Chapter 6 of 47 · 7057 words · ~35 min read

Book II

, f. 309_], 1396.

Whereas there had arisen no small dissension and strife between the masters of the trade of Saddlers of London, and the serving-men, called _yomen_, in that trade; because that the serving-men aforesaid against the consent, and without leave of their masters, were wont to array themselves all in a new and like suit once in the year, and often times held divers meetings, at Stratford and elsewhere without the liberty of the said city, as well as in divers places within the city; whereby many inconveniences and perils ensued to the trade aforesaid; and also, very many losses might happen thereto in future times, unless some quick and speedy remedy should by the rulers of the said city be found for the same; therefore the masters of the said trade on the 10th day of the month of July, in the 20th year, etc., made grievous complaint thereon to the excellent men, William More, Mayor, and the Aldermen of the City aforesaid, urgently entreating that, for the reasons before mentioned, they would deign to send for Gilbert Dustone, William Gylowe, John Clay, John Hiltone, William Berigge, and Nicholas Mason, the then governors of the serving-men aforesaid; to appear before them on the 12th day of July then next ensuing.

And thereupon, on the same 10th day of July, precept was given to John Parker, serjeant of the Chamber, to give notice to the same persons to be here on the said 12th day of July, etc. Which Governors of the serving-men appeared, and, being interrogated as to the matters aforesaid, they said that time out of mind the serving-men of the said trade had had a certain Fraternity among themselves, and had been wont to array themselves all in like suit once in the year, and, after meeting together at Stratford, on the Feast of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary[189] to come from thence to the Church of St. Vedast, in London, there to hear Mass on the same day, in honour of the said glorious Virgin.

But the said masters of the trade asserted to the contrary of all this, and said that the fraternity, and the being so arrayed in like suit among the serving-men, dated from only thirteen years back, and even then had been discontinued of late years; and that under a certain feigned colour of sanctity, many of the serving-men in the trade had influenced the journeymen among them and had formed covins thereon, with the object of raising their wages greatly in excess; to such an extent, namely, that whereas a master in the said trade could before have had a serving-man or journeyman for 40 shillings or 5 marks yearly, and his board, now such a man would not agree with his master for less than 10 or 12 marks or even 10 pounds, yearly; to the great deterioration of the trade.[190]

And further, that the serving-men aforesaid according to an ordinance made among themselves, would oftentimes cause the journeymen of the said masters to be summoned by a beadle, thereunto appointed, to attend at Vigils of the dead, who were members of the said Fraternity, and at making offering for them on the morrow, under a certain penalty to be levied; whereby the said masters were very greatly aggrieved, and were injured through such absenting of themselves by the journeymen, so leaving their labours and duties against their wish.

For amending and allaying the which grievances and dissensions, the Mayor and Aldermen commanded that six of the said serving-men should attend in the name of the whole of the alleged Fraternity, and communicate with six or eight of the master saddlers aforesaid, etc., both parties to be here, before the said Mayor and Aldermen on the 19th day of July then next ensuing to make report to the Court as to such agreement between them as aforesaid. And further, the Mayor and Aldermen strictly forbade the said serving-men in any manner to hold any meeting thereafter at Stratford aforesaid, or elsewhere without the liberty of the said city on pain of forfeiture of all that unto our Lord the King and to the said city they might forfeit.

On which 19th day of July, came here as well the masters aforesaid as the governors of the serving-men; and presented to the Mayor and Aldermen a certain petition, in these words: "Gilbert Dustone, William Gylowe, John Clay, John Hiltone, William Berigge, and Nicholas Mason, do speak on behalf of all their Fraternity and do beg of the Wardens of the Saddlers that they may have and use all the points which heretofore they have used."

Which petition having been read and heard, and divers reasons by the said masters unto the Mayor and Aldermen shown, it was determined that the serving-men in the trade aforesaid should in future be under the governance and rule of the masters of such trade; the same as the serving-men in other trades in the same city are wont, and of right are bound to be; and that in future they should have no fraternity, meetings, or covins, or other unlawful things under a penalty, etc. And that the said masters must properly treat and govern their serving-men in the trade in such manner as the serving-men in like trades in the city have been wont to be properly treated and governed. And that if any serving-men should in future wish to make complaint to the Mayor and Aldermen, for the time being, as to any grievance unduly inflicted upon him by the masters aforesaid, such Mayor and Aldermen would give to him his due and speedy meed of justice as to the same.[191]

[Footnote 189: August 15.]

[Footnote 190: For further evidence of combinations, see below, No. 32.]

[Footnote 191: Printed in Riley, Memorials, 542.]

17. ORDINANCES OF THE DYERS OF BRISTOL [_Patent Roll, 13 Henry IV, p. 2, m. 31_], 1407.

These are the petition, ordinances and articles, which are granted and confirmed to the masters, burgesses of the craft of dyeing of the town of Bristol ... by the assent and advice of the whole Common Council ... holden in the Gildhall of Bristol ... the 8th year of the reign of King Henry the Fourth after the Conquest, to endure for ever, as well for the honour of the town of Bristol as for the profit and amendment of the said craft; the tenour of which petition and ordinances follows hereafter:

To the honourable and discreet Sirs, the Mayor, Sheriff and Bailiffs of the town of Bristol, and to all the honourable folk of the Common Council, the said masters make supplication: Whereas certain persons of the said town of divers crafts, not cunning in the craft of dyeing, who were never apprentices nor masters of the said craft, take upon them divers charges and bargains to dye cloths and wools of many folk of the same town and the country round, which cloths and wools have been divers times ill dressed and worked through their ignorance and lack of knowledge, to the great damage of the owners and scandal of the whole craft aforesaid and of the drapery of the same town; whereupon, most wise Sirs, please it your special grace to grant to the said suppliants the ordinances underwritten, to put out and bring to nought all deceits and damages which could hereafter befal within the craft aforesaid, and this for God and as a work of charity.

First, be it ordained and assented that each year two masters of the said craft be elected by the common assent of all the masters of the same craft in the town of Bristol, and their names presented to the Mayor of Bristol in full court of the Gildhall of the same town, and there to be sworn on the Holy Gospels within the quinzaine of Michaelmas at the latest to survey well and lawfully all manner of defects which shall be made henceforward as well in dyed cloths as in wools put in woad within the franchise of Bristol. And if any damage is done to any person through defect of dyeing by any man or woman of the said craft, that then he shall pay sufficient amends to the parties damaged according to the discretion of the said two masters and of four other indifferent persons elected by the Mayor and his Council, as the trespass demands. And if it so be that any man or woman will not abide by the ordinance and award of the said two masters and other indifferent persons elected by the Mayor as before is said, that then the Mayor and his council for the time being shall cause them to be compelled to pay and satisfy the said persons so damaged of all that is adjudged by them. And in case that the said two masters after their oath made be negligent in executing their office touching their said mistery, that they be punished and amerced according to the advice of the Mayor and of the court aforesaid so the use of the chamber and to the common profit as is aforesaid.

Further, that no servant or apprentice of the said mistery be henceforth admitted to the liberties of Bristol to be a burgess sworn to exercise the said mistery until it be testified to the court before the Mayor of Bristol by the said two masters that they are able and well learned in the said craft of dyeing, to save and keep the goods of the good folk who are wont to be served for their money in the exercise of the mistery aforesaid. And if any master of the said mistery make any such servant or apprentice, if he be not able and well learned in the said craft, as before is said, he shall incur the penalty of 20s. for each time, to wit, to the use and profit of the commonalty, as before is said, 13s. 4d., and to the masters for their light, 6s. 8d., without any pardon, provided always that the Mayor of the town of Bristol have his power and jurisdiction to accept and make burgesses of each person presented to him, as has been used and accustomed before these times, these ordinances notwithstanding.

Further, forasmuch as often before these times divers folk, as well those who have not been apprentices, servants or masters of the said mistery, as other folk who are of other misteries, not cunning nor having knowledge in the aforesaid art of dyeing, have taken upon them to dye cloths and wools put in woad, as well of good folk of the town as of the country round, which, by reason of ill management and through lack of knowledge of the said folk, are greatly impaired of their colours and many other defects to the great loss and damage of the owners of the said cloths and great scandal of the town and shame of the whole craft aforesaid, whereby the masters and apprentices of the said craft of dyeing go vagrant for lack of work, because the said folk of other crafts have been occupied in their said craft, to their great mischief and undoing, therefore it is ordained and assented that henceforward no manner of man of the same craft nor any other mistery do dye any cloth or wool, unless it be presented by the said masters that he be good and able and sufficiently learned in the said craft, upon pain of paying to the Mayor and Bailiffs of the chamber for the use and common profit, as before is said, at the first default 6s. 8d., at the second default 13s. 4d., at the third default 20s., and for each default after the said three defaults 20s., without any pardon, so that the said masters have for their labour the third part arising from the said defaults for their light, provided always that all the burgesses of this town may make their profit for dyeing in their houses their own cloths, as has been used before these times, these ordinances notwithstanding.

And after the view of the said petition and ordinances aforesaid by the Mayor and Common Council, it was assented that all the masters of the said mistery of dyeing dwelling within the franchise of Bristol should come before the Mayor to hear their said ordinances and whether they would assent thereto and grant them or not. And by command of the ... Mayor, Ralph Dyer ... and many others of the mistery aforesaid came in their own persons, to whom all the said ordinances were published and declared, and every of them in the presence of the Mayor aforesaid granted and assented to all the ordinances and pains aforesaid, praying of their common assent that the ordinances and pains aforesaid be ratified, confirmed and enrolled of record in the papers of the Gildhall of Bristol, and be put in due execution for ever, saving always to the jurisdiction of the Mayor and Common Council of the town of Bristol that if any ordinance or any new addition hereafter touching the mistery aforesaid which may be profitable as well for the town as for the aforesaid mistery, that then by the advice and ordinance of the Mayor of Bristol for the time being and the Council of the town and also of the masters of the said mistery, they shall be corrected and amended according to good faith and reason and put in due execution, the ordinances aforesaid notwithstanding. Provided also that the dyers abovesaid be bound by these ordinances to make the assay of woad and to work wools and cloths as well in woad as in madder of the goods of all merchants and burgesses of Bristol, taking for their labour reasonably as has been accustomed and used before these times. In witness whereof, at the special prayer and request of the said masters to keep and maintain their ordinances aforesaid, we have put hereto the seal of the office of the Mayoralty of the town of Bristol. Given in the Gildhall of the same town 17 March, 8 Henry IV.[192]

[Footnote 192: From the confirmation of 13 Henry IV. Printed in _The Red Book of Bristol_, ii. p. 81.]

18. INCORPORATION OF THE FRATERNITY OF THE HABERDASHERS OF LONDON [_Patent Roll, 26 Henry VI, p. 2, m. 23_], 1448.

The King to all to whom, etc., greeting. Know ye that of our especial grace and the inspiration of charity, and for the especial devotion which we bear and have towards the Blessed Virgin Catherine, we have granted and given licence for us and our heirs, as much as in us lies, to our beloved lieges, the men of the mistery of Haberdashers within our city of London, that they may begin, unite, found, create, erect and establish a gild or fraternity in honour of the same Virgin of men of the mistery aforesaid and others, and have and hold that gild or fraternity so begun, united, founded, created, erected and established, and enjoy and exercise the same to them and their successors for all future times to endure; and that they and their successors may increase and augment the same gild or fraternity and hold the gild or fraternity aforesaid of the said mistery of Haberdashers and any persons whom they will receive within the fraternity aforesaid, and may elect and make four wardens from themselves as often as they shall please or need shall be for the governance, custody and rule of the said fraternity for ever, as shall best please them; and that the said wardens and their successors each year may make a livery of vesture of one suit among the brethren and sisters of the same fraternity, and their meetings and gatherings in places of our city aforesaid, and there in honest manner hold and keep their feast of food and drink at the feast of St. Catherine the Virgin, and make ordinances among themselves as often as they shall please and as they shall deem most necessary and opportune, and ordain and rule their mistery and correct and amend defects of their servants by view of the Mayor of the city aforesaid for the time being or of any person whom he shall depute hereto in his place, as they shall deem fit to be done for the greater utility of the commonalty of our people; and that none within the liberty of the city aforesaid keep a shop or house of that mistery, unless he be of the liberty of that city, nor any be admitted to the liberty of the said city in the same mistery, unless he be presented by the aforesaid wardens or their successors and by four other good and lawful men of the same mistery, and it be testified to the Mayor of our said city for the time being that he is good, faithful and fit for the same. And further of our more abundant grace and at the supplication of our said lieges, the men of the mistery aforesaid, we will and grant for us and our heirs, as much as in us lies, that the same wardens and their successors be perpetual and capable and the said fraternity be by itself a solid and perpetual and corporate fraternity, and that that fraternity be hereafter named the fraternity of St. Catherine the Virgin of Haberdashers in the city of London, and the said wardens and their successors [the wardens] of the fraternity of St. Catherine the Virgin of Haberdashers in the city of London, and we incorporate the said wardens and their successors and the fraternity aforesaid to endure for ever, and we make them as it were one body and declare, accept and approve them for one body and hold them for one body. We have granted also for us and our heirs, as far as in us lies, to the aforesaid wardens, that they and their successors, by the name of the wardens of the fraternity of St. Catherine the Virgin of Haberdashers in the city of London, may acquire to them and their successors in fee and perpetuity lands, tenements, rents, annuities and other possessions as well of those which are held of us in free burgage as others, provided that by inquisitions to be taken thereon in due form and returned into the Chancery of us and our heirs it be found that it can be done without damage or prejudice to us or our heirs or others whomsoever, and that they may have a common seal and be impleaded and implead others by the name of the wardens of the fraternity of St. Catherine the Virgin of Haberdashers in the city of London for ever before any judges in any courts, and that they may have and hold to them and their successors all lands and tenements, rents, annuities and other possessions whatsoever acquired by the aforesaid wardens and their successors, and enjoy the same for ever without obstacle, impeachment or hindrance of us or our heirs, our justices, escheators, sheriffs or other bailiffs or ministers of us or our heirs whomsoever, the Statute published touching lands and tenements not to be put in Mortmain, or any other Statute or ordinance made to the contrary, notwithstanding. And further of our more abundant grace we have granted for us and our heirs to our aforesaid lieges and wardens and their successors aforesaid for ever that the same wardens and their successors, wardens of the fraternity aforesaid for the time being, have and make full search as well in and of the mistery of Haberdashers and of every thing touching it, as of all goods and things in any wise belonging to or incumbent on the craft of Haberdashers aforesaid brought or hereafter to be brought by any alien or any aliens from parts remote into our realm of England, when they or any of them shall bring the same to the same our city or the suburbs thereof or within three miles distant round about the said city, and also of each such alien and of such misteries and things which they, our privileged lieges, use or have used before these times, and may present all defects in that behalf found by them as well upon our said lieges as upon aliens, according to their discretions, to the Mayor of our city aforesaid for the time being or his deputy in this behalf, if need be, and correct and reform the same by his survey. And further we will and by these our letters we grant to our aforesaid lieges, the men of the mistery aforesaid, that no officer, minister, artificer, merchant or any other whosoever hereafter search or presume to search in any wise any our privileged liege employing the craft aforesaid nor his goods of haberdashery, save only the four wardens of the craft aforesaid for the time being; so that it be not to the prejudice of the Mayor of our city of London. In witness, etc. Witness the King at Westminster the 3rd day of June. By the King himself and of the said date, etc.

19. INDENTURE OF APPRENTICESHIP [_Ancient Deeds_, A 10022], 1459.

This indenture made between John Gibbs of Penzance in the county of Cornwall of the one part and John Goffe, Spaniard, of the other part, witnesses that the aforesaid John Goffe has put himself to the aforesaid John Gibbs to learn the craft of fishing, and to stay with him as apprentice and to serve from the feast of Philip and James[193] next to come after the date of these presents until the end of eight years then next ensuing and fully complete; throughout which term the aforesaid John Goffe shall well and faithfully serve the aforesaid John Gibbs and Agnes his wife as his masters and lords, shall keep their secrets, shall everywhere willingly do their lawful and honourable commands, shall do his masters no injury nor see injury done to them by others, but prevent the same as far as he can, shall not waste his master's goods nor lend them to any man without his special command. And the aforesaid John Gibbs and Agnes his wife shall teach, train and inform or cause the aforesaid John Goffe, their apprentice, to be informed in the craft of fishing in the best way they know, chastising him duly and finding for the same John, their apprentice, food, clothing linen and woollen, and shoes, sufficiently, as befits such an apprentice to be found, during the term aforesaid. And at the end of the term aforesaid the aforesaid John Goffe shall have of the aforesaid John Gibbs and Agnes his wife 20s. sterling without any fraud. In witness whereof the parties aforesaid have interchangeably set their seals to the parts of this indenture. These witnesses:--Richard Bascawen, Robert Martyn and Robert Cosyn and many others. Given at Penzance, 1 April in the 37th year of the reign of King Henry the Sixth after the Conquest of England.

[Footnote 193: May 1.]

20. A RUNAWAY APPRENTICE _[Early Chancery Proceedings, File 6, No. 7], c._ 1425.

To the most reverend father in God and his most gracious lord, the bishop of Winchester, chancellor of England.

Beseecheth meekly William Beverley of London that whereas William Batyngham has been arrested and detained in prison in Salisbury at the suit of the said beseecher, for that he was his apprentice and departed from his service here in London, and has been the whole time since ... wandering in divers towns, as in Winchester, Bristol and elsewhere, so that the said beseecher could not find him until now of late suddenly, and so it is that upon the matter abovesaid his said suit cannot be determined in Salisbury, for that the retaining and departing did not take place within the said town: Please it your most gracious discretion to grant to the said beseecher a writ directed to the mayor, bailiffs and keeper of the gaol there and to each of them to have the body of the said William Batyngham with such a clause "by whatsoever name he be known," before you at a certain day to be limited by you, considering that he has no other remedy, and that for God and in work of charity.[194]

[Footnote 194: This case illustrates the growing habit of appealing to the Chancellor's equitable jurisdiction, a characteristic feature of fifteenth century administrative and legal history.]

21. INCORPORATION OF A GILD FOR RELIGIOUS AND CHARITABLE USES [_Patent Roll, 25 Henry VI, p. 2, m. 5_], 1447.

The King to all to whom, etc., greeting. Know ye that of our especial grace and out of reverence for the Holy Trinity we have granted and given licence for us and our heirs, as much as in us lies, to Ralph, lord of Cromwell, and Thomas Thurland that they and one of them, to the praise and honour of the Holy Trinity, may begin, found, erect, unite, create and establish a fraternity or gild perpetual in the church of St. Mary of Nottingham of an alderman and two wardens and brethren and sisters of the parishioners of the same church and others who of their devotion shall wish to be of the same fraternity or gild, to endure for perpetual times to come; and that the said alderman and wardens and brethren and sisters of the fraternity or gild aforesaid, when it shall be thus begun, founded, erected, united, created and established, and their successors, be in fact and name one body and one perpetual commonalty, and have perpetual succession and a common seal to serve for the affairs of that fraternity or gild, and be persons able and capable in law to purchase to them and their successors in fee and perpetuity lands and tenements, rents and other possessions whatsoever of persons whomsoever; and that the same alderman and wardens and brethren and sisters and their successors for ever, by the name of the alderman and wardens and brethren and sisters of the fraternity or gild of the Holy Trinity of Nottingham, may plead and be impleaded before any judges soever in any courts and actions whatsoever. And further we will and by these presents we grant that the same alderman and wardens and brethren and sisters and their successors may augment the same fraternity or gild when it shall be thus begun, founded, erected, united, created and established, and receive new brethren and sisters into the same fraternity or gild, as often and when it shall seem to them hereafter necessary and opportune; and also once a year elect and make from themselves and their successors an alderman and two wardens to support the charges of the business touching and concerning the said fraternity or gild, and to rule and govern the same fraternity or gild. And further, of our more abundant grace we have granted and given licence for us and our heirs, as far as in us lies, to the aforesaid alderman and wardens and brethren and sisters and their successors, that, when the same fraternity or gild shall be thus begun, founded, erected, united, created and established, or their successors, for the maintenance of two chaplains to celebrate divine service for the good estate of us and Margaret our consort while we shall live and for our soul when we shall have departed this life and the souls of all our progenitors deceased, and for the good estate of the brethren and sisters of the same fraternity or gild, while they shall live, and for their souls when they shall have departed this life, and the souls of all the faithful departed, in the church aforesaid, according to the ordinance of the aforesaid Ralph, lord of Cromwell, and Thomas, or one of them, or their executors or assigns, to be made in this behalf, and for the relief of the poor and feeble brethren and sisters of the said fraternity or gild, they may purchase lands and tenements, rents and services, which are held of us in chief or burgage or by any other service soever or of others by any service soever, to the value of 20 marks a year beyond reprises, from any person or any persons soever willing to give or grant the same to them, without fine or fee to be taken or paid therefor to the use of us or our heirs, to have and to hold to the same alderman and wardens and brethren and sisters of the fraternity or gild abovesaid and their successors for the maintenance of the said two chaplains and for the relief of the poor and feeble aforesaid, as is said above, for ever; the Statute published touching lands and tenements not to be put in Mortmain, or any other statute or ordinance published or made to the contrary, notwithstanding; provided that it be found by inquisitions duly to be taken thereon and lawfully returned into the Chancery of us and our heirs, that it can be done without damage or prejudice to us or our heirs or others whomsoever. In witness whereof, etc. Witness the King at Bury St. Edmunds, 20 February.

By writ of privy seal, and of the date aforesaid by authority of Parliament, and for 20 marks paid in the hanaper.

SECTION VI

THE REGULATION OF TRADE, INDUSTRY AND COMMERCE

1. Assize of Measures, 1197--2. Grant to the lord of a manor of the assize of bread and ale and other liberties, 1307--3. An offence against the assize of bread, 1316--4. Inquisition touching a proposed market and fair, 1252--5. Grant of a fair at St. Ives to the abbot of Ramsey, 1202--6. Grant of a market at St. Ives to the abbot of Ramsey, 1293--7. Proceedings in the court at the fair of St. Ives, 1288--8. The Statute of Winchester, 1285--9. The recovery of debt on a recognisance, 1293--10. Procedure at a fair pursuant to the Statute for Merchants, 1287--11. The aulnage of cloth, 1291--12. The Ordinance of Labourers, 1349--13. Presentments made before the Justices of Labourers, 1351--14. Excessive prices charged by craftsmen, 1354--15. Fines levied for excessive wages, 1351--16. Writ to enforce payment of excess of wages to the collectors of a subsidy, 1350--17. Application of fines for excessive wages to a subsidy, 1351-2--18. Labour legislation; the Statute of 12 Richard II., 1388--19. Labour legislation; a Bill in Parliament, 23 Henry VI., 1444-5--20. Organisation of the Staple, 1313--21. Arguments for the establishment of home staple towns, 1319--22. Ordinances of the Staple, 1326--23. The election of the mayor and constables of a Staple town, 1358--24. Royal letters patent over-ruled by the custom of the Staple, 1436--25. Prohibition of export of materials for making cloth, 1326--26. Commercial policy, _temp._ Edw. IV.--27. The perils of foreign travel, 1315--28. Grant of letters of marque and reprisals, 1447--29. Grant of liberties to the merchants of Douay, 1260--30. Aliens at a fair, 1270--31. Confirmation of liberties to the merchants of Almain, 1280--32. Alien weavers in London, 1362--33. The hosting of aliens, 1442--34. An offence against Stat. 18 Henry VI. for the hosting of aliens, 1440--35. Imprisonment of an alien craftsman, _c._ 1440--36. Petition against usury, 1376--37. Action upon usury, _c._ 1480.

The documents in this section are suggestive rather than comprehensive. No attempt has been made to illustrate the industrial and commercial development of England as a whole; but its more important aspects are indicated, and the machinery of administration outlined. Down to the end of the thirteenth century industry is of local rather than of national importance, and is regulated by custom rather than by law; while there was undoubtedly considerable intercourse between town and town, the conduct of trade, the oversight of conditions of labour, and the settlement of disputes were matters for the townsmen themselves to deal with in accordance with chartered rights or intermunicipal covenants. For example, the unpaid debt of an individual burgess was exacted by the _communitas burgensium_ to which the injured creditor belonged, from any member of the _communitas burgensium_ to which the defaulting debtor belonged, by the method of forcible seizure of goods. Although, therefore, the state attempted to secure uniformity of weights and measures and of cloth, and to maintain the quality and cheapness of the necessaries of life in the interests of traders and consumers alike, none the less the assizes of weights and measures and of cloth (No. 1), of bread and ale (Nos. 2 and 3) and of wine, came to be regarded, as might be expected in a feudal age, as franchises to be purchased by the lord of a manor, or enforced by the elected officers of a town. The regulation of trade and industry shares the characteristic features of its environment.

The same is true of early commercial intercourse with foreign communities. The right to hold a fair is a liberty granted by the crown to a lord, and for centuries the great fairs were the chief international marts (Nos. 4-7, 30). The freedom which alien merchants enjoyed under a clause of _Magna Carta_ was extended by charters granting privileges similar in detail to those procured by English towns (Nos. 29-31), and it is not until the reign of Edward I. that a serious attempt is made to nationalise regulation (Nos. 8-11). Thereafter conflicts arise not only between the central legislature and the local chartered body or privileged lord (No. 11), but between a growing self-conscious merchant class and the alien communities which had hitherto controlled the export and import trade of the country (Nos. 21, 22). The State assumes new responsibilities, and Parliament attempts to standardise old and enforce new regulations for the nation at large (Nos. 12, 18, 19, 25). The Statute emerges over against the Charter on the one hand and the Ordinance on the other. The difficulties of Parliament are twofold; it has to fight, first, against old concessions which would be upheld by the Courts (No. 11), and second, against the uncertain operation of the royal prerogative (No. 34). It has often been urged that the mediæval statute was little more than the expression of an ideal, and that administrative machinery was insufficient for its adequate execution. The truth is rather that Parliament was one of several competing regulative institutions, and that notwithstanding the most punctilious and inquisitorial administrative methods, its measures were neutralised by existing privileges and by fresh exemptions extracted from a chronically bankrupt and insincere monarchy. That the administration was not of itself ineffective is clear from the enforcement of the Statutes of Labourers in the fourteenth century (Nos. 12-17) and of the Statute of 18 Henry VI restricting the freedom of aliens in the fifteenth century (Nos. 33, 34). The Crown was always preoccupied with the state of the revenue; statutes are enforced or overridden, according as their operation will benefit or deplete the Exchequer. It was the experience of centuries that gave point to queen Elizabeth's affection for the prerogative. None the less great strides were made in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries towards the end largely achieved in the Tudor period. The Elizabethan legislation sums up and rounds off the work of the previous two hundred years. The regulation of wages and of the conditions of labour (Nos. 12-19), the protection of industry, commerce and shipping, making national trade an important factor in international diplomacy (Nos. 20, 22, 25,27,28), the emergence of a native mercantile class eager to win the export trade for their own country by means of the staple (Nos. 20-24), the jealousy of the alien, growing in intensity throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries (Nos. 21, 33, 34, 35), the development of a home cloth manufacture competing with the best foreign products (Nos. 22, 25, 32), and the provision of remedies against the mediæval bugbear of usury (Nos. 36, 37), all assist in the gradual ripening of a national economy, the fruits of which were gathered first in the Tudor era.

AUTHORITIES

The principal modern writers dealing with the subject of this section are:--Rogers, _History of Agriculture and Prices_; Rogers, _Six Centuries of Work and Wages_; Cunningham, _Growth of English Industry and Commerce_; Ashley, _Economic History_; Ashley, _James van Artevelde_; Cunningham, _Alien Immigrants_; Putnam, _The Enforcement of the Statutes of Labourers_; Schanz, _Englische Handelspolitik gegen Ende des Mittelalters_; Varenbergh, _Relations diplomatiques entre le Comté de Flandre et l'Angleterre_; Ochenkowski, _England's Wirthschaftliche Entwickelung im Ausgange des Mittelalters_; Höhlbaum, _Hansisches Urkundenbuch_. See also the _English and American Historical Reviews_.

Contemporary authorities:--Thomas Aquinas, _De Usuris_; Political Poems and Songs (Wright, Rolls Series); Parliament Rolls (Record Commission); Calendars of Patent, Close and Fine Rolls (Record Office Publications).

1. ASSIZE OF MEASURES [_Roger of Hoveden, Rolls Series_, IV, 33], 1197.

It is established that all measures of the whole of England be of the same amount, as well of corn as of vegetables and of like things, to wit, one good horse load; and that this measure be level as well in cities and boroughs as without. Also the measure of wine and ale and of all liquids shall be of the same amount according to the diversity of liquids. Weights and measures also, great and small, shall be of the same amount in the whole realm, according to the diversity of wares. Measures also of corn and liquids, wine and ale, shall have marks put thereon,[195] lest by guile they can be falsified.

It is established that woollen cloths, wherever they be made, be made of the same width, to wit, of two ells within the lists,[196] and of the same good quality in the middle and at the sides. Also the ell shall be the same in the whole realm and of the same length, and the ell shall be of iron.

It is forbidden to all merchants throughout the whole of the realm that any merchant set in front of his shop red or black cloths or shields or any other thing, whereby the buyers' eyes are often deceived in the choice of good cloth.

It is also forbidden that any dye for sale, save black only, be made anywhere in the realm, except in cities or chief boroughs.

It is also established that in every city or borough four or six lawful men of the same town, according to the size of the town, together with the sheriff,[197] or with the reeves of the city or borough, if the same be not in the hand of the sheriff, be assigned to keep the assize in this form: that they see and be sure that all things are sold and bought by the same measure, and that all measures are of the same size according to the diversity of wares. And if they find any who shall be confessed or convicted of having sold by other than the established measure, his body shall be taken and sent to prison, and all his chattels shall be seized into the hand of the lord the King, nor shall he be delivered save by the lord the King or his chief justice. Touching the keepers themselves it is established that if they perform this keeping so negligently that they be convicted by others than themselves before the justices of the lord the King of transgressing any written assize either of measures or of the width of cloths, the keepers shall remain at the mercy of the lord the King touching their chattels.

It is commanded also that after the feast of the Purification of St. Mary no man in any county sell anything save by the ordained measure, which shall be [everywhere] of the same size; nor after the fair of mid-Lent at Stamford sell any cloth of smaller width than two ells within the lists.

[Footnote 195: "_Inclaventur in eis claves._"]

[Footnote 196: The selvages.]

2. GRANT TO THE LORD OF A MANOR OF THE ASSIZE OF BREAD AND ALE AND OTHER LIBERTIES [_Inquisitions ad quod damnum_, 63, 16], 1307.

_Nottingham._--Inquisition taken at Nottingham before William de Chelardeston, sheriff of Nottingham, on Sunday, a fortnight after Easter in the 35th year of the reign of King Edward, whether the lord the King, without doing prejudice or injury to any man, can grant to his beloved and trusty Peter Pycot that he and his heirs may have for ever in his manor of Ratcliffe upon Soar, in the county of Nottingham, view of frankpledge of his men and tenants of the same manor and whatever pertains to such view, and amends of the assize of bread and ale broken by the same men and tenants, and a pillory and a tumbrel and "infangenethef"[198] and gallows for the execution of judgment, for a fixed rent thereof according to the true value of the same liberties, to be rendered each year by the hands of the sheriff of that county for the time being to the lord the King and his heirs at their Exchequer, or not, and if prejudice or injury should be done to any man by the grant aforesaid, then to whom and in what manner and how, and how much the liberties aforesaid to be possessed in the same manor can be worth yearly according to the true value of the same, by the oath of Robert Pouterel of Thrumpton.[199] ... Who say upon their oath that the lord the King, without doing prejudice or injury to any man, can grant to the aforesaid Peter Pycot that he and his heirs may have for ever in his manor of Ratcliffe upon Soar view of frankpledge.[200] ... They say further that all the liberties aforesaid in the said manor are worth 2s. a year according to the true value thereof. In witness whereof the aforesaid jurors have set their seals to this inquisition. Given at Nottingham the day and year abovesaid.

[Footnote 197: Reading _simul cum vicecomite_ for _similiter in vicecomitatu_.]

[Footnote 198: The right to take and judge thieves within the manorial precincts.]

[Footnote 199: And eleven others named.]

[Footnote 200: And the other liberties specified above. For an explanation of view of frankpledge, see note to Section IV., No. 5 above.]

3. AN OFFENCE AGAINST THE ASSIZE OF BREAD [_Guildhall, Letter-