Part 4
Thomas Wygfeld told me, and swore on to me, that when Brandon meuvyd the Kyng, and besowght hym to shew my Lord favour in hys maters ayenst yow, that the Kyng seyd on to hym ayen, ‘Brandon, thow thou can begyll the Dwk of Norffolk, and bryng hym abow the thombe as thow lyst, I let the wet thow shalt not do me so; for I undyrstand thy fals delyng well inow.’ And he seyd on to hym, more over, that if my Lord of Norffolk left not of hys hold of that mater, that Brandon shold repent itt, every vayn in hys hert, for he told hym that he knew well inow that he myght reauyll [_rule_] my Lord of Norffolk as he wold; and if my Lord dyd eny thyng that wer contrary to hys lawys, the Kyng told hym he knew well inow that it was by no bodys menys but by hys; and thus he depertyd fro the Kyng.
Item, as by wordys, the Lord Scalys and Syr John Wydwyll tok tendyr your maters mor then the Lord Revers.
Item, Syr John Wydvyll told me, when he was on horsbak at the Kyngs depertyng, that the Kyng had comandyd Brandon of purpose to ryd forthe fro Norwych to Lyne, for to tak a conclusyon in your mater for yow; and he bad me that I shold cast no dowghtys but that ye shold have your entent, and so dyd the Lord Scalys also; and when that I preyd them at eny tyme to shew ther favor to your mater, they answered that it was ther mater as well as yours, consyderyng, the alyans[31-1] betwyx yow. Comon with Jakys Hawt, and he shall tell yow what langage was spekyn betwen the Duk of Suffolks consell, and hym, and me; it is to long to wryght, but I promyse yow ye ar be held to Jakys, for he sparyd not to spek.
Item, the Kyng rod thorow Heylysdon Waren towads Walsyngham, and Thomas Wyngfeld promysyd me that he wold fynd the menys that my Lord of Glowsestyr[31-2] and hym sylf bothe shold shew the Kyng the loge that was breke down, and also that they wold tell hym of the brekyng down of the plase. Contrary to thys maters, and all the comfort that I had of my Lord Scalys, Sir John Wydvyll, and Thomas Wyngfeld, myn oncyll Wylliam sethe that the Kyng told hym hys owne mowthe, when he had redyn for by the loge in Heylysdon Waren, that he supposyd as well that it myght fall downe by the self as be plukyd downe, for if it had be plukyd down, he seyd that we myght have put in our byllys of it, wehn hys jugys sat on the _oyeer determyner_ in Norwyche, he beyng ther. And then myn oncyll seythe how that he answered the Kyng, that ye trustyd to hys good grace that he shold set yow thorow with both the Dwkys, by mene of trete; and he seythe that the Kyng answerd hym that he wold neythyr tret nor spek for yow, but for to let the lawe proced, and so he seyth that they depertyd. And by my trowthe, and my Lord Tresorer encorage you not more than he dyd us her, ye shall have but esy [_indifferent_] help as on that party. Wherfor labor your maters effectually; for by my trowthe it is nedy[s], for, for all ther wordys of plesur, I cannot undyrstand what ther labor in thys contre hathe don good; wherfor be not ovyr swyft tyll ye be swyr of your lond, but labor sore the lawe, for by my trowthe tyll that be passyd with yow, ye get but esy help as I can undyrstand.
I had with me on day at dener in my modyrs plase, she beyng owt, the Lord Scalys, Sir John Wydvyll, Sir John Haward, Nicolas Haward, John of Par, Thomas Gornet, Foscwe, Cheyny, Trussell, the Knyghts son, Thomas Boleyn, _qua propter_, Brampton, Barnard, and Broun, Perse, Howse, W. Tonstale, Lewes Debretayll, and othyr, and mad hem good cher, so as they held them content.
Item, my Lord of Norffolk gave Bernard, Broom, nor me no gownys at thys seson, wherfor I awaytyd not on hym; notwithstandyng I ofyrd my servyse for that seson to my Lady, but it was refusyd, I wot by avyse; wherfor I purpose no more to do so. As for Bernard, Barney, Broom, and W. Calthorp, ar sworn my Lord of Glowsetyrs men, but I stand yet at large; not withstandyng my Lord Scalys spok to me to be with the Kyng, but I mad no promes so to be, for I told hym that I was not woorthe a groote withowt yow, and therfor I wold mak no promes to nobody tyll they had your good wyll fyrst; and so we depertyd.
It was told me that ther was owt a preve seall for yow to attend upon the Kyng northeward; and if it be so, I thynk veryly it is do to have yow fro London be craft, that ye shold not labor your maters to a conclusyon thys terme, but put them [in] delaye. I pray yow purvey yow on it to be at hom as sone as the terme is doone, for be God I take gret hurt for myn absence in dyvers plasys, and the most part of your men at Caster wyll deperte withowt abod, and ye be not at hom within thys fortnyght. I pray yow bryng hom poynts and lasys of sylk for yow and me.
J. P.
[Footnote 30-1: [From Fenn, iv. 334.] Edward IV. arrived at Norwich in the middle of the month of June 1469. There are privy seals dated at Bury on the 15th and 16th of the month, at Norwich on the 19th and 21st, at Walsingham on the 21st and 22nd, at Lynn on the 26th, and at Stamford on the 5th July. Edward did not return with the Queen as he intended, but she visited Norwich without him a little later. See a paper on the subject of her visit by Mr. Harrod, in the _Norfolk Archæology_, vol. v. p. 32.]
[Footnote 30-2: Richard Woodville, Earl Rivers, father to the Queen, Lord Treasurer and Constable of England.]
[Footnote 30-3: Anthony Woodville, Lord Scales, eldest son of the Earl Rivers.]
[Footnote 30-4: A younger son of Earl Rivers.]
[Footnote 31-1: This refers to the contract between Sir John Paston and Anne Hawte.--F.]
[Footnote 31-2: Richard, Duke of Gloucester, afterwards King Richard III.--F.]
[[tyll / that be passyd with yow _text has “he passyd”: corrected from Fenn_]]
717
ABSTRACT[33-1]
RICHARD CALLE TO SIR JOHN PASTON
[Sidenote: 1469 / JULY 3]
Has arranged with Mariot’s debtors at Bekham, and discharged him of the debt of £16. Has thus taken an open estate in the manor, as Paston desired. Had much trouble to bring Mariot, and especially his wife, [to reason], but with fair words and money got her out of the house. Lord Scales has sent to-day to Mr. Roos and others for men to come to Middleton on Wednesday,--short warning enough; and we were in doubt ‘what purveyance ye had made at London.’ I believe my mistress and my master your brother have sent you word of the demeaning of the King and the Lords here.
Norwich, Monday after St. Peter’s day.
[The reference to the King’s being in Norfolk fixes the date of this letter to the year 1469.]
[Footnote 33-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]
718
JOHN AUBRY[34-1] TO SIR HENRY SPELMAN[34-2]
_To the right reverent Sir Henry Spelman, Recordor of the Cite of Norwich, be this Letter delivered._
[Sidenote: 1469 / JULY 9]
Right reverent sir, I recomaunde me to you. Plese it you to knowe, this same day com to me the Shirreve of Norffolk[34-3] hymself, and tolde me that the Quene shall be at Norwich up on Tuysday[34-4] cometh sevenyght suyrly. And I desired to have knowe of hym, by cause this shuld be hir first comyng hedir, how we shuld be rulyd, as well in hir resseyvyng, as in hir abidyng here. And he seide, he wold nat ocupie hym ther wyth, but he councelid us to wryte to you to London, to knowe of hem that ben of counsell of that cite, or wyth other wurshepfull men of the same cite, that ben knowyng in that behalf, and we to be ruled ther aftir, as were acordyng for us; for he lete me to wete that she woll desire to ben resseyved and attendid as wurshepfully as evir was Quene a forn hir. Wherefore, sir, I, be the assent of my Bretheren Aldermen, &c., prey you hertily to have this labour for this cite. And that it plese you, if it may be, that at that day ye be here in propre persone; and I trust in God, that outher in rewards, or ellys in thankynges, both of the Kyngs comyng, and in this, ye shall ben plesid as worthy is.
Wrete in hast at Norwich the vj. day of Juyll Anno ix^o Regis E. quarti.
By your weelwyller,
JOHN AUBRY, &c.
[Footnote 34-1: Mayor of Norwich in 1469.]
[Footnote 34-2: [From Fenn, ii. 18.]]
[Footnote 34-3: Roger Ree was Sheriff of Norfolk this year.]
[Footnote 34-4: 18th July.]
[[Sidenote: 1469 / JULY 9 _printed as shown, but body of letter says “vj” (6)_]]
719
EDWARD IV. TO THE DUKE OF CLARENCE, &c.[35-1]
[Sidenote: 1469 / JULY 9]
_These iij. letteres undirwreten, the Kyng of his own hand wrote unto my Lords Clarence, Warrewyke, and Archbishop of York. The credence wherof in substaunce was, that every of them shulde in suech pesibil wise, as thei have be accustumed to ryde, come unto his Highness._
R. E.
_To our Brother of Clarence._
Brodir, we pray you to yeve feight [_faith_] and credence to our welbeloved Sir Thomas Montgomery and Morice Berkly, in that on our behalf thei shal declare to you. And we truste ye wole dispose you accordyng to our pleser and comaundement. And ye shal be to us right welcome. At Notyngham the ix. day of Jull.
_To our Cosyn Th’erl of Warr’._
Cosyn, we grete you well, and pray you to yeve feight and credence to Sir Thomas Mongomery and Morice Berkley, &c. And we ne trust that ye shulde be of any suech disposicion towards us, as the rumour here renneth, consederyng the trust and affeccion we bere in yow. At Notyngham the ix. day of Jull. And, cosyn, ne thynk but ye shalbe to us welcome.
_To our Cosyn Th’archbyshop of Yorke._
Cosyn, we pray you that ye wul, accordyng to the promyse ye made us, to come to us as sone as ye goodely may. And that [ye] yeve credence to Sir Thomas Mongomery and Morice Berkly, in that un our behalve thei shal sey to you; and ye shalbe to us welcome. At Notyngham the ix. day of Jul.
[Footnote 35-1: [From Fenn, ii. 40.] The dates of Edward the Fourth’s privy seals show that he was at Nottingham in July 1469. He was not there in 1470, the year to which Fenn assigns these letters; and both Clarence and Warwick were then in France. It would appear, therefore, that these letters were written at the time of Robin of Redesdale’s rebellion, which the King was going northwards to suppress.]
720
MARGARET PASTON TO SIR JOHN PASTON[36-1]
_To Sir John Paston, be this delivered in hast._
[Sidenote: 1469 / AUG. 31]
I grete you wele, and send you Godds blyssyng and myn, letyng you wete that Sir John Hevenyngham was at Norwich this day, and spake with me at my moders, but he wuld not that it shuld be understand, for my Lord hath mad hym on of the capteynes at Caystre of the pepill that shuld kepe the wetche abaught the place, that no mann shuld socour them, if my Lord departed. I desired hym to favour them, if any man shuld come to them fro me or you, and he wuld not graunte it, but he desired me to write to you to understand if that my Lord myght be mevyd to fynde suerte to recompense you all wrongs, and ye wuld suffre hym to entre pesibilly, and the lawe after his entre wuld deme it you. Be ye avysed what answer ye wuld yeve.
Item, sith that that I spake with hym, and the same day a feythfull frende of owrs came on to me and mevyd me if that my Lord myght be entreted to suffre endifferent men to kepe the place, and take the profites for bothe parties till the right be determyned be the lawe; and my Lord for his parte, and ye for your parte, to fynde sufficient suerte that you nowther shuld vex, lette, ner trobilled the seid endifferent men to kepe pesibiley the possession of the seid place, and to take the profights on to the tyme to be determyned be the lawe, to his behowe that the lawe demeth it. And the seid persones that so endifferently kepe possession befor ther entre into the seid place, to fynde also sufficient suerte to answer the parte that the lawe demeth it to, of the profits duryng ther possession, and to suffre hym pessibilly to entre, or any in his name, whan so ever thei be required be the parte to whom the right is demyd of all thes premyses. Send werd how ye will be demened be as good advyse as ye can gete, and make no longer delay, for thei must neds have hasty socour that be in the place, for thei be sore hurt, and have non help. And if thei have hasty help it shall be the grettest wurchip that ever ye had, and if thei be not holpen it shall be to you a gret diswurchep; and loke never to have favour of your neybors and frends but if this spede wele; therfor pretend it in your mend, and purvey therfor in hast. How so ever ye do, God kepe you, and send yow the vittory of your elmyse, and geve yow and us al grace to leve in peas. Wretyn on Sent Gyles Evyn,[37-1] at ix. of the belle at nyght.
Robyn came home yester evyn, and he brought me nowther writyng from you, ner good answer of this mater, which grevyth me right ill that I have sent you so many messangers, and have so febill answers ageyn.
Be your Moder.
[Footnote 36-1: [From Fenn, iv. 366.] This letter was written after the Duke of Norfolk had begun to besiege Caister, which he did in the year 1469.]
[Footnote 37-1: St. Giles’ Day is the 1st September; St. Giles’ Eve the 31st August.]
721
MARGARET PASTON TO SIR JOHN PASTON[37-2]
[Sidenote: 1469]
I grete zow wel, and send zow Godds blyssyng and myn, letyng zow wete that on Thurysday last was my moder and I wer with my Lord of Norwych,[37-3] and desyerd hym that he woold no mor do in the mater towscheyng zowr syster, tyl that ze and my brother and other that wern executors to zowr fader mythe beyn her to geder, for they had the rule of her as weel as I; and he sayde playnly that he had be requeryd so oftyn for to exameyn her, that he mythe not nor woold no longar delay yt, and schargyd me, in peyn of cursyng, that sche schuld not be deferred, but that she xuld a per beforn hym the nexte day; and I sayd pleynly that I woold nowder bryng her nor send her; and than he sayd that he woold send for her hym sylfe, and schargyd that she schuld be at her lyberte to cume wan he sent for her; and he seyd be hys trowthe that he woold be as sory for her and [_if_] sche ded not welle, as he wold be and sche wer ryth ner of hys kyn, bothe for my moder ys sake and myn, and other of her frendds, for he woost welle that her demenyng had stekyd soor at our harts.
My moder and I in formyd hym that we kowd never onderstond be her sayyng, be no language that ever sche had to hym, that neyther of hem wer bownd to other, but that they myth schese bothe. Than he seyd that he woold sey to her as wele as he kowde, before that he exameynd her; and so that was told me be dyverse persones that he ded as welle and as pleynly as sche had be rythe ner to hym, wych wer to long to wrythe at thys tyme: her aftyr ye xalle wete, and hoo wer laberers ther in. The schanseler[38-1] was not so gylty her in as I wend he had ben.
On Fryday the Bysschope he sent for her be Asschefeld and other that arn ryth sory of her demenyng. And the Bysschop seyd to her ryth pleynly, and put her in rememberawns how she was born, wat kyn and frendds that sche had, and xuld have mo yf sche wer rulyd and gydyd aftyr hem; and yf she ded not, wat rebuke, and schame, and los yt xuld be to her, yf sche wer not gydyd be them, and cause of forsakyng of her for any good, or helpe, or kownfort that sche xuld have of hem; and seyd that he had hard sey, that sche loved schecheon [_such one_] that her frend[es] wer not plesyd with that sche xuld have, and therfor he had her be ryth weel avysyd how sche ded, and seyd that he woold undyrstand the woords that sche had seyd to hym, wheyther that mad matrimony or not. And sche rehersyd wat sche had seyd, and seyd, yf thoo wordds mad yt not suher, she seyd boldly that sche wold make that suerher or than sche went thens, for sche seyd sche thowgthe in her conschens sche was bownd, wat so ever the wordds wern. Thes leud wordds greveth me and her grandam as myche as alle the remnawnte. And than the Bysschop and the Schawnseler bothe seyd that ther was neyther I ner no frend of hers wold reseyve [her].
And than Calle was exameynd aparte be hym sylfe, that her wordds and hys acordyd, and the tyme, and wher yt xuld a be don. And than the Bysschop sayd that he supposyd that ther xuld be fownd other thynggs ageyns hym that mythe cause the lettyng ther of; and ther for he say he wold not be to hasty to geve sentens ther upon, and sayd that he wold geve overe day tyl the Wednsday or Thursday aftyr Mykylmes, and so yt tys delayyd. They woold an had her wyl performyd in haste, but the Bysschope seyd he woold non other wyse than he had seyd.
I was with my moder at her plase whan sche was exameynd, and wan I hard sey what her demenyng was, I schargyd my servaunts that sche xuld not be reseyved in my hows. I had zeve hir warnyng, sche mythe a be war a for, yf sche had a be grasyows; and I sent to on or ij. mor that they xuld not reseyve her yf sche cam; sche was browthe a geyn to my place for to a be reseyved, and Sir Jamys[39-1] tolde them that browthe her that I had schargyd hem alle and sche xuld not be reseyved; and soo my Lord of Norwych hath set her at Roger Bests, to be ther tyle the day befor sayd, God knowyth fule evel ageyn hys wyle and hys wyvys, yf they durst do other wyse. I am sory that they arn a cumyrd with her, but zet I am better payed that sche isther for the whyle, that sche had ben in other place be cause of the sadnes and good dysposysion of hys sylfe and hys wyfe, for sche xal not be sou’d [_suffered ?_] ther to pleye the brethele.[39-2] I pray zow and requer zow that ye take yt not pensyly, for I wot wele yt gothe ryth ner zowr hart, and so doth yt to myn and to other; but remembyr zow, and so do I, that we have lost of her but a brethele,[39-2] and set yt the les to hart, for and sche had be good, wherso ever sche had be, yt xuld not aben as it is, for and he wer ded at thys owyr, she xuld never be at myn hart as sche was. As for the devors [_divorce_] that ze write to me of, I supose wat ze ment, but I scharge zow upon my blyssyng that ze do not, ner cause non other to do, that xuld offend God and zour conschens, for and ze do, or cause for to be do, God wul take vengawns ther upon, [and] ye xuld put zour sylfe and other in gret joparte; for wettyt wele, sche xal ful sor repent her leudnes her aftyr, and I pray God sche mute soo. I pray zow for myn hard ys hese [_heart’s ease_], be ze of a good cownfort in alle thynggs; I trust God xal helpe ryth wele, and I pray God so do in alle our maters. I wuld ze toke hed yf ther weher any labor mad in the kort of Cawntrybery for the leud mater forsayd.
But yf [_i.e._ unless] the Duke[40-1] be purveyd for, he and hys wyse kow[n]sel xalle lefe thys cuntre; yt is told me that he seythe that he wul not spar to do that he is purposyd, for no Duke in Ynglond. God helpe at nede.
[Footnote 37-2: [From Fenn, iv. 358.] This letter has reference to the contract of marriage between Richard Calle and Margery Paston in 1469. _See_ No. 710, preceding. The last paragraph seems to have reference to the propositions mentioned in the preceding letter.]
[Footnote 37-3: Walter Lyhert.]
[Footnote 38-1: Fenn thinks this was Dr. John Saresson, otherwise Wigenhale, who, he tells us, was Chancellor to the Bishop from 1435 to 1471, and had other Church preferment in the Diocese. But I am a little doubtful whether he lived so long, as it does not appear that he kept any other of his preferments to so late a date. We know that Dr. William Pykenham was Chancellor in 1471.]
[Footnote 39-1: Sir James Gloys.]
[Footnote 39-2: _Brethele_ or _brethelyng_ signified a worthless person.]
[Footnote 40-1: The Duke of Norfolk.]
722
SIR JOHN PASTON TO MASTER WRITTILL[40-2]
_To Mastyr Wryttyll._
[Sidenote: 1469 / [SEPT.]]