part 3

, t. 1, p. 252. See also Card. d’Aguirre, t. 1, Conc. Hisp. p. 140, upon the words of St. Jerom in Isaiæ c. 34, p. 279, t. 3.

[286] Diss. de Divisione Apost. ante t. 4, Julij, et in vita S. Jacobi, t. 6, p. 71.

[287] Agrippa the Elder was a worldly man, addicted to pleasures, yet attached to the Jewish religion. Of this he gave a remarkable proof when the emperor Caligula ordered a statue of Jupiter to be set up in the temple of Jerusalem. The Jews opposed the attempt with tears and remonstrances, and throwing themselves prostrate on the ground at the feet of the Roman governor, protested they were ready rather to suffer death. But the murderers of the Son of God were unworthy to die in so good a cause. Agrippa exposed himself to the danger of losing the tyrant’s favor, and by a strong letter, which he wrote to him on that occasion, obtained that the order should be superseded at that time. When that emperor was attempting to renew it his death delivered the Jews from the danger.

[288] Eus. Hist. l. 2, c. 9.

[289] Agrippa was the first prince that persecuted the Church. After having put to death St. James, he imprisoned St. Peter, but God delivered him out of the persecutor’s hands. Nor was it long before this king felt the effects of divine vengeance. After the feast of the passover he returned to Cæsarea to exhibit there public games in honor of Claudius Cæsar, and was attended thither with a numerous train of the must considerable persons, both of his own and of the neighboring nations. He appeared early on the second morning of the shows at the theatre, in a costly robe of silver tissue, artfully wrought, and so bright that the sunbeams which darted upon it were reflected with such an uncommon lustre, as to dazzle the eyes of the spectators who beheld him with a kind of divine respect. He addressed himself in an elegant speech, to the deputies of the Tyrians and Sidonians, who were come to beg his pardon for some offence for which they had been some time in disgrace with him. Whilst he spoke, the ambassadors and some court sycophants gave a great shout, crying out that it was the voice of a god and not of a man. The king, too sensible of the people’s praise, and elated with pride, seemed to forget himself, and to approve, instead of checking the impious flattery. But at that instant the angel of the Lord smote him with a dreadful disease, and he felt himself seized with a violent pain in his bowels. Perceiving his distemper to be mortal, he rejected the flattery of his sycophants, telling them that he whom they called immortal was dying. Yet still full of false ideas of human grandeur, though he saw death inevitable, he comforted himself with the remembrance of the splendor in which he had lived. So true it is that a man dies such as he lives. After lingering five days in exquisite torments, under which no remedy gave him any ease, being eaten up by worms, he expired in all the miseries that can be expressed or imagined. This account is given us by Josephus (Antiq. l. 19, c. 7), and by St. Luke (Acts xii. 23). He died in the fifty-fourth year of his age, and the seventh of his reign. The most learned Mr. Stukely in his medallic history of Carausius, t. 2, c. 1, p. 72, will have it that Agrippa was smitten four days after he celebrated the Roman festival, in which the people made vows for the emperor’s health and safety, marked in the ancient Roman Calendar which he has published on the 4th of January. It was, indeed, the festival of the emperor Claudius, but after the passover, which happened that year on the 10th of April, the equinoctial new moon falling on the 28th of March. Herod Agrippa left a son of his own name, who was then at Rome with Claudius, only seventeen years old. The emperor would willingly have given him his father’s dominions; but his freemen and counsellors represented to him that an extensive kingdom was too great a burden for so young a prince to bear. Whereupon Judæa was again reduced into the form of a Roman province, and Cuspius Fadus appointed the first prefect or governor.

[290] See on the Translation of the body of St. James to Compostella, F. Flores, the learned and inquisitive Austin friar, rector of the royal college at Alcala, in his curious work entitled España Sagrada (of which the first volume was printed in 1747), t. 3, App. p. 50 and 56.

[291]

“Christophore, infixum quòd cum usque in corde gerebas, Pictores Christum dant tibi ferre humeris,” &c.

_Vida_, Hym. 26, t. 2, p. 150.

[292] Procop. de Ædif. Justin. l. 1, c. 2.

[293] Julij, t. 6, p. 250.

[294] 2 Tim ii. 5. 1 Tim. v. 4.

[295] Plutarch l. de Educand. liberis.

[296] Hist. Episc. Antisiodor. See Messieurs De Ste. Marthe, in Gallia Christiana.

[297] Prosp. in Chron. et l. contra Collat. c. 21.

[298] Bede Hist l. 1, c. 17, Constant. in vita S. Germani.

[299] Vita S. Genevevæ.

[300] Hist. Episcop. Antisiod.

[301] Bede, Hist. l. 1, c. 1. Gildas ep. p. 17, 18. Constantius in vitâ S. Germani. Carte, p. 184, 185.

[302] Antiq. Brit. c. 11, p. 179, 180. Carte, t. 1, p. 288.

[303] Carte, p. 184, 186, thinks the Alleluiah victory gained over the Picts and the Saxons, and the other transactions of St. Germanus in Wales, happened in his second mission. For SS. Dubricius and Iltutus, whom he ordained bishops, lived beyond the year 512, according to some until 527 or even 540. Sir Henry Spelman and Wilkins (Conc. Brit. t. 1, p. 1), on this account place the synod of Verulam held by St. Germanus against the Pelagians in 446.

[304] Bede, Hist. l. 1, c. 21. Bollandus and Henschenius in vitâ S. Theliau ad 9 Februarij, &c.

[305] Stillingfleet, Orig. Britan. p. 349.

[306] Or. 3, de Imag.

[307] Ecclus. xxxviii. 1, 2.

[308] 4 Kings xx. 7. See Syn. Critic. and Mead, De Morbis Biblicis, c. 5.

[309] Serm. 22, in Ps. 118.

[310] Regul. fus. explic.

[311] Ep. 345, ol. 321, p. 316, et in Cant.

[312] See Estius in Eccli. xxxviii.

[313] Ephes. v. 29, Aug. ep. 130, ol. 121, ad Probam.

[314] 2 Paral. xv. 12.

[315] Paulin. Nat. 9, or Carm. 24.

[316] Horat. l. 1, od. 3.

[317] _Pueri._ See Diss. de SS. 7, Dormient. c. 18, p. 65, et c. 6, p. 11. The Menology of the emperor Basil, printed at Rome in 1727, &c.

[318] Spon, Voyage d’Italie et du Levant, t. 1, l. 3, p. 327.

[319] St. Paulin. Carm. 24, and ep. 12. On the relics of St. Nazarius at Milan, see the life of St. Charles Borromeo, by Guissiano, in the new Latin edition, l. 5, c. 9. p. 435, and the notes of Oltrocci, ibid.

[320] S. Bas. hom. de S. Gordio.

[321] S. Epiph. Hær. 54. Eus. l. 5, c. 28. Conc. t. 1. Theodoret, Hæret. Fabul. l. 2, c. 5.

[322] Eus. l. 5, c. 17. St. Hier. ep. 54, ad Marcel. Tert. l. de Fugâ, de Pudic., &c.

[323] Tert. l. adv. Praxeam.

[324] S. Epiph. Hær. 46. S. Iren. l. 1, c. 31. Clem. Alex. Strom. l. 3, p. 465.

[325] Tatian’s Oration against the Greeks is extant. In it he displays much profane erudition, showing that Moses was older than the Gentile philosophers, who borrowed the sciences from the patriarchs. He wrote this piece after the death of Saint Justin, but before his separation from the Church: for in it he proves one God the Creator of all things, and seems to approve the state of matrimony. It wants method; but the style is elegant enough, though exuberant, and not very elaborate. This piece is often published at the end of the works of St. Justin. We have an accurate separate edition, printed at Oxford in 1700, with notes and dissertations, by the care of Mr. William Worth, archdeacon of Worcester. P. Travasa in his learned history of heresiarchs, demonstrates against Massuet, &c., that Tatian’s Oration against the Gentiles is not orthodox; and that in it the author teaches that the human soul is of its own nature mortal. See Travasa Storia Critica delle vite degli eresiarchi, t. 2, at Venice, 1760.

[326] Ἀκοενωνησίαν ἑπέϛειλεν.

[327] Monti, Cler. Reg. S. Pauli, S. Th. Prof. Mediolani, Dissertationes Theologico-historicæ tres, quarum prima propugnat gratiam per se efficacem; Secunda agit de Canonibus vulgò apostolicis; Tertia versatur super dissidio de opportuno Paschatis celebrandi tempore. Papiæ, 1760.

[328] Mem. Eccles. t. 3, p. 112.

[329] From this example, it is manifest, that the African bishops referred greater causes, at least those of faith to the holy see, and in them always allowed appeals to it; though at that time they carried on a contest with the popes Innocent, Zosimus, and Celestine, against appeals being made in lesser causes of personal facts, which it is often difficult to carry on in remote courts, and which, if too easy and frequent, are a bar to the speedy execution of justice. Yet such appeals or revisions of causes are sometimes necessary to hinder crying injustices and oppressions. Whence the regulation of the manner of restraining appeals in smaller ecclesiastical causes is a point of discipline; but the general council of Sardica, which was an appendix of the council of Nice, declared, that appeals must be allowed from the whole world to the bishops of Rome; and in this discipline the Africans soon after acquiesced.

[330] St. Aug. Serm. 131, n. 10.

[331] _Dole_ in the old British language signifies a low fruitful plain.

[332] Tours, which was the metropolis of the province of Armorica under the Romans, enjoyed, from the time of St. Martin, the metropolitical jurisdiction over Mans, Angers, and the nine bishoprics of Brittany. Sampson the elder, bishop of York, being expelled by the Saxons, came into Armorica, and founded the see of Dole, in which he exercised a metropolitical jurisdiction, which king Howel or Rioval obliged him to assert, because these Britons were an independent people, separate from the Gauls. Sampson’s two successors, St. Turiave and St. Sampson, enjoyed the same. The contest between Tours and Dole was not finished till Innocent III. In 1199, declared Dole and all the other bishoprics of Brittany subject to the archbishop of Tours. See D. Morice, Hist. de Bretagne, p. 17, &c.

[333] Luke x. 38.

[334] Ibid.

[335] Cant. ii.

[336] 3, p. 9, 40, a. l. ad 2 et 3. Item 2, 2dæ. q. 182, art. 1 et 2, in corp.

[337] L. de Perfect. Religios.

[338] Mat. xxvi.; John xii.

[339] Unicum mihi negotium est; aliud non curo quam ne curem. Tert. l. de Pallio, c. 5.

[340] See the Chronicle of Norway by Snorro Sturleson, first magistrate in the republic of Iceland in 1240.

[341] _Scot_ and _lot_ are originally Swedish or Teutonic words, signifying tax. Romescot is a tax for Rome, and Scot-Konung, the king’s tax. See baron Holberg, and Mess. Scondia illustrata, t. 1.

[342] Aringhi Roma Subterranea, l. 1, c. 25.

[343] Noris, Diss. 3, de Epochis Syro-Macedonum.

[344] Apol. c. 21.

[345] Plato in Phædo.

[346] Act. ii.

[347] Act. xvi. 26.

[348] Constantine Cajetan, a Benedictin of the Congregation of Mount Cassino, pretends this book to have been first written by Gracias Cisneros or Swan, a Benedictin abbot of Montserrat. But the work of that pious and learned abbot is a very different piece, as is evident to every one that will compare the two books, and as Pinius demonstrates. That of Cisneros is indeed full of unction and spiritual knowledge; but compiled in a scholastic method, and runs into superfluous subdivisions. The meditations of St. Ignatius are altogether new, and written upon a different plan. He appoints, for the foundation of these exercises, a moving meditation on the end for which we are created, that we fully convince ourselves that nothing is otherwise to be valued, sought, or enjoyed, than as it conduces to the honor and service of God. The meditations on the fall of the angels and of man, on the future punishments of sin, and on the last things, show us the general effects of sin. To point out the

## particular disorders of our passions, and to purge our

hearts of them, he represents to us the two standards of Christ and the devil, and all men ranging themselves under the one or the other, that we may be moved ardently to make our choice with the generous souls that follow Christ. Then he proposes what this resolution requires, and how we are to express in ourselves the perfect image of our Saviour, by the three degrees of humility, by meditating on the mysteries of Christ’s life, and by choosing a state of life, and regulating our employments in it. By meditating on Christ’s sufferings, he will have us learn the heroic virtues of meekness and charity, &c., he taught us by them to fortify our souls against contradictions; and by those on his glorious mysteries, and on the happiness of divine love, he teaches us to unite our hearts closely to God. See Bartoli, l. 1, &c.

[349] Exerc. Spir. Max. 2, 3.

[350] Ego vobis Romæ propitius ero. See F. Bouhours, b. 3.

[351] There is another religious Order, very famous in Italy, established for the education of youth, called the Regular Clergy of the _Schola Pia_. The founder was F. Joseph Cazalana, a nobleman of Arragon. He took priestly orders in 1582, and, going to Rome, devoted himself with great fervor to the heroic practice of all good works, especially to the catechising and teaching of children. To propagate this design, he instituted a congregation of priests, approved by Paul V. in 1617, and declared a religious Order with ample privileges, by Gregory XV. in 1621. These religious men bind themselves by a fourth vow, to labor in instructing children, especially the poor. The holy founder died in 1648, on the 25th of August.

[352] He appointed no other habit than that used by the clergy in his time, the more decently and courteously to converse with all ranks of people, and because he instituted an order only of regular clerks. He would not have his religious to keep choir, because he destined their time to evangelical functions. He ordered all, before they are admitted, to employ a month for a general confession and a spiritual exercise. After this, two years in a novitiate; then to take the simple vows of scholars, binding themselves to poverty, chastity, and obedience, which vows make them strictly religious men; for by them a person in this Order irrevocably consecrates himself to God on his side, though the Order does not bind itself absolutely to him, and the general has power to dismiss him; by which discharge he is freed from all obligation to the Society, his first vows being made under this condition. These simple vows are only made in the presence of domestics. The professed Jesuits make these same vows again (commonly after all their studies) but publicly, and without the former condition; so that these second are solemn vows, absolutely binding on both sides: wherefore a professed Jesuit can be no more dismissed by his Order, so as to be discharged from his obligations by which he is tied to it. In these last is added a fourth vow of undertaking any missions, whether among the faithful or infidels, if enjoined them by the pope. There is a class of Jesuits who take the other vows, without this last relating to the missions; and these are called spiritual coadjutors. So this Order consists of four sorts of persons; scholars or Jesuits of the first vows; professed Jesuits or of the last or four vows; spiritual coadjutors, and temporal coadjutors.

No particular bodily mortifications are prescribed by the rule of the Society; but two most perfect practices of interior mortification are rigorously enjoined, on account of which Suarez (t. 3, de Relig.) who treats at length of the obligations of their Order, calls it the most rigorous of religious Orders; the first is, the rule of Manifestation, by which every one is bound to discover his interior inclinations to his superior; the second is, that every Jesuit renounces his right to his own reputation with his superior, giving leave to every brother to inform immediately his superior of all his faults he knows, without observing the law of private correction first, which is a precept of fraternal charity, unless where a person has given up his right.

The general nominates the provincial and rectors; but he has five assistants nominated by the general congregation, who prepare all matters to his hands, each for the province of his assistency; and these have authority to call a general congregation to depose the general if he should evidently transgress the rules of the Society. Every provincial is obliged to write to the general once every month, and once in three years transmit to him an account of all the Jesuits in his province. The perfect form of government which is established, the wisdom, the unction, the zeal, and the consummate knowledge of men, which appear throughout all these constitutions, will be a perpetual manifest monument of the saint’s admirable penetration, judgment, and piety. He wrote his constitutions in Spanish, but they were done into Latin by his secretary, father John Polancus. It is peculiar to the Society, that the religious, after their first vows, retain some time the dominion or property of their patrimony, without the administration (for this later condition is now essential to a religious vow of poverty), till they make their renunciation.

St. Ignatius forbade the fathers of his Society to undertake the direction of nunneries on the following occasion. In 1545, Isabel Rozella, a noble Spanish widow, and two others, with the approbation of pope Paul III. put themselves under St. Ignatius’s direction, to live according to his rule; but he soon repented and procured from his Holiness, in 1547, the abovesaid prohibition, saying, that such a task took up all that time which he desired to dedicate to a more general good in serving many. When certain women in Flanders and Piedmont afterward assembled in houses under vows and this rule, and called themselves Jesuitesses, their institute was abolished by Urban VIII. in 1631, the end and exercises of this society not suiting that sex.

[353] See his edifying life by Raderus and Sacchini.

[354] Bouhours, l. 4. Orlandin. Hist. Soc. l. 7, c. 25.

[355] The value of this treasure is enhanced by the elegant dress by which it is set off in the French translation of the abbé Regnier des Marais, three volumes in 4to. four in 8vo. and six in 12mo. The devout abbé Tricalet gave a good abridgment of this excellent work, printed in 1760. The translation of Rodrigues made by the gentlemen of Port-Royal is faulty in several places,

## particularly, Tr. 1, c. 10.

[356] Orland. Hist. Soc. l. 16.

[357] Extant to Bartoli, l. 4, p. 372.

[358] L. 4, n. 29, 355.

[359] Bayle makes exceptions to the miracles of St. Ignatius because Ribadeneira, in the first life of this saint, which he wrote in 1572, inquires why his sanctity was not equally attested by wonderful miracles as that of the founders of some other Orders. “Quamobrem illius sanctitas minus est testata miraculis,” &c. But in this very edition, in the last chapter, p. 209, he writes: “Mihi tantum abest ut ad vitam Ignatii illustrandam miracula deesse videantur, ut multa eaque præstantissima judicem in mediâ luce versari.” He then recapitulates some facts which he had before related, and which he esteems miraculous, as a rapture in which the saint continued for eight days; so many wonderful, heavenly illuminations and revelations; the restoration of F. Simon, who lay dangerously sick, to his health, pursuant to his prediction; the wonderful deliverance of a demoniac; the cures of several sick persons; the foretelling many particular things to private persons, &c. The author republished this life in 1587, with some additions. He afterwards wrote a Latin abstract of this first life, in which he inserted many miracles. This he calls “Alteram breviorem vitam, sed multis ac novas miraculis auctam.” In this he tells us, that he had before been more cautious in relating miracles, because they had not yet been examined and approved; but that he chose some which were esteemed miraculous, not in the opinion of the common people, but in the judgment of prudent persons. See this remark also in the Spanish abstract of this life, published in 1604; and in the Latin abstract reprinted at Ipres in 1612. In his Spanish life of St. Ignatius, among his lives of saints, printed in 1604, he writes thus: “Though, when I first printed his life in 1572, I knew of some miracles of the holy father, I did not look upon them to be so verified (averiguados) as to think that I ought to publish them, which afterward, by the authentical informations taken for his canonization, were proved true by credible witnesses; and the Lord, who is pleased to exalt him, and make him glorious on earth, works daily such miracles on his account as oblige me to relate part of them here, taken from the original juridical informations which several bishops have made, and from the depositions made upon oath by the persons on whom the miracles were wrought,” &c. Ribad. Spanish lives, p. 1124. Moreover, Ribadeneira mentions in his first and second edition of this life, prophecies, revelations, visions, and the like miraculous favors, and he expressly distinguishes these from the gift of miracles, by which he means miraculous cures and the like, though the former may be justly placed in the general class of miracles. If the works of Ribadeneira on this subject be all carefully perused, it will be easy to discern the scrupulous accuracy of the author in this point; and the candid reader will be convinced how much some have misrepresented his testimony. Nor was he allowed to publish miracles before they had been approved, as the Council of Trent severely ordained. (Sess. 25, de Inv. Sanct.) See on it Julius Nigronius (Disp. Hist. de SS. Ignatio et Cajetano, n. 57) and Pinius the Bollandist in his confutation of this slander.

In the relation made in the secret consistory before Gregory XV. of miracles which had been examined and approved by the cardinal à Monte and other commissaries, are mentioned the supernatural light shining on his face at prayer, upon the testimony of St. Philip Neri and F. Oliver Manerius. That St. Ignatius, by his blessing and prayer, cured one Bastida of the falling sickness, and the hand of a cook miserably burnt; delivered Pontanus from most violent temptations with which he had been grievously molested for two years, &c.: but the miracles which are chiefly attended to in a canonization, are those which have been performed after the person’s death. Of such, many manifest ones were approved, first by the Auditors of the Rota, and afterward by the Congregation of Rites. Among these are mentioned the following: Isabel Rabelles, a nun of Barcelona, sixty-seven years old, in 1601, had broken her thigh-bone; and being attended by a physician and surgeon during forty days, and under grievous pains and a violent fever, was expected to die that night, and given over as to all natural remedies; when by applying a relic of St. Ignatius, and saying the Lord’s Prayer and Hail Mary, with an invocation of this saint, the swelling of the thigh and leg went down, she found herself able to stir both, and without any pain; and calling for her clothes she got up, walked perfectly, and with ease, and felt no more of her complaint, not even at new moons or in the dampest seasons. Anne Barozellona, at Valladolid, almost sixty years old, was cured of a desperate palsy by invoking St. Ignatius, with a vow to perform a novena. A widow who had lost her sight in both her eyes, recovered it by recommending herself to the prayers of Saint Ignatius, and touching her eyes with a relic, &c. F. Jos. Juvency (Hist. Soc. Jesu, l. 15,