part I

am less a judge than most people, having never travelled westward of Staunton, so as to know anything of the face of the country; nor much indulged myself in geological inquiries, from a belief that the skin-deep scratches which we can make or find on the surface of the earth, do not repay our time with as certain and useful deductions as our pursuits in some other branches. The subject of our winds is more familiar to me. On that, the views you have taken are always great, supported in their outlines by your facts; and though more extensive observations, and longer continued, may produce some anomalies, yet they will probably take their place in this first great canvas which you have sketched. In no case, perhaps, does habit attach our choice or judgment more than in climate. The Canadian glows with delight in his sleigh and snow; the very idea of which gives me the shivers. The comparison of climate between Europe and North America, taking together its corresponding parts, hangs chiefly on three great points. 1. The changes between heat and cold in America are greater and more frequent, and the extremes comprehend a greater scale on the thermometer in America than in Europe. Habit, however, prevents these from affecting us more than the smaller changes of Europe affect the European. But he is greatly affected by ours. 2. Our sky is always clear; that of Europe always cloudy. Hence a greater accumulation of heat here than there, in the same parallel. 3. The changes between wet and dry are much more frequent and sudden in Europe than in America. Though we have double the rain, it falls in half the time. Taking all these together, I prefer much the climate of the United States to that of Europe. I think it a more cheerful one. It is our cloudless sky which has eradicated from our constitutions all disposition to hang ourselves, which we might otherwise have inherited from our English ancestors. During a residence of between six and seven years in Paris, I never, but once, saw the sun shine through a whole day, without being obscured by a cloud in any part of it; and I never saw the moment, in which, viewing the sky through its whole hemisphere, I could say there was not the smallest speck of a cloud in it. I arrived at Monticello, on my return from France, in January; and during only two months' stay there, I observed to my daughters, who had been with me to France, that, twenty odd times within that term, there was not a speck of a cloud in the whole hemisphere. Still I do not wonder that an European should prefer his gray to our azure sky. Habit decides our taste in this, as in most other cases.

The account you give of the yellow fever, is entirely agreeable to what we then knew of it. Further experience has developed more and more its peculiar character. Facts appear to have established that it is originated here by a local atmosphere, which is never generated but in the lower, closer, and dirtier parts of our large cities, in the neighborhood of the water: and that, to catch the disease, you must enter the local atmosphere. Persons having taken the disease in the infected quarter, and going into the country, are nursed and buried by their friends, without an example of communicating it. A vessel going from the infected quarter, and carrying its atmosphere in its hold into another State, has given the disease to every person who there entered her. These have died in the arms of their families, without a single communication of the disease. It is certainly, therefore, an epidemic, not a contagious disease; and calls on the chemists for some mode of purifying the vessel by a decomposition of its atmosphere, if ventilation be found insufficient. In the long scale of bilious fevers, graduated by many shades, this is probably the last and most mortal term. It seizes the native of the place equally with strangers. It has not been long known in any part of the United States. The shade next above it, called the stranger's fever, has been coëval with the settlement of the larger cities in the Southern parts, to wit, Norfolk, Charleston, New Orleans. Strangers going to these places in the months of July, August, or September, find this fever as mortal as the genuine yellow fever. But it rarely attacks those who have resided in them some time. Since we have known that kind of yellow fever which is no respecter of persons, its name has been extended to the stranger's fever, and every species of bilious fever which produces a black vomit, that is to say, a discharge of very dark bile. Hence we hear of yellow fever on the Alleghany mountains, in Kentucky, &c. This is a matter of definition only; but it leads into error those who do not know how loosely and how interestedly some physicians think and speak. So far as we have yet seen, I think we are correct in saying, that the yellow fever, which seizes on all indiscriminately, is an ultimate degree of bilious fever never known in the United States till lately, nor farther South, as yet, than Alexandria; and that what they have recently called the yellow fever in New Orleans, Charleston and Norfolk, is what has always been known in those places as confined chiefly to strangers, and nearly as mortal _to them_, as the other is to _all_ its subjects. But both grades are local; the stranger's fever less so, as it sometimes extends a little into the neighborhood; but the yellow fever rigorously so, confined within narrow and well-defined limits, and not communicable out of those limits. Such a constitution of atmosphere being requisite to originate this disease as is generated only in low, close, and ill-cleansed parts of a town, I have supposed it practicable to prevent its generation by building our cities on a more open plan. Take, for instance, the chequer board for a plan. Let the black squares only be building squares, and the white ones be left open, in turf and trees. Every square of houses will be surrounded by four open squares, and every house will front an open square. The atmosphere of such a town would be like that of the country, insusceptible of the miasmata which produce yellow fever. I have accordingly proposed that the enlargements of the city of New Orleans, which must immediately take place, shall be on this plan. But it is only in ease of enlargements to be made, or of cities to be built, that this means of prevention can be employed.

The _genus irritabile vatum_ could not let the author of the Ruins publish a new work, without seeking in it the means of discrediting that puzzling composition. Some one of those holy calumniators has selected from your new work every scrap of a sentence, which, detached from its context, could displease an American reader. A cento has been made of these, which has run through a particular description of newspapers, and excited a disapprobation even in friendly minds, which nothing but the reading of the book will cure. But time and truth will at length correct error.

Our countrymen are so much occupied in the busy scenes of life, that they have little time to write or invent. A good invention here, therefore, is such a rarity as it is lawful to offer to the acceptance of a friend. A Mr. Hawkins of Frankford, near Philadelphia, has invented a machine which he calls a polygraph, and which carries two, three, or four pens. That of two pens, with which I am now writing, is best; and is so perfect that I have laid aside the copying-press, for a twelve month past, and write always with the polygraph. I have directed one to be made, of which I ask your acceptance. By what conveyance I shall send it while Havre is blockaded, I do not yet know. I think you will be pleased with it, and will use it habitually as I do; because it requires only that degree of mechanical attention which I know you to possess. I am glad to hear that M. Cabanis is engaged in writing on the reformation of medicine. It needs the hand of a reformer, and cannot be in better hands than his. Will you permit my respects to him and the Abbe de la Roche to find a place here?

A word now on our political state. The two parties which prevailed with so much violence when you were here, are almost wholly melted into one. At the late Presidential election I have received one hundred and sixty-two votes against fourteen only. Connecticut is still federal by a small majority; and Delaware on a poise, as she has been since 1775, and will be till Anglomany with her yields to Americanism. Connecticut will be with us in a short time. Though the people in mass have joined us, their leaders had committed themselves too far to retract. Pride keeps them hostile; they brood over their angry passions, and give them vent in the newspapers which they maintain. They still make as much noise as if they were the whole nation. Unfortunately, these being the mercantile papers, published chiefly in the sea-ports, are the only ones which find their way to Europe, and make very false impressions there. I am happy to hear that the late derangement of your health is going off, and that you are re-established. I sincerely pray for the continuance of that blessing, and with my affectionate salutations, tender you assurances of great respect and attachment.

P. S. The sheets which you receive are those of the copying-pen of the polygraph, not of the one with which I have written.

TO JUDGE TYLER.

MONTICELLO, March 29, 1805.

DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 17th found me on a short visit to this place, and I observe in it with great pleasure a continuance of your approbation of the course we are pursuing, and particularly the satisfaction you express with the last inaugural address. The first was, from the nature of the case, all profession and promise. Performance, therefore, seemed to be the proper office of the second. But the occasion restricted me to mention only the most prominent heads, and the strongest justification of these in the fewest words possible. The crusade preached against philosophy by the modern disciples of steady habits, induced me to dwell more in showing its effect with the Indians than the subject otherwise justified.

The war with Tripoli stands on two grounds of fact. 1st. It is made known to us by our agents with the three other Barbary States, that they only wait to see the event of this, to shape their conduct accordingly. If the war is ended by additional tribute, they mean to offer us the same alternative. 2dly. If peace was made, we should still, and shall ever, be obliged to keep a frigate in the Mediterranean to overawe rupture, or we must abandon that market. Our intention in sending Morris with a respectable force, was to try whether peace could be forced by a coercive enterprise on their town. His inexecution of orders baffled that effort. Having broke him, we try the same experiment under a better commander. If in the course of the summer they cannot produce peace, we shall recall our force, except one frigate and two small vessels, which will keep up a perpetual blockade. Such a blockade will cost us no more than a state of peace, and will save us from increased tributes, and the disgrace attached to them. There is reason to believe the example we have set, begins already to work on the dispositions of the powers of Europe to emancipate themselves from that degrading yoke. Should we produce such a revolution there, we shall be amply rewarded for what we have done. Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great respect and esteem.

TO DOCTOR LOGAN.

WASHINGTON, May 11, 1805.

DEAR SIR,--* * * * *

I see with infinite pain the bloody schism which has taken place among our friends in Pennsylvania and New York, and will probably take place in other States. The main body of both sections mean well, but their good intentions will produce great public evil. The minority, whichever section shall be the minority, will end in coalition with the federalists, and some compromise of principle; because these will not sell their aid for nothing. Republicanism will thus lose, and royalism gain, some portion of that ground which we thought we had rescued to good government. I do not express my sense of our misfortunes from any idea that they are remediable. I know that the passions of men will take their course, that they are not to be controlled but by despotism, and that this melancholy truth is the pretext for despotism. The duty of an upright administration is to pursue its course steadily, to know nothing of these family dissensions, and to cherish the good principles of both parties. The war _ad internecionem_ which we have waged against federalism, has filled our latter times with strife and unhappiness. We have met it, with pain indeed, but with firmness, because we believed it the last convulsive effort of that Hydra, which in earlier times we had conquered in the field. But if any degeneracy of principle should ever render it necessary to give ascendancy to one of the rising sections over the other, I thank my God it will fall to some other to perform that operation. The only cordial I wish to carry into my retirement, is the undivided good will of all those with whom I have acted.

Present me affectionately to Mrs. Logan, and accept my salutations, and assurances of constant friendship and respect.

TO JUDGE SULLIVAN.

WASHINGTON, May 21, 1805.

DEAR SIR,--An accumulation of business, which I found on my return here from a short visit to Monticello, has prevented till now my acknowledgment of your favor of the 14th ultimo. This delay has given time to see the result of the contest in your State, and I cannot but congratulate you on the advance it manifests, and the certain prospect it offers that another year restores Massachusetts to the general body of the nation. You have indeed received the federal unction of lying and slandering. But who has not? Who will ever again come into eminent office, unanointed with this chrism? It seems to be fixed that falsehood and calumny are to be their ordinary engines of opposition; engines which will not be entirely without effect. The circle of characters equal to the first stations is not too large, and will be lessened by the voluntary retreat of those whose sensibilities are stronger than their confidence in the justice of public opinion. I certainly have known, and still know, characters eminently qualified for the most exalted trusts, who could not bear up against the brutal hackings and hewings of these heroes of Billingsgate. I may say, from intimate knowledge, that we should have lost the services of the greatest character of our country, had he been assailed with the degree of abandoned licentiousness now practised. The torture he felt under rare and slight attacks, proved that under those of which the federal bands have shown themselves capable, he would have thrown up the helm in a burst of indignation. Yet this effect of sensibility must not be yielded to. If we suffer ourselves to be frightened from our post by mere lying, surely the enemy will use that weapon; for what one so cheap to those of whose system of politics morality makes no part? The patriot, like the Christian, must learn that to bear revilings and persecutions is a part of his duty; and in proportion as the trial is severe, firmness under it becomes more requisite and praiseworthy. It requires, indeed, self-command. But that will be fortified in proportion as the calls for its exercise are repeated. In this I am persuaded we shall have the benefit of your good example. To the other falsehoods they have brought forward, should they add, as you expect, insinuations of want of confidence in you from the administration generally, or myself particularly, it will, like their other falsehoods, produce in the public mind a contrary inference.

* * * * *

I tender you my friendly and respectful salutations.

TO MR. DUNBAR.

WASHINGTON, May 25, 1805.

DEAR SIR,--Your several letters, with the portions of your journals, forwarded at different times, have been duly received; and I am now putting the journal into the hands of a person properly qualified to extract the results of your observations, and the various interesting information contained among them, and bring them into such a compass as may be communicated to the Legislature. Not knowing whether you might not intend to make a map yourself, of the course of the river, he will defer that to the last part of his work, on the possibility that we may receive it from yourself. Your observations on the difficulty of transporting baggage from the head of the Red river to that of the Arkansas, with the dangers from the seceding Osages residing on the last river, have determined me to confine the ensuing mission to the ascent of the Red river to its source, and to descend the same river again, which will give an opportunity of better ascertaining that which, in truth, next to the Missouri, is the most interesting water of the Mississippi. You will accordingly receive instructions to this effect, from the Secretary of War. Dr. Hunter does not propose to take a part in this mission, and we suppose that Mr. George Davis, a deputy of Mr. Briggs, will be the fittest person to take the direction of the expedition, and Col. Freeman as an assistant, and successor, in case of accident, to the principal. Still, these propositions are submitted to your control, as being better acquainted with both characters. I write to Gov. Claiborne, to endeavor to get a passport from the Marquis of Casa-Calvo, for our party, as a protection from any Spaniards who may be fallen in with on the route. We offer to receive one or two persons, to be named by him, and subsisted by us into the party, as a proof that the expedition is merely scientific, and without any views to which Spain could take exception. The best protection against the Indians will be the authority to confer with them on the subject of commerce. Such conferences should be particularly held with the Arkansas and Panis, residing on the Red river, and everything possible be done to attach them to us affectionately. In the present state of things between Spain and us, we should spare nothing to secure the friendship of the Indians within reach of her. While Capt. Lewis' mission was preparing, as it was understood that his reliance for his longitudes must be on the lunar observations taken, as at sea, with the aid of a time-keeper, and I knew that a thousand accidents might happen to that in such a journey as his, and thus deprive us of the principal object of the expedition, to wit, the ascertaining the geography of that river, I set myself to consider whether in making observations at land, that furnishes no resource which may dispense with the time-keeper, so necessary at sea. It occurred to me that as we can always have a meridian at land, that would furnish what the want of it at sea obliges us to supply by the time-keeper. Supposing Capt. Lewis then furnished with a meridian, and having the requisite tables and nautical almanac with him,--first, he might find the right ascension of the moon, when on the meridian of Greenwich, on any given day; then find by observation when the moon should attain that right ascension (by the aid of a known star), and measure her distance in that moment from his meridian. This distance would be the difference of longitude between Greenwich and the place of observation. Or secondly, observe the moon's passage over his meridian, and her right ascension at that moment. See by the tables the time at Greenwich when she had that right ascension. That gives her distance from the meridian of Greenwich, when she was on his meridian. Or thirdly, observe the moon's distance from his meridian at any moment, and her right ascension at that moment; and find from the tables her distance from the meridian of Greenwich, when she had that right ascension, which will give the distance of the two meridians. This last process will he simplified by taking, for the moment of observation, that of an appulse of the moon and a known star, or when the moon and a known star are in the same vertical. I suggested this to Mr. Briggs, who considered it as correct and practicable, and proposed communicating it to the Philosophical Society; but I observed that it was too obvious not to have been thought of before, and supposed it had not been adopted in practice, because of no use at sea, where a meridian cannot be had, and where alone the nations of Europe had occasion for it. Before his confirmation of the idea, however, Capt. Lewis was gone. In conversation afterwards with Baron Humboldt, he observed that the idea was correct, but not new; that I would find it in the third volume of Delalande. I received two days ago the third and fourth volumes of Montuela's History of Mathematics, finished and edited by Delalande; and find, in fact, that Morin and Vanlangren, in the seventeenth century, proposed observations of the moon on the meridian, but it does not appear whether they meant to dispense with the time-keeper. But a meridian at sea being too impracticable, their idea was not pursued. The purpose of troubling you with these details, is to submit to your consideration and decision whether any use can be made of them advantageously in our future expeditions, and particularly that up the Red river.

Your letter on the current of the Mississippi, and paper on the same subject, corrected at once my doubts on your theory of the currents of that river. Constant employment in a very different line permits me to turn to philosophical subjects only when some circumstance forces them on my attention. No occurrence had called my mind to this subject, particularly since I had first been initiated into the original Torricellian doctrine of the velocities at different depths, being in the sub-duplicate ratio of the depths. And though Buat had given me his book while at Paris, your letter was the first occasion of my turning to it, and getting my mind set to rights to a certain degree. There is a subsequent work by Bernard, which is said to have furnished corrections and additions to Buat; but I have never seen it.

The work we are now doing is, I trust, done for posterity, in such a way that they need not repeat it. For this we are much indebted to you, not only for the labor and time you have devoted to it, but for the excellent method of which you have set the example, and which I hope will be the model to be followed by others. We shall delineate with correctness the great arteries of this great country. Those who come after us will extend the ramifications as they become acquainted with them, and fill up the canvas we begin. With my acknowledgments for your zealous aid in this business, accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem and respect.

TO DOCTOR SIBLEY.

WASHINGTON, May 27, 1805.

DEAR SIR,--I have been some time a debtor for your letters of March 20th and September 2d, of the last year. A constant pressure of things which will not admit delay, prevents my acknowledging with punctuality the letters I receive, although I am not insensible to the value of the communications, and the favor done me in making them. To these acknowledgments I propose to add a solicitation of a literary kind, to which I am led by your position, favorable to this object, and by a persuasion that you are disposed to make to science those contributions which are within your convenience. The question whether the Indians of America have emigrated from another continent, is still undecided. Their vague and imperfect traditions can satisfy no mind on that subject. I have long considered their languages as the only remaining monument of connection with other nations, or the want of it, to which we can now have access. They will likewise show their connections with one another. Very early in life, therefore, I formed a vocabulary of such objects as, being present everywhere, would probably have a name in every language; and my course of life having given me opportunities of obtaining vocabularies of many Indian tribes, I have done so on my original plan, which though far from being perfect, has the valuable advantage of identity, of thus bringing the languages to the same points of comparison. A letter from you to General Dearborne, giving valuable information respecting the Indians west of the Mississippi and south of the Arkansas, presents a much longer list of tribes than I had expected; and the relations in which you stand with them, and the means of intercourse these will furnish, induce me to hope you will avail us of your means of collecting their languages for this purpose. I enclose you a number of my blank vocabularies, to lessen your trouble as much as I can. I observe you mention several tribes which, having an original language of their own, nevertheless have adopted some other, common to other tribes. But it is their original languages I wish to obtain. I am in hopes you will find persons situated among or near most of the tribes, who will take the trouble of filling up a vocabulary. No matter whether the orthography used be English, Spanish, French, or any other, provided it is stated what the orthography is. To save unnecessary trouble, I should observe that I already possess the vocabularies of the Attacapas and Chetimachas, and no others within the limits before mentioned. I have taken measures for obtaining those north of the Arcansa, and already possess most of the languages on this side the Mississippi. A similar work, but on a much greater scale, has been executed under the auspices of the late empress of Russia, as to the red nations of Asia, which, however, I have never seen. A comparison of our collection with that will probably decide the question of the sameness or difference of origin, although it will not decide which is the mother country, and which the colony. You will receive from Gen. Dearborne some important instructions with respect to the Indians. Nothing must be spared to convince them of the justice and liberality we are determined to use towards them, and to attach them to us indissolubly. Accept my apologies for the trouble I am giving you, with my salutations and assurances of respect.

TO THOMAS PAINE.

WASHINGTON, June 5, 1805.

DEAR SIR,--Your letters, Nos. 1, 2, 3, the last of them dated April the 20th, were received April the 26th. I congratulate you on your retirement to your farm, and still more that it is of a character so worthy of your attention. I much doubt whether the open room on your second story will answer your expectations. There will be a few days in the year in which it will be delightful, but not many. Nothing but trees, or Venetian blinds, can protect it from the sun. The semi-cylindrical roof you propose will have advantages. You know it has been practised on the cloth market at Paris. De Lorme, the inventor, shows many forms of roofs in his book to which it is applicable. I have used it at home for a dome, being one hundred and twenty degrees of an oblong octagon, and in the capitol we unite two quadrants of a sphere by a semi-cylinder; all framed in De Lorme's manner. How has your planing machine answered? Has it been tried and persevered in by any workmen?

France has become so jealous of our conduct as to St. Domingo (which in truth is only the conduct of our merchants), that the offer to become a mediator would only confirm her suspicions. Bonaparte, however, expressed satisfaction at the paragraph in my message to Congress on the subject of that commerce. With respect to the German redemptioners, you know I can do nothing unless authorized by law. It would be made a question in Congress, whether any of the enumerated objects to which the Constitution authorizes the money of the Union to be applied, would cover an expenditure for importing settlers to Orleans. The letter of the revolutionary sergeant was attended to by General Dearborne, who wrote to him informing him how to proceed to obtain his land.

Doctor Eustis' observation to you, that "certain paragraphs in the National Intelligencer" respecting my letter to you, "supposed to be under Mr. Jefferson's direction, had embarrassed Mr. Jefferson's friends in Massachusetts; that they appeared like a half denial of the letter, or as if there was something in it not proper to be owned, or that needed an apology," is one of those mysterious half confidences difficult to be understood. That tory printers should think it advantageous to identify me with that paper, the Aurora, &c., in order to obtain ground for abusing me, is perhaps fair warfare. But that any one who knows me personally should listen one moment to such an insinuation, is what I did not expect. I neither have, nor ever had, any more connection with those papers than our antipodes have; nor know what is to be in them until I see it in them, except proclamations and other documents sent for publication. The friends in Massachusetts who could be embarrassed by so weak a weapon as this, must be feeble friends indeed. With respect to the letter, I never hesitated to avow and to justify it in conversation. In no other way do I trouble myself to contradict anything which is said. At that time, however, there were certain anomalies in the motions of some of our friends, which events have at length reduced to regularity.

It seems very difficult to find out what turns things are to take in Europe. I suppose it depends on Austria, which, knowing it is to stand in the way of receiving the first hard blows, is cautious of entering into a coalition. As to France and England we can have but one wish, that they may disable one another from injuring others.

Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of esteem and respect.

TO MR. MADISON.

MONTICELLO, August 7, 1805.

DEAR SIR,--On a view of our affairs with Spain, presented me in a letter from C. Pinckney, I wrote you on the 23d of July, that I thought we should offer them the _status quo_, but immediately proposed provincial alliance with England. I have not yet received the whole correspondence. But the portion of the papers now enclosed to you, confirm me in the opinion of the expediency of a treaty with England, but make the offer of the _status quo_ more doubtful. The correspondence will probably throw light on that question; from the papers already received I infer a confident reliance on the part of Spain on the omnipotence of Bonaparte, but a desire of procrastination till peace in Europe shall leave us without an ally. General Dearborne has seen all the papers. I will ask the favor of you to communicate them to Mr. Gallatin and Mr. Smith. From Mr. Gallatin I shall ask his first opinion, preparatory to the stating formal questions for our ultimate decision. I am in hopes you can make it convenient to see and consult with Mr. Smith and General Dearborne, unless the latter should come on here where I can do it myself. On the receipt of your own ideas, Mr. Smith's and the other gentlemen, I shall be able to form points for our final consideration and determination.

I enclose you some communications from the Mediterranean. They show Barron's understanding in a very favorable view. When you shall have perused them, be so good as to enclose them to the Secretary of the Navy. Accept my fervent wishes for the speedy recovery of Mrs. Madison, and your speedy visit to this quarter.

TO MR. MADISON.

MONTICELLO, August 25, 1805.

DEAR SIR,--I confess that the enclosed letter from General Turreau excites in me both jealousy and offence in undertaking, and without apology, to say in what manner to receive and treat Moreau within our own country. Had Turreau been here longer he would have known that the national authority pays honors to no foreigners. That the State authorities, municipalities and individuals, are free to render whatever they please, voluntarily, and free from restraint, by us; and he ought to know that no part of the criminal sentence of another country can have any effect here. The style of that government in the Spanish business, was calculated to excite indignation; but it was a case in which that might have done injury. But the present is a case which would justify some notice in order to let them understand we are not of those powers who will receive and execute mandates. I think the answer should show independence as well as friendship. I am anxious to receive the opinions of our brethren after their review and consideration of the Spanish papers. I am strongly impressed with a belief of hostile and treacherous intentions against us on the part of France, and that we should lose no time in securing something more than a mutual friendship with England.

Not having heard from you for some posts, I have had a hope you were on the road, and consequently that Mrs. Madison was re-established. We are now in want of rain, having had none in the last ten days. In your quarter I am afraid they have been much longer without it. We hear great complaints from F. Walker's, Lindsay's, Maury's, &c., of drought. Accept affectionate salutations, and assurances of constant friendship.

P. S. I suppose Kuhn, at Genoa, should have new credentials.

TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE.

MONTICELLO, August 27, 1805.

DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 20th has been received, and in that a letter from Casinore, and another from Mrs. Ciracchi; but those from Turreau and to Upryo were not enclosed. Probably the former was what came to me by the preceding post, respecting Moreau; if so, you have my opinion on it in my last. Considering the character of Bonaparte, I think it material at once to let him see that we are not of the powers who will receive his orders.

I think you have misconceived the nature of the treaty I thought we should propose to England. I have no idea of committing ourselves immediately or independently of our further will to the war. The treaty should be provisional only, to come into force on the event of our being engaged in war with either France or Spain during the present war in Europe. In that event we should make common cause, and England should stipulate not to make peace without our obtaining the objects for which we go to war, to wit, the acknowledgment by Spain of the rightful boundaries of Louisiana (which we should reduce to our minimum by a secret article) and 2, indemnification for spoliations, for which purpose we should be allowed to make reprisal on the Floridas and _retain them_ as an indemnification. Our co-operation in the war (if we should actually enter into it) would be sufficient consideration for Great Britain to engage for its object; and it being generally known to France and Spain that we had entered into treaty with England, would probably ensure us a peaceable and immediate settlement of both points. But another motive much more powerful would indubitably induce England to go much further. Whatever ill-humor may at times have been expressed against us by individuals of that country, the first wish of every Englishman's heart is to see us once more fighting by their sides against France; nor could the king or his ministers do an act so popular as to enter into an alliance with us. The nation would not weigh the consideration by grains and scruples. They would consider it as the price and pledge of an indissoluble friendship. I think it possible that for such a provisional treaty their general guarantee of Louisiana and the Floridas. At any rate we might try them. A failure would not make our situation worse. If such a one could be obtained we might await our own convenience for calling up the _casus fœderis_. I think it important that England should receive an overture as early as possible, as it might prevent her listening to terms of peace. If I recollect rightly, we had instructed Moreau, when he went to Paris, to settle the deposit; if he failed in that object to propose a treaty to England immediately. We could not be more engaged to secure the deposit then than we are the country now, after paying fifteen millions for it. I do expect, therefore, that, considering the present state of things as analogous to that, and virtually within his instructions, he will very likely make the proposition to England. I write my thoughts freely, wishing the same from the other gentlemen, that seeing and considering the ground of each others opinions we may come as soon as possible to a result. I propose to be in Washington by the 2d of October. By that time I hope we shall be ripe for some conclusion.

I have desired Mr. Barnes to pay my quota of expenses relating to the Marseilles cargo, whatever you will be so good as to notify him that it is. I wish I could have heard that Mrs. Madison's course of recovery were more speedy. I now fear we shall not see you but in Washington. Accept for her and yourself my affectionate salutations, and assurances of constant esteem and respect.

TO MR. MADISON.

MONTICELLO, September 16, 1805.

DEAR SIR,--The enclosed letter from General Armstrong furnishes matter for consideration. You know the French considered themselves entitled to the Rio Bravo, and that Laussal declared his orders to be to receive possession to that limit, but not to Perdido; and that France has to us been always silent as to the western boundary, while she spoke decisively as to the eastern. You know Turreau agreed with us that neither party should strengthen themselves in the disputed country during negotiation; and Armstrong, who says Monroe concurs with him, is of opinion, from the character of the Emperor, that were we to restrict ourselves to taking the posts on the west side of the Mississippi, and threaten a cessation of intercourse with Spain, Bonaparte would interpose efficiently to prevent the quarrel from going further. Add to these things the fact that Spain has sent five hundred colonists to St. Antonio, and one hundred troops to Nacogdoches, and probably has fixed or prepared a post at the Bay of St. Bernard, at Matagordo. Supposing, then, a previous alliance with England to guard us in the worst event, I should propose that Congress should pass acts, 1, authorizing the executive to suspend intercourse with Spain at discretion; 2, to dislodge the new establishments of Spain between the Mississippi and Bravo; and 3, to appoint commissioners to examine and ascertain all claims for spoliation that they might be preserved for future indemnification. I commit these ideas merely for consideration, and that the subject may be matured by the time of our meeting at Washington, where I shall be myself on the 2d of October. I have for some time feared I should not have the pleasure of seeing you either in Albemarle or Orange, from a general observation of the slowness of surgical cases. However, should Mrs. Madison be well enough for you to come to Orange, I will call on you on my way to Washington, if I can learn you are at home. General Dearborne is here. His motions depend on the stage. Accept for Mrs. Madison and yourself affectionate salutations.

P. S. I am afraid Bowdoin's journey to England will furnish a ground for Pinckney's remaining at Madrid. I think he should be instructed to leave it immediately, and Bowdoin might as well, perhaps, delay going there till circumstances render it more necessary.

TO MR. GALLATIN.

WASHINGTON, October 18, 1805.

DEAR SIR,--I had detained the letter of Mr. Merry on Foster's claims of freedom from importing duties, in expectation that Mr. Madison's return would enable him, you and myself, to confer on it. If the case presses, I will express my opinion on it. Every person diplomatic _in his own right_, is entitled to the privileges of the law of nations, in his own right. Among these is the receipt of all packages unopened and unexamined by the country which receives him. The usage of nations has established that this shall liberate whatever is imported _bonâ fide_ for his own use, from paying any duty. A government may control the number of diplomatic characters it will receive; but if it receives them it cannot control their rights while _bonâ fide_ exercised. Thus Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams, Colonel Humphreys, and myself, all residing at Paris at the same time, had all of us our importation duty free. Great Britain had an ambassador and a minister plenipotentiary there, and an ambassador extra for several years; all three had their entries free. In most countries this privilege is permanent. Great Britain is niggardly, and allows it only on the first arrival. But in this as she treats us only as _she does_ the most favored nations, so we should treat her as _we do_ the most favored nations. If these principles are right, Mr. Foster is duty free. If you concur, let it be so settled. If you think differently, let it lie for Madison's opinion. Colonel Monroe, in a letter of May, from Madrid, expressed impatience to get back to London that he might get to America before the equinox. It was the first I had heard of his having any thought of coming here, and though equivocally expressed, I thought he meant only a visit. In subsequent letters from Paris and London, down to August 16, he says nothing of coming; on the contrary, he has re-opened a particular negotiation. The motives which led him to wish to arrive before the equinox would prevent his venturing between the equinox and winter. I think, therefore, he has no fixed idea of coming away. Accept affectionate salutations.

TO DOCTORS ROGERS AND SLAUGHTER.

WASHINGTON, March 2, 1806.

GENTLEMEN,--I have received the favor of your letter of February the 2d, and read with thankfulness its obliging expressions respecting myself. I regret that the object of a letter from persons whom I so much esteem, and patronized by so many other respectable names, should be beyond the law which a mature consideration of circumstances has prescribed for my conduct. I deem it the duty of every man to devote a certain portion of his income for charitable purposes; and that it is his further duty to see it so applied as to do the most good of which it is capable. This I believe to be best insured, by keeping within the circle of his own inquiry and information the subjects of distress to whose relief his contributions shall be applied. If this rule be reasonable in private life, it becomes so necessary in my situation, that to relinquish it would leave me without rule or compass. The applications of this kind from different parts of our own, and from foreign countries, are far beyond any resources within my command. The mission of Serampore, in the East Indies, the object of the present application, is but one of many items. However disposed the mind may feel to unlimited good, our means having limits, we are necessarily circumscribed by them. They are too narrow to relieve even the distresses under my own eye; and to desert these for others which we neither see nor know, is to omit doing a certain good for one which is uncertain. I know, indeed, there have been splendid associations for effecting benevolent purposes in remote regions of the earth. But no experience of their effect has proved that more good would not have been done by the same means employed nearer home. In explaining, however, my own motives of action, I must not be understood as impeaching those of others. Their views are those of an expanded liberality. Mine may be too much restrained by the law of usefulness. But it is a law to me, and with minds like yours, will be felt as a justification. With this apology, I pray you to accept my salutations, and assurances of high esteem and respect.

TO MR. DUANE.

WASHINGTON, March 22, 1806.

I thank you, my good Sir, cordially, for your letter of the 12th, which however I did not receive till the 20th. It is a proof of sincerity, which I value above all things; as, between those who practise it, falsehood and malice work their efforts in vain. There is an enemy somewhere endeavoring to sow discord among us. Instead of listening first, then doubting, and lastly believing anile tales handed round without an atom of evidence, if my friends will address themselves to me directly, as you have done, they shall be informed with frankness and thankfulness. There is not a truth on earth which I fear or would disguise. But secret slanders cannot be disarmed, because they are secret. Although you desire no answer, I shall give you one to those articles admitting a short answer, reserving those which require more explanation than the compass of a letter admits, to conversation on your arrival here. And as I write this for your personal satisfaction, I rely that my letter will, under no circumstances, be communicated to any mortal, because you well know how every syllable from me is distorted by the ingenuity of my political enemies.

In the first place, then, I have had less communication, directly or indirectly, with the republicans of the east, this session, than I ever had before. This has proceeded from accidental circumstances, not from design. And if there be any coolness between those of the south and myself, it has not been from me towards them. Certainly there has been no other reserve than to avoid taking part in the divisions among our friends. That Mr. R. has openly attacked the administration is sufficiently known. We were not disposed to join in league with Britain, under any belief that she is fighting for the liberties of mankind, and to enter into war with Spain, and consequently France. The House of Representatives were in the same sentiment, when they rejected Mr. R.'s resolutions for raising a body of regular troops for the western service. We are for a peaceable accommodation with all those nations, if it can be effected honorably. This, perhaps, is not the only ground of his alienation; but which side retains its orthodoxy, the vote of eighty-seven to eleven republicans may satisfy you; but you will better satisfy yourself on coming here, where alone the true state of things can be known, and where you will see republicanism as solidly embodied on all essential points, as you ever saw it on any occasion.

That there is only one minister who is not opposed to me, is totally unfounded. There never was a more harmonious, a more cordial administration, nor ever a moment when it has been otherwise. And while differences of opinion have been always rare among us, I can affirm, that as to present matters, there was not a single paragraph in my message to Congress, or those supplementary to it, in which there was not a unanimity of concurrence in the members of the administration. The fact is, that in ordinary affairs every head of a department consults me on those of his department, and where anything arises too difficult or important to be decided between us, the consultation becomes general.

That there is an ostensible cabinet and a concealed one, a public profession and concealed counteraction, is false.

That I have denounced republicans by the epithet of Jacobins, and declared I would appoint none but those called moderates of both parties, and that I have avowed or entertain any predilection for those called the third party, or Quids, is in every tittle of it false.

That the expedition of Miranda was countenanced by me, is an absolute falsehood, let it have gone from whom it might; and I am satisfied it is equally so as to Mr. Madison. To know as much of it as we could was our duty, but not to encourage it.

Our situation is difficult; and whatever we do is liable to the criticisms of those who wish to represent it awry. If we recommend measures in a public message, it may be said that members are not sent here to obey the mandates of the President, or to register the edicts of a sovereign. If we express opinions in conversation, we have then our Charles Jenkinsons, and back-door counsellors. If we say nothing, "we have no opinions, no plans, no cabinet." In truth it is the fable of the old man, his son and ass, over again.

These are short facts which may suffice to inspire you with caution, until you can come here and examine for yourself. No other information can give you a true insight into the state of things; but you will have no difficulty in understanding them when on the spot. In the meantime, accept my friendly salutations and cordial good wishes.

INDEX TO VOL. IV.

ADAMS, JOHN--Opposition to his administration in connection with war with France, 229. The effects of his war policy, 234, 235. Expenses of his administration, 259. State of parties during his administration, 262, 263. His appointments to office, 356, 383, 386. Relations between him and Mr. Jefferson, 545, 555, 560. Policy of his administration in relation to French war, 290, 291, 298.

AGRICULTURE--Profits of, in Virginia, 3.

ALIEN AND SEDITION LAWS--Proposed, 237, 242, 244. Objections to, 258. Copy of Kentucky resolutions sent to Mr. Madison, 258. Resolutions on, by Kentucky, 305.

ARMY--Reduction of, 430.

BACON'S REBELLION--528.

BALLS--Dissensions about birth-night balls, 218.

BARBARY STATES--War with Tripoli, 574.

BUREAU--The case of the, 405.

BONAPARTE--His expedition to Egypt, 278, 280. Establishment of Consular government by, 315, 320. His administrative talents, 320. His character and purposes, 322. Jerome Bonaparte's marriage with Miss Patterson, 510.

BOUNDARY--Difficulty between Virginia and Maryland in reference to, 162.

CALLENDAR--Mr. Jefferson's relations with, 445, 447, 448.

CAPITOL--Building of, 435.

CAROLINA, SOUTH--Notice of effort to excite insurrection among negroes, 98.

CHARITIES--Principles on which bestowed, 589.

CLIMATE--Of Europe and America compared, 570. (See Weather.)

COMMERCE--Condition of commerce of U. States in 1798, 213. Commercial relations with Great Britain, 214. French regulations in relation to, 220, 221.

CONSULS--One nation not bound to receive Consuls from another, 90. How commissions for Consuls to U. States addressed, 91. The limits of the Consular jurisdiction, 39. No consuls permitted in British West Indies, 69. Revocation of Exequater of French consul, 72. Jurisdiction of, over prizes, 83, 84.

CONSTITUTION--Declaration of its principles desirable, 328. Mode of construction by federalists, 329. Its true principles, 330. Principles of the eastern States, 331.

CONVENTION, FEDERAL--What done with journal of, 136.

DEARBORNE, LIEUT.--Made Secretary of War, 356.

DEPARTMENTS--Circular to Heads of, 315.

DUMOURIER, GENERAL--His desertion and character, 5.

EDUCATION--Proposition to remove College of Geneva to United States, 108, 113. Importance of, 119. System of schools and colleges proposed by Mr. Jefferson, 317.

ELECTIONS--Members of Congress should be elected by Districts and not by general ticket, 308.

ENGLAND--Her refusal to surrender our military posts, 95. Carries off negroes at end of Revolutionary war, 96. Danger of war with, 102, 105. Our dependence on, 172.

EUROPE--Condition of, in 1798, 217, 218.

EXCISE--The obnoxious character of, 112.

EXECUTIVES--Mode of communicating between State and Federal governments, 401.

FEDERALISTS--Character of the party, 112, 139, 197, 448. Their ascendancy, 140, 141. The moderate portion of the party, 361. Mr. Jefferson's policy towards, 451, 484, 542.

FINANCE--Reforms in, 428, 430.

FLORIDAS, THE--Their cession to France, 432.

FOREIGN POLICY--414.

FRANCE--Condition of, in 1793, 8. Affection of our people for, 123. Her victories in Europe, 182. Danger of war with, in 1797, 181, 183, 184, 185, 189, 233, 265, 277. Special mission to, to preserve peace, 187, 208, 232, 234. War with, avoided, 189, 190. Silence of Envoys to, favorable, 216. Their negotiations in France, 232, 234, 251. Talleyrand's intrigues with, 234, 235, 270. Return of Envoys to United States, 250. The X. Y. Z. delusion, 265, 271, 274. Effect of, in United States, 275. Conduct of Envoys, 271, 272. Disposition of France to peace, 271, 275, 276, 288, 292, 293. Establishment of the Consulate, 315. Unfriendly feeling in, towards United States, 448. Condition of, under Bonaparte, 452, 493, 496.

GENET, M.--His conduct, 7, 20, 31, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 52, 53, 64, 68, 84. His recall asked, 50. Petitions to have Mr. Jay prosecuted for libelling him, 97.

GERRY, ELBRIDGE--Letter from, on political condition of U. S. and his mission to France, 273.

GOVERNMENT--Mr. Jefferson's views on, 114, 115. Equilibrium between State and Federal governments necessary, 217.

GUN BOATS--567.

HAMILTON, ALEXANDER--His great talents, 121, 231. His advocacy of Jay's treaty, 121. His anonymous writings, 231.

HENRY, PATRICK--Court paid to him by federalists, 148.

HISTORY, NATURAL--Big bones of the west, 149, 337, 351. Skeleton from Paraguay, 195. The wild horses of the west, 253.

IMPEACHMENT--Introduction of trial by jury in cases of, 215.

IMPRESSMENT--Jefferson's views on, 133.

IMPROVEMENT, INTERNAL--Jefferson's views on, 131, 449, 478. Post roads, 131. Piers in the Delaware, 449, 478. Light-houses, 450, 478.

INDIANS--Our efforts to keep them neutral in revolutionary war, 10. Efforts to preserve peace with, 10, 11, 12. Our policy towards, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 464, 467, 472, 489. War with northwestern Indians, 86. Cessions of land by, 464, 467, 472. Their languages, 326, 580. Their artistic skill, 310.

INSURRECTION--Of negroes in Virginia, 336.

JEFFERSON, THOMAS--His retirement from Secretaryship of State, 26, 28, 99, 100. Consents to remain until December, 1792, 28. His retirement from politics, 101. His devotion to agricultural life, 103. His farming system, 106, 143, 224. Declares his purpose never to enter public life again, 110. Does not desire the Presidential office, 110. His relations with General Washington in 1796, 142, 171. Prefers Mr. Adams to himself for Presidency, 150, 151, 153, 154. His letter to J. Adams on the subject, 153. His election to Vice-Presidency, 158, 163, 165, 168. Mode of notifying his election, 160. His views of duties of his new office, 161. His relations with J. Adams, 161, 167. Preparation of his Parliamentary manual, 163. His account of the Mazzei letter, 193. His opposition to war with France, 178, 181, 183, 184, 185, 198, 230, 254. His political associates, 254. Calumnies against him, 255, 333, 520, 576. Summary of his political principles, 268. His election over Burr to Presidency, 358. His valedictory to Senate on termination of Vice-Presidency, 362. His oath of office, 364. Reformations in administration of government, 396, 399, 523. His agency in forming Constitution, 441. Principles of his administration, 452, 523, 548. Candidate for second Presidential term, 536. His early friends, 547. Political differences no effect on private friendships, 562. His purpose to retire at end of second term, 565. His majority at second election, 573. Unanimity of his Cabinet, 592.

JUDICIARY--The executive consults it, 22. Limits to jurisdiction of federal judiciary, 199. Jury trial and viva voce evidence in Chancery suits, 318.

JURISDICTION, TERRITORIAL--Extract of the Marine league, 75.

KENTUCKY--Resolutions of, on alien and sedition laws, 258, 305.

KING, RUFUS--Sent minister to Russia, 289.

KNOX, GENERAL--His bankruptcy, 262.

KOSCIUSKO, GENERAL--His return to Europe, 248.

LA FAYETTE--Greeting to his son on coming to U. S., 114.

LAND--Conveyances of, before revolution, 371.

LANGUAGES--Policy of the study of, 316. The Indian languages, 326, 348, 580.

LAW, THE COMMON--No part of law of Federal government, 301, 306.

LAWS, MUNICIPAL--Derive their authority from the people, 302.

LAW, NATIONAL--Enemy's property in friend's vessel seizable, 24, 403, 408. Arms are contraband, but government will not prohibit exportation of, 87.

LEWIS, CAPTAIN M.--His expedition to explore west, 470, 492, 516, 540.

LIANCOURT, DUKE DE--A fugitive from French revolution, 145.

LITERATURE--Condition of literary men, 513.

LIVINGSTON, ROBERT R.--Secretaryship of Navy tendered him, 338. Sent on mission to France, 360.

LOUISIANA--Its cession to France, 432, 435. Efforts to purchase for U. S., 454, 457, 460. Its acquisition, 494, 497, 503, 509, 510, 525. Boundaries of, 498, 503, 539, 548, 550, 587. Its unconstitutionality, 500, 503, 504, 506. Cession of, opposed by Spain, 511. Occupation of, 510, 514. Organization of government of, 551, 558.

MADISON, JAMES--Jefferson wishes him to succeed Washington in Presidency, 116, 117, 136, 150. His report of debates in convention, 263.

MALTHUS--His work on population, 526, 527.

MARITIME JURISDICTION--Limits of, 73, 559.

MARSHALL, JOHN--His reception on return from mission to France, 249.

MESSAGES--Substituted for speeches, 426.

MILITIA--The discipline of, 469.

MINISTERS, FOREIGN--Their pay, 455. Their right to import duty free, 588.

MONROE, JAMES--Jefferson advises him to come to Congress, 242. Sent on special mission to France to negotiate for Louisiana and Floridas, 454, 457, 460.

MONUMENTS--To living men objectionable, 335.

MOREAU, GEN.--His arrival in U. S., 584.

MORRIS, GOVERNEUR--Becomes unpopular in France, 93.

NEUTRALITY--Efforts to preserve it, 6. Grounds on which proclamation of opposed, 18, 29. Circumstances attending it, 18, 29, 30, 32. Measures vindicating our neutrality, 18, 19, 27, 51, 55. Violations of, by France, 27, 33, 45, 46, 55, 68. Questions at issue between Genet and U. S., 34, 38, 41, 42, 43, 44. Unlawful for the belligerents to arm and equip in our ports, 34. In what cases our courts have jurisdiction over prizes, 38, 40. Enemy's goods in neutral vessels liable to capture, 43. Same rule extended to England as to other nations, though no treaty with her, 57. Violations of our neutrality by England, 59, 62. What are the rights of neutral nations, 59. Conditions of neutrality, 61. Difference between England and France resulting from treaty, 65. French prizes admitted, and English excluded by treaty, 66. Right of vessels of belligerents to visit our ports, 66. Territorial jurisdiction extends to the marine league, 75, 559. In what cases our courts make restitution of prizes, 78.

NEW ENGLAND--Character of the people of, 247.

NEW ORLEANS--Difficulties in relation to rights of deposit at, 454, 457, 460. Our policy in relation to, 483.

OFFICES--Principles on which distributed, 353, 368, 380, 391, 398, 402, 406, 451, 543. Refuses offices to relations, 388.

## PARTIES, POLITICAL--(See United States.)

PATRONAGE--(See Offices.)

PHILADELPHIA--The yellow fever there, 54, 64, 70, 74, 86.

PLOUGH--One invented by Mr. Jefferson, 147, 225.

POLYGRAPH--572.

POSTS, NORTH WESTERN--Failure of English to surrender, 95.

PRESIDENT--Has no power to change place of meeting of Congress, 72. Removal of executive government to Germantown, 74, 86.

PRESIDENCY--Nominations for second Presidency, 100, 116, 150, 151, 153, 154. Equality of vote between Burr and Jefferson, 340, 342, 344, 345, 349, 352, 354, 369.

PRESS--Freedom of, in U. S., 21.

PRIVATEERS--A merchant vessel armed for defence only is not a privateer, 41.

PROCLAMATION OF NEUTRALITY--(See Neutrality.)

RANDOLPH, EDMUND--His character, 125.

RANDOLPH, JOHN--His relations to Jefferson's administration, 517.

RELIGION--Jefferson's views on, 422, 525. His views on Christianity, 475, 477, 479. His views of Jesus, 475, 477, 481. Fastings and thanksgivings not proclaimed by him, 427.

REPUBLICAN PARTY--Split in, 591.

ROBBIN'S CASE--323, 324.

SEA LETTERS--To whom should be granted, 566.

SENATE--Functions of that body, 107. J. Adams' views of, 215.

SHORT, WM.--His recall from Europe, 413.

SLAVES--Policy of emancipation, 196. Numbers carried off by English at end of revolution, 96. Plans of colonization, 420, 442.

SPAIN--Danger of war with, 7, 8, 16, 17, 21. Summary of our relations with, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16. Difficulties with, in respect to inciting Indians against us, 12, 13, 14.

SOCIETIES, DEMOCRATIC--Opposition of federalists to, 111, 133. Efforts to suppress them, 111, 133.

STATE RIGHTS--Jefferson's views on, 331.

STEAM ENGINES--Employed to conduct water through houses, 296.

STEVENS, DR.--His case, 528.

ST. DOMINGO--Condition of fugitives from, 20. Expulsion of whites from, 20. Assistance rendered to, by United States, 49. Condition of the Island, 251.

TALLEYRAND--His connection with the X. Y. Z. business, 436.

TREASURY--Financial reforms in, 428, 430.

TREATIES--Our policy in relation to, 552. The unpopularity of Jay's treaty, 120. Power of House of Representatives over, 125, 134, 135. Passage of Jay's treaty, 148.

TURKEY, THE--A native of America, 346.

UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA--Its foundation, 313, 316, 462.

UNITED STATES--Excess of party spirit in, 176, 178, 184, 191, 241, 247, 286. Danger of war with France, 178, 181, 183, 187. State of parties in, 179, 184, 206, 224, 234, 246. Preparations for war, 183, 185, 241. Political complexion of different sections of U. S., 186, 246. Importance of peace to, 187. State of parties on question of war with France, 189, 190, 222, 227, 229, 239. Majority against war, 190, 192, 210. Our true policy in our foreign relations, 191, 414. Proceedings in Congress, 205, 208, 210, 211, 237. Political condition of, 256, 259, 265, 271, 281, 287, 295, 297, 300, 322, 328, 330. Financial condition of, in 1798, 264, 277, 284. Increase of Republican party, 288, 414, 437, 488. Consolidation of republicans and moderate federalists under Jefferson, 366, 367, 370, 378, 381, 382, 386, 389, 406, 437, 523, 542. The political revolution of 1800, 373, 375, 376, 390, 425, 440, 467. Relations with England and France, 586.

VIRGINIA--Profits of agriculture in, 3. Height of mountains of, 147. Proposition for State convention, 199. Collection of statutes of, 128. Loss of public documents of, 129. Alteration in Notes on Virginia, 564.

WAR--Preparations for, 279, 283, 285, 290, 291, 299, 323. Public opinion in relation to, 279, 295, 300. War policy of J. Adams' administration, 290, 291, 298. War unavoidable in Europe, 491. Danger of war with France, 181, 183, 184, 185, 189, 233, 265, 277.

WASHINGTON, GEN.--Monument to, 82. Influence of federalists over, 139, 140, 141. His influence in the country, 169. His relations with Jefferson, 142, 171. Cost of Houdon's statue of, 310. Monuments to great men while living objectionable, 335.

WASHINGTON CITY--Removal of government to, 201.

WEATHER--Extreme cold of, 1796-7, 157.

WEST, THE--Exploration of, by Captain Lewis, 470, 492, 516, 540. Exploration of Red river, 577.

WINDS--Observations on, 159.

YELLOW FEVER--Its appearance at Philadelphia, 54, 64, 70, 74, 86. Nature of, 570.