CHAPTER II
THE BEGINNINGS OF MUSICAL CULTURE IN AMERICA
Composite elements of American music--New England's musical awakening; early publications of psalm-tunes; reform of church singing--Early concerts in Boston--New York, Philadelphia, the South--The American attitude toward music--The beginnings of American music: Hopkinson, Lyon, Billings and their contemporaries.
The whole history of early musical culture in America--obscure enough at best--is additionally obfuscated by the persistent illusion of American historians that the New England psalm-tunes formed the absolute basis of our musical development. This illusion may be part of the widespread impression that the church has been the exclusive _fons et origo_ of musical art. Thus Ritter: 'Musical culture in America, as in the great musical countries of Europe--Italy, France, Germany--took its starting point from the church.'[10] As a consequence of this view of things we find the early chapters of all existing histories of American music strewn with 'psalm-tunes,' 'church choirs,' and 'clergymen,' as thick as autumn leaves in Vallombrosa. All of which would be perfectly desirable if the importance of these factors in our musical development were apparent. Neither in our popular music nor in works of our serious composers can we trace the influence of New England psalmody, though we can trace the influence of German folk-songs and Scotch reels and Irish jigs and negro tunes and the writings of every European composer, from Bach to Brahms.
We have no desire to belittle the achievements of New England or the magnitude of its part in the history of the country. But--owing perhaps to the fact that literary production in America was for many generations confined almost exclusively to the New England states--we have had imposed on us a habit of thought which is a sort of historical synecdoche--New England being the figurative whole. Of course, it does not make a particle of difference to American music what we may think or say about its parentage. But, as long as history is to be written, it is well that it shall be written with some attempt at a disinterested attitude, and assumptions that the genesis of our music lay in New England or in any other circumscribed locality are entirely _ex parte_. Most of our composers have been disciples of some recognized European school or eclectic students of several schools. We can point in them to the influence of Bach or Mozart, of Beethoven or Brahms, of Schubert, Mendelssohn or Grieg, of Wagner, Strauss or Debussy, just as we can point to such influences in the writings of every European composer, great or small. The musical inheritance of the American composer is not American; it is universal. For a variety of reasons we have not yet developed a distinctively national school, but, among our younger composers who are unmistakeably American, where are the traces of Puritan psalmody? The _ethical_ influence of Puritanism is still strong in the land; it still colors our literature, art and public life; it even colors our music. But purely æsthetic influence is quite a different thing. Frankly, we believe that the music of colonial New England has had no more influence on our music of to-day than the writings of Cotton Mather have had on the work of O. Henry.
These prefatory remarks are made simply to emphasize the fact that the following sketch of the beginnings of musical culture in New England and elsewhere is intended only as a statement of historical facts and not as an argument for the influence of the New England colonies, or of any other colonies, in the development of American music. Little information is obtainable concerning the musical life of America before the end of the eighteenth century, and in these early chapters we are merely trying to arrive at an approximate estimate of what that musical life may have been, leaving philosophical deductions therefrom to those skilled in the drawing of such. If a predominating amount of space is given to the New England colonies it is chiefly because our available information concerning them is very much fuller than that which we possess concerning the rest of the country.
I
We have already seen that up to the end of the seventeenth century there were not, as far as we can discover, even the most elementary attempts at a musical life in New England. The writer of 'Observations Made by the Curious in New England,' published in London in 1673, remarks that there were then in Boston 'no musicians by trade.' It is to be assumed that there were none elsewhere in New England. The installation of Mr. Thomas Brattle's organ in King's Chapel forty years later necessitated the importation of a 'sober person to play skillfully thereon with a loud noise.' This person was a Mr. Price, who appears to have been the first professional musician in New England. He was followed by Mr. Edward Enstone, of England, who came over as organist in 1714. To augment his salary of £30 a year, Mr. Enstone, on Feb. 21, 1714, filed a petition 'for liberty of keeping a school as a Master of Music and a Dancing Master,' but the petition was 'disallowed by ye Sel. men.' In the Boston 'News Letter' of April 16-23, 1716, the same Mr. Enstone inserted the following explicit advertisement:
"This is to give notice that there is lately sent over from London, a choice Collection of Musickal Instruments, consisting of Flageolets, Flutes, Haut-Boys, Bass-Viols, Violins, Bows, Strings, Reads for Haut-Boys, Books of Instructions for all these Instruments, Books of ruled Paper. To be Sold at the Dancing School of Mr. Enstone in Ludbury Street near to Orange Tree, Boston.
"'NOTE. Any person may have all Instruments of Musick mended, or Virginalls and Spinnets Strung and tuned at a reasonable Rate, and likewise may be taught to Play on any of those Instruments above mentioned; dancing taught by a true and easier method than has been heretofore.'"
Mr. Enstone was a person of versatility. Apparently he triumphed over 'ye Sel. men,' and, in addition to this gratifying fact, we may infer from his advertisement that musical instruments were used to an extent in Boston prior to 1716. If Mr. Enstone's consignment were the first he would hardly have failed to mention it. He is exhaustively informative. The allusion to the mending of musical instruments also suggests that already they were not uncommon. 'Virginalls and Spinnets' were strung and tuned by Mr. Enstone, though they were not included in his imported collection. We have been unable to discover any information which would throw light on the extent to which musical instruments were used in New England during the first half of the eighteenth century. Even toward the end of the century their use was not very common. But probably they were used to some extent among people of culture as early as the year 1700, and to an increasing extent as time advanced and old prejudices weakened.
Among the people at large the most potent factor in developing a musical life was the formation of singing societies for the cultivation of a proper method of singing psalms. This reformation had long been advocated by the most enlightened clergymen of the colony. Prominent among them was the Rev. Thomas Symmes, who thus interrogatively argues his cause:
'Would it not greatly tend to promote singing of psalms if singing schools were promoted? Would not this be a conforming to _scripture pattern_? Have we not as much need of them as God's people of old? Have we any reason to expect to be inspired with the gift of singing, any more than that of reading? Or to attain it without suitable means, any more than they of old, when _miracles_, _inspirations_, etc., were common? Where would be the _difficulty_, or what the disadvantages, if people who want skill in singing would procure a skillful person to instruct them, and went two or three evenings in the week, from _five_ or _six_ o'clock to _eight_, and spend the time in learning to sing? Would not this be an innocent and profitable recreation, and would it not have a tendency, if prudently managed, to prevent the expense of time on other occasions? Has it not a tendency to divert young people, who are most proper to learn, from learning _idle, foolish_, yea _pernicious songs_ and ballads, and banish all such _trash_ from their minds? Experience proves this. Would it not be proper for _school masters_ in _country parishes_ to teach their scholars? Are not they very unwise who plead against learning to sing by rule, when they can't learn to sing at all unless they learn by rule? Has not the grand enemy of souls a hand in this who prejudices them against the best means of singing? Will it not be very servisible in ministers to encourage their people to learn to sing? Are they not under some obligation by virtue of their office to do so? Would there not, at least in some places, appear more of that fear of man, which brings a snare, than of true Christian prudence in omitting this? And, as circumstances may allow, would it not be very useful and profitable if such ministers as are capable would instruct their people in this art?'
The introduction of Satan as the protagonist of unskillful singing is an ingenious and appropriate touch. One might infer from the allusion to idle, foolish and pernicious songs and ballads that the young people of New England were not unlike young people of less godly places and expressed their feelings in ways that might have shocked their proper elders. If they did, it is a pity that some of their songs and ballads have not come down to us, be they never so pernicious. The advice of the Rev. Mr. Symmes, however, appears to have been followed, for we find that about the year 1720 singing societies began to sprout in various parts of New England. At first these were concerned exclusively with church music, but the elementary musical training they afforded was helpful in developing a capacity for the practice and appreciation of other music.
The growth of singing societies naturally created a demand for some sort of musical literature and inspired the publication of many books of psalm-tunes and instructions. This demand was anticipated as early as 1712 by the Rev. John Tufts, pastor of the Second Church in Newbury, who published in that year 'A very Plain and Easy Instruction to the Art of Singing Psalm tunes; with the Cantos or Trebles of twenty-eight Psalm tunes, contrived in such a manner as that the Learner may attain the Skill of Singing them with the greatest ease and speed imaginable.' About two years later he published 'An Introduction to the singing of Psalm Tunes, in a plain and easy method. With a collection of Tunes in Three Parts.' The essence of the 'plain and easy method' seems to have been the substitution of letters for the customary musical notation, together with lessons 'to assist in Raising and Falling of notes either gradual or by leaps, the groundwork of all good singing, and is not to be obtained ordinarily without help of some Skilful Person, or of an Instrument.' 'But being attained and observing the few foregoing Rules,' the reverend author continues encouragingly, 'you will be able to leap with your voice from one note to another, as they occur in various distances, and with a little practice to sing all tunes in this book, or other prick'd after this method in all their parts, with ease and pleasure.' The tunes and their arrangements were taken by the Rev. Mr. Tufts from Playford's 'Book of Psalms.'
In 1721 the Rev. Thomas Walter, of Roxbury, Mass., published a book comprehensively entitled 'The Grounds and Rules of Musick explained. Or an introduction to the Art of singing by Note: Fitted to the meanest capacity. By Thomas Walter, A.M. Recommended by Several Ministers.' As illustrating the Rev. Mr. Walter's qualifications to explain 'the Grounds and Rules of Musick' we would quote the following delightful and illuminating disquisition: 'There are in Nature but _seven distinct sounds_, every eighth Note being the same. Thus when a tune is sung by another upon a Key too low for the Compass of my Voice, if I will sing with the Person, it must be all the Way, _eighth Notes_ above him. I naturally sound an Eighth higher. So a Woman naturally strikes eighth notes above the grum and low sounding Voice of a Man, and it makes no more Difference than the singing of two Persons upon an Union or a Pitch. So, on the contrary, when we sing with a Voice too High and shrill for us, we strike very naturally into an Octave or Eighth below. And here let it be observed that the _Height_ of a note and the _Strength_ of singing it are too different Things. Two notes of equal Height may be sounded with different degrees of Strength so as that one shall be heard much further than the other.' This book has the honor of containing the 'first music printed with bars in America,' Mr. Tufts having omitted in his works the bars marking the measures.[11] The arrangements were taken from Playford.
In 1741 Dr. Watts' 'Psalms' were printed in Boston, and an edition of Watts' 'Hymns' were printed in the same year by Dr. Franklin in Philadelphia. The next important publication was a part of Tansur's collection,[12] which was printed by William Bailey at Newburyport, Mass., in 1755, under the title of 'A Complete Melody in Three Parts.' In 1761 there was published in Philadelphia a large work called 'Urania, or a Choice Collection of Psalm-Tunes, Anthems and Hymns. From the most approv'd Authors with some entirely new: In Two, Three and Four Parts. The Whole peculiarly adapted to the use of Churches, and Private Families. To which are prefix'd the Plainest and most Necessary Rules of Psalmody. By James Lyon, A.B....' Three years later appeared in Boston 'A Collection of the best Psalm Tunes, in two, three and four parts; from the most approved authors, fitted to all measures, and approved by the best masters in Boston, New England; the greater part of them never before printed in America. Engraved by Paul Revere, printed and sold by him and Jos. Flagg.' In his preface Flagg, with admirable patriotism, pointed out that, though most of the tunes in his book came from across the Atlantic, the paper on which they were written was of American manufacture; and he hoped that the fact would recommend his book 'even to those who have no peculiar relish for the music.' We shall have more to say of Flagg in a later chapter. Daniel Bailey, of Newburyport, published in 1764 'A new and complete Introduction to the Grounds and Rules of Music in two books,' of which the first is taken from Williams and the second from Tansur. In 1769-71 Bailey issued a two-volume work called 'The American Harmony.' The first volume is a reprint of Tansur's 'Royal Melody,' together with 'A new and correct Introduction to the Grounds of Musick, Rudimental, Practical and Technical,' also taken from Tansur. The second volume is a reprint of Aaron Williams' 'New Universal Psalmodist.'[13]
Most of the music in the collections of Lyons, Flagg, and Bailey was the work of contemporary English church-composers. Some of it may have been written by Americans, but there has been identified only the anthem called 'Liverpool,' in Lyon's collection, which is the work of William Tuckey, of New York. This is only pseudo-American, however, as Tuckey was an Englishman. It is merely an imitation of the weak style of verse anthem then popular in England, and the same is true of the other compositions which may be American. Notwithstanding the poor quality of the music, the success of Bailey's collections serves to show the advance which church singing must have made in New England. The florid 'fuguing choruses' and canons, popular among the hymn-writers who followed Purcell in England, were not very noble or inspiring music, but their performance entailed a degree of musical expertness far removed from the cacophantic crudity of which the Rev. Thomas Symmes and his contemporaries so plaintively spoke. At the same time it may be pointed out that these early collections of psalm-tunes are full of errors, due to the lack of persons competent to read proofs of musical works, and, if the leaders of church choirs were not musicians enough to correct such errors in the rendering, either their ears were yet imperfectly trained or they had a sense of free harmony far in advance of their age. Furthermore, it was very late in the eighteenth century before the reform in church singing became general throughout New England. In the 'History of Worcester' we read of an energetic duel on August 5th, 1779, between the old deacon and the singers, in which the deacon read the psalm according to the 'lining-out' method, while the choir simultaneously sang the verse without pause, according to the new system. Force of numbers and noise finally overpowered the doughty old champion of tradition, who, we are informed, 'retired from the meeting-house in tears.' It was as late as 1785 before the parish of Rowley joined the march of progress, as we find the following entry under that date in the 'History of Rowley': 'The parish desire the singers, both male and female, to sit in the gallery and will allow them to sing once on each Lord's day without reading by the deacon.'
II
We may assume that musical culture made noticeable progress in New England in the second half of the eighteenth century. Among the mass of the people it remained somewhat primitive, but among the cultivated classes in Boston and the larger cities the best contemporary music was heard frequently and with appreciation. As we shall see in a later chapter, public concerts were held in Boston at least as early as 1731, and they seem to have compared favorably with similar functions in European cities. But of musical life in the intimate sense there was still comparatively little. Brissot de Warville writes from Boston in 1788: 'You no longer meet here that Presbyterian austerity which interdicted all pleasure, even that of walking, which forbade travelling on Sunday, which persecuted men whose opinions were different from their own. The Bostonians unite simplicity of morals with that French politeness and delicacy of manners which render virtue more amiable. They are hospitable to strangers and obliging to friends; they are tender husbands, fond and almost idolatrous parents, and kind masters. Music, which their teachers formerly proscribed as a diabolical art, begins to make part of their education. In some houses you hear the forte-piano. This art, it is true, is still in its infancy; but the young novices who exercise it are so gentle, so complaisant and so modest, that the proud perfection of art gives no pleasure equal to what they afford.'
There were at that time very few pianos in New England and we find from the newspaper advertisements that the teacher usually lent his own piano to his pupils for practice. We have it on the authority of Mr. Elson that the efforts of the pupils were customarily confined to Gyrowetz, or to 'Washington's March,' 'The Battle of Prague,' or the _Sonata pour le Clavecin ou Forte-piano, qui représente la bataille de Rossbach. Composée par M. Bach_--not the majestic Johann Sebastian, of course. Ritter has copied the following titles from a manuscript book of the late eighteenth century: _Ça Ira_, 'White Cockade,' 'Irish Howl,' 'French March,' 'Hessian Camp,' 'Duchess of Brunswick,' 'Duetto' by Mancinelli, 'Water Rice,' 'Nancy of the Mill,' 'O Bessy Bell,' 'German Spaw,' 'Ossian's Ghost,' 'Duke of York's March,' 'Duetto,' by Dr. Arne, 'Every Inch a Soldier,' 'Quick March of the Twenty-sixth Regiment,' 'March,' 'Poor Soldier,' 'Sound Alarm,' 'When Nichola first to court began,' 'Sweet Village of the Valley,' 'Minuetto,' 'Dead March in Saul,' 'Bright Phœbus,' 'Ode to Harmony,' 'Swedish Air,' 'Quick March,' 'King of Sweden's March,' _Marche des Marseillais_, 'Hessian Air,' 'Baron Steuben's March,' 'Prince Frederick's March,' 'Sonata from Minuetto in Samson,' 'March in Joseph,' 'Trio' by Humphrey.
It may be of interest to note some of the secular music published in New England at that time. We find the following advertisement in the 'Columbian Centinel' of Boston in 1798. 'Just published, price one dollar, neatly bound and lettered, sold by E. Larkin, No. 47, Cornhill, "The Columbian Songster and Free Mason's Pocket Companion." A Collection of the newest and most celebrated Sentimental, Convivial, Humorous, Satirical, Pastoral, Hunting, Sea and Masonic Songs, being the largest and best collection ever published in America. Selected by S. Larkin.' In the same year there appeared in Northampton, Mass., 'The American Miscellany.' From the foreword of the ingenuous editor we learn that in this work 'a general preference has been given to American productions, and perhaps nothing will more effectually exhibit the progress of the human mind in the refinements which characterize the age, than the songs which, from general consent, are now in vogue.' The exhibit is not very complimentary to the 'progress of the human mind.' Most of the songs contained in these collections are flatly commonplace, many of them are cheap and tawdry in the extreme. It would hardly be fair to look upon such publications as reflecting the musical taste of the cultured class in New England. Just what proportion that class bore to the total population we cannot say. We can safely assume, however, that the concerts given in Boston and elsewhere during the second half of the eighteenth century fairly indicate the taste of the musical elect in New England. The citation of a few programs in this place will, consequently, not prove amiss.
A concert in honor of President Washington's visit to Boston, given on the 27th October, 1789, is advertised as follows:
FOR PUBLIC ORNAMENT
AN ORATORIO
OR CONCERT OF SACRED MUSICK
will be performed at Stone Chapel, Boston, in presence of the President of the United States.
First Part
1. A Congratulatory Ode to the President 2. A favourite Air in the 'Messiah' (composed by the celebrated Handel) 'Comfort ye my People.' By Mr. Rea 3. Organ Concerto By Mr. Shelby 4. The favourite Air in the Oratorio of Samson (composed by the celebrated Mr. Handel) By Mr. Rea 5. Anthem from 100th Psalm, composed by Mr. Selby
Part the Second
The Oratorio of Jonah
Complete. The Solos by Messrs. Rea, Fay, Brewer, and Dr. Rogerson.
The Choruses by the Independent Musical Society; The Instrumental parts of a Society of Gentlemen, with the band of his Most Christian Majesty's Fleet.[14]
As the above Oratorio has been highly applauded by the best judges, and has never been performed in America; and as the first Performers of this country will be joined by the excellent band of his Most Christian Majesty's squadron, the Publick will have every reason to expect a more finished and delightful performance than ever was exhibited in the United States.'
In Salem on the 15th May, 1798, was given the following concert:
## Part 1st
Grand Symphony Pleyel
Song: 'On by the Spur of Valour goaded.' Mr. Collins, Shield
Clarinet Quartette Vogel Messrs. Granger, Laumont, von Hagen and Graupner
Song: 'He pipes so sweet.' Mrs. Graupner Hook
Concerto on the French Horn. Mr. Rosier Ponton
A favourite new Song: 'Little Sally's wooden ware' Arnold
Miss Solomon
Full Piece Hayden[?]
## Part 2nd
Quartetto:
'Who shall deserve the glowing Praise?' Linly Mrs. Graupner, Mr. Granger, Mr. Collins and Mr. Mallett
Concerto on the Clarinet, composed and performed by Mr. Schaffer
A new favourite echo Song: 'How do you do?' Hook Mrs. Graupner, and accompanied on the hautboy by Mr. Graupner
Concerto on the Violin. Laumont Foder[?]
A Comic Irish song: 'Boston News' Mr. Collins
Concerto on the Hautboy, the composition of the celebrated Fisher Mr. Graupner
Duet: 'They Dance to the Fiddle and Tabor,' from the much admired Opera of the 'Lock and Key' Mrs. Graupner and Mr. Collins
Finale Pleyel
Audiences in those days must have had Gargantuan musical appetites. Mr. Mallet, a French musician resident in Boston, gave a concert there on the 19th May, 1801, which included two overtures, four concertos (for clarinet, violin, bass and oboe, respectively), six solo vocal pieces and one duet!
III
No doubt these concerts show that the musical taste even of cultured New England was somewhat indiscriminate. But the tendency to serve strangely mixed programs was not confined to America. We find, too, that concerts were very frequently a medium for the exploitation of compositions by the concert givers or their friends. This custom was not confined to America either, nor was it confined to the eighteenth century. On the whole, and considering all the circumstances, the concert life of New England speaks well for the musical culture of its people. The same may be said of concert-life elsewhere in America. Unfortunately our information concerning general musical culture in other parts of the country is extremely scanty, but we may assume that the inhabitants of the Middle and Southern colonies enjoyed a fuller musical life than was possible in New England, where it was retarded by conditions that were not operative elsewhere. In Pennsylvania, it is true, Quakerism must have exercised a repressive influence, though, from the evidence at our disposal, we find that Philadelphia at the end of the eighteenth century was more advanced musically than any other city in America. Practically our only sources of information concerning early musical life in New York, Philadelphia and the South are the records of operatic and concert performances, and, while we shall speak of those activities more fully in later chapters, we may be pardoned for referring briefly to them here.[15]
In New York English opera was heard perhaps as early as the year 1702, but performances did not become common until about 1750. After the production of the 'Beggar's Opera' in the latter year 'all the most popular ballad-operas,' to quote Ritter,[16] 'successively appeared on the New York stage. Besides these most of the musical farces, melodramas, pantomimes, which proved successful in London, were also produced in New York.' Concerts became increasingly common in the second half of the century and some of the programs were remarkably interesting. By way of illustration we quote the following program of a concert given on the 9th February, 1770, for the benefit of Mr. Stotherd:
## Act 1st
1st. Overture of Bach, opera prima 3d. Concerto of Avison, opera quarta A Hunting Song--Black Sloven A French Horn Concerto, by Mr. Stotherd 4th Concerto of Stanley Duet on the French Horn 8th Periodical Overture.
## Act 2d
Overture of Saul[17] Select pieces for four French Horns 2d Concerto of Humphries A Hunting Song A French Horn Concerto by Mr. Stotherd 3d Concerto of Corelli Overture of Atalanta
In January, 1770, a large part of Handel's 'Messiah' was given in New York for the benefit of William Tuckey, with the assistance of 'a considerable number of ladies and gentlemen.' The program of a concert given by gentlemen of the army and navy in April, 1782, reads:
## Act I
Sinfonie of Toeschi Quartetto of Davaux for Violins Song by Mrs. Hyde 'Soldiers tir'd of War's alarms' Violino Concerto of Borchay Quintetto of C. Bach for Flauto Sinfonie of Stamitz
## Act II
Sinfonie of Haydn Quartetto of Kammell, for violino Song by Mrs. Hyde, 'If 'tis joy to wound a lover' Hoboy Solo Concerto of C. Fisher Quartetto of Vanhall for Flauto Sinfonie of Haydn
## Act III
Sinfonie of Bach Quartetto of Davaux for violino Clarinetto Solo Concerto of Mahoy Quartetto of Toeschi for Flauto Sinfonie of Mardino
Of course, all the concerts given in New York were not on an equally high plane. Many of them were frankly popular and many mixed judiciously the popular with the serious. A large proportion of these were given at Vauxhall, Ranelagh, Columbia and other public gardens where it was necessary to cater to the taste of an assorted assemblage. On the whole, however, the musical taste of the New York public was remarkably good. Haydn seems to have been the favorite composer of the time and after him we notice most frequently the names of Pleyel, Handel, Corelli, Gossec, Stamitz, Gyrowetz, and Bach.[18]
The musical life of Philadelphia during the second half of the eighteenth century was apparently richer than in any other American city. There are no records of public concerts there before the year 1757, but after that date they became so suddenly common and maintained such a relatively high standard that the musical soil in which they grew must have been extremely fertile--notwithstanding the Quakers. Indeed, the musical taste of the Philadelphians seems to have been at once more eclectic and more discriminating than that of the citizens of Boston and New York. Besides Haydn, Pleyel, Handel, and the rest we find in their programs the names of Grétry, Boccherini, Viotti, Kreutzer, Paesiello, Sacchini, Cimarosa, Piccini, Gluck, and Mozart.[19] The programs were much less mixed than was customary in Boston and New York. We find fewer comic numbers and fewer songs to Mars and Bacchus, to larks and pining hearts and sighing breezes. And quite as much consideration was shown to the native American composer as is shown by the concert-givers of to-day. Consider the following program of the first Uranian Concert, given at the Reformed Church, in Race Street, on the 12th April, 1787:
Syllabus Authors I. Martini's celebrated Overture II. Jehovah reigns: an anthem from 97th Psalm Tuckey III. Te Deum laudamus Arnold IV. Violin Concerto By Mr. Phile of New York V. I heard a great voice: an Anthem from Rev. XIV Billings VI. Vital Spark: An Anthem on Mr. Pope's ode 'The dying Christian to his Soul' Billings VII. Overture Artaxerxes Arne VIII. Friendship thou charmer of the mind: From Watts' Lyric Poems Lyon IX. The Rose of Sharon: an Anthem from 2d of Canticles Billings X. Flute Concerto By the Chevalier du Ponceau XI. Sundry Scriptures: an Anthem on the nativity of Christ Williams XII. The Hallelujah chorus: on the extent and duration of Christ's Government (from the 'Messiah') Handel
We may mention here the extraordinary Grand Concert given at the Reformed Church in Race Street on May 4, 1786, with a chorus of two hundred and twenty and an orchestra of fifty. Of course, such concerts were unusual in Philadelphia. Choruses of two hundred and twenty and orchestras of fifty were not then common, even in European capitals. But, as Mr. Sonneck has observed, such undertakings were not possible 'without a logical evolution of conditions,' and this concert throws a very favorable light on musical conditions in Philadelphia. Incidentally, we learn that nearly one thousand tickets were sold for the event, a remarkable showing for a city of about 40,000 people.
There was a very active musical life in the South during the eighteenth century, and it was much more diffused than in the Middle or New England colonies. A peculiar feature of the public concerts in the South was the frequency with which amateurs appeared as performers. We find the vocal part in one concert was taken by 'a gentleman who does it merely to oblige on this occasion.' In the advertisement of another we read that 'the gentlemen who are the best Performers, both in Town and Country, are so obliging as to assist ... on this Occasion.' Again we notice the announcement of a 'Concert of Vocal and Instrumental Musick to be performed by Gentlemen of the place, for the entertainment of all lovers of Harmony.' Such announcements were common. Of course, amateurs sometimes took part in concerts in the North, especially before the Revolution. As a rule, they were gentlemen of the king's army and navy, among whom the practice of music seems to have been sedulously cultivated. But it would appear that the proportion of practical amateur musicians was much greater in the South than elsewhere in America, and that fact alone speaks volumes for the culture of the Old Dominion.
Charleston was beyond doubt the leading Southern city in musical matters. We know definitely that public concerts were given there as early as 1732, and it is quite probable that they were given earlier. In 1762 was formed the St. Cæcilia Society,[20] an organization devoted to the cultivation of the best in music. It was the first musical society formed in America. The following program, given on the 6th March, 1794, under its patronage, will illustrate the taste of the people of Charleston:
## Act 1st
Sinfonie Pleyel Song, Mr. Chambers Quartett Violin Pleyel Song, Mr. Clifford Overture Gretrie[?]
## Act 2nd
Grand Overture (la Chasse) Gossec Song, Mr. West Sonata Pianoforte, Rondo, by Mrs. Sully Duett, Mr. Chambers and Mrs. Chambers
## Act 3d
Grand Overture Haydn Song, Mr. Chambers Concerto Violin, by Mr. Petit Viotti Glee, Mr. Chambers, Mrs. Chambers and Mr. West.
It is noteworthy to find a symphony of Mozart on a program of March 9, 1797.
It would appear that the citizens of Baltimore were not quite so refined in their musical taste as their neighbors in Carolina. Nevertheless they enjoyed an active musical life. Concerts of fair quality were common enough, and we read also of such interesting things as the production in English of Pergolesi's _Serva Padrona_ in 1790.[21]
In Williamsburg, Fredericksburg, Richmond, Petersburg, Norfolk, Alexandria and elsewhere in Virginia there were public concerts given at an early period. Unfortunately there has not yet been unearthed much documentary evidence which would throw light on the early musical life of these cities. But from what we know of Charleston and Baltimore and from our general knowledge of conditions among the Southern colonists we should be inclined to say that the Virginia cities possessed a musical life quite creditable in proportion to their size. The same is true of Savannah and New Orleans. It must not be forgotten that, with the exceptions of Charleston and Baltimore, no Southern city had a population of more than ten thousand people. Most of them had very considerably less. Obviously it would be unfair to expect that they enjoyed metropolitan conditions.
IV
Enough, perhaps, has been said to show that the American colonists were not the musical barbarians they are so frequently and complacently pictured. Of course, European writers visiting the colonies almost invariably took occasion to incorporate in their literary works slighting references to the state of culture in America. The custom still obtains among literary visitors to these shores. Since the time of Columbus, apparently, it has been an unwritten law that European travellers must speak slightingly of American culture, just as American travellers must make uncomplimentary remarks about European hotel accommodations and transportation systems. Such comments are usually the result of a congenital incapacity to see more than one thing at one time. As a rule they are accurate, but they do not mean what they seem to mean. They are sentences detached from their context. A statement that there is no first-class symphony orchestra in New York would have a very different significance from a statement that there is no first-class symphony orchestra in Oskaloosa--though both sound alike to one who knows nothing about either New York or Oskaloosa. Equally ridiculous are the well-meant attempts to demonstrate the growth of our artistic stature by drawing parallels between the musical activity of the colonies and the musical activities of America to-day. In 1750 the population of Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Richmond, and Charleston combined was less than one hundred thousand, and even as late as 1800 it was little over two hundred thousand. If we are to be fair to the American colonists, we must take into consideration the conditions under which they lived, the youth of the country, its comparative isolation from the old-established centres of culture, the many and complex circumstances that operated to retard its æsthetic development. And if we take these things into consideration, we cannot fairly persevere in our supercilious attitude toward the musical life of eighteenth-century America.
There is another side to the picture, however. In spite of the undeniable growth of musical culture among the American people of the eighteenth century, it cannot be said that music had a really intimate meaning for them, that they had woven it into the web of their lives, that they had found in it a necessary form of expression. Art is created that way. It may be the folk-song of an ignorant peasant or the symphony of a Mozart or Beethoven. But always it is born of a need for personal expression. Music was not personal to the American colonists; it was still an exotic, a pleasure supplied from outside sources, a diversion which serious men might occasionally enjoy but to which they could not afford to devote serious attention. Even among a certain class of Americans of the present day this attitude persists to some degree. Music is not yet generally regarded as a profession for men. Men go into business; they become brokers, lawyers, or politicians; they even become newspaper reporters--but not musicians. Music is still _par excellence_ the avocation of long-haired, libidinous foreigners. We may, perhaps, without injustice trace this attitude to Puritan New England. The aristocracy of the South had the aristocratic point of view. Most Southern gentlemen were practical musicians. They were not, of course, professional musicians--gentlemen did not adopt professions, except that of arms. But music had a certain personal meaning for them. It was a graceful and elegant medium for the expression of their gallant, romantic and courtly sentiments. They could sing of arms and the red glow of wine and the red lips of women--all frankly important things in their lives, all supposedly unimportant things in the lives of the upright New Englanders. But, as a vehicle for the expression of profound and fundamental emotions, music had no meaning to them.
The aristocratic Southern point of view, however, did not impress itself on the mass of the American people; the New England point of view did. The psychological effect of New England on the rest of the country has been extraordinary. Certainly the New Englanders were fond of music; they encouraged it; they had considerable taste; they were glad to have their daughters take music lessons--music was a thoroughly ladylike accomplishment. When Priscilla spilled the 'Battle of Prague' _con brio_ over the 'forte piano' her performance brought undiluted joy to the parental heart. When Fil Trajetto played a concerto of Corelli the more cultivated Bostonian could justly appreciate the virtues of the composition and its performance. The people of New England had relatively as much taste and culture as the same class of people elsewhere. Nevertheless they did not feel music as a serious and necessary thing.
V
Such an attitude was most unfavorable to the growth of a native art. During the eighteenth century there were few native American musicians by profession. In the South the professional musicians were chiefly French, in the North chiefly English. As a consequence there were few American composers. Of course, many Americans manufactured music. Every civilized man at some period of his life has composed a tune or a poem or a play. It is as inevitable as the measles. The American colonists did not escape the infection. Many American compositions lie unidentified in the early collections of hymns and anthems; many more undoubtedly were denied even such an anonymous burial. We have already alluded to William Tuckey, whose anthem was included in the collection of James Lyon. Tuckey was organist of Trinity Church, New York. He has sometimes been called the first American composer, and he would be did he not happen to be born in Somersetshire, England. Many of Tuckey's contemporaries, such as Flagg, and undoubtedly others whose names have been forgotten, composed church music in the style of the period--the weak, insipid, undistinguished style of Tansur and Williams. We can easily afford to forget their efforts.
There are, however, a few American composers of this period whom we cannot afford to forget It is really impossible to say who was the first American composer, but the right to the title seems to be divided between Francis Hopkinson and James Lyon, natives of Philadelphia and Newark, N. J., respectively. Certainly they were the first of any importance. Hopkinson, a lawyer, poet, musician, inventor, painter, and signer of the Declaration of Independence, was one of the most remarkable men of his time. He was born in 1737, was graduated at the College of Philadelphia, received the degrees of Master of Arts and Doctor of Laws from that institution and the degree of Master of Arts, _gratiæ causa_, from the College of New Jersey. After his admission to the bar he held a number of public offices, became a delegate to the first Continental Congress and was appointed by that body to 'execute the business of the Navy under their direction.' He presided over the Admiralty Court of Pennsylvania from 1779 until its jurisdiction became vested in the United States and took an important part in the debates of the convention which framed the Constitution. We know little of his musical education, but the most important part of it seems to have been guided by James Bremner, while his taste was undoubtedly polished by subsequent visits to Europe. He was an able harpsichordist, we learn, and often deputized for Brenner as organist of Christ Church. In spite of his official duties he found time to promote musical education, to give concerts and to participate in frequent musicales at the home of Governor John Penn. His inventive turn found expression in an improved method of quilling a harpsichord, the application of a keyboard to the harmonica and a 'contrivance for the perfect measurement of time,' known as the Bell-harmonic.
The most important thing about Francis Hopkinson from our point of view, however, is that his song 'My Days Have Been so Wondrous Free,' dated 1759, is, as far as we know, the earliest secular American composition extant. It is included in a collection of songs made by Hopkinson which contains also several other specimens of his muse. They are pretty, simple, graceful, and somewhat amateurish. Among them is an anthem with figured bass--a rarity in early American music. Possibly Hopkinson was editor and part author of the 'Collection of Psalm Tunes with a few Anthems and Hymns' published in 1763 for the use of Christ and St. Peter's churches. He has been credited with the authorship of one of the numerous 'Washington's Marches,' though which of them he wrote--if he wrote any--his sole and painstaking biographer[22] has been unable to discover. Mr. Sonneck, however, has succeeded in proving that he composed 'The Temple of Minerva, a Musical Entertainment performed in Nov., 1781, by a Band of Gentlemen and Ladies at the hotel of the Minister of France in Philadelphia.' The music of this piece, unfortunately, is not extant. A collection of eight songs by Hopkinson, with accompaniments for harpsichord or pianoforte, was published in Philadelphia in 1788. Speaking of these Mr. Sonneck says: 'As a composer Francis Hopkinson did not improve greatly during the twenty years which separate this song collection from his earliest efforts. His harmony is still faulty at times, and he possesses not an original musical profile. To claim the adjective of beautiful or important for these songs or his other compositions would mean to confuse the standpoint of the musical critic with that of the antiquarian. But even the critic who cares not to explain and pardon shortcomings from a historical point of view will admit that Hopkinson's songs are not without grace and that our first poet-composer obeyed the laws of musical declamation more carefully than a host of fashionable masters of that period. Artistically, of course, he resembles his contemporaries. His musical world, like theirs, was an untrue Arcadia, populated with over-sentimental shepherds and shepherdesses, or with jolly tars, veritable models of sobriety and good behavior, even when filling huge bumpers for drinking-bouts. Then again we notice in Francis Hopkinson's music the studied simplicity of that age for which treble and bass had become the pillars of the universe. This and much more is antiquated to-day. But why should we criticize at all our first "musical compositions?" It becomes us better to look upon these primitive efforts as upon venerable documents of the innate love of the American people for the beauties of music and as documents of the fact that among the signers of the Declaration of Independence there was at least one who proved to be a "successful Patron of Arts and Sciences."'
It is a peculiar coincidence that in 1759, the same year in which Hopkinson's first songs were written, an ode, set to music by James Lyon, a student at Nassau Hall, was performed at the college commencement. This, perhaps the earliest of American commencement-odes, is unfortunately not extant. Lyon was graduated from Princeton in 1759 and took up his residence in Philadelphia. There he seems to have founded or taught in a singing school where one of his anthems was performed in 1761--'an elegant anthem,' according to the 'Pennsylvania Gazette.' In 1762 he received the degree of M.A. from Princeton and perhaps wrote the music for an entertainment entitled 'The Military Glory of Great Britain' which was performed at the commencement. Subsequently he was ordained a minister in the Presbyterian church and preached the gospel in Nova Scotia, Maine, and elsewhere until his death in 1794.
We have already adverted to Lyon's 'Urania, or a choice Collection of Psalm-Tunes, Anthems and Hymns from the most approved Authors, with some entirely new.' This collection exercised an important influence on subsequent early American psalmodists.[23] The six tunes marked as new were composed by Lyon. These, together with settings of the 17th and 19th psalms, a setting of one of Watts' lyric poems, 'Friendship,' and a 'Marriage Hymn,' are all the known works of Lyon still extant. 'Their study,' says Mr. Sonneck, 'will induce no critic to call Lyon a composer of real merit or even a musician fully conversant with musical grammar. His music, viewed from an æsthetic standpoint, is in no way remarkable. He certainly gave his best in the Hymn to Friendship, the minor movement of which contains a few unexpected rays of beauty. This movement, and the fact that Lyon energetically occupied himself with music, when music was in its infancy in colonial America, prove that he possessed some inborn musical talent. For nobody will compose in a musical wilderness, no matter how valueless the compositions may be, if not forced to do so by latent creative powers. Had Lyon been educated in England, Germany, or Italy his talents would have developed to greater advantage, and his name might figure in musical dictionaries, these mausoleums of celebrity, none of which to-day mentions him. But his importance lies not in the sphere of æsthetics; it lies rather in the sphere of retrospective history. Not the absolute, but the relative merits of his music attract our attention. He was a pioneer and thereupon rests his lasting glory.'
In 1746 was born in Boston a man who bore the undistinguished name of William Billings. Billings was a tanner by profession and a musician by instinct. It is unfortunate that this pioneer American composer should have become the butt of so much ridicule; yet one must admit that he invited ridicule. There was something ludicrous even in his personal appearance.
'He was somewhat deformed,' says Ritter, 'blind of one eye, one leg shorter than the other, one arm somewhat withered, and he was given to the habit of continually taking snuff. He carried this precious article in his coat pocket made of leather, and every few minutes would take a pinch, holding the snuff between the thumb and clinched hand. To this feature we must add his stentorian voice, made, no doubt, rough as a saw by the effects of the quantity of snuff that was continually rasping his throat.'[24] His zeal continually outran his discretion. Even in church his voice drowned those of his neighbors. He was of the temperament that cannot approve without giving three cheers. The very titles of his works provoke a smile. For instance:
'The New England Psalm Singer: or American Chorister Containing a number of Psalm-tunes, Anthems and Canons.
In four or five parts. (Never Before Published.)
Composed by William Billings, a native of Boston, in New England.
Matt. 12. 16. "Out of the Mouths of Babes and Sucklings hast thou Perfected Praise."
James 5. 13. "Is any Merry? Let him sing Psalms."
"O, praise the Lord with one consent And in this grand design Let Britain and the Colonies Unanimously join."
Boston: New England, Printed by Edes and Gill.'
Nevertheless Hillings was an original genius with an unaffected, fervent and sincere love of his art. His very naïveté is refreshing in an age which artistic artificiality had rendered almost sterile. Of musical knowledge he possessed very little. What knowledge he had he picked up himself from such limited sources as were at his disposal. In the preface to his 'New England Psalm-Singer' he confesses ingenuously: 'For my own part, as I don't think myself confined to any Rules for Composition laid down by any that went before me, neither should I think (were I to pretend to lay down rules) that any who comes after me were anyways obligated to adhere to them any further than they should think proper: so in fact I think it is proper for every composer to be his own learner. Therefore, upon this consideration, for me to dictate or to prescribe Rules of the Nature for others, would not only be very unnecessary but also a very great Vanity.' Later he frankly confessed the immaturity that dictated those statements. He set himself more humbly to the study of rules for composition and developed an enthusiasm for counterpoint, of which he speaks in the following terms: 'It has more than twenty times the power of the old slow tunes; each foot straining for mastery and victory, the audience entertained and delighted, their minds surpassingly fluctuated, sometimes declaring for one part and sometimes for another. Now the solemn bass demands their attention--next the manly tenor--now, the lofty counter--now, the volatile treble. Now here--now there, now here again. O, ecstatic! Rush on, you sons of Harmony!' Even the tremendous earnestness of the man does not save this from being funny. It is poor Billings' fate to be funny under nearly all circumstances.
The 'New England Psalm-Singer' appeared in 1770. It may be recalled that Beethoven was born in the same year. Eight years later Billings published 'The Singing Master's Assistant,' a revision of his first work, which attained wide popularity in New England and was known as 'Billings' Best.' Following came 'Music in Miniature,' 1779; 'The Psalm-Singer's Amusement,' 1781; 'The Suffolk Harmony,' 1786; and 'The Continental Harmony,' 1794. Besides these Billings published singly a number of anthems and other compositions. All of his works show a most primitive conception of the art of composition and a very hazy knowledge of the rules of harmony and counterpoint. But they contain melodic and rhythmic force and originality. Billings could not write a good fugue, but he could write a good tune. Many of his compositions became very popular in New England. Although he had invited Britain and the Colonies to join 'unanimously' when he published his first collection, he was one of the most fiery of patriots when the Revolution broke out. Nothing could surpass the fierce ardor of his zeal. He expressed in dynamic terms his love of country and contempt for his enemies, and he called down all the wrath of an omnipotent deity on his unworthy head if he should ever prove untrue to Boston--meaning America. What were written originally as psalm-tunes he had no difficulty in turning into ringing patriotic songs. Many of them were sung by the New England soldiers throughout the war, and the tune known as 'Chester' was a favorite with the Continental fifers.
Billings is said to have introduced the use of the 'pitch-pipe' into New England choirs--where it was badly needed--and he is supposed to have been the first in New England to use the violoncello in church. According to Ritter, 'he is credited with the merit of having originated concerts or musical exhibitions in New England'; but concerts or musical exhibitions were originated there before he was born. Billings' merit is that he was the first musician of really independent and original talent that America produced. He was handicapped by lack of technical knowledge and lack of a suitable _milieu_. He wrote some good tunes which passed into the musical life of the people. He is a noteworthy figure, but his importance is not overwhelming.
Among Billings' contemporaries may be mentioned Oliver Holden, Andrew Law, Jacob Kimball, Jr., Samuel Holyoke, Samuel Read, and Lowell Mason. None of these possessed much more musical knowledge than Billings and all of them, with one exception, possessed much less talent. Holden is known chiefly for his 'Coronation' hymn, which is still popular. He published 'The American Harmony' in 1792. Law was the author of a collection of anthems and hymns, besides some compilations on musical theory. His taste was better than the average of his time, but his information and creative capacity were limited. One of his hymns, 'Archdale,' acquired wide popularity. There is nothing particular to say about Kimball, Holyoke or Read. They were of about the same stamp as Holden and Law--mediocre writers of uninspired and conventional psalm-tunes.
Lowell Mason stands out above the rest as a musician in the truer sense of the word. The earnest valor with which he combated the condition prevalent in the New England churches, flooded with 'fugue tunes' in imitation of the imported variety but devoid of any musical value, must be recognized. He was a pioneer in the work of substituting for this worthless stuff tunes at once simple and noble, in accordance with the principles of harmony, and symmetrical in form. Mason was born in 1792, at Medfield, Mass., and died in 1872 at Orange, N. J. He went to Savannah, Ga., and divided his time between banking and musical study under F. L. Abell. In 1822 he returned to Boston and published the 'Boston Handel-Haydn Society's Collection of Church Music,' containing a number of his own compositions. The most familiar of his tunes are probably 'Corinth' ('I love to steal a while away'), 'Cowper' ('There is a fountain filled with blood'), 'Bethany' ('Nearer, my God, to Thee'), 'The Missionary Hymn' ('From Greenland's Icy Mountains'), and 'Mount Vernon' ('Sister thou wert mild and lovely'). After 1827 Dr. Mason (the degree of Mus.D. was conferred on him by New York University) took charge of the music in no less than three churches, but subsequently confined his labors to Dr. Lyman Beecher's Bowdoin Street Church, whither pilgrimages were soon made from all over the country 'to hear the wonderful singing.' His training of boys' voices
## particularly was a marvel to his generation. Mason's educational work
is indeed of uncommon importance and will be touched upon in a later chapter. With Professors Park and Phelps he edited the 'Sabbath Hymn Book' (1858) and in 1830 he issued the 'Juvenile Lyrics,' said to be the earliest collection of songs for secular schools published in America.
Except for the rugged originality of the ludicrous Billings, the opening of the nineteenth century had still disclosed nothing of American composition that might be considered other than commonplace. But at least the pioneer work had been done with commendable earnestness and under very real handicaps. The actual achievements of pioneers are never very great, but the value of their work is incalculable. To the pioneers of American composition we can at least tender our respect for the undoubted sincerity of their efforts.
W. D. D.
FOOTNOTES:
[10] _Op. cit._, p. 54.
[11] Hood: 'History of Music in New England.' See also Ritter: 'Music in America' and Elson: 'History of American Music.'
[12] William Tansur was a contemporary English Church composer. His collection, 'The Royal Melody Complete,' here alluded to, appeared in 1754.
[13] Aaron Williams was an English music engraver, publisher and composer. 'The New Universal Psalmodist' appeared in 1763.
[14] The French fleet, of course.
[15] For the following information concerning concerts in New York, Philadelphia and the South we are indebted wholly to O. G. Sonneck's scholarly and trustworthy work, 'Early Concert Life in America,' Leipzig, 1907.
[16] _Op. cit._, Chap. VIII.
[17] Handel.
[18] This was Christian Bach, known as 'the London Bach.' As far as we can discover Americans left the great J. S. Bach severely alone.
[19] Mr. Sonneck has pointed out that the name of Mozart appeared infrequently on concert programs before the year 1800, even in Vienna.
[20] The name was spelled thus for several years. Later it became Cecilia, as it is at present. Recruited from among the social leaders of Charleston, the Society naturally became an exclusive organization in which social considerations eventually predominated.
[21] In those days proof-reading was a fine art. The announcement to which we refer speaks of 'music by the celebrated Italian, Père Golaise.'
[22] Mr. O. G. Sonneck, whose excellent monograph on Francis Hopkinson is our authority.
[23] For a detailed discussion of 'Urania,' together with some very interesting reflections on early American sacred music, see Mr. Sonneck's monograph on James Lyon: 'Francis Hopkinson and James Lyon: Two Studies in Early American Music,' Washington, 1905.
[24] _Op. cit._, Chap. III.
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