great folk having an orphrey or band of embroidery at the somewhat low-cut neck (fig. 27). Some of the sleeves have wide ends cut off at the mid-forearm, showing the tight sleeve of a shirt or smock below. Fashion, however, tends to lengthen sleeves to a tight wrist, the upper halves being cut wide and loose with the large armholes characteristic of most ancient tailoring. Over this gown is worn an ample cloak fastened at the neck with a brooch or clasp, and sometimes fitted with a hood. The dress of the common folk and of men of rank when

## actively employed is a tunic which is but the gown shortened to the

knee, a short cloak to the knee being worn with it (fig. 28). Belts and girdles are narrow and plain, the thongs without enrichment, showing no beginnings of the rich buckles and heavy bosses of a later fashion. Shoes and low-cut boots are slightly pointed, and hats, caps, hoods and coifs of many types cover the head. The women are like to the men in their long gown, but the head is wrapped in a coverchef hanging over the shoulder and bound with a fillet round the brow. Gloves are common in this age; "scraps of the cloth or the skin," says a poet, "do not want for a use: of them gloves are made."

[Illustration: FIG. 28.--Labourers (temp. Hen. III.). (From Cotton MS. Nero, D.i.)]

[Illustration: FIG. 29.--A Group of Clerks (early 14th century). (From Royal MS. 19 B. xv.)]

[Illustration: FIG. 30.--English Ploughmen of the 14th century.]

14th century.

At the court of Edward II., son of a king who went simply clad, Piers Gaveston and his like began to set the fashions for a century which to the curious antiquary is a garden of delights. For the history of the 14th-century clothing illuminations are supplemented by a number of effigies upon which the carver has wrought out the last details, by monumental brasses, and by contemporary literature and records (fig. 29). Garments take many shapes; sleeves, skirts and head-dresses run through many fashions; while personal ornaments are rich and beautiful to a degree never yet surpassed. With the beginning of the century there is seen a tendency to shorten the long gown, which had been the best wear of a man of good estate, to a more convenient length, although the knees are still well covered. Loose sleeves falling below the elbow leave to view the sleeve of an under-garment, buttoned tightly to the arm. In winter time a man's gown will have long sleeves that cover the hands when the arms are at length. The full cloak, although still found, is somewhat rare among a people that has, perhaps, learned to wear more clothes and warmer upon the body. Hoods are worn in many fashions, to be cast back upon the shoulders like a monk's cowl, the part at the back of the head being drawn out into a "liripipe" long enough at times, when the hood is drawn up, to be knotted round the brow turban-fashion (fig. 30). Long hose are drawn up the legs to join the short breech, and the toes of the ankle-shoes are pointed so long that holy men see visions of little devils using them as chariots. The women love trailing gowns. They have under-skirts and loose over-garments, sometimes sleeveless. Their hair at least would not shock those earlier prelates who cursed the long plaits, for it is caught up in a caul or braided at the sides of the head. In the second half of the century men of rank borrow from Germany the fashion of the _cote-hardie_. In its plainest form this short tunic, covering the fork of the leg, is cut closely to the body and arms (fig. 31). Sometimes the sleeve ends at the elbow and then another streamer is added to the one which falls from the hood, a strip of stuff continuing the elbow-sleeve as low as the coat edge. This strip and the hem of the skirt are often "slittered" with fanciful jags, a fashion which soon draws down the satirist's anger. Parti-coloured garments were an added offence; a gentleman would have his coat parted down the middle in red and white, with hose of white and red to match. Men and women of rank wear a twisted garland of rich stuff, crown-wise on the head, set with pearls and precious stones, a fashion which is followed on the great helm of the knights, being the "wreath" or "torce" of heraldry. The dames of such as wear the _cote-hardie_ imitate its tightness in the sleeves and bodices of their long gown. A curious fashion which now begins is the sleeveless upper gown whose sides are cut away in curved sweeps from the shoulder to below the waist, the edges of the opening being deeply furred. The strange head-dress with a steeple-horn draped with lawn kerchiefs makes its appearance to shock the moralists. Although it was probably a rare sight in this century, the horn could easily fulfil its mission of drawing notice to all its wearers.

[Illustration: FIG. 31.--Sons and Daughters of Edward III. (From his tomb in Westminster Abbey.)]

Of the _cote-hardie_ it might at least be said that it was the symbol of a knightly age in arms, the garment of a man who must have hand and limbs free, and, save for its sleeves, it faithfully copied the coat-armour of the armed knight. The softer days of Richard II. are remarkable for a dress which has also its significance, men of high rank taking to themselves gowns of such fulness that the satirists may be justified who declare that men so clad may be hardly known from women. The close collar of these gowns rises high as the neckcloth of a French _incroyable_, the upper edge turned slightly over and jagged. The full skirts sweep on the ground, which is touched by the last jags of the vast sleeves, whose openings, wide as a woman's skirts, are dagged like the edges of vine or oak leaves. "And but if the slevis," says the satirist, "slide on the erthe, thei wolle be wroth as the wynde." Sometimes this gown is slit at the sides that the gallant may the better show his coloured hose and tips of shoes that pike out two feet from heel to toe. When not wearing the gown such a lord would have a high-necked coat, shorter even than the _cote-hardie_, but looser in the skirt, the sleeves ending full and loose with dagged edges turned over at the cuff. Hats are more commonly worn in this century, and in its latter half take many shapes, a notable one being that of a shortened sugar-loaf or thimble with a brim turned up, either all round, or, more frequently, behind or before. The long shoes, as their name of _crackowes_ or _poleynes_ implies, were a fashion which, by repute, came from Poland, a land ruled by the grandfather of Richard's first queen. When medieval fashions were past, they were remembered as a type of the old time, and a certain French _conteur_ begins a tale of old days, not with _jadis_, but with "In the time when they wore poleynes." Even parish priests, whose preaching should "dryve out the daggis and alle the Duche cotis," went, in this age of fine apparel, gaily clad in gowns of scarlet and green, "shape of the newe," in "cutted clothes" with "long pikes on her shone." More than this, they made scandal by ruffling with weapons--"bucklers brode and sweardes long, bandrike with baselardes kene." The skill of goldsmiths and craftsmen decorates all the appurtenances of the dress of this 14th century. Buttons, which appear in the first Edward's time as a scandalous ornament on men of low degree, have now become common, and, cunningly wrought, are used as much for _queintise_ as for service. A close row of them will run from wrist to elbow of tight sleeve. A row of buttons goes from the neck of a woman's gown, and the _cote-hardie_ may be fastened down the front with a dozen and a half of rich buttons. A purse or gipciere hung by a ring to the girdle gives more room for ornament in the silver or brass bar on which the bag depends. Above all the girdle, which--in harness or in silk--rich men wear broad and bossed with jewels across the thigh below the waist, makes work for the jeweller's craftsman. Such a girdle is for great folk alone; but lesser men, wearing a strap about their waists, will yet have a handsome buckle and a fanciful pendant of metal guarding the loose end of the strap.

[Illustration: FIG. 32.--Henry, Prince of Wales, and Occleve the Poet (c. 1410). (From Arundel MS. 38.)]

However fantastic the fashions of this or any other ages, folk of the middling sort will avoid the extremes. From the Knight to the Reve, no man of Chaucer's company calls to us by the fantasy of his clothing. The Knight himself rides in his fustian _gipoun_, the grime of his habergeon upon it, although his son's short gown, the gayest garment at the Tabard, had long and wide sleeves and is embroidered with flowers like any mead. A coat and hood of green mark the Yeoman, who has a silver Christopher brooch for ornament. The Merchant is in motley stuff, his beaver hat from Flanders and his clasped boots taking Chaucer's eye, as do the _anlas_ and silken _gipser_ which hang at the rich Franklin's belt. As for the London burgesses, their knife-chapes, girdles and pouches are in clean silver. The Shipman wears his knife in a lanyard about his neck, as his fellows do to this day, and his coat is of coarse falding to the knee. The Wife of Bath has the wimple below her broad hat and rides in a foot mantle about her hips. Poorer men's dress is on the Reve and the Ploughman, the one in a long _surcote_ of sky-blue and the other in the _tabard_ which we may recognize as that smock-frock which goes down the ages with little change.

15th century.

In the 15th century the middle ages run out. Fashions in this period become, if not more fantastic, more various. Its earlier years see men of rank still inclined to the rich modes of the last age: Harry of Monmouth, drawn about 1410 by an artist who shows him as Occleve's patron, wears a blue gown which might have passed muster at the court of Richard II. for its trailing skirts and its long sleeves, their slittered edges turned back (fig. 32). A strange fancy at this time was the hanging of silver bells on the dress. One William Staunton, in 1409, seeing in a vision at St Patrick's Purgatory the fate of earth's proud ones, is exact to note that in the place of torment the jags in men's clothes turn to adders, that women's trailing skirts are burnt over their heads, and that those men whose garments are overset with silver gingles and bells have burning nails of fire driven through each gingle. As for the chaplets of gold, of pearls and precious stones, they turn into nails of iron on which the fiends hammer.

[Illustration: FIG. 33.--The Squire. (From the Ellesmere MS. of the _Canterbury Tales_.)]

[Illustration: FIG. 34.--An English Squire and his Wife. (From a brass of 1409.)]

[Illustration: FIG. 35.--English Dress, c. 1433. (From Harl. MS. 2278.)]

The common habit of a well-clad man in the first half of this century is a loose tunic, lined with fur, or edged with fur at neck, wrist and skirt. At first the sleeves are long and bag-like, like to the Richard II. sleeve but drawn in to the wrist, where early examples are fastened with a button. A shorter tunic is worn below, whose tight sleeves are seen beyond the furred edge of the upper garment, mittens being sometimes attached to them. Over the shoulders the hood is thrown, or, in foul weather, a hood and cloak. The gown is girdled at the waist with a girdle from which hangs the anelace or baselard (fig. 34). Shoes are pointed. Hats and caps are seen in many shapes, but the most remarkable is the developed form of that head-dress which the 14th-century man seems to have achieved by putting his pate into the face-hole of his hood and twisting its liripipe round his brows. In the 15th century the effect is produced with a thick, turban-like roll of stuff from the top of which hung down on one side folds of cloth coming nigh to the shoulder, and on the other the liripipe broadened and lengthened to 4 or 5 ft. of a narrower folded cloth. As the century advances the bagpipe sleeves shrink in size and the tunic skirts are shortened (fig. 35). The old habit of going armed with anelace or baselard dies away in spite of troublous times. In the middle of the century the tunic is often no longer than a modern frock-coat, its sleeves little wider than those of a modern overcoat. Dress, indeed, becomes at this time convenient and attractive to our modern eyes. The last quarter of the century sees a new and important change. The tunic or gown, which was the garment of ceremony answering at once to our dress coats and frock coats, runs down to the feet. An act of 1463 ordered that coats should at least cover the buttocks, but fashion achieved suddenly what law failed to enforce. Men who had polled their hair short allowed it to grow and hang over the shoulders. The belt carries the purse or gipciere more commonly, although weapons are rarely seen, and it is notable that, as the Reformation approaches, the fashion of wearing a large "pair of beads" in the belt becomes a very common one. Last of all, the shoes change their shape. The reign of Edward IV. had seen the pointed toes as iniquitously long as ever the 14th century saw them. Even the long riding boot has the curving point, although otherwise much resembling the jack-boot of the 18th century. But after Bosworth Field the soles broaden, the point shrinks back and then disappears, and the footprint becomes shovel-shaped.

[Illustration: FIG. 36.--A Gentleman and his Wife. (From a brass of 1435.)]

Women's dress in the 15th century often follows the man's fashion of the furred gown, the skirts being lengthened for all difference. But the close-bodied and close-sleeved gown, with skirts broadening into many folds below the hips, is often seen with the long and plain cloak drawn with a cord at the breast, widows wearing this dress with the _barbe_, a crimped cloth of linen drawn up under the chin and ears and covering the collar-bone. With the barbe went the kerchief, draping head and shoulders. The bossed cauls of the earlier head-dress, drawn high on either side of the head until face and head-dress took the shape of a heart, are characteristic of the age (fig. 36). In some cases the cauls are drawn out at the sides to the form of a pair of bulls' horns or of a mitre set sideways. In the time of Edward IV. we have a popular head-dress to which has been given the name of the butterfly. The hair in its caul is pulled backward, and wires set in it allow the ends of a cambric veil to float behind like the wings of a butterfly settled on a flower.

[Illustration: FIG. 37.--A Gentleman and his Wife. (From a brass of 1508.)]

[Illustration: Drawn from a photo by Mansell.

FIG. 38.--The Earl of Surrey (late in reign of Henry VIII.).]

The 16th century.

The new England of the 16th century breaks with the past in most of its fashions. Never again does an Englishman return to the piked shoes. High fashion under Henry VIII. is all for broad toes, so broad that the sumptuary laws, from banning long toes, swing about to condemn excess in the new guise. Under Henry VII. the medieval influence is still strong in the body-clothing. A bravely dressed man will go in long hose, cut close to the body, and a short vest under which the shirt is seen at waist and wrist. Over this he will wear the open gown, lined with fur, and cut short as a jacket but having the sleeves hanging below the knee. Such sleeves are commonly slashed open at the sides to allow the forearm to pass through. Shorter false sleeves of this pattern had become popular in the age of Edward IV. Graver men will wear, in place of this short gown, a long one dropping to the broad shoe-toes, the sleeves wide-mouthed (fig. 37). Sometimes it hangs loosely; sometimes it has the girdle with purse and beads. Notaries and scriveners add to the girdle a penner, or pen-case, and a stoppered ink-bottle. Wide hats are found, crowned with huge plumes of feathers, but the characteristic headgear is that made familiar by portraits of Henry VII., a low-crowned cap whose upturned brim is nicked at one side. A few sober men wear coats differing little from the short gown of forty years before. Among ladies the butterfly head-dress and the steeple cap passed out of fashion, and a grave headgear comes in which has been compared with a dog-kennel, a hood-cap thrown over head and shoulders, the front being edged with a broad band which was often enriched with needlework, the ends falling in lappets to the breast. This band is stiffened until the face looks out as from the open gable-end of a house. The gown is simple in form, close-fitting to the body, the cuffs turned up with fur and the skirts long. A girdle is worn loosely drawn below the waist, its long strap letting the metal pendant fall nearly to the feet. Long cloaks, plainly cut, are gathered at the neck with a pair of long cords, like tasselled bell-pulls. While Henry VIII. is spending his father's hoards we have a splendid court, gallantly dressed in new fashions. His own broad figure, in cloth of gold, velvet and damask, plaits, puffs and slashes, stiff with jewels, is well known through scores of portraits, and may stand for the high-water mark of the modes of his age. The Hampton Court picture of the earl of Surrey is characteristic of a great lord's dress of a somewhat soberer style (see fig. 38). The king, proud of his own broad shoulders, set the fashion to accent this breadth, and it will be seen that the earl's figure, leaving out the head and hose, all but fills a perfect square. Such men have the air of playing-card knaves. Surrey's cap is flat, with a rich brooch and a small side-feather. His short doublet of the new style is open in front to show a white shirt covered with black embroidery whose ruffles cover his wrists. His over-garment or jerkin has vast sleeves, rounded, puffed and slashed. Under the doublet are seen wide trunk-breeches. He goes all in scarlet, even to the shoes, which are of moderate size. The girdle carries a sword with the new guard and a dagger of the Renascence art, graced with a vast tassel. All is in the new fashion, nothing recalling the earlier century save the hose and the immodest _braguette_ which, seen in the latter half of the fourteen-hundreds, is defiantly displayed in the dress and armour of this age of Henry VIII. Even the hair follows the new French mode and is cropped close. Other fashionable suits of the time give us the tight doublets, loose upper sleeves and trunk hose as a mass of small slashes and puffs, a fashion which came in from the Germans and Switzers whom Henry saw in the imperial service. Such clothing goes with the shoes whose broad toes are slashed with silk, and the wide and flat caps with slashed edges, bushed with feathers, which headgear was often allowed to hang upon the shoulders by a pair of knotted bonnet-strings, while a skull-cap covered the head. With all this fantasy the dress of simpler folk has little concern, and a man in a plain, short-skirted doublet, with a flat cap, trunk breeches, long hose and plain shoes, has nothing grotesque or unserviceable in his attire. The new sumptuary laws, which were not allowed to become a dead letter, had their influence in restraining middle-class extravagance. No man under a knight's degree was to wear a neck-chain of gold or gilded, or a "garded or pinched shirte." Brooches of goldsmith's work were for none below a gentleman. Women whose husbands could not afford to maintain a light horse for the king's service had no business with gowns or petticoats of silk, chains of gold, French hoods, or bonnets of velvet. This French hood is the small bonnet, two of whose many forms may be seen in the best-known portraits of Mary of England and Mary, queen of Scots--a cap stiffened with wires. With its introduction the fashionable skirt began to lose its graceful folds and to spread stiffly outward in straight lines from the tight-laced waist, the front being open to show a petticoat as stiff and enriched as the skirt. The neck of the gown, cut low and square, showed the _partlet_ of fine linen pleated to the neck. In the days of Edward VI. and Queen Mary the dress of most men and women loses the fantastic detail of the earlier Tudor age. In the dress of both sexes the joining of the sleeve to the shoulder has, as a rule, that large puff which stage dressmakers bestow so lavishly upon all old English costumes, but otherwise the woman's gown and hood and the man's doublet, jerkin and trunk hose are plain enough, even the shoes losing all the fanciful width. Mary, indeed, added to the statute

## book more stringent laws against display of rich apparel, laws that

would fine even a gentleman of under £20 a year if silk were found in his cap or shoe. Small ruffs, however, begin to appear at the neck, and most wrists are ruffled. The ruff, which began simply enough in the first half of this century as a little cambric collar with a goffered edge, is for all of us the distinguishing note of Elizabethan dress. It grew wide and flapping, therefore it was stiffened upon wires and spread from a concealed frame, row on row of ruffs being added one above the other until the wearer, man or woman, seemed to carry the head in a cambric charger. Starch, cursed as a devilish liquor by the new Puritan, gave it help, and English dress acquired a deformity which can only be compared with the great farthingale or with the last follies of the wig. The skirt of a woman of fashion, which had already begun to jut from the waist, was drawn out before the end of Elizabeth's reign at right angles from the waist until the dame had that air of standing within a great drum which Sir Roger de Coverley remarked in the portrait of an ancestress. Elizabeth herself, long-waisted and of meagre body, set the fashions of her court, other women pinching their waists into the long and straight stomacher ending in a peak before. She herself followed her father's taste in ornament, and on great days was set about like the Madonna of a popular shrine with decorations of all kinds, patterns in pearl, quiltings, slashings, puffings and broidery, tassels and rich buttons. Among men the important change is the disappearance of the last of the long hose, all men taking to trunk-hose and nether-stocks or stockings, while their doublets tend to follow the same long-waisted fashion as the bodices of the women, whose doublets and jerkins, buttoned up the breast, bring the Puritan satirists against them. Of these satirists Philip Stubbes is the best-known, his _Anatomie of Abuses_, published in 1583, being a very wardrobe of Elizabethan fashions, although false or dyed hair, the ruff and its starch, and the ear-rings worn by some women and many men draw his hottest anger. William Harrison sings on a like note about the same time, declaiming especially against the mutability of fashion, declaring that the imported Spanish, French and German guises made it easier to inveigh against such enormities than to describe the English attire with any certainty. For him women were become men, and men transformed into monsters. "Neither was it ever merrier with England than when an Englishman was known abroad by his own cloth and contented himself at home with his fine carsey hosen and a mean slop; his coat, gown and cloak of brown, blue or puke, with some pretty furniture of velvet or fur and a doublet of sad tawny or black velvet or other comely silk, without such cuts and garish colours as are worn in these days, and never brought in but by the consent of the French, who think themselves the gayest men when they have most diversities of jags and change of colours about them." He adds that "certes of all estates our merchants do least alter their attire ... for albeit that which they wear be very fine and costly, yet in form and colour it representeth a great piece of the ancient gravity appertaining to citizens and burgesses." But as for the "younger sort" of citizens' wives, Harrison finds in their attire "all kind of curiosity ... in far greater measure than in women of a higher calling."

17th century.

The coming of King James is not marked by any sudden change of attire, most of the Elizabethan fashions running on into his reign. The tight doublet has stiff wings at the shoulders, close sleeves and short skirt. The many fashions of breeches are still popular, most of them padded or stuffed. There are trunk hose that have the air of petticoats rolled inward half way up the thigh. There is the "great round abominable breech," pegtop shaped from below the knee to waist, as it appears in the well-known print of James himself with hawk on fist. Among women of fashion obtained a remarkable mode of exposing the breast, when the ruff and bodice were cut away; and the wheel fardingale was still worn, an order against it in 1613 rather increasing than diminishing its size. But simpler fashions were setting in, and with the reign of Charles I. the extravagances of padding and slashing disappear. The ruff gives place at last to the falling band, a wide collar of lace or plain linen. The belt or girdle ceases to be common wear, save for those who hang a sword from it. Parties in the state come to be known by their dress, and we have the Puritan, his crop head covered by a wide-brimmed, high-crowned felt, without hatband or feather, and his plain falling band over a staidly-cut coat. Beside him we set the cavalier, lace at his band edge, wrist and wide boot tops. His hat is feathered, his doublet lets the fine cambric of the shirt be seen at the waist, his short breeches are fringed with points or tags. His long hair has one lock brought over the left shoulder to be marked as a lovelock by a ribbon at the end. But the clothing of this age has been illustrated by Van Dyck and by a hundred other portrait painters, who as illustrators of costume take the place of the monumental sculptors, then less commonly called on for an effigy in the habit of life. And the time of the Commonwealth passes without notable change. Those who were in power favoured a sober habit, although we find General Harrison in scarlet and clinquant matching with Colonel Hutchinson in courtly apparel, and before the Restoration the tract-writers find matter of condemnation, especially in the items of patches, hair-powder and face paints.

[Illustration: FIG. 39.--An English Lady. From a brass of 1605.]

[Illustration: FIG. 40.--An English Lady of rank in 1643. After Hollar.]

[Illustration: FIG. 41.--The English Countrywoman of 1643. After Hollar.]

So far as the court was concerned, King Charles II. brought in the extravagant fashions of the courtiers of Louis XIV. The short-waisted doublets with loose sleeves slashed open at the sides, the short and wide petticoat breeches, their lining lower than the petticoat edge and tied below the knee, and the hose whose tops bagged over the garter, were in England before King Charles returned. He added to the breeches the rows of looped ribbons, gave falling ruffles to the knees of the hose and many feathers to the hat. The long, narrow-bladed rapier hung in a broad, embroidered belt, passed over the right shoulder, and the high-heeled shoes and knots of ribbons. Lely painted the women of this court in a studied negligence, but many pictures show us the loose sleeves turned up to the elbow with bows of ribbon, the close bodice ending in a loose gown worn over a full skirted petticoat, a wide collar covering the shoulders.

[Illustration: FIG. 42.--A Squire of a Knight of the Bath at the Crowning of Charles II.]

Pepys is our chief authority for the remarkable resolution of Charles to change the fashion of his dress to one which he would never alter, a decision which the king communicated to his council in October 1666. On the 15th of that month the diarist noted that "this day the king begins to put on his vest, and I did see several persons of the House of Lords and Commons too, great courtiers, who are in it; being a long cassocke close to the body, of black cloth and pinked with white silk under it, and a coat over it, and the legs ruffled with black riband like a pigeon's leg ... a very fine and handsome garment." Rugge's diary records the same change to "a close coat of cloth pinkt, with a white taffety under the cutts. This in length reached the calf of the leg, and upon that a sercoatt cutt at the breast, which hung loose and shorter than the vest six inches. The breeches the Spanish cut, and buskins, some of cloth, some of leather, but of the same colour as the vest or garment." Says Evelyn, "a comely and manly habit, too good to hold." Later in the same month Pepys saw the court "all full of vests, only my Lord St Albans not pinked, but plain black; and they say the king says the pinking upon whites makes them look too much like magpies, and therefore hath bespoke one of plain velvet." The change, although the court was fickle, is of the first importance in the history of costume, for we have here the coat and waistcoat in a form from which our own coats and waistcoats derive without a break. Another important change affects dress for a century and a half. Just as costume begins to take the modern path we have the wig or peruke, strangest of all the fantasies of fashion, introduced as the wear for all men of standing. Pepys, the son of a tailor and a man with a shy affection for fine clothing, may again here be quoted. On a Sunday in February 1661 he "began to go forth in my coat and sword, as the manner now among gentlemen is." In November 1663 he takes another step with fashion, going to the periwig-maker to have his hair cut off and to put on his first periwig, for which he paid 3^l, another to be made up of the hair with which he had parted. The next day he wore the periwig to his office, and "no great matter was made of it." Two days later my Lord Sandwich "wondered at first to see me in my peruque," but even in church Pepys found that he drew little attention in the new guise. The same month the duke of York announced that he would wear the periwig, "and they say the king also will." Thus began this costly and inconvenient mode. At home and at their ease men commonly replaced the wig with a soft silk or velvet "night-cap," and the coat with a "morning gown" like our modern dressing gown. Powder, which had been dusted about the hair by a few courtiers and fashionable folk since the reign of Elizabeth, was used by most wearers of the wig. Hair "dressed with a powder" was often seen in London under the Commonwealth, and now the great periwig brought powder into frequent use.

[Illustration: FIG. 43.--A Gentleman of the Privy Chamber at the Crowning of James II.]

Before the end of the 17th century the periwig reached its greatest height and breadth, the curls of a fine gentleman towering in a mass above the brow and flowing far down over the shoulders or nigh to the waist. Guardsmen wore them tossing over their corslets, although a smaller variety, the campaign wig, had been introduced for war or travel. Many portraits of this age show its locks contrasting strangely with the soldier's steel breastplate and pauldrons, but it must be remembered that martial gentlemen would often choose to be painted in armour although such harness was disappearing from actual use.

[Illustration: FIG. 44.--The Herbwoman and her Maids at the Crowning of James II.]

Under James II. the coat adopted in the late reign was firmly established as the principal garment of a well-dressed man. Gowns remained but to make a ceremonial dress for the great officers of state, for the judges and the London liverymen, for such, indeed, as those who wear them in our own days. As for "the comely cloak, altogether used in the beginning of my time," Randle Holme notes that it was "now scarce used but by old and grave persons." The coat was sometimes buttoned down the front but was more often thrown open to display the waistcoat, a lesser coat with skirts. The great turned over cuffs were now below the elbow, although there was good space for the display of the ruffle, and at the neck was the large cravat with laced ends. After the battle of Steinkirk, in 1692, to which the young French nobles hastened with disarranged neckcloths, the cravat was sometimes worn twisted, the ends passed through a ring, although the word Steinkirk was in later years often carelessly given to the neckcloth worn in any style. For riding, the big jack-boot of earlier days, with spurs and broad spur-leathers, remained in fashion, although the bell-shaped tops were turned up and not down. Boots, however, were riding-gear. Gondomar, the Spanish ambassador to James I., had laughed over the citizens of London "all booted and ready to go out of town," but this custom died away, and a man in boots showed that he was for the road. William III.'s grave court was not one in which new fashions flourished, but it is remarkable that feminine modes take curious variety before the century end. Long-waisted and straitly cut stays were worn, the gown sleeve is short as the coat-sleeve of a Charles II. courtier. The gown itself has the skirts gathered to show the petticoat, and small aprons fringed with lace are often seen. The simple head-dresses of the Restoration are changed for caps with long lace lappets, or for a cap whose top-knot or commode stood up stiff and fan-shaped like a section cut out of an old ruff. When no commode was worn, a loose hood, thrown gracefully over the head and gathered at the shoulders, sometimes took its place. As a riding or walking dress, ladies of quality often wore coats, waistcoats, hats and cravats, not to be distinguished from those of their lords.

The 18th century.

For a distinguishing note of the 18th century, we may take the three-cornered cocked hat. Even in the Elizabethan age we have the gallant cocking up one side of his broad-brimmed, high-crowned felt or beaver and securing it with a jewel. Brims were as wide at the end of the 17th century, but the crown was lower. From the French court came the fashion of cocking up three sides, one at least being fastened with a loop of ribbon from which developed the cockade. A black cockade became the sign of a military man in England before 1750, and the same ornament, highly conventionalized, is now at the side of the tall hats worn by the grooms and coachmen of military and naval officers. Following varying fashions, the 18th-century cocked hat was laced with gold and silver or edged with feathers. It was cocked in a hundred forms, from that which has three sides slightly curled upward to the great Khevenhueller cock, wherewith a very wide-brimmed hat was flapped up at the front and rear, a military or martial hat. Wigs, worn by all the upper- and middle-class men, were generally powdered, but the lesser or Ramillie wig soon drove out the huge and costly full-bottomed periwig, even for ceremonial occasions. Of Lord Bolingbroke it is told that he once attended Queen Anne in haste with a tie or Ramillie wig on his head. Her Majesty showed her displeasure by remarking that his lordship would next come to court in a night-cap. Nevertheless, the tie-wig soon became court wear, secured at the back with a huge bow of ribbon below which hung the plaited pigtail, worn waist-long about 1740. But by that time young bloods were leaving campaign-wigs for the bob-wig which sat yet more closely to the head, the curls leaving the neck uncovered. Bag-wigs, found early in the century, covered the looped up pigtail in a black silk bag. Clergymen and grave physicians affected the full-bottomed wig after it became old fashioned. Subject to slight changes, eagerly followed by the beaux and mocked by the satirists, the habit of well-dressed men shows no great variety--the large-cuffed, collarless coats whose full skirts are now shortened, now lengthened, the long waistcoat to match, the closely fitting breeches, the stockings, the shoes and jack-boots. The coat tends to be thrown open to show the waistcoat, upon which brocade and embroideries were lavished. Stockings, until the middle of the century, were commonly drawn over the ends of the breeches and gartered below the knee. By 1740 the long cravat with hanging ends grows old fashioned. Young men take to the solitaire, a black cravat which became a mere loop of ribbon passed loosely round the neck and secured to the black tie of the wig.

[Illustration: FIG. 45.--An English Gentleman (c. 1730).]

George III.'s long reign begins with men's fashions little changed from those of his great-grandfather's time, although his sixty years carry us to the beginning of all the modern modes. The small wig long holds its own. The coat begins to show the broad skirts cut away diagonally from the waist to the skirt edge, and stockings are no longer rolled over the knee. Perhaps the most remarkable fashion was that which distinguished the Macaronis, travelled exquisites with whom the wig or long hair was dragged high above the forehead in a tall "toupee" with two large rows of curls at the side. This head-dress, clubbed into a heavy knot behind, was surmounted by a very little hat. The coat with small cuffs was much cut away before, the skimped skirts reaching midway down the thigh. Waistcoat flaps were but little below the waist. Breeches, striped or spotted like those of a Dresden china shepherd, were fastened at the knee with a bunch of ribbon ends; a watch-guard hung from each fob. The shirt-front was frilled and a white cravat was tied in a great bow at the chin. Macaronis wore a little curved hanger, or replaced the sword with a long, heavily tasselled cane, which served to lift the little hat off the topmost peak of the toupee. The woman-Macaroni wore no hoop but in full dress. Her gown was a loose wrapper, the sleeves short and wide with many ruffles, the skirt pulled aside to show a petticoat laced and embroidered with flowers. But her distinguishing mark was her head-dress, which exaggerated the male fashion, towering upward until the flowers and feathers at the top threatened the candelabra of the assembly room. The Macaronis appear about 1772 and stay but a short while, for the revolutionary fashions tread upon their heels.

[Illustration: FIG. 46.--An English Lady (c. 1730).]

Women's dress in this 18th century is dominated by the hoop-petticoat which Sir Roger de Coverley recognizes in 1711 as a new fashion and an old one revived. A stiff bodice laced in front, a gown, with short and wide-ended sleeves, gathered up in folds above the petticoat, a laced apron and a lace cap with hanging lappets, is the dress of the century's beginning. So the women of fashion are compared with children in go-carts, their tight-laced waists rising from vast bells of petticoats over which the gown is looped up like a drawn curtain. By 1750 the hoop-petticoat ringed with whalebone is so vast that architects begin to allow for its passage up London stairways by curving the balusters outward. Great variety of women's dress appears under George II., but those in the height of the mode affected a shepherdess simplicity in their walking clothes, wearing the flat-crowned or high-crowned hats and long aprons of the dairymaid. At this time a new fashion comes in, the _sacque_, a gown, sometimes sleeveless, open to the waist, hanging loosely from the shoulders to near the edge of the hoop-petticoat. George III.'s reign saw women's head-dressings reach an extravagance of folly passing all that had come before it. Hair kneaded with pomatum and flour was drawn up over a cushion or pad of wool, and twisted into curls and knots and decorated with artificial flowers and bows of ribbon. As this could not be achieved without the aid of a skilled barber, the "head" sometimes remained unopened for several weeks. At the end of that time sublimate powder was needed to kill off the tenantry which had multiplied within. At the beginning of the last quarter of the century the feathers grew larger, chains of beads looped about the curls, while ships in full sail, coaches and horses, and butterflies in blown glass, rocked upon the upper heights. Loose mob-caps or close "Joans" were worn in undress, often as simple as the full dress was fantastic. Varieties of the gown and sacque remained in fashion, the petticoat being still much in evidence, flounced or quilted, or festooned with ribbons. Before the 'eighties of this century were over, a new taste, encouraged by the painters of the school of Reynolds, began to sweep away many follies, and the revolutionary fashions of France, breaking with all that spoke of the old régime, expelled many more. The age of powder and gold lace, of peach-bloom brocade coats with muff-shaped cuffs, of bag-wigs and three-cornered hats drew suddenly to an end. Mr Pitt killed hair-powder by his tax of 1795, but before that time fashionable men, who since the beginning of George III's. reign had been somewhat inconstant to the wig, were wearing their own hair unpowdered and tied in a club at the back of the coat collar. Before the century end the roughly cropped "Brutus" head was seen. The wig remained here and there on some old-fashioned pates. Bishops wore it until far into the Victorian age, and it may still be seen in the Houses of Parliament and in the courts of law. Even breeches were passing, tight pantaloons showing themselves in the streets. The coat, cut away over the hips, began to take a high collar and the beginnings of the lappel. Its cuffs were of the modern shape, showing a narrow ruffle. The waistcoat ended at the waist. Loose neck-cloths were worn above a frilled shirt-front. Great jack-boots were given to postillions, and men of fashion walked the streets in short top-boots of soft black leather. Most remarkable of the revolutionary changes, the round hat came back, sometimes in a form which recalled the earlier 17th century, and at last took shape as the predecessor of our modern silk hat. Court dresses kept something of their magnificence, but men at home or in the streets were giving up in this time of change their ancient right to wear rich and figured stuffs. Laces and embroideries were henceforward but for military and civil uniforms.

Before 1790 women had begun to dismantle their high headgear, returning to nature by way of a frizzled bush, like a bishop's wig, with a few curls hanging over the shoulders. Over such heads would be seen towering mob-caps tied with ribbon and edged deeply with lace. Skirts took a moderate size and even court hoops were but panniers hung on either side of the hips. Short jackets with close half-sleeves were worn with the neck and breast covered with a cambric _buffant_ that borrowed a mode from the pouter pigeon. A riding habit follows as far as the short waist the new fashions for men's coats, the wide-brimmed hat being to match. Short waists came in soon after 1790, the bodice ending under the arm pits, "a petticoat tied round the neck: the arms put through the pocket-holes." With these French gowns came small coal-scuttle-shaped bonnets of straw, hung with many ribbons and decorated with feathers. At last the woman of fashion, dressed by a Parisian modiste after the orders of David the painter, gathered her hair in a fillet and clothed herself in little more than a diaphanous tunic gown over a light shift and close, flesh-coloured drawers. Her shoes became sandals: her jewels followed the patterns of old Rome. Yet the same woman, shivering half-clad in something that wrapped her less than a modern bathing-dress, appeared at court in the ancient hoop-skirt, tasselled, ribboned and garlanded, hung with heavy swags of coloured silk, and this until George IV. at last broke the antique order by a special command.

19th century.

The 19th century soon made an end of 18th century fashions already discredited by the revolutionary spirit. The three-cornered hat had gone, the heavy coat cuff and the cravat with hanging ends. Civilians had given up the ancient custom of going armed with a sword. The wig and even the pigtail tied with black shalloon were abandoned by all but a few old folk. Soldiers cut off their pigtails in 1808. But judges and lawyers wear their wigs in court in the 20th century, state coachmen wear them on the box, and physicians and the higher clergy wore them even in the street long after laymen had given them up. George IV. refused to receive a bishop of London who appeared at court without a wig, and Sumner, archbishop of Canterbury, wore one until his death in 1862. A few powdered heads were seen as late as the 'forties. M. de Ste Aulaire, the ambassador, made, as Lord Palmerston writes, a very deep and general impression in London society of 1841, not because he wore hair-powder but because he used so much of it. It is now used only by a few lacqueys. In the early Victorian period the cropped "Brutus" head was out of fashion, many men wearing their hair rather long and so freely oiled that the "anti-macassar" came in to protect drawing-room chair-backs.

[Illustration: From _Fraser's Magazine_, Dec. 1834.

FIG. 47.--Count D'Orsay. Dress of a man of Fashion in Early Victorian Period.]

With powdered hair and the pigtail passed away the 18th century cloth breeches. Here again some old-fashioned people made a stand against the change, the opposition of the clergy being commemorated in the black breeches still worn by bishops and other dignitaries of the church. But in the regent's time pantaloons of closely fitting and elastic cloth were worn with low shoes or Hessians, and pantaloons and Hessians did not utterly disappear from the streets until the end of the 'fifties. Squires and sportsmen put on buckskins of an amazing tightness and walked the street in top-boots. But the loose Cossack trousers soon made their appearance. The regent's influence made the blue coat with a very high velvet collar, a high-waisted Marcella waistcoat and white duck trousers strapped under the instep, a mode in which men even ventured to appear at evening receptions, although, in the year before Waterloo, the duke of Wellington was refused admittance to Almack's when thus clad. Long skirted overcoats, fur-collared and tight in the waist, completed this costume. Coats were blue, claret, buff and brown. "Pea-green Hayne" was known among clubmen by a brighter coloured garment. Civilians, like Jos Sedley, would sometimes affect a frock frogged and braided in semi-military fashion. The shirt collar turned upward, the points showing above vast cravats whose careful arrangement was maintained by one or two scarf-pins. Brummel the master dandy of his age, may be called the first dandy of the modern school. Dressing, as a rule, in black, he distinguished himself, not as the bucks of an earlier age by bright colours, rich materials or jewellery, but by his extravagant neatness and by the superb fit of garments which set the fashion for lesser men. To him, according to Grantley Berkeley, we owe the modern dress-coat. An idle phrase in Bulwer-Lytton's _Pelham_ (1828), that "people must be very distinguished in appearance" to look well in black, made black henceforward the colour of evening coats and frock coats. With the perfection of the silk hat in the 'thirties, English costume enters on its last phase. The coat cut away squarely in front was then out of the mode; it remains but in the evening-dress coat now always worn unbuttoned, and in the dress of the hunting field. The rest is a record of such slight changes as tailors may cautiously introduce among customers, no one of whom will dare to lead a new fashion boldly. For many decades the fashionably dressed man has been eager to conform to the last authorized vogue and to lose himself among others as shyly obedient. The tubular lines of 20th-century clothing advantage the tailor by the tendency of new clothing to crease at the elbow and bag at the knee. In preserving the necessary straight lines of his garments, in following the season's fashions in details which only an expert eye would mark, and in providing himself with clothes specialized for every hour of the day, for a score of sports and for the gradations of social ceremonial--in these things only can the modern dandy rival his magnificent predecessors. For ornament, other than plain shirt studs, a plain seal ring, a simple watch guard and a rarely-worn scarf pin, is denied him.

Women at the beginning of the 19th century were clad in those fashions which revolutionary France borrowed from the antique. The simplicity of this style gave it a certain grace; it was at the other pole from the absurdity of the court dress which, until George IV. ordered otherwise, perpetuated the bunched draperies, the flounces and furbelows and even the hoop of the worst period of the 18th century. The gown, lightly girdled near the arm-pits with a tasselled cord, fell in straight clinging folds. Soft muslin was the favourite material, and in muslin fashionable women faced the winter winds, protected only by the long pelisses which in summer were replaced by short spencers. Turbans, varying from a light headscarf of lace or muslin to a velvet confection like that of a Turk on a signboard, were the favourite headgear, although bonnets, hats and caps are found in a hundred shapes. Muslin handkerchiefs or small ruffs were worn about the neck in the morning dress. About the Waterloo period the elegance of the classical gown disappeared. The waist was still high at first but the gown was shorter and wider at the skirt. For evening dress these skirts were stiffened with buckram and trimmed with much tasteless trumpery. Large bonnets were common, and the hair was dragged stiffly to the back of the head, to be secured by a large comb. From 1830 begins a period of singular ugliness. Tight stays came back again, the skirt swept the pavements, a generation of over-clad matrons seemed to have followed a generation of nymphs. The 'fifties showed even more barbarous devices, and about 1854 came in from France the crinoline, that strange revival of the ancient hoop. Plaids, checks and bars, bright blues, crude violets and hideous crimsons, were seen in French merinos, Irish poplins and English alpacas. Women in short jackets, hooped skirts, hideous bonnets and shawls seemed to have banished their youth. The empress Eugénie, a leader of European fashion, decreed that white muslin should be the evening mode, and at balls, where the steels and whalebones of the crinoline were impossible, the women swelled their skirts by wearing a dozen or fourteen muslin petticoats at once. Towards the end of the 'sixties the crinolines disappeared as suddenly as they came, and by 1875 skirts were so tight at the knees that walking upstairs in them was an affair of deliberation. Before 1880 dress-reformers and aesthetes had attacked on two sides the fashions which had halted at the "Princesse" robe, draped and kilted. Both movements failed, but left marked effects. From that time fashion has been less blindly followed, and women have enjoyed some limited individual freedom in designing their costumes. Of 20th-century fashions it is most notable that they change year by year with mechanical regularity. The clothes of smart women can no longer be said to express any tendency of an age. Year by year the modes are deliberately altered by a conclave of the great _modistes_ whose desire is less to produce rich or beautiful garments than to make that radical alteration from loose sleeve to tight sleeve, from draped skirt to plain skirt, which will force every women to cast aside the last season's garments and buy those of the newer device. But of modern dress it may at least be said that cheaper materials, the sewing machine and the popular fashion papers allow women of the humbler classes to dress more decently and tastefully. Their dress is no longer that frowsy parody of richer women's frippery which shocked observant foreigners a generation ago.

_Underclothing._--Of the underclothing worn next the skin something may be said apart from the general history of costume. Linen shirts were worn by both men and women in the age before the Conquest, and even in the 10th century it was a penance to wear a woollen one. After that time we soon hear of embroidery and ornament applied to them, presumably at the collar which would be visible above gown or tunic. Men added short drawers, or breeches, a word which does not secure its modern value until the end of the 16th century. "Drawers" signified various descriptions of overall, Cotgrave explaining the word as coarse stockings drawn over others although Randle Holme gives it in its later sense. Isaac of Cyprus is named by Robert of Brunne as escaping "bare in his serke and breke." Henry Christall, who brought four Irish kings to London, told Froissart how, finding that they wore no breeches, he bought linen cloth for them. Medieval romances and the like give us the choice of shirts of linen, of fine Holland, of cloth of Rennes and even of silk, and Chaucer speaks of women's smocks wrought with silk, embroidered behind and before. Poorer folk went, like Thynne's poor countryman, in shirts of "canvas hard and tough," or of coarse Breton dowlas. Under the first Tudors, shirts are decorated with gold, silk and black thread embroideries, the latter being seen in the ruffled shirt worn by the earl of Surrey in our illustration (see fig. 38). Stubbes, in his often-quoted _Anatomie of Abuses_ (1583) declaims against the extravagant sums spent in shirts, the meanest of which would cost a crown or a noble, while the most curiously stitched were valued at ten pounds a piece, "which is horrible to hear." The Puritans, many of whom, like the later Clapham sect, were careful of intimate luxuries, had a curious fashion of wearing shirts and smocks worked with "holy embroideries," Biblical sentences or figures, which recall a similar custom among the early Christians. At this time underclothing had increased in quantity, for there are many indications that the men and women of the middle ages were often content with a bare change of linen at the best. _The Book of Courtesy_ (temp. Hen. VII.) orders the servant to provide "clene sherte and breche" against his master's uprising, but the laundering of the linen of the Percy household, a hundred and seventy people, costs but forty shillings a year in the reign of Henry VIII.

[Illustration: FIG. 48.--A Man-at-arms and a Man in a Shirt (early 14th century). From Royal MS. 19 B. xv.]

With that modern period of dress which may be said to begin with the Restoration, shirts increased in number. Women shifted their smocks when coming in from field sports, fine gentlemen became proud of the number of their shirts, as was that 18th-century lord who boasted to Casanova of his changing a shirt several times in the day, his chin being shaved on each occasion. A valuable document concerning the underclothing worn by a citizen in the reign of Charles II. is afforded by the evidence of the man who helped to strip the body of the suicide Sir Edmond Berry Godfrey. "I pulled off his shoes," says Fisher, "three pairs of stockings and a pair of socks, his black breeches and his drawers." His coat and waistcoat, his shirt and his flannel shirt are also named. The knight came by his end on an October day. He was therefore warmly clad. His three pair of stockings will be noted: two pair are worn at the present day by most men in court dress. The socks are a rarely named addition, and the flannel shirt may be remarked. Loose ruffles of lace were attached to shirt cuffs until during the great part of the 18th century, and the ruffled or goffered shirt-front, which became common under George III., continued in use in the early Victorian period, the stiffly starched shirt-front taking its place at last even in evening dress. The last quarter of the 19th century, breaking through the strange mock-modesty which spoke of breeches as "inexpressibles," saw the question of hygienic underclothing a subject much in debate, and now most men other than the poorer sort wear, besides the shirt, a light woollen vest and short drawers or long pantaloons of wool or wool's counterfeit. Woollen shirts are worn by bicyclists, cricketers and tennis players. In morning dress the inconvenience of the starched shirt-front is commonly avoided. A goffered shirt-front worn with evening dress is the mark of a foreigner in London, but some few men venture to clothe themselves for the evening in a shirt whose front is pleated and but slightly starched. Loose collars, formerly known as false collars, descendants of the Puritan's "plain band," have been attached to the shirt by studs at least for the last fifty years. Their fashions often change, but the older type turned down at the edge is not often seen. To women's underclothing drawers have been added in the 19th century. Brantôme, writing in the 16th, speaks of this garment as then lately introduced since the time of Henri II., but the fashion, apparently, did not long endure in France. In England they are noted as in occasional use at the Restoration. After 1820 a sort of trouser with a frilled edge was worn for a time by fashionable women in England. The pantalette which afterwards appears in pictures of young girls was a mere legging fastened by tapes above the knees. Many women of the better class only adopted drawers at the end of the 'forties, and it may be presumed that the fashion reached the humble sort at a much later date. Towards the end of the 19th century both drawers and smock or "chemise" were commonly exchanged for a more convenient "combination garment."

[Illustration: From Hottenroth, _Trachten der Völker_, by permission of Gustav Weise Verlag.

FIG. 49.--German Dress (early 16th century).]

[Illustration: From Hottenroth, _Trachten der Völker_.

FIG. 50.--A French Nobleman (c. 1660).]

[Illustration: From Hottenroth, _Trachten der Völker_.

FIG. 51.--A Spanish Nobleman (latter half of 16th century). ]

_European Fashions._--Race, climate, poverty and wealth have all had their part in the fashion of clothing. A mountaineer is not clad as a lowlander; the Tirolese in his short breeches, the Highlanders of Scotland and Albania in their tartan or white linen kilts go with uncovered knees. The Russian moujik in winter has his frowsy sheepskin coat, and the Russian prince imitates it in costly furs. While the rich man's clothing alters with every fancy of the tailors, the poor man's garments, fewer and cheaper, change slowly in the ages. An old Lincolnshire peasant wearing his smock frock and leathern gaiters might pass unnoted in a peasant crowd of centuries ago. Here and there in Europe we find in the 20th century a peasantry in whose clothing fashion seems to have been suddenly stayed. A Breton peasant in his holiday dress gives us a man of the late 17th century, even as an Irish peasant may keep the breeches, shoes and tailed coat of the early 19th. But the old fashions are passing from Europe: the sewing machine and the railway sweep before them the pleasant provincialisms of dress. A shirt with the bosom heavily embroidered, a skirt with a year's stitching in the hem are not to be imitated by the dealer in ready-made clothing, who offers, instead, cheapness and the brisk variety of the town. Old writers, each in turn, set up their wail that the time was come when you could not tell Jack from his master, the burgess from the knight. And now that time has come in some sort, for the town dress of the richer classes of London or Paris is imitated by all peoples and by rich and poor. Especially is this the case in England where the clean and honourable blouse of the French workman is not, a journeyman painter or labourer often going to his work in a frayed and greasy morning coat after the cut of that in which a rich man will pay a London morning call. English fashions for men are followed in Paris. London women follow the modes of the rue de la Paix. Berlin tailors and dressmakers laboriously misapprehend both styles. To those who do not understand the international trafficking of the middle ages and the age of renascence it is strange to note how little the fashions varied in European lands. All kinds of folks, crusaders and merchants, diplomatists and religious, carried between nation and nation the news of the latest cut of the shears.

Nevertheless, national character touched each nation's dress--the Venetian loving the stateliness of flowing line, the Germans grotesque slashings and jaggings. Frenchmen, says Randle Holme in the 17th century, keep warm and muff themselves in cold weather, "but in summer through fantastical dresses go almost naked." For the same writer the Spaniard was noted as a man in a high-crowned hat with narrow brim, a ruff about his neck, a doublet with short and narrow skirts and broad wings at the shoulders, ruff-cuffs at his hands, breeches narrow and close to his thighs, hose gartered, shoes with rounded toes, a short cloak and a long sword. In all of those points we may take it that the Spaniard differed from the Englishman as observed by this observant one. Even in our own days we may catch something of those national fashions. The Spaniard may no longer walk with his long sword, his ruff and gartered hose, but he keeps his fancy for sombre blacks, and so do the citizens of those Netherlands which he once ruled. (O. BA.)

III. NATIONAL AND CLASS COSTUME

Costume, as readers of Carlyle's _Sartor Resartus_ know, always has a significance deeper than the mere whims of fashion. In the cosmopolitan society of modern times dress everywhere tends to become assimilated to a common model, and this assimilation, however regrettable from the picturesque point of view, is one of the most potent forces in the break-down of the traditional social distinctions. In the middle ages in Europe, and indeed down to the French Revolution, the various classes of the community were clearly differentiated by their dress. Everywhere, of course, it happened that occasionally jackdaws strutted in peacock's feathers; but even in England, where class distinctions were early less clearly marked than on the continent of Europe, the assumption of a laced coat and a sword marked the development of a citizen into a "gentleman" (q.v.). Nothing has more powerfully contributed to the social amalgamation of the "upper-middle" and the "upper" classes in England than the fashion, introduced in the 19th century, of extreme simplicity in the costume of men. But, apart from the properties of richness in material or decoration as a symbol of class distinction--at one time enforced by sumptuary laws--there have been, and still are, innumerable varieties of costume more or less traditional as proper to certain nationalities or certain classes within those nationalities. Of national costumes properly so called the best known to the English-speaking world is that of the Highlands of Scotland. This is, indeed no longer generally worn, being usually confined to gentlemen of birth and their dependents, but it remains a national dress and is officially recognized as such by the English court and in the uniforms of the Highland regiments in the British army. The chief peculiarity of this costume, distinguishing it from any others, is the tartan, an arrangement of a prevailing colour with more or less narrow checks of other colours, by which the various clans or septs of the same race can be distinguished, while a certain general uniformity symbolizes the union of the clans in a common nationality. Thus, e.g. the tartan of the clan McDonell is green with narrow checks of red, that of the clan Gregarach red with narrow checks of black. The costume consists of a short tunic, vest, a kilt--heavily pleated--fastened round the waist, and reaching not quite to the knees (like a short petticoat), stockings gartered below the bare knee, and shoes. In front of the person, hanging from a belt round the waist, is the "sporran" or "spleuchan," a pocket-purse covered with fur; and a large "plaid" or scarf, usually wrapped round the body, the ends hanging down from a brooch fastened on the left shoulder, but sometimes gathered up and hanging from the brooch behind, completes the costume. The head-gear is a cloth cap or "bonnet," in which a sprig of heather is stuck, or an eagle's feather in the case of chiefs. A dirk is worn thrust into the right stocking. Up to the end of the 16th century the tunic and "philibeg" or kilt formed a single garment; but otherwise the costume has come down the ages without sensible modification. Kilt and plaid are of tartan; and sometimes tartan "trews," i.e. trousers, are substituted for the former.

Among other national costumes still surviving in Europe may be mentioned the Albanian-Greek dress (characterized by the spreading, pleated white kilt, or _fustanella_), and the splendid full-dress of a Hungarian gentleman, the prototype of the well-known hussar uniform; to which may be added the Tirolese costume, which, so far as the men are concerned, is characterized by short trousers, cut off above the knee, and a short jacket, the colour varying in different districts. This latter trait illustrates the fact that most of the still surviving "national" costumes in Europe are in fact local and distinctive of class, though they conform to a national type. These "folk-costumes" (_Volkstrachten_), as the Germans call them, survive most strongly in the most conservative of all classes, that of the peasants and naturally mainly in those districts least accessible to modern "enterprise." These peasant costumes, often of astonishing richness and beauty, vary more or less in every village, each community having its own traditional type; and, since this type does not vary, they can be handed down as valuable heirlooms from father to son and from mother to daughter. But they are fast disappearing. In the British islands, where there were no free peasant cultivators to maintain the pride of class, they vanished long since; the white caps and steeple-crowned hats of Welsh women were the last to go; and even the becoming and convenient "sun bonnet," which survives in the United States, has given place almost everywhere to the hideous "cloth cap" of commerce; while the ancient smocked frock, the equivalent of the French peasant's workmanlike _blouse_, has become a curiosity. The same process is proceeding elsewhere; for the simple peasant women cannot resist the blandishments of the commercial traveller and the temptation of change and cheap finery. The transition is at once painful and amusing, and not without interest as illustrating the force of tradition in its struggle with fashion; for it is no uncommon thing, e.g. in France or Holland, to see a "Paris model" perched lamentably on the top of the beautiful traditional head-dress. Similarly in the richer Turkish families women are rapidly acquiring a taste for Parisian costumes, frequently worn in absurd combination with their ordinary garments.

The same process has extended far beyond the limits of Europe. Improved communication and industrial enterprise have combined with the prestige of European civilization to commend the European type of costume to peoples for whom it is eminently unsuited. Even the peoples of the East, whose costume has remained unchanged for untold centuries, and for whom the type has been (as in India) often determined by religious considerations, are showing an increasing tendency to yield to the world-fashion. Turkey, as being most closely in touch with Europe, was the first to feel the influence; the introduction of the fez and the frock-coat, in place of the large turban and flowing caftan of the old Turk, was the most conspicuous of the reforms of Sultan Mahmud II.; and when, in 1909, the first Turkish parliament met, only a small minority of its members wore their traditional costumes. The introduction of Japan into the comity of nations was followed by the adoption of European costume by the court and the upper classes, at least in public and on ceremonial occasions; in private the wide-sleeved, loose, comfortable _kimono_ continues to be worn. China, on the other hand, has been more conservative, even her envoys in Europe preserving intact (except sometimes in the matter of boots) the traditional costume of their nation and class, while those of Japan, Corea and Siam appear in the conventional diplomatic or "evening" dress in Europe. In the Mussulman East, even when European dress has been adopted, an exception has usually been made in favour of head-gear, which has a special religious significance. In Turkey, for instance, the hat has not succeeded in displacing the fez; and in India, though the Parsis had by the beginning of the 20th century begun to modify their traditional high turban-like hat into a modified "bowler," and Hindus--abroad at least--were affecting the head-gear of the West, those Mussulman princes who had adopted, wholly or partially, European dress continued to wear the turban. On the other hand, the amir of Afghanistan, when he visited India, had--out of doors at least--discarded the turban for the ugly "solar topee." In spite of the natural conservatism, strengthened by religious conventions, of the Eastern races, there is a growing danger that the spread of European enlightenment will more or less rapidly destroy that picturesque variety of costume which is the delight of the traveller and the artist. For Indian costumes see INDIA: _Costume_; for Chinese see CHINA; &c.

IV. OFFICIAL COSTUME

Official costumes, in so far as they are not, like the crowns and tabards of heralds, the coronets of peers, or the gold keys tacked to the coat-tails of royal chamberlains--consciously symbolical, are for the most part ceremonious survivals of bygone general fashions. This is as true of the official costume of the past as of the present; as may be illustrated from ancient Rome, where the toga, once the general costume of Roman citizens, in the 3rd and 4th centuries was the official robe of senators and officials (see also under VESTMENTS). Thus, at the present time, the lay chamberlains of the pope and the members of his Swiss guard wear costumes of the 16th century, and the same is true of the king's yeomen of the guard in England. In general, however (apart from robes, which are much older in their origin), official costumes in Europe, or in countries of European origin, are based on the fashions of the 18th and early 19th centuries. Knee-breeches, however, which survive in the full-dress of many British officials, as in ordinary court dress, had practically disappeared on the continent of Europe, surviving only in certain peasant costumes, when the emperor William II. reintroduced them at the court of Berlin. The tendency in the modern democratic communities of Anglo-Saxon race has been to dispense with official costumes. In the United States the judges of the Supreme Court alone wear robes; the president of the Republic wears on all occasions the dress of an ordinary citizen, unrelieved by order or decoration, and thus symbolizes his pride of place as _primus inter pares_; an American ambassador appears on state occasions among his colleagues, gorgeous in bullion-covered coats, in the ordinary black "evening dress" of a modern gentleman. The principle, which tends to assert itself also in the autonomous "British dominions beyond the seas," is not the result of that native dislike of "dressing up" which characterizes many Englishmen of the upper and middle classes; for modern democracy shares to the full the taste of past ages for official or quasi-official finery, as is proved by the costumes and insignia of the multitudinous popular orders, Knights Templars, Foresters, Oddfellows and the like. It is rather cherished as the outward and visible sign of that doctrine of the equality of all men which remains the most generally gratifying of the gifts of French 18th-century philosophy to the world. In Great Britain, where equality has ever been less valued than liberty, official costumes have tended to increase rather than to fall into disuse; mayors of new boroughs, for instance, are not considered properly equipped until they have their gown and chain of office. In France, on the other hand, the taste of the people for pomp and display, and, it may be added, their innate artistic sense, have combined with their passion for equality to produce a somewhat anomalous situation as regards official costume. Lawyers have their robes, judges their scarlet gowns, diplomatists their gold-laced uniforms; but the state costume of the president of the Republic is "evening dress," relieved only by the red riband and star of the Legion of Honour. In the Latin states of South America, which tend to be disguised despotisms rather than democracies, the actual rather than the theoretical state of things is symbolized by the gorgeous official uniforms which are among the rewards of those who help the dictator for the time being to power. See also ROBES; for military costume see UNIFORMS; for ecclesiastical costume see VESTMENTS and subsidiary articles. (W. A. P.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY.--Apart from the enormous number of books especially devoted to costume, innumerable illustrated works exist which are, in various degrees, useful for the study of the history of this subject. It may be noted here, e.g. that the illuminators and painters of the middle ages did not affect historical accuracy in their presentment of biblical or secular subjects, but clothed their patriarchs, apostles or Roman warriors in the dress of their own ages, their pictures thus becoming invaluable records of the costume of their time. In this respect the knowledge of classical antiquity revived during the Renaissance introduced a certain confusion. Artists began to realize the incongruity of representing antique figures in modern garb, but, in the absence of exact knowledge, fancy began to play a greater part than research in the dressing of their characters. Portraits and representations of contemporary scenes (e.g. Rembrandt's "Night Watch") continue to be first-hand authorities for the costume of the period in which they were produced; but representations of biblical or historical scenes have little or no value from this point of view. Thus in Rubens's famous picture of St Ambrose repelling Theodosius from the door of his cathedral, the bishop is vested in the mitre and cope which only came into vogue centuries later, while the emperor wears a military costume modelled on that of Roman imperators of an earlier day. Even in portraiture, however, a certain conservatism tends to make the record untrustworthy; thus, great men continued to be painted in full armour long after it had in fact ceased to be worn.

Of authorities for English costume the following may be selected as especially useful: J. C. Bruce, _The Bayeux Tapestry Elucidated_ (London, 1856), with 17 plates; F. W. Fairholt, _Costume in England to the end of the 18th Century_ (2nd ed., ib., 1860); William Fowler, _Examples of Medieval Art_ (1796-1829), 116 plates; Froissart's _Chronicles_, translated by T. Johnes (4 vols., 1844), 72 plates and many woodcuts; R. N. Humphrey, _Illuminated Books of the Middle Ages_ (ib., 1849); _Facsimiles of Original Drawings by Holbein, in the Collection of His Majesty, for Portraits of Persons of the Court of Henry VIII._, engraved by F. Bartolozzi, &c. (London, 1884); John Nichols, _Progresses, Pageants, &c., of Queen Elizabeth_ (3 vols., 1823), and _of James I._ (4 vols., 1828), with numerous plates; Hogarth's _Works_, engraved by himself, with descriptions by J. Nichols (1822), 153 plates; Edmund Lodge, _Portraits of Illustrious Personages of Great Britain_ (12 vols., 1823-1835), 240 plates; J. R. Planché, _Hist. of British Costume_ (3rd ed., Bohn, 1874), and _Cyclopaedia of Costume_ (2 vols., 1876-1877); Henry Shaw, _Dresses and Decorations of the Middle Ages_ (2 vols., 1840-1843), 94 plates and many woodcuts; Joseph Strutt, engraver, _Dress and Habits of the People of England_ (2 vols., 1796-1799), and _Regal and Ecclesiastical Antiquities of Great Britain_, new edition with notes by J. R. Planché (1842), 153 plates; Westwood, _Miniatures of Anglo-Saxon and Irish Manuscripts_ (1868), 54 plates; C. A. Stothard, _The Monumental Effigies of Great Britain_ (1817-1832; ed. Hewitt, 1876); Herbert Haines, _Manual of Monumental Brasses_ (Oxford, 1861), with many woodcuts; J. G. and L. A. B. Waller, _A Series of Monumental Brasses_ (London, 1864); H. Druitt, _Costume on Brasses_ (London, 1906). Of foreign works on costume the most important are Hefner-Alteneck, _Trachten, &c., vom frühesten Mittelalter bis Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts_ (2nd ed., Frankfort, 1879-1890); Viollet-le-Duc, _Dictionnaire raisonné du mobilier français_ (6 vols., Paris, 1858-1875), the first four volumes devoted to armour and costume; Friedrich Hottenroth, _Trachten der Völker alter und neuer Zeit_ (2nd ed., Stuttgart, 1882-1890), with excellent plates, Fr. transl. by J. Bernhoff, _Les Costumes chez les peuples, &c._ (Paris, 1885), and _Handbuch der deutschen Tracht_ (1898); Bonnard et Mercuri, _Costumes historiques des XII^e, XIII^e, XIV^e et XV^e siècles_ (2 vols., Paris, 1867), 200 plates; Burgmair, _Triomphe de l'empereur Maximilien I_. (Vienna, 1796), 135 plates; Chapuy, _Le Moyen Age pittoresque_ (2 vols., 1837), 180 plates; Chevignard et Duplessis, _Costumes historiques des XVI^e, XVII^e et XVIII^e siècles_ (2 vols., Paris, 1867), 150 plates; du Sommerard, _Les Arts au moyen âge_ (10 vols., Paris, 1838-1848), 510 plates; Duflos, _Recueil d'estampes, représentant les grades, les rangs, et les dignités, suivant le costume de toutes les nations existantes_ (Paris, 1779-1780), 240 plates; _España artistica y monumental_ (3 vols., Paris, 1842-1859), 145 plates; Fabri, _Raccolta di varii vestimenti ed arti del regno di Napoli_ (Naples, 1773), 27 plates; Jaquemin, _Iconographie méthodique du costume du V^e au XIX^e siècle_ (Paris), 200 plates; Lacombe, _Galerie de Florence et du palais Pitti_ (4 vols., Paris, 1789-1807), 192 plates; Paul Lacroix, _Manners, Customs and Dress during the Middle Ages and the Renaissance_, Eng. trans. (London, 1874), _Military and Religious Life in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance_ (London, 1874), and _The 18th Century, its Institutions, Customs, Costumes_ (London, 1875-1876); L. M. Lanté, _Galerie française de femmes célèbres_, atlas (Paris, 1841), 70 plates; Malliot et Martin, _Recherches sur les costumes, les moeurs, les usages religieux, civils et militaires des anciens peuples_ (3 vols., Paris, 1809), 228 plates; Pauly, _Description ethnographique des peuples_ (St Petersburg, 1862); Pauquet Frères, _Modes et costumes historiques et étrangers_ (2 vols., Paris, 1873), 196 plates; Auguste Racinet, _Le Costume historique_, in two forms, large and small (Paris, 1876, another ed. in 6 vols., with 500 plates, 1888); G. M. Straub, _Trachten oder Stammbuch_ (1600), several hundreds of curious woodcuts of costumes; Vecellio, _Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo_ (3 vols., Venice, 1859-1863).

Examples and illustrations of early costume of great interest and value may be found in the _Archaeologia_, M. Didron's _Annales archéologiques_, the _Journals_ of the Archaeological Societies, the various county histories, the _Monumenta Vetusta of the London Society of Antiquaries_, and other kindred works.

Besides works on costume generally, there are a large number devoted specially to national or "folk" costumes. Of these may be mentioned: F. Hottenroth, _Deutsche Volkstrachten, städtische und ländliche, vom XVI. Jahrhundert his zum Anfange des XIX. Jahrhunderts_ (Frankfort, 1898, 1900, 1902, &c.), including German, Bohemian, Swiss and Dutch local costumes, with references to further works; L. M. Lanté, _Costume de divers pays_ (undated, c. 1825), 177 coloured plates of female costumes, mainly French, some Spanish, German, &c.; A. Hard, _Swedish Costumes_ (Stockholm, 1858), 10 coloured plates; Félix Benoist, _La Normandie illustrée_ (2 vols, fol., Nantes, 1854), with excellent coloured lithographs of costumes by Hyppolite Lalaine; E. H. T. Pingret, _Galerie royale de costumes_ (Paris, undated), beautiful lithographs of costumes, principally Italian with some Spanish and Swiss, lithographed from paintings by Pingret by various artists; Edward Harding, _Costume of the Russian Empire_ (London, 1811), with 70 hand-coloured plates, including costumes of many of the semi-barbaric tribes of central Asia; for Turkish costume in the 18th century see _Recueil de cent estampes représentant différentes nations du Levant_, engraved by Le Hay (Paris, 1714); for Greek costume at the time of the War of Independence see Baron O. M. von Stackelberg, _Costumes et usages des peuples de la Grèce moderne_ (Rome, 1825), with 30 beautiful plates. For Highland costume see R. R. MacIan, _Costumes of the Clans_ (Glasgow, 1899), with letterpress by J. Logan.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] _The Races of Man._

[2] The comprehensive description by Herodotus (vii. 61 sqq.) of the costumes of the mercenaries of Xerxes is classical (see Rawlinson's edition, iv. 56 sqq.). For archaeological parallels one may compare the tombs of Rekhmire (15th cent. B.C.) and Harmhab (14th cent.) in Egypt, the "Black Obelisk" of the Assyrian king Shalmaneser II. (9th cent.) or his famous gates at Balawat (ed. W. Birch and T. G. Pinches, and with critical description and plates by A. Billerbeck and F. Delitzsch, _Beiträge z. Assyriologie_, vi. 1; Leipzig, 1908).

[3] Old Babylonian sculptors who represent the enemy as naked (Meyer [see bibliography below], pp. 12, 70 seq., 116), conventionally anticipate the usual treatment of the slain and wounded warriors.

[4] Edited P. C. Newberry (_Archaeol. Survey of Egypt_, 1893). Cf. also the Palestinian short coloured skirt with black tassels of the 14th century (_Zeit. f. Ägypt. Sprache_, 1898, pp. 126 sqq.).

[5] See e.g. Ball, _Light from the East_, p. 36. On the Aegean dress (Whether a development from spiral swathes or perhaps rather from a series of skirts one above the other), see the discussion of the Aegean loin-cloth by D. Mackenzie, _Annual of the British School at Athens_, xii. 233-249 (esp. 242 seq.).

[6] Joseph's familiar "coat of many colours," which we owe to the Septuagint, can perhaps be justified: R. Eisler, _Orient. Lit. Zeitung_, August, 1908

[7] Erman, 226 sqq., cf. the modern Bedouin shoe, Jennings-Bramley, _Quart. Stat._ of Palest. Explor. Fund (1908), p. 115 sq. (on dress of Sinaitic Bedouin generally).

[8] Meyer, 97, see F. Hommel, _Aufsätze u. Abhandlungen_ (Munich, 1900), 160 sqq., 214 sqq. For other feathered head-dresses in western Asia, see Müller, 361 sqq.

[9] Such tasselled or fringed caps were used by the Syrians in the Christian era, see W. Budge, _Book of Governors_, ii, 339, 367.

[10] Comp. the horns of Bau ("mother of the gods"), Samas (Shamash), (H)adad, and (in Egypt) of the Asiatic god assimilated to Set (so, too, Rameses III. is styled "strong-horned" like Baal). With the band dependent from the conical hat of Marduk-bal-iddin II. (Meyer, 8) and other kings, cf. the tail on the head-dress of this foreign Set (e.g. _Proc. Soc. of Bibl. Arch._ xvi. 87 sq.). The consort of the Pharaoh, in turn, wore the sacred vulture head-dress.

[11] On the resemblance between divine and royal figures in costume, &c., see further Meyer, 9, 14 sq., 17, 23, 53 sq., 67, 79, 102, 105 sq.

[12] Herod. iii. 8. If the bald Sumerians wore wigs in time of war, (Meyer, 81, 86), war itself from beginning to end was essentially a religious rite; see W. R. Smith, _Rel. of Semites_, pp. 401 sqq., 491 sq.; F. Schwally, _Semitische Kriegsaltertümer_, i. On the importance attached to the beard, see _Ency. Bib._, s.v.

[13] A typical example is afforded by the solitary representation of a Moabite (Perrot and Chipiez, _Phoen._ ii. 45) whose helmet and dress suggest a god or king. Equally perplexing is the Egyptian style on the Phoenician statue, ib. 28.

[14] Cf. Lev. xvi. 23 sq.; Ex. xix 10; Herod, ii. 37 (ed. Wiedemann); Lagrange, _Études sur les relig. sém._ 239.

[15] M. Jastrow, _Relig. of Bab. and Ass._ p. 666; cf. _Rev. biblique_, 1908, p. 466 sq., and Meyer, 59, 86, 97, 101. According to the latter Sumerian priests served naked (p. 112).

[16] For the conspicuous dress of Syrian and Phrygian priests in Rome and for other incidental references, see D. Chwolsohn, _Die Ssabier_ (1856), ii. 655, 712 sq.

[17] Ex. xxviii., xxix. 5; Lev. viii. 6-9, xvi.; Ecclus. xlv.; Joseph. _Ant._ iii. 7, _Wars_, v. 5, 7; see commentaries and special dictionaries of the Bible.

[18] Zimmern, _Keilinschrift. u. Alte Test_. 629, n. 5; cf. the Bab. priests' pectoral; Lagrange, op. cit., 236, n. 1.

[19] Jubilees, viii. 11, see W. Muss-Arnolt, _Amer. Journ. of Semit. Lang._, 1900, pp. 207-212.

[20] The relations between sacerdotal and civic authority may be seen in the vestments of the church (chasuble, alb, stole), which probably were once the official garments of magistrates.

[21] See articles on mourning customs in the _Bible Dictionaries_, and, for special studies, Büchler, Zeit. _f. alttest. Wissens._, 1901, pp. 81-92; M. Jastrow, ib., 1907, 117 sqq.; and in _Journ. Amer. Or. Soc._ xx. 133 Sqq., xxi. 23-39. For the Babylonian evidence see Zimmern, op. cit., 603. The sculptures of Sennacherib show the bare-headed and bare-footed suppliants of Lachish meanly clad before Sennacherib (Ball, p. 192, contrast the warriors with caps and helmets, ib. p. 190, and on the simple dress, cf. above).

[22] Ezek. xvi. xxiii.; Isa. iii. 16-iv. 1. For the hairy garb, cf. John the Baptist (Matt. iii. 4); it became the ascete's dress. The founder of the Jacobite Church in Asia owed his surname (_Burde'[=a]n[=a]_) to his rough horse-cloth. Here may be mentioned the archaic revival in Egypt in the 8th century B.C., which also extended to the costume.

[23] See for details, A. Brüll, _Trachten d. Juden_ (1873).

[24] These ornamental bands are carefully described and reproduced in colour by A. Lermann, _Altgriechische Plastik_ (1907), pp. 85 ff., pls. i.-xx. Some authorities hold that the skirt forms part of the over-garment, but it seems clear that it belongs to the [Greek: chitôn].

[25] The _tutulus_ was worn at Rome by the _flaminica_.

[26] It was also worn by Roman children.

[27] This seems more likely than the alternative view that it was of elliptical shape and was folded before being put on. Quintilian (xi. 3, 139. a _locus classicus_ for the _toga_) speaks of it as "rotunda"; but this need not be taken literally.

[28] The Lares are thus represented in art.

[29] The suffibulum of the vestals, which was fastened on the breast by a brooch (fibula), was a garment of this sort. The marriage-veil (flammeum) derived its name from its bright orange colour. The palliolum was a kind of mantilla.