part iii

.

8. The long, and for Italy itself, peaceable reign of Augustus, has generally been considered a fortunate and brilliant period of Roman history; and, when compared with the times which preceded and followed, it certainly was so. Security of person and property were reestablished; the arts of peace flourished under the benign patronage of Augustus and his favourite Maecenas; and we may add, that, as the formal restoration of the republic would only have been the signal for new commotions, the government of Augustus, if not the very best, was, at least, the best that Rome could then bear. Should it be said his private life was not blameless, it may be replied, that he inflexibly maintained an outward decency, to which, indeed, he sacrificed his only daughter; and if laws could have bettered the public morals, there was no lack of decrees for that purpose.

Among his most important laws to this end are, the _lex Julia de adulteriis_ and the _lex Papia Poppaea_ against celibacy. The latter excited many murmurs.

9. Nearly all that remains of the history of Augustus, is an account of his domestic troubles; the most unhappy family being that of the emperor. The influence of Livia, his second wife, was very great, but does not seem to have been perverted to any worse purpose than raising her sons, Tiberius and Drusus, to the throne. The naturally unsettled state of the succession, in a government such as that of Rome now was, became much increased by circumstances. After the untimely death of his nephew and son-in-law Marcellus, whom he had adopted, his widow Julia, the only child of Augustus by his wife Scribonia, was married to Agrippa. The two eldest sons of this marriage, C. and L. Caesar, were adopted, upon the death of their father, by the emperor, who showed so much fondness towards them as they grew up, that Tiberius, who in the mean time had married their mother, Julia,--afterwards banished by Augustus for her licentious conduct--left the court in disgust. The death of the two young princes, however, again revived the hopes of Tiberius, who was adopted by Augustus upon the condition that he should also adopt Drusus Germanicus, the son of his deceased brother Drusus; after which Augustus, with the consent of the senate, formally associated him with himself in the government, making him an equal partner in the imperial privileges: called by his successors, _lex regia_.

_Marmor Ancyranum_; or, inscriptions in the temple of Augustus at Ancyra. A copy of the account given of his government, which Augustus latterly caused to be set up at Rome as a public memorial: unfortunately much mutilated. It is to be found in CHISHULL, _Antiq. Asiatic_.

_Memoirs of the Court of Augustus, by_ THOMAS BLACKWELL. London, 1760, 3 vols. 4to. divided into fifteen books. The last vol. was published after the death of the author, by MR. MILLS. The last two books of this prolix work contain a description of the contemporary affairs of Augustus; the others go back to earlier times. A just appreciation of Augustus requires a previous critical examination of the sources from which Suetonius has drawn the materials for his biography.

_Histoire des triumvirats augmentee de l'histoire d'Auguste, par_ LARRY. Trevoux, 1741, 4 parts, 8vo. The last part of this simple narrative contains the history of Augustus from the death of Catiline.

10. The reign of Tiberius Claudius Nero, or, as he was called after his adoption, Augustus Tiberius Caesar, from his fifty-sixth to his seventy-eighth year, changed rather the spirit than the form of the Roman constitution. He succeeded quietly to the vacant throne at Rome, although the legions in Pannonia, and still more in Germany, felt that they could make emperors. Under him the _comitia_, or assemblies of the people, were reduced to a mere shadow; as he transferred their duties to the senate, which also became the highest tribunal for the state crimes of its own members: this assembly, however, had now been so much accustomed to obey the will of the prince, that everything depended on his personal character. Tiberius founded his despotism upon the _judicia majestatis_, or accusations of high treason, now become an engine of terror, the senate also sharing his guilt with a pusillanimity and servility which knew no bounds. This degraded assembly, indeed, from the moment that it ceased to be the ruling authority of a free state, necessarily became the passive instrument of the most brutal tyranny. Notwithstanding the military talents and many good qualities of Tiberius, his despotic character had been formed long before his fifty-sixth year, when he mounted the throne; although exterior circumstances prevented him from entirely throwing off the mask which he had hitherto worn.

The foundation of the _judicia majestatis_, which soon became so terrible by the unfixed state of crime, had been laid during the reign of Augustus by the _lex Julia de majestate_, and the _cognitiones extraordinariae_, or commissioners appointed to take cognizance of certain crimes; it was, however, the abuse of them by Tiberius and his successors, which rendered them so dreadful.

12. The principal object of Tiberius's suspicion, and therefore of his hate, was Germanicus, a man almost adored by the army and the people. This brave general he soon recalled from Germany, and sent into Syria to quell the disorders of the east. After having successfully put an end to the commotions which called him there, he was poisoned by the contrivances of Cn. Piso and his wife; and even that did not shelter the numerous family which he left behind, with his widow Agrippina, from persecution and ruin.

The expeditions of Germanicus in the east not only gave a king to Armenia, but also reduced Cappadocia and Commagene to Roman provinces, A. C. 17.

_Histoire de Caesar Germanicus, par_ M. L. D. B. [EAUFORT]. a Leyden, 1741. An unpretending chronological narrative.

13. Rome, however, soon experienced to her cost the powerful ascendancy which L. Aelius Sejanus, the praefect of the praetorian guard, had acquired over the mind of Tiberius, whose unlimited confidence he possessed the more, as he enjoyed it without a rival. The eight years of his authority were rendered terrible not only by the cantonment of his troops in barracks near the city (_castra praetoriana_), but (having first persuaded Tiberius to quit Rome for ever, that he might more securely play the tyrant in the isle of Capreae) by his endeavouring to open a way for himself to the throne by villanies and crimes without number, and by his cruel persecution of the family of Germanicus. The despotism he had introduced became still more dreadful by his own fall, in which not only his whole party, but every one that could be considered as connected with it, became involved. The picture of the atrocious despotism of Tiberius is rendered doubly disgusting by the horrid and unnatural lust which he joined to it in his old age.

Tiberius's misfortune was, that he came too late to the throne. His early virtues made no compensation for his later cruelties. It is properly the former which Vel. Paterculus praises, whose flattery of Tiberius, in whose reign he flourished, is more easily justified than his praise of Sejanus.

14. At the age of twenty-five Caius Caesar Caligula, the only remaining son of Germanicus, ascended the throne; but the hopes which had been formed of this young prince were soon wofully disappointed. His previous sickness and debaucheries had so distorted his understanding, that his short reign was one tissue of disorder and crime. Yet he did still more harm to the state by his besotted profusion than by his tiger-like cruelty. At length, after a career of nearly four years, he was assassinated by Cassius Chaerea and Cornelius Sabinus, two officers of his guard.

15. His uncle Tiberius Claudius Caesar, who, at the age of fifty, succeeded him, was the first emperor raised to the throne by the guards; a favour which he rewarded by granting them a _donative_. Too weak to rule of himself, almost imbecile from former neglect, profligate, and cruel from fear, he became the tool of the licentiousness of his wives and freedmen. Coupled with the names of Messalina and Agrippina, we now hear, for the first time in Roman history, of a Pallas and a Narcissus. The dominion of Messalina was still more hurtful to the state by her rapacious cupidity, to which everything gave way, than by her dissolute life; and the blow which at last punished her unexampled wantonness, left a still more dangerous woman to supply her place. This was Agrippina, her neice, widow of L. Domitius, who joined to the vices of her predecessor a boundless ambition, unknown to the former. Her chief aim was to procure the succession for Domitius Nero, her son by a former marriage--who had been adopted by Claudius, and married to his daughter Octavia--by setting aside Britannicus, the son of Claudius; and this she hoped to effect, by poisoning Claudius, having already gained Burrhus, by making him _sole_ praefect of the praetorian guard. Notwithstanding the contentions with the Germans and Parthians (see above, p. 303) were only on the frontiers, the boundaries of the Roman empire were in many countries extended.

Commencement of the Roman conquests in Britain (whither Claudius himself went) under A. Plautius, from the year A. C. 43. Under the same general, Mauritania, A. C. 42, Lycia, 43, Judaea, 44 (see above, p. 312), and Thrace, 47, were reduced to Roman provinces. He also abolished the praefectures which had hitherto existed in Italy.

16. Nero Claudius Caesar, supported by Agrippina and the praetorian guard, succeeded Claudius at the age of seventeen. Brought up in the midst of the blackest crimes, and, by a perverted education, formed rather for a professor of music and the fine arts than for an emperor, he ascended the throne like a youth eager for enjoyment; and throughout his whole reign his cruelty appears subordinate to his fondness for debaucheries and revelry. The unsettled state of the succession first called into

## action his savage disposition; and after the murder of Britannicus the

sword fell in regular order upon all those who were even remotely connected with the Julian family. His vanity as a performer and composer excited in an equal degree his cruelty; and as, among all tyrants, every execution gives occasion for others, we need not wonder at his putting to death every one that excelled him. His connection, however, in the early part of his reign, with Agrippina, Burrhus, and Seneca, during which he introduced some useful regulations into the treasury, kept him within the bounds of decency. But Poppaea Sabina having driven him on to the murder of his mother and his wife Octavia, and Tigellinus being made his confident, he felt no longer restrained by the fear of public opinion. The executions of individuals, nearly all of which history has recorded, was not, perhaps, upon the whole, the greatest evil; the plunder of the provinces, not only to support his own loose and effeminate pleasures, but also to maintain the people in a continual state of intoxication, had nearly caused the dissolution of the empire. The last years of Nero were marked by a striking and undoubted insanity, which displayed itself in his theatrical performances, and even in the history of his fall. It appears that both around and upon a throne like that of Rome, heroes were formed for vice as well as virtue!

Discovery of the conspiracy of Piso, 65, and the revolt of Julius Vindex in Celtic Gaul, 68, followed by that of Galba in Spain, who is there proclaimed emperor, and joined by Otho, in Lusitania. Nevertheless, after the defeat of Julius Vindex in Upper Germany, by the lieutenant Virginius Rufus, these insurrections seemed quelled, when the praetorian guard, instigated thereto by Nymphidius, broke out into rebellion in Rome itself. Flight and death of Nero, June 11, 68. Foreign wars during his reign: in Britain (occasioned by the revolt of Boadicea), great part of which was subdued and reduced to a Roman province, by Suetonius Paulinus; in Armenia, under the command of the valiant Corbulo, against the Parthians (see above, p. 303); and in Palestine against the Jews, 66. Great fire in Rome, 64, which gives rise to the first persecution against the Christians.

The principal cause why the despotism of Nero and his predecessors was so tamely submitted to by the nation, may undoubtedly be found in the fact, that the greater part of it was fed by the emperors. To the monthly distributions of corn were now added the extraordinary _congiaria_ and _viscerationes_ (supplies of wine and meat). The periods of tyranny were very likely the golden days of the people.

17. By the death of Nero the house of Caesar became extinct, and this gave rise to so many commotions, that in somewhat less than two years, four emperors by violence obtained possession of the throne. The right of the senate to name, or at least to confirm, the successors to the throne, was still indeed acknowledged; but as the armies had found out that they could create emperors, the power of the senate dwindled into an empty ceremony. Servius Sulpicius Galba, now seventy-two years of age, having been already proclaimed emperor by the legions in Spain, and acknowledged by the senate, gained possession of Rome without striking a blow, the attempt of Nymphidius having completely failed, and Virginius Rufus voluntarily submitting to him. Galba, however, having given offence both to the praetorian guard and the German legions, was dethroned by the guards, at the instigation of his former friend Otho, at the very time when he thought he had secured his throne by adopting the young Licinius Piso, and had frustrated the hopes of Otho.

18. M. Otho, aged thirty-seven, was indeed acknowledged emperor by the senate, but wanted the sanction of the German legions, who, proclaiming their general, A. Vitellius, emperor, invaded Italy. Otho marches against him, but after the loss of the battle of Bedriacum kills himself--whether from fear or patriotism, remains uncertain.

The special sources for the history of Galba and Otho, are their _Lives_ by PLUTARCH.

19. Vitellius, in his thirty-seventh year, was acknowledged emperor not only by the senate, but likewise in the provinces; his debaucheries and cruelty, however, together with the licentiousness of his troops, having rendered him odious at Rome, the Syrian legions rebelled and proclaimed their general, T. Flavius Vespasian, emperor, who, at the solicitation of the powerful Mutianus, governor of Syria, accepted the imperial diadem. The troops on the Danube declaring for him shortly after, and marching into Italy under their general Antonius Primus defeated the army of Vitellius at Cremona. Vitellius was immediately hurled from the throne, though not till after some blood had been spilt by the commotions that took place at Rome, in which Flavius Sabinus, the brother of Vespasian, was slain, and the capitol burnt.

20. Flavius Vespasian ascended the throne in his fifty-ninth year, and became thereby the founder of a dynasty which gave three emperors to Rome. The state, almost ruined by profusion, civil war, and successive revolutions, found in Vespasian a monarch well suited to its unhappy condition. He endeavoured, as far as he could, to determine the relations between himself and the senate; while, by a decree, he restored to it all the rights and privileges which had been conferred upon it by his predecessors of the family of Caesar, and settled and added some others (_lex regia_). He made a thorough reform in the completely-exhausted treasury, which he recruited in part by reducing the countries Nero had made free, together with some others, into provinces; partly by restoring the ancient customs, by increasing others, and by imposing new ones: without this it would have been impossible for him to have reestablished the discipline of the army. His liberality in the foundation of public buildings, as well in Rome as in other cities; and the care with which he promoted education, by granting salaries to public teachers, are sufficient to free him from the reproach of avarice; and although, on account of their dangerous opinions, he banished the Stoics (who since the time of Nero had become very numerous, and retained nearly all the principles of republicanism), the annulling of the _judicia majestatis_ and the restoration of the authority of the senate show how far he was from being a despot.

Rhodes, Samos, Lycia, Achaia, Thrace, Cilicia, and Commagene, were brought by Vespasian into the condition of provinces. Foreign wars: that against the Jews, which ended with the destruction of Jerusalem, A. C. 70; and a much greater war against the Batavians and their allies under Civilis, who during the late civil wars, sought to shake off the Roman yoke, 69; but were reduced to an accommodation by Cerealis, 70. Expeditions of Agricola in Britain, 78-85, who not only subdued all England, and introduced the Roman manners and customs, but also attacked and sailed round Scotland.

_D. Vespasianus, sive de vita et legislatione T. Flavii Vespasiani Imp. commentarius, auctore_ A. G. CRAMER. Jenae, 1785. An excellent enquiry, with illustrations of the fragments of the _lex regia_. The second part, _de legislatione_, contains a learned commentary upon the _senatus consulta_, during his reign.

21. His eldest son, Titus Flavius Vespasian, who in the year 70 had been created Caesar, and reigned from his thirty-ninth to his forty-second year, gives us the rare example of a prince becoming better on the throne. His short and benevolent reign was, indeed, only remarkable for its public calamities: an eruption of mount Vesuvius, overwhelming several cities, was followed by a destructive fire, and a dreadful plague at Rome. His early death secured him the reputation of being, if not the happiest, at least the best of princes.

22. His younger brother and successor, L. Flavius Domitian, who reigned from his thirtieth to his forty-fifth year, gives an example quite opposite to that of Titus: beginning with justice and severity, he soon degenerated into the completest despot that ever swayed the Roman sceptre. His cruelty, joined to an equal degree of pride, and nourished by suspicion and jealousy, made him the enemy of all who excelled him by their exploits, their riches, or their talents. The mortifications to which his pride must have been subjected in consequence of his unsuccessful wars against the Catti, and more particularly the Daci, increased his bad disposition. His despotism was founded upon his armies, whose pay he augmented one fourth; and that he might not thereby diminish the treasury, as he had too much done at first, he multiplied the _judicia majestatis_, rendering it still more terrible by the employment of secret informers (_delatores_), in order, by confiscations, to augment the wealth of his private treasury (_fiscus_). By confining his cruelty chiefly to the capital, and by a strict superintendence over the governors of provinces, Domitian prevented any such general disorganization of the empire as took place under Nero. His fall confirmed the general truth, that tyrants have little to fear from the people, but much from individuals who may think their lives in danger.

The foreign wars during this reign are rendered more worthy of remark by being the first in which the barbarians attacked the empire with success. Domitian's ridiculous expedition against the Catti, 82, gave the first proof of his boundless vanity; as did the recall of the victorious Agricola, 85, from Britain, of his jealousy. His most important war was that against the Daci, or Getae, who, under their brave king Dercebal, had attacked the Roman frontiers; this again occasioned another with their neighbours, the Marcomanni, Quadi, and Jazygi, 86-90, which turned out so unfortunate for Rome, that Domitian was obliged to purchase a peace of the Daci by paying them an annual tribute.

23. M. Cocceius Nerva, aged about seventy years was raised to the throne by the murderers of Domitian; and now, at last, seemed to break forth the dawn of a more happy period for the empire. The preceding reign of terror completely ceased at once; and he endeavoured to impart fresh vigour to industry, not only by diminishing the taxes, but also by distributing lands to the poor. The insurrection of the guards certainly cost the murderers of Domitian their lives; but it was at the same time the cause of Nerva's securing the prosperity of the empire after his death, by the adoption of Trajan.

24. M. Ulpius Trajan (after his adoption, Nerva Trajan), a Spaniard by birth, governed the empire from his forty-second to his sixty-second year. He was the first foreigner who ascended the Roman throne, and at the same time the first of their monarchs who was equally great as a ruler, a general, and a man. After completely abolishing the _judicia majestatis_, he made the restoration of the _free Roman constitution_, so far as it was compatible with a monarchical form, his peculiar care. He restored the elective power to the _comitia_, complete liberty of speech to the senate, and to the magistrates their former authority; and yet he exercised the art of ruling to a degree and in a detail which few princes have equalled. Frugal in his expenses, he was nevertheless splendidly liberal to every useful institution, whether in Rome or the provinces, as well as in the foundation of military roads, public monuments, and schools for the instruction of poor children. By his wars he extended the dominion of Rome beyond its former boundaries; subduing, in his contests with the Daci, their country, and reducing it to a Roman province; as he likewise did, in his wars against the Armenians and Parthians, Armenia, Mesopotamia, and part of Arabia. Why was so great a character disfigured by an ambition of conquest?

The first war against the Daci, in which the shameful tribute was withdrawn and Dercebal reduced to subjection, lasted from 101-103. But as Dercebal again rebelled, the war was renewed in 105, and brought to a close in 106, when Dacia was reduced to a Roman province, and many Roman colonies established therein. The war with the Parthians arose from a dispute respecting the possession of the throne of Armenia (see above, p. 304), 114-116: but although Rome was victorious she gained no permanent advantage thereby.

The especial source for the history of Trajan is the _Panegyricus_ of PLINY THE YOUNGER; the correspondence, however, of the same writer, while governor of Bithynia, with the emperor, affords us a much deeper insight into the spirit of his government: PLINII _Epist._ lib. x. Who can read it without admiring the royal statesman?

RITTERSHUSII _Trajanus in lucem reproductus_. Ambegae, 1608. A mere collection of passages occurring in ancient authors respecting Trajan.

_Res Trajani Imperatoris ad Danubium Gestae, auctore_ CONRAD MANNERT. Norimb. 1793: and

JOH. CHRIST. ENGEL, _Commentatio de Expeditionibus Trajani ad Danubium, et origine Valachorum_. Vindob. 1794.--Both learned dissertations, written for the prize offered by the Royal Society of Gottingen; the first of which obtained the prize, and the other the _accessit_, i. e. was declared second best.

25. By the contrivances of Plotina, his wife, Trajan was succeeded by his cousin and pupil, whom he is said also to have adopted, P. Aelius Adrian, who reigned from his forty-second to his sixty-third year. He was acknowledged at once by the army of Asia, with which he then was, and the sanction of the senate followed immediately after. He differed from his predecessor in that his chief aim was the preservation of peace; on which account he gave up (rare moderation!), directly after his accession, the newly conquered provinces of Asia, Armenia, Assyria, and Mesopotamia, and so put an end to the Parthian war (see above, p. 304.) He retained, though with some unwillingness, that of Dacia, because otherwise the Roman colonies would have become exposed. He well made up for his pacific disposition, however, in seeking, by a general and vigorous reform in the internal administration, and by restoring the discipline of the army, to give greater solidity to the empire. For that purpose he visited successively all the provinces of the Roman empire; first the eastern, and afterwards the western; making useful regulations and establishing order wherever he came. He improved the Roman jurisprudence by the introduction of the _edictum perpetuum_. Passionately fond of and well instructed in literature and the fine arts, he gave them his liberal protection, and thus called forth another Augustan age. Upon the whole, his reign was certainly a salutary one for the empire; and for any single acts of injustice of which he may be accused, he fully compensated by his choice of a successor. After having first adopted L. Aurelius Verus (afterwards Aelius Verus), who fell a sacrifice to his debaucheries, he next adopted T. Aurelius Antoninus (afterwards T. Aelius Adrianus Antoninus Pius), upon condition that he should again adopt M. Aurelius Verus (afterwards M. Aurelius Antoninus), and L. Cesonius Commodus (afterwards L. Verus), the son of Aelius Verus.

During his reign a great revolt broke out in Judaea, under Barcochab, 132-135, occasioned by the introduction of pagan worship into the Roman colony of _Aelia Capitolina_ (the ancient Jerusalem).

The especial source for the history of Adrian, is his _Life_ and that of _Aelius Verus_ by AeLIUS SPARTIANUS _in Script. Hist. Aug. Minores_, already quoted.

26. The reign of Antoninus Pius, from his forty-seventh to his seventieth year, was without doubt the happiest period of the Roman empire. He found everything already in excellent order; and those ministers which Adrian had appointed, he continued in their places. His quiet activity furnishes but little matter for history; and yet he was, perhaps, the most noble character that ever sat upon a throne. Although a prince, his life was that of the most blameless individual; while he administered the affairs of the empire as though they were his own. He honoured the senate; and the provinces flourished under him, not only because he kept a watchful eye over the conduct of the governors, but because he made it a maxim of his government to continue in their places all those whose probity he had sufficiently proved. He observed rigid order in the finances, and yet without sparing where it could be of service in the foundation or improvement of useful institutions; as his erection of many buildings, establishment of public teachers with salaries in all the provinces, and other examples fully show. He carried on no war himself; on the contrary, several foreign nations made choice of him to arbitrate their differences. Some rebellions which broke out in Britain and Egypt, and some frontier wars excited by the Germans, the Daci, the Moors, and the Alani, were quelled by his lieutenants.

The principal and almost the only source for the history of Antoninus Pius, Dion Cassius's history of this period being lost, is his _Life_ by JULIUS CAPITOLINUS in the _Script. Hist. August._ And even this refers to his private character rather than his public history. Compare the excellent _Reflections_ of MARCUS AURELIUS, i, 16. upon this prince.

_Vie des Empereurs Tite Antonin et Marc Aurele_, _par_ M. GAUTIER DE SIBERT. Paris, 1769, 8vo. A valuable essay on the lives of the two Antonines.

27. He was succeeded by Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, the philosopher (aged 40-59 years), who immediately associated with himself, under the title of Augustus, L. Verus (aged 30-40 years, ! 169), to whom he gave his daughter in marriage. Notwithstanding the differences of their character, the most cordial union existed between them during the whole of their common reign; L. Verus, indeed, being almost always absent in the wars, took but a very small share in the government. The reign of M. Aurelius was marked by several great calamities: a dreadful pestilence, a famine, and almost continual wars. Nothing short of a prince like Aurelius, who exhibited to the world the image of wisdom seated on a throne, could have made so much misery tolerable. Soon after his accession, the Catti made an irruption upon the Rhine, and the Parthians in Asia. L. Verus was sent against them. But the wars on the Danube with the Marcomanni and their allies in Pannonia, and other northern nations, who now began to press forward with great force upon Dacia, were of much greater consequence. They occupied M. Aurelius from the year 167, with but little intermission, to the end of his reign. He succeeded, indeed, in maintaining the boundaries of the empire; but then he was the first who settled any of the barbarians within it, or took them into the Roman service. In the internal administration of affairs he closely followed the steps of his predecessor, except that he was rather too much influenced by his freedmen and family. The only rebellion which broke out against him, was that of Avidius Cassius, his lieutenant in Syria, occasioned by a false report of his death; but it was quelled by the destruction of that general, as soon as the truth was made known.

The war against the Parthians (see above, p. 304) was indeed brought to a successful issue by Verus, the principal cities of the Parthians falling into the hands of the Romans; Verus left them, however, to be carried on by his lieutenants, while he rioted in debaucheries at Antioch. The first war against the Marcomanni, carried on in the beginning and until the death of Verus, by the two emperors together, was highly dangerous for Rome, as many other nations had joined the Marcomanni, particularly the Quadi, Jazygi, and Vandals, and penetrated as far as Aquileia. M. Aurelius ended this war by a glorious peace, 174, as he found it necessary to stop the progress of Cassius's rebellion; in 178, however, the Marcomanni again commenced hostilities, and before their close M. Aurelius died at Sirmium. Contemporary with these wars, yet, as it seems, without any connection with them, were the attacks of other nations upon Dacia, the Bastarnae, Alani, etc. who poured in from the north, probably pressed forward by the advance of the Goths. _This was the first symptom of the great migration of nations now beginning._

The especial sources for the history of M. Aurelius, are the Biographies of him and L. Verus, written by JULIUS CAPITOLINUS, as well as that of Avidius Cassius, by VULCATIUS GALLICANUS in _Script. Hist. August._ The letters discovered in Milan, among and together with the writings of FRONTO, are of no historical service.--His principles are best learnt from his _Meditations on himself_.

CH. MEINERS _de M. Aurel. Antonini ingenio, moribus, et scriptis, in Commentat. Soc. Gotting._ vol. vi.

28. By means of adoption the Roman empire had been blessed, during the last eighty years, with a succession of rulers such as have not often fell to the lot of any kingdom. But in J. Commodus the son of M. Aurelius (probably the offspring of a gladiator), who reigned from his nineteenth to his thirty-first year, there ascended the throne a monster of cruelty, insolence, and lewdness. At the commencement of his reign he bought a peace of the Marcomanni that he might return to Rome. Being himself unable to support the burden of government, the helm of state was placed in the hands of the stern and cruel Perennis, praefect of the praetorian guard; but who, being murdered by the discontented soldiers, was succeeded by the freedman Cleander, who put up all for sale, till he fell a sacrifice to his own insatiable avarice, in a revolt of the people, caused by their want of provisions. The extravagant propensity of Commodus for the diversions of the amphitheatres, and the combats of wild beasts and gladiators, wherein he himself usually took a part, in the character of Hercules, became a chief cause of his dissipation, and thereby of his cruelty; till at last he was killed at the instigation of his concubine Marcia, Laetus the praefect of the praetorian guard, and Electus. The wars on the frontiers during his reign, in Dacia, and especially in Britain, were successfully carried on by his lieutenants, generals who belonged to the school of his father.

The especial source for the history of Commodus is his private life by AEL. LAMPRIDIUS, in the _Script. Hist. August._--The history of Herodian begins with his reign.

29. The disasters under M. Aurelius, and the extravagances of Commodus, had injured the empire, but not enfeebled it. Towards the close of the period of the Antonines it still retained its pristine vigour. If wise regulations, internal peace, moderate taxes, a certain degree of political, and unrestrained civil liberty, are sufficient to form the happiness of a commonwealth, it must have been found in the Roman. What a number of advantages did it possess over every other, simply from its situation! Proofs of it appear on every side. A vigorous population, rich provinces, flourishing and splendid cities, and a lively internal and foreign trade. But the most solid foundation of the happiness of a nation consists in its moral greatness, and this we here seek for in vain. Otherwise the nation would not so easily have suffered itself to be brought under the yoke of Commodus by praetorian cohorts and the legions. But what best shows the strength which the empire still retained, is the opposition it continued to make, for two hundred years longer, to the formidable attacks from without.

D. H. HEGEWISCH _upon the Epochs in Roman History most favourable to Humanity_. Hamburg, 1800-8.

Foreign commerce, so flourishing in this period, could only be carried on, to any extent, with the east--mostly with India--as the Roman empire spread over all the west. This trade continued to be carried on through Egypt, and also through Palmyra and Syria. Information thereupon will be found in

W. ROBERTSON'S _Disquisition concerning the Knowledge which the Ancients had of India_. London, 1791, 4to. Often reprinted. And

## particularly upon Egypt, in

W. VINCENT, _the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea_. London, 1802, 4to. 2 vols. A very instructive work.

HEEREN, _Commentationes de Graecorum et Romanorum de India notitia, et cum Indis commerciis_: _in Commentat. Soc. Gott._ vol. x. xi.

SECOND SECTION.

_From the death of Commodus to Diocletian, A. C. 193-284._

SOURCES. The Extracts of Xiphilinus from DION CASSIUS, lib. lxxiii-lxxx. though often imperfect, reach down as low as the consulate of Dion himself under Alexander Severus, 229.--HERODIANI _Hist._ libri viii. comprise the period from Commodus to Gordian, 180-238.--The _Scriptores Historiae Augustae Minores_ contain the private lives of the emperors down to Diocletian, by JULIUS CAPITOLINUS, FLAVIUS VOPISCUS, etc.--The _Breviaria Historiae Romanae_ of EUTROPIUS, AURELIUS VICTOR, and S. RUFUS are particularly important for this period.--Finally, the important information that may be derived from the study of medals and coins, not only for this section, but for the whole history of the emperors, may be best learnt by consulting the writers upon those subjects: J. VAILLANT, _Numismata Augustorum et Caesarum_, _cura_ J. F. BALDINO. Rome, 1743, 3 vols. _The Medallic History of Imperial Rome_, by W. COOKE. London, 1781, 2 vols.--But above all, the volumes belonging to this period in ECKHEL, _Doctrina Nummorum Veterum_.

With the period of the Antonines begins the great work of the British historian:

_The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire_, by EDWARD GIBBON. Oxford, 1828, 8 vols. 8vo. In worth and extent this work is superior to all others. It embraces the whole period of the middle ages; but only the first part belongs to this period.

1. The extinction of the race of the Antonines by the death of Commodus was attended with convulsions similar to those which took place when the house of Caesar became extinct at the death of Nero. It is true that P. Helvius Pertinax, aged sixty-seven, praefect of the city, was raised to the throne by the murderers of Commodus; and that he was acknowledged, first by the guards, and afterwards by the senate. But the reform which he was obliged to make at the beginning of his reign in the finances, rendered him so odious to the soldiers and courtiers, that a revolt of the first, excited by Laetus, cost him his life before he had reigned quite three months. This was the first commencement of that dreadful military despotism which forms the ruling character of this period; and to none did it become so terrible as to those who wished to make it the main support of their absolute power.

The insolence of the praetorian guard had risen very high during the reign of Commodus; but it had never, even in the time of the Antonines, been entirely suppressed. It was only by large donatives that their consent could be purchased, their caprice satisfied, and their good humour maintained; especially at every new adoption. One of the greatest reproaches to the age of the Antonines is, that those great princes, who seem to have had the means so much in their power, did not free themselves from so annoying a dependence.

JUL. CAPITOLINI _Pertinax Imp. in Script. Hist. Aug._

2. When, upon the death of Pertinax, the rich and profligate M. Didius Julianus, aged fifty-seven, had outbid, to the great scandal of the people, all his competitors for the empire, and purchased it of the praetorian guard, an insurrection of the legions, who were better able to create emperors, very naturally followed. But as the army of Illyria proclaimed their general Septimius Severus, the army of Syria, Pescennius Niger, and the army of Britain, Albinus, nothing less than a series of civil wars could decide who should maintain himself on the throne.

AEL. SPARTIANI _Didius Julianus, in Script. Hist. Aug._

3. Septimius Severus, however, aged 49-66, was the first who got possession of Rome, and, after the execution of Didius Julianus, he was acknowledged by the senate. He dismissed, it is true, the old praetorian guard, but immediately chose, from his own army, one four times more numerous in its stead. And after he had provisionally declared Albinus emperor, he marched his army against Pescennius Niger, already master of the east, whom, after several contests near the Issus, he defeated and slew. Nevertheless, having first taken and destroyed the strong city of Byzantium, a war with Albinus soon followed, whom the perfidious Severus had already attempted to remove by assassination. After a bloody defeat near Lyons, Albinus kills himself. These civil wars were followed by hostilities against the Parthians, who had taken the part of Pescennius, and which ended with the plundering of their principal cities (see above, p. 304). Severus possessed most of the virtues of a soldier; but the insatiable avarice of his minister Plautianus, the formidable captain of the praetorian guard, robbed the empire even of those advantages which may be enjoyed under a military government, until he was put to death at the instigation of Caracalla. To keep his legions employed, Severus undertook an expedition into Britain, where, after extending the boundaries of the empire, he died at York (_Eboracum_), leaving his son the maxim, "to enrich the soldiers, and hold the rest for nothing."

Agricola had already erected a line of fortresses, probably between the Firth of Clyde and the Firth of Forth. These were changed by Adrian into a wall along the present boundaries of Scotland. Severus again extended the frontiers, reestablished the fortresses of Agricola, and afterwards built a wall from sea to sea; his son, however, gave up the conquered country, and the wall of Adrian again became the boundary of the empire.

AEL. SPARTIANI _Septimius Severus et Pescennius Niger_.

JUL. CAPITOLINI _Claudius Albinus, in Script. Hist. Aug._

4. The deadly hatred which reigned between the two sons of Severus, M. Aurelius Antoninus Bassianus Caracalla, aged 23-29, and his young step-brother Geta, aged twenty-one, led to a dreadful catastrophe; for at their return to Rome, and after a fruitless proposition had been made for a division of the empire, Geta was assassinated in the arms of his mother Julia Domna, together with all those who were considered as his friends. The restless spirit of Caracalla, however, soon drew him from Rome, and in traversing first the provinces along the Danube, and then those of the east, he ruined them all by his exactions and cruelty, to which he was driven for money to pay his soldiers, and to purchase peace of his enemies on the frontiers. The same necessity led him to grant the right of citizenship to all the provinces, that he might thereby gain the duty of the _vicesima hereditatum et manumissionum_ (twentieth upon inheritances and enfranchisements), which he very soon afterwards changed into a tenth (_decima_).--With respect to his foreign wars, his first was against the Catti and Alemanni, among whom he remained a long time, sometimes as a friend and sometimes as an enemy. But his principal efforts, after having previously ordered a dreadful massacre of the inhabitants of Alexandria, to satisfy his cruel rapacity, were directed against the Parthians (see above, p. 304); and in his wars against them he was assassinated by Macrinus, the praefect of the praetorian guard.

The praefect, or captain, of the praetorian guard became, from the time of Severus, the most important officer in the state. Besides the command of the guards, the finances were also under his control, together with an extensive criminal jurisdiction. A natural consequence of the continually increasing despotism.

AEL. SPARTIANI _Antoninus Caracalla et Ant. Geta, in Script. Hist. Aug._

5. His murderer, M. Opelius Macrinus, aged fifty-three, was recognized as emperor by the soldiers, and forthwith acknowledged by the senate. He immediately created his son, M. Opelius Diadumenus, aged nine years, Caesar, and gave him the name of Antoninus. He disgracefully terminated the war against the Parthians by purchasing a peace, and changed the _decima_ (tenth) of Caracalla again into the _vicesima_ (twentieth). However, while he still remained in Asia, Bassianus Heliogabalus, grand-nephew of Julia Domna, and high priest in the temple of the Sun at Emesa, whom his mother gave out for a son of Caracalla, was proclaimed emperor by the legions, and, after a combat with the guards, subsequently to which Macrinus and his son lost their lives, they raised him to the throne.

Maesa, the sister of Julia Domna, had two daughters, both widows; Soaemis, the eldest, was the mother of Heliogabalus, Mammaea, the youngest, the mother of Alexander Severus.

JUL. CAPITOLINI _Opelius Macrinus, in Script. Hist. Aug._

6. Heliogabalus, aged 14-18, who assumed the additional name of M. Aurelius Antoninus, brought with him from Syria the superstitions and voluptuousness of that country. He introduced the worship of his god Heliogabal in Rome, and wallowed openly in such brutal and infamous debaucheries, that history can scarcely find a parallel to his dissolute, shameless, and scandalous conduct. How low must the morality of that age have been sunk, in which a boy could so early have ripened into a monster!--The debasement of the senate, and of all important offices, which he filled with the degraded companions of his own lusts and vices, was systematically planned by him; and he deserves no credit even for the adoption of his cousin, the virtuous Alexander Severus, as he shortly after endeavoured to take away his life, but was himself for that reason assassinated by the praetorian guards.

# AEL. LAMPRIDII _Ant. Heliogabalus, in Script. Hist. Aug._

7. His young cousin and successor, M. Aurelius Alexander Severus, aged 14-27, who had been carefully educated under the direction of his mother Mammaea, proved one of the best princes in an age and upon a throne where virtues were more dangerous than vices. Under favour of his youth he endeavoured to effect a reform, in which he was supported by the cooperation of the guards, who had elevated him to the throne. He restored the authority of the senate, from among whom he chose, with rigid justice, his privy council of state, banishing the creatures of Heliogabalus from their places. The revolution in the Parthian empire, out of which was now formed the new Persian, was of so much importance to Rome, that it obliged Alexander to undertake a war against Artaxerxes, in which he was probably victorious. But while marching in haste to protect the frontiers against the advance of the Germans upon the Rhine, his soldiers, exasperated at the severity of his discipline, and incited by the Thracian Maximin, murdered him in his own tent. His praefect of the praetorian guard, Ulpian, had already, for the same cause, fallen a victim to this spirit of insubordination, which was not checked even by the immediate presence of the emperor himself.

The revolution in Parthia, whereby a new Persian empire was formed (see above, p. 304.), became a source of almost perpetual war to Rome; Artaxerxes I. and his successors, the Sassanides, claiming to be descendants of the ancient kings of Persia, formed pretensions to the possession of all the Asiatic provinces of the Roman empire.

AELII LAMPRIDII _Alexander Severus_, _in Script. Hist. Aug._

HEYNE _de Alexandro Severo Judicium_, Comment. i. ii. in _Opuscula Academica_, vol. vi.

8. The death of A. Severus raised military despotism to the highest pitch, as it placed on the throne the half savage C. Julius Maximinus, by birth a Thracian peasant. At first he continued the war against the Germans with great success, repulsing them beyond the Rhine; and resolved, by crossing Pannonia, to carry the war even among the Sarmatians. But his insatiable rapacity, which spared neither the capital nor the provinces, made him hateful to all; and Gordian, proconsul of Africa, in his eightieth year, was, together with his son of the same name, proclaimed Augustus by the people, and immediately acknowledged by the senate. Upon this, Maximinus, eager to take vengeance on the senate, marched directly from Sirmium towards Italy. In the mean time, the legions of the almost defenceless Gordians were defeated in Africa, and themselves slain by Capellianus the governor of Numidia. Notwithstanding this, as the senate could expect no mercy, they chose as co-emperors the praefect of the city, Maximus Pupienus, and Clodius Balbinus, who, in conformity with the wishes of the people, created the young Gordian III. Caesar. In the meanwhile Maximinus, having besieged Aquileia, and the enterprise proving unsuccessful, was slain by his own troops. Pupienus and Balbinus now seemed in quiet possession of the throne; but the guards, who had already been engaged in a bloody feud with the people, and were not willing to receive an emperor of the senate's choosing, killed them both, and proclaimed as Augustus, Gordian, already created Caesar.

JUL. CAPITOLINI _Maximinus Gordiani tres, Pupienus et Balbinus_, _in Script. Hist. August._

9. The reign of the young M. Antoninus Gordianus lasted from his twelfth to his eighteenth year. He was grandson of the proconsul who had lost his life in Africa, and in the early part of his reign, acquired a degree of firmness from the support of his father-in-law, Misitheus, praefect of the praetorian guard, as well as from the successful expedition which he undertook into Syria against the Persians, who had invaded that province. But after the death of Misitheus, Philip the Arabian, being made praefect of the guards in his stead, found means to gain the troops over to himself, and, after driving Gordian from the throne, caused him to be assassinated.

10. The reign of M. Julius Philippus was interrupted by several insurrections, especially in Pannonia; until at length Decius, whom he himself had sent thither to quell the rebellion, was compelled by the troops to assume the diadem. Philip was soon after defeated by him near Verona, where he perished, together with his son of the same name. In this reign the secular games, _ludi saeculares_, were celebrated, one thousand years from the foundation of the city.

11. Under the reign of his successor, Trajanus Decius, aged fifty, the Goths for the first time forced their way into the Roman empire by crossing the Danube; and although Decius in the beginning opposed them with success, he was at last slain by them in Thrace, together with his son, Cl. Herennius Decius, already created Caesar. Upon this the army proclaimed C. Trebonianus Gallus emperor, who created his son, Volusian, Caesar; and having invited Hostilian, the yet remaining son of Decius, with the ostensible purpose of securing his cooperation, he nevertheless soon contrived to get rid of him. He purchased a peace of the Goths; but, despised by his generals, he became involved in a war with his victorious lieutenant, Aemilius Aemilianus, in Moesia, and was slain, together with his son, by his own army. In three months, however, Aemilianus shared the same fate; Publius Licinius Valerianus, the friend and avenger of Gallus, advancing against him with the legions stationed in Gaul. Both the people and army hoped to see the empire restored under Valerian, already sixty years of age; but, although his generals defended the frontiers against the Germans and Goths, he himself had the misfortune to be defeated and taken prisoner by the superior forces of the Persians. Upon this event his son and associate in the empire, P. Licinius Gallienus, who knew everything except the art of governing, reigned alone. Under his indolent rule the Roman empire seemed on one hand ready to be split into a number of small states, while on the other it seemed about to fall a prey to the barbarians; for the lieutenants in most of the provinces declared themselves independent of a prince whom they despised, and to which, indeed, they were driven, like Posthumius in Gaul, for their own security.--There were nineteen of these; but as many of them named their sons Caesars, this period has been very improperly distinguished by the name of _the thirty tyrants_, although their intolerable oppressions might well justify the latter expression. The Persians at the same time were victorious in the east, and the Germans in the west.

The German nations which were now become so formidable to the Roman empire, were: 1. The great confederation of tribes under the name of _Franks_, who spread over Gaul along the whole extent of the Lower Rhine. 2. The allied nations of the Alemanni on the Upper Rhine. 3. The Goths, the most powerful of all, who had formed a monarchy upon the banks of the Lower Danube and the northern coasts of the Black sea, which soon extended from the Boristhenes to the Don; and who became formidable, not only by their land forces, but also by their naval power, especially after they had captured the peninsula of Crim Tartary (_Chersonesus Taurica_); and by means of their fleets they not only kept the Grecian, but likewise the Asiatic provinces in a continual state of alarm.

TREBELLI POLLIONIS _Valerianus, Gallieni duo, triginta tyranni_, _in Script. Hist. Aug._

# _Concerning the thirty tyrants under the Roman emperor Gallienus_, by J. C. F. MANSO; at the end of his _Life of Constantine_.

12. Gallienus losing his life before Milan, in the war against Aureolus an usurper, had nevertheless recommended M. Aurelius Claudius (aged 45-47) for his successor. The new Augustus reestablished in some degree the tottering empire; not only by taking Aureolus prisoner and defeating the Alemanni, but also by a decisive victory gained at Nissa over the Goths, who had invaded Moesia. He died, however, soon after, at Sirmium, of a pestilential disease, naming for his successor Aurelian, a hero like himself, who mounted the throne upon the death of Quintillus the late emperor's brother, who had at first proclaimed himself Augustus, but afterwards died by his own hand.

TREBELLII POLLIONIS _divus Claudius_, _in Script. Hist. Aug._

13. During the reign of L. Domitius Aurelianus, which lasted almost five years, those countries which had been partly or entirely lost to the empire were restored. Having first driven back the Goths and the Alemanni, who had advanced as far as Umbria, he undertook his expedition against the celebrated Zenobia, queen of Palmyra, who at that time possessed Syria, Egypt, and part of Asia Minor. These countries he again brought under the dominion of the empire, after having defeated Zenobia and made her prisoner. The western provinces of Gaul, Britain, and Spain, which since the time of Gallienus had been governed by separate rulers, and were now under the dominion of Tetricus, he reduced to their former obedience. Dacia, on the contrary, he willingly abandoned; and as he transported the Roman inhabitants across the Danube into Moesia, the latter henceforward bore the name of _Dacia Aureliani_. Hated for his severity, which in a warrior so easily degenerates into cruelty, he was assassinated in Illyria at the instigation of his private secretary Mnestheus.

FLAV. VOPISCI _divus Aurelianus_, _in Script. Hist. Aug._

Palmyra in the Syrian desert, enriched by the Indian trade, and one of the most ancient cities in the world, became a Roman colony in the time of Trajan. Odenatus, the husband of Zenobia, had acquired so much celebrity by his victories over the Persians, that Gallienus had even named him Augustus with himself. He was murdered, however, by his cousin Maeonius, 267. Zenobia now took possession of the government for her sons Vabalathus, Herennianus, and Timolaus, without, however, being acknowledged at Rome. After this, in the time of Claudius, she added Egypt to her dominions. Aurelian, having first defeated her near Antioch and Emesa, soon afterwards took Palmyra, which, in consequence of a revolt, he destroyed.--Even in its ruins Palmyra is still magnificent.

_The Ruins of Palmyra_, by R. WOOD. London, 1753; and the _Ruins of Balbec, otherwise Heliopolis_, by the same author, London, 1757, give us clear and certain ideas of the splendour and magnitude of these cities.

A. H. L. HEEREN, _de Commercio urbis Palmyrae vicinarumque urbium_, in _Comment. recent. Soc. Gotting._ vol. vii. and the Appendix to Heeren's Researches.

14. An interregnum of six months followed upon the death of Aurelian, till at length the senate, at the repeated solicitations of the army, ventured to fill up the vacant throne. The object of their choice, however, M. Claudius Tacitus, the worthiest of the senators, was unfortunately seventy-five years old, and perished after a short reign of six months, in an expedition against the Goths. Upon this event the army of Syria raised M. Aurelius Probus to the purple; while Florianus the brother of Tacitus, who had already been acknowledged at Rome, was put to death by his own people.

FLAV. VOPISCI _Tacitus; ejusd. Florianus_, _in Script. Hist. Aug._

15. The six years' reign of Probus was a warlike one. He defeated the Germans, and forced them beyond the Rhine and Danube; strengthening the frontiers by building a strong wall from the Danube, near Regensburg, to the Rhine. He also obliged the Persians to make peace. Nevertheless, the number of towns which he reestablished and peopled with prisoners of war, and the vineyards which he caused his soldiers to plant on the Rhine, are proofs that he had taste and inclination for the arts of peace. This policy, however, would not suit the legions! After he had perished, therefore, by the hands of his soldiers, they proclaimed the praefect of the praetorian guard, M. Aurelius Carus, emperor, who created his two sons Caesars--men very unlike each other in disposition, M. Aurelius Carinus being one of the greatest reprobates, while M. Aurelius Numerianus was gentle by nature, and had a mind well formed by study. The new emperor, having defeated the Goths, marched against the Persians, but was shortly afterwards killed, it is said, by a flash of lightning. Nor did his son Numerianus long survive him, being murdered by his own father-in-law, Arrius Aper, the praetorian praefect.

FLAV. VOPISCI _Probus imper. ejusd. Carus, Numirianus et Carinus_, _in Script. Hist. Aug._

16. Although this period gives us a finished picture of a complete military despotism, it is still evident that this was owing to the entire separation of the military order from the rest of the people, by the introduction of standing armies, and the extinction of all national spirit among the citizens. The legions decided because the people were unarmed. It was, indeed, only among them, situated far from the soft luxuries of the capital, and engaged in almost a continual struggle with the barbarians, that a remnant of the ancient Roman character was still preserved. The nomination of their leaders to the purple became a natural consequence, not only of the uncertainty of the succession, which could not be fixed by mere ordinances, but often of necessity, from their being in the field under the pressure of urgent circumstances. Thus a succession of distinguished generals came to the throne: what authority, indeed, would an emperor at that time have had who was not a general? All durable reform, however, was rendered quite impossible by the quick succession of rulers. Even the best among them could do but very little for the internal administration; as all their energies were required to protect the frontiers, and defend themselves against usurpers, who, with the exception of the formality of being acknowledged by the senate, had claims as well founded as their own.

17. The decline of the empire also became so much the more rapid, in proportion as in these days of terror luxury had increased not only in the splendour and profligate effeminacy of private life, but more

## particularly in public, to a pitch almost beyond belief. The latter was

especially shown in the exhibitions of the amphitheatre and circus; by which not only every new ruler, but even every new magistrate was obliged to purchase the favour of the people. Thus these remnants of a free constitution served only to accelerate the general ruin! What enjoyments, indeed, could be found under the rod of despotism, except those of the grossest sensuality; and to satisfy this, the intellectual amusements of the theatre (mimes and pantomimes), and even those of rhetoric and poetry, were made to contribute.

18. Yet, during this general decay, the gradual spread of the Christian religion was working a reform altogether of a different nature. Before the end of this period it had opened itself a way into every province, and, notwithstanding the frequent persecutions, had made converts in every rank of society, and was now on the eve of becoming the predominant form of worship. We shall be better able to estimate its value, if we consider it as the vehicle by which civilization made its way among the rude nations that now appeared on the scene, than if we merely consider it as the means of improving the manners and morals of the Roman world. In a political view it became of the greatest importance on account of the hierarchy, the frame-work of which was now in a great measure constructed among its professors. It was afterwards adopted as a state religion; and although the ancient creed of Rome had formerly been on the same footing, yet it was only calculated for the republic, and not at all for the now existing monarchy. The overthrow of paganism was necessarily attended with some violent convulsions, yet its loss was nothing to be compared with the support which the throne afterwards found in the hierarchy.

The dispersion of the Jews, and especially the persecutions which were renewed from time to time, after the reign of Nero, (but which only served to kindle enthusiasm,) strongly cooperated in spreading the Christian religion. These persecutions were principally called forth against the Christians on account of their forming themselves into a separate society, which caused them to be regarded as a dangerous sect at Rome, notwithstanding the general toleration granted to every other system of religious belief. Although towards the end of this period, only a very small proportion of the inhabitants of the Roman empire as yet professed the Christian faith, it nevertheless had followers in every province.

# _History of the Social Constitution of the Christian Church_, by D. G. J. PLANCK, 4 parts, 1800. It is the first part of this excellent work which relates to this period.

THIRD SECTION.

_From Diocletian to the overthrow of the Roman empire in the west, A. C. 284-476._

SOURCES. It now becomes of importance to enquire whether the historians were Christians or pagans. ZOSIMUS, the imitator of Polybius, belonged to the last. He describes the fall of the Roman state, as his model does the previous part. Of his _Histories_ only five books and a half, to the time of Gratian, 410, have descended to us. He was certainly a violent antagonist of the Christians, yet, nevertheless, the best writer of this period. AMMIANI MARCELLINI _Historiarum_, lib. xiv-xxxi. from the year 353-378 (the first thirteen books are lost). Probably a Christian, but yet no flatterer; and, notwithstanding his tiresome prolixity, highly instructive. Together with the writers of general history already noticed at p. 437, we must here especially add to the abbreviators, PAULI OROSII _Hist._ lib. vii. and ZONARAE _Annales_. The _Panegyrici Veteres_, from Diocletian to Theodosius, can only be used with circumspection.--The writers of church history, such as EUSEBIUS, in his _Hist. Eccles._ lib. x. and in his _Vita Constantini Magni_, lib. v. as well as his continuators, SOCRATES, THEODORET, SOZOMENUS, and EVAGRIUS, are also highly important for the political history of this period, though, from their partiality towards the Christian emperors, they should rather be classed with the panegyrists than the historians. To these may be added another principal source, viz. the _Constitutions_ of the emperors, which have been preserved in the _Codex Theodosianus_ and _Justinianeus_, from the time of Constantine the Great.

Besides the works quoted at pages 411, 437, the Byzantine historians here become of importance. We shall mention also:

_Histoire du Bas-Empire depuis Constantin_, _par_ M. LE BEAU, _continuee par_ M. AMEILHON. Paris, 1824, 20 vols. 8vo. The first seven parts only belong to this period.

# The German translation of GUTHRIE and GRAY'S _Universal History_, 5 sections, 1 vol. Leipsic, 1768. Rendered very useful by the labours of Ritter.

_Histoire du Bas-Empire, depuis Constantin jusqu' a la prise de Constantinople en 1453_, _par_ CARENTIN ROYOU. Paris, 1803, 4 vols. 8vo. A useful abridgement, without much research.

1. The reign of C. Valerius Diocletian, aged 39-60, proclaimed emperor after the murder of Numerianus, by the troops in Chalcedon, begins a new section in Roman history. To the period of military despotism succeeded the period of partitions. After Diocletian had defeated Carinus the yet remaining Caesar, in Upper Moesia, where he was assassinated, he made M. Valerius Maximianus Herculius, a rough warrior who had hitherto been his comrade in arms, the sharer of his throne. Herculius now contended with the Alemanni and Burgundians on the banks of the Rhine, while Diocletian himself made head against the Persians. Nevertheless, the two Augusti soon found themselves unable to withstand the barbarians, who were pressing forward on every side, more especially as Carausius had usurped and maintained the title of Caesar in Britain. Each of them, therefore, created a Caesar: Diocletian chose C. Galerius, and Maximianus Flavius Constantius Chlorus, both of whom had distinguished themselves as generals, at that time the only road to advancement. The whole empire was now divided between these four rulers; so that each had certain provinces to govern and defend; without detriment, however, to the unity of the whole, or to the dependence in which a Caesar stood as the subordinate assistant and future successor of his Augustus.

In the partition, 292, Diocletian possessed the eastern provinces; Galerius, Thrace, and the countries on the Danube (Illyricum); Maximianus, Italy, Africa, and the islands; and Constantius, the western provinces of Gaul, Spain, Britain, and Mauritania.

2. This new system could not but have a striking effect upon the spirit of the government. It was now not only in fact, but also in form, entirely in the hands of the rulers. By their continual absence from Rome they became freed from that moral restraint in which the authority of the senate, and the name of the republic, not yet entirely laid aside, had held before them. Diocletian formally assumed the diadem, and, with the ornaments of the east, introduced its luxuries into his court. Thus was laid the foundation of that structure which Constantine the Great had to complete.

3. The consequences of this new system became also oppressive to the provinces, inasmuch as they had now to maintain four rulers, with their courts, and as many armies. But however loud might be the complaints of the oppression occasioned thereby, it was, perhaps, the only means of deferring the final overthrow of the whole edifice. In fact, they succeeded not only in defeating the usurpers, Allectus in Britain (who had murdered Carausius in 293), Julian in Africa, and Achilleus in Egypt; but also in defending the frontiers, which, indeed, by the victories of Galerius over the Persians, they extended as far as the Tigris. Did not, however, the gloomy perspective present itself, that among so many rulers, and the undefined relations which existed between the Caesars and the emperors, the union could not be of long continuance?

4. Diocletian voluntarily abdicated the throne (although the growing power and encroaching disposition of Galerius might perhaps have had some influence), and obliged his colleague Maximianus to do the same. The two Caesars, Constantius and Galerius, were proclaimed Augusti, and altered the division of the empire, so that the former possessed all the western countries, of which, however, he freely ceded Italy and Africa to Galerius, who had all the remaining provinces. The latter, during the same year, created Flavius Severus, Caesar, and confided to him the government of Italy and Africa; as he did also C. Galerius Maximin, to whom he gave the Asiatic provinces. The administration of the two emperors, however, was very different; Constantius was as much beloved for his mild and disinterested government, as Galerius was hated for his harshness and prodigality. Constantius died very soon after at York, leaving his son Constantine heir to his dominions, who was immediately proclaimed Augustus by the legions, although Galerius would only acknowledge him as Caesar.

5. Thus Constantine, who afterwards obtained the surname of Great, began to rule, aged 33-64, though at first only over Britain, Spain, and Gaul; nevertheless, after seventeen years of violence and warfare, he succeeded in opening himself a way to the sole dominion of the empire. The rulers disagreed among themselves; and formidable usurpers started up and rendered war inevitable.

The history of the first seven years of Constantine, 306-313, is very complicated; after that, he had only one rival to struggle with, 314-323. At his accession, Galerius, as Augustus, was in possession of all the other provinces; of which, however, he had given to Caesar Maximin the government of those of Asia, and to Caesar Severus, now created Augustus, Italy and Africa. The latter, however, rendering himself odious by his oppression, Maxentius, the son of the former emperor, Maximianus, assumed the title of Augustus at Rome (Oct. 28, 306), and associated his father with himself in the government; so that at this time there were six rulers: Galerius, Severus, Constantine, Maximin, and the usurpers Maxentius and his father Maximianus. But in the year 307, Severus, wishing to oppose Maxentius, was abandoned by his own troops, upon which he surrendered himself to Maximianus, who caused him to be executed. In his place Galerius created his friend Licinius, Augustus; and Maximin obtained the same dignity from his army in Asia. In the mean time, Maximianus, after having endeavoured to supplant his own son in Rome, fled to Constantine, who had crossed over into Gaul and there defeated the Franks, 306; but having made an attempt upon the life of Constantine, who had married his daughter Fausta, that emperor caused him to be put to death, 310. As the excesses of Galerius soon brought him to the grave, 311, there only remained Constantine, Licinius, and Maximin, and the usurper Maxentius. The latter was soon defeated and slain, 312, before the gates of Rome, by Constantine, who thereby became master of Italy and the capital. A war having broken out about the same time between Maximin and Licinius, Maximin was defeated near Adrianople, and then killed himself, 313. The year 314 brought on a war between the two remaining emperors, Constantine and Licinius, which, however, ended the same year in an accommodation, by which Constantine obtained all the countries on the south bank of the Danube, as well as Thrace and Moesia Inferior; it broke out again, however, in 322, and was finally terminated by a decisive victory in Bithynia, and the total overthrow of Licinius, whom Constantine put to death, 324.

6. However opposite may be the opinions formed respecting the reign of Constantine the Great, its consequences are perfectly plain. Although he annihilated military despotism, he established in its stead, if not completely, yet in great measure, the despotism of the court, and likewise the power of the hierarchy. He had already, during his expedition against Maxentius, decided in favour of the Christian religion; and since he thereby gained a vast number of partisans in all the provinces, and weakened at the same time the power of his co-emperors, or competitors, it was the surest way he could have taken to obtain sole dominion, the great object of his ambition. This change must nevertheless have had very considerable influence on every part of the government, as he found in the previously established hierarchy a powerful support of the throne; and since he, in concert with it, settled what was, and what was not the orthodox doctrine, he introduced a spirit of persecution heretofore unknown.

At a period in which religious parties must almost necessarily have become political parties, we can by no means venture to judge of the importance of the sect by the importance of their points of doctrine. The quarrels of the Arians, which arose at this time, gave Constantine, by the council of Nice, 325, the opportunity he wished for, of making good his authority in religious legislation.

7. The removal of the seat of empire from Rome to Constantinople was connected with this change in the form of worship--as a Christian court would have been awkwardly situated in a city still altogether pagan--although the need there was of protecting the frontiers against the Goths and Persians had a considerable share therein. It did, indeed, become the principal means of establishing the despotism of the court; but those who regard it as one of the causes of the decline of the empire, should remember, that for an empire fallen so low as the Roman was at this time, despotism was almost the only support that remained.

The various partitions of the empire from the time of Diocletian, had led the way to this change of the capital; because a natural result of that system was, that the emperors and Caesars, when not with the army as they usually were, would reside in different cities. The seat of Diocletian's government was at Nicomedia; of Maximian's, at Milan; even Constantine himself remained but very little at Rome. In these new residences they felt themselves unfettered; and therefore, although the Roman senate existed till after the time of Constantine, its authority must have fallen of itself from the time of Diocletian.

8. We ought not, therefore, to wonder that the consequence of this removal was so complete a change in the whole form of government, that after a short time it seemed to be altogether a different state. A

## partition of the empire was made, which, though it might in part have

been founded on those which had previously existed, was yet so different, that it not only changed the ancient divisions of the provinces, but completely altered their mode of government.--The court, with the exception of polygamy, assumed entirely the form of an eastern court.--A revolution also had taken place in the military system, by the complete separation of the civil and military authorities, which the praetorian praefects had hitherto possessed, but who now became merely civil governors.

According to the new division the whole empire was divided into four _praefectures_, each of which had its _dioceses_, and each diocese its _provinces_. The praefectures were: I. The eastern (_praefectura Orientis_); it contained five dioceses; 1. _Orientis_; 2. _Aegypti_; 3. _Asiae_; 4. _Ponti_; 5. _Thraciae_; forming altogether forty-eight provinces, and comprising all the countries of Asia and Egypt, together with the frontier countries of Libya and Thrace. II. _Praefectura Illyrici_, containing two dioceses; 1. _Macedoniae_; 2. _Daciae_; forming eleven provinces, and comprising Moesia, Macedon, Greece, and Crete. III. _Praefectura Italiae_, containing three dioceses; 1. _Italiae_; 2. _Illyrici_; 3. _Africae_; forming twenty-nine provinces, and comprising Italy, the countries on the south of the Danube, as far as the boundaries of Moesia; the islands of Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica, and the African provinces of the Syrtis. IV. _Praefectura Galliarum_, containing three dioceses; 1. _Galliae_; 2. _Hispaniae_; 3. _Britanniae_; forming altogether twenty-eight provinces, and comprising Spain and the Balearian islands, Gaul, Helvetia, and Britain.--Each of these praefectures was under a _praefectus praetorio_ (praetorian praefect), but who was merely a civil governor, and had under him _vicarios_, in the dioceses, as well as the _rectores provinciarum_, of various ranks and titles. They were named _proconsules praesides_, etc. Besides these, Rome and Constantinople, not being included in any of the four praefectures, had each its praefect.

As principal officers of state and the court (_s. cubiculi_), we now for the first time meet with the _praepositus s. cubiculi_ (grand-chamberlain), under whom were all the _comites palatii_ and _cubicularii_, in four divisions; these, at a later period, were frequently eunuchs of great influence; the _magister officiorum_ (chancellor, minister of the interior); the _comes sacrarum largitiorum_ (minister of the finances); the _quaestor_ (the organ of the emperors in legislation; minister of justice and secretary of state); the _comes rei principis_ (minister of the crown-treasury) [privy-purse]; the two _comites domesticorum_ (commander of the household guards), each of whom had his corps (_scholas_) under him. The number of the state officers and courtiers was continually increasing. If the good of a commonwealth consisted in forms, ranks, and titles, the Roman empire must at this time have been truly happy!

At the head of the troops were the _magistri peditum_ (masters of the infantry) and the _magistri equitum_ (masters of the horse), under the _magister utriusque militae_ (general in chief of the whole army). Their subordinate commanders were called _comites_ and _duces_. Constantine considerably reduced the army. In the arrangement of the troops he also made great alterations; these, however, were but of slight consequence compared with that which was produced by admitting into the service a continually increasing number of barbarians.

_Notitia dignitatem utriusque Imperii cum not._ PANCIROLLI GRAEV. _Thesaur. Antiquitat. Rom._ vol. vii.

9. It would naturally be expected that these great changes should lead to others in the system of taxation. New taxes, or old ones revived, were added to those already existing, and became, by the manner in which they were collected, doubly oppressive. We shall particularly notice, _a._ The annual land-tax (_indictio_). _b._ The tax upon trade (_aurum lustrale_). _c._ The free gift (_don. gratuit._), now grown into an obligatory tax (_aurum coronarium_). To these we must add the municipal expenses, which fell entirely upon the citizens, and especially upon the civic officers (_decuriones_), places which must have been generally held by the rich, as Constantine had in great measure appropriated the wealth of the cities to the endowment of churches, and the support of the clergy.

_a._ The land-tax, or _indiction_, which if not first introduced by Constantine was entirely regulated under him, was collected after an exact register, or public valuation, of all the landed estates. Its amount was yearly fixed and prescribed by the emperor (_indicebatur_), and levied by the rectors of provinces and the decurions; an arbitrary standard (_caput_) being taken as the rate of assessment.

As this register was probably reviewed every fifteen years, it gave rise to the _cycle of indictions_ of fifteen years, which became the common era, beginning from September 1, 312. In this manner the tax included all those who were possessed of property. _b._ The tax on commerce; which was levied on almost every kind of trade. It was collected every four years, whence the _aurum lustrale_. _c._ The _aurum coronarium_ grew out of the custom which obtained of presenting the emperors with golden crowns on particular occasions; the value of which was at last exacted in money. Every considerable city was obliged to pay it.

10. The rapid spread of the Christian religion, the promulgation of which was enforced as a duty upon all its professors, was now accelerated by the endeavours of the court. Constantine forbade sacrifices, and shut up the temples; and the violent zeal of his successors unfortunately soon turned them into ruins.

_Histoire de Constantin-le-Grand_, _par le_ R. P. BERN. DE VARENNE. Paris, 1778, 4to.

_Vita di Constantino il Grande dell'_ ABB. FR. GUSTA. Fuligno, 1786. Both these works, especially the first, are written in a tone of panegyric; the latest, and by far the best, is

# _Life of Constantine the Great_, by J. C. F. MANSO. Bresl. 1817. With several very learned appendixes, which clear up some particular points.

11. The three Caesars and sons of Constantine the Great, Constantine, 337-340; Constantius, 337-361; and Constans, 337-350; had been carefully educated, and yet resembled one another as much in their vices as they did in their names. They indeed divided the empire again upon the death of their father; but were so eager after territory, which neither of them was qualified to govern, that a series of wars followed for the next twelve years, till at last Constantius was left master of the whole; and by the murder of most of his relations secured the throne to himself.

In the partition of the empire Constantine obtained the _praefectura Galliarum_, Constans the _praefectura Italiae et Illyrici_, and Constantius the _praefectura Orientis_. But as Constantine desired to add Italy and Africa to his portion, he attacked Constans, and thereby lost his life, so that Constans came into thee possession of the western countries. In consequence, however, of his wretched misgovernment, Magnentius, a general, proclaimed himself emperor in Gaul, and Constans was slain in endeavouring to escape, 350. A war with Constantius, who was then occupied in the east, became inevitable, and broke out 351. The usurper was defeated first at Mursa in Pannonia, then retreating into Gaul he was again defeated, 353; upon which he slew himself, together with his family.

12. As Constantius, however--sunk in effeminacy and debauchery, and surrounded and governed by eunuchs--was unable to sustain the weight of government alone, he took his cousin Constantius Gallus, hitherto a state prisoner, and whose father he had formerly slain, to his assistance, created him Caesar, and sent him into the east against the Parthians. But his excessive arrogance, which was fomented by his wife Constantina, rendered him so dangerous that Constantius recalled him, and caused him, upon his return, to be put to death in Istria. His younger brother Fl. Julian, from whom the suspicious Constantius believed he had nothing to fear, was promoted in his place, created Caesar, and sent to defend the frontiers on the Rhine. Although Julian passed suddenly from study to warfare, he not only fought against the Germans with success, but also made a deep inroad into their country. In the mean time Constantius, after his generals had been beaten by the Persians, who wished to reconquer the provinces they had ceded, was preparing an expedition against them in person, and with that view endeavoured gradually to withdraw the troops of Julian, in consequence of which the latter, suspecting his design, was induced to accept the diadem presented by his soldiers. While marching, however, along the Danube against Constantius, he received information of that prince's death in Asia.

13. Fl. Julian, (the apostate,) who reigned from his twenty-ninth to his thirty-second year, was the last and most highly gifted prince of the house of Constantine. Instructed by misfortunes and study, he yet had some faults, though certainly free from great vices. He began with reforming the luxury of the court. His abjuration of the religion now become dominant, and which he wished to annihilate by degrees, was an error in policy, which he must have discovered to his cost had his reign been prolonged. Wishing, however, to terminate the war against the Persians, he penetrated as far as the Tigris, where he lost his life in an engagement, after a reign of three years.

# _The Emperor Julian and his Times_, by AUGUST. NEANDER. Leipsic, 1812. An historical sketch.

14. Fl. Jovianus, now thirty-three years of age, was immediately raised to the purple by the army. He concluded a peace with the Persians, by which he restored them all the territory that had been conquered from them since the year 297. After a short reign of eight months he was carried off by a sudden disorder; and the army proclaimed Fl. Valentinian at Nice in his stead, Valentinian almost immediately associated his brother Valens with himself in the government, and divided the empire by giving him the _praefectura Orientis_, and retaining the rest for himself.

15. The reign of Valentinian I. in the east, who, in the year 367, created his son Gratian Augustus with himself, is distinguished by the system of toleration which he followed with regard to the affairs of religion, though in other respects a cruel prince. Nearly the whole of his reign was taken up in almost continual struggles with the German nations, who had recovered from the losses they had suffered under Julian. His first efforts were directed against the Franks, the Saxons, and the Alemanni on the Rhine; and afterwards against the Quadi and other nations on the Danube; where he died of apoplexy at Guntz in Hungary.

16. In the mean time his brother Valens (aged 38-52 years) had to contend with a powerful insurrection which had broken out in the east. A certain Procopius had instigated the people to this, by taking advantage of the discontent occasioned by the oppression of Valens, who, having adopted the opinion of the Arians, was more disliked in the east than his brother was in the west. His war against the Persians ended with a truce. But the most important event that happened during his reign, was the entrance of the Huns into Europe, which took place towards its close. This in its turn gave rise to the great popular migration, by which the Roman empire in the west may properly be said to have been overthrown. The immediate consequence was the admission of the greater part of the Visigoths into the Roman empire, and this occasioned a war which cost Valens his life.

The Huns, a nomad people of Asia, belonged to the great Mongolian race. Having penetrated to the Don, 373, they subdued the Goths upon that river as far as the Theiss. The Goths, divided into Ostrogoths and Visigoths, were separated from one another by the Dnieper. The former, driven from their country, fell upon the Visigoths, in consequence of which the emperor Valens was requested by the latter to grant them admission into the Roman empire, and with the exception of the Vandals, who had been seated in Pannonia from the time of Constantine, they were the first barbarian nation that had been settled within the boundaries of the empire. The scandalous oppression of the Roman governor, however, drove them into rebellion; and as Valens marched against them, he was defeated near Adrianople and lost his life, 378.

17. During these events, Gratian (aged 16-24 years) succeeded his father Valentinian I. in the west, and immediately associated his brother, Valentinian II. (aged 5-21 years) with himself in the empire; giving him, though under his own superintendence, the _praefectura Italiae et Illyrici_. Gratian set forward to the assistance of his uncle Valens against the Goths, but receiving on his march an account of his defeat and death, and fearing the east might fall a prey to the Goths, he raised Theodosius, a Spaniard, who had already distinguished himself as a warrior, to the purple, and gave him the _praefectura Orientis et Illyrici_.

18. The indolent reign of Gratian led to the rebellion of Maximus, a commander in Britain, who, crossing into Gaul, was so strongly supported by the defection of the Gallic legions, that Gratian was obliged to seek safety in flight. He was, however, overtaken and put to death at Lyons. By this event Maximus found himself in possession of all the _praefectura Galliarum_; and by promising Theodosius not to interfere with the young Valentinian II. in Italy, he prevailed upon him to acknowledge him emperor. But having broken his promise by the invasion of Italy, he was defeated and made prisoner by Theodosius in Pannonia, and soon after executed. Upon this Valentinian II. a youth of whom great hopes were entertained, became again master of all the west. But, unfortunately, he was murdered by the offended Arbogast, his _magister militum_; who, thereupon, raised to the throne his own friend Eugenius, _magister officiorum_. Theodosius, however, so far from acknowledging, declared war against him and made him prisoner. He himself thus became master of the whole empire, but died in the following year.

19. The vigorous reign of Theodosius in the east, from his thirty-fourth to his fiftieth year, was not less devoted to politics than to religion. The dexterity with which he at first broke the power of the victorious Goths (though they still preserved their quarters in the provinces on the Danube), procured him considerable influence, which the strength and

## activity of his character enabled him easily to maintain. The blind

zeal, however, with which he persecuted Arianism, now the prevailing creed in the east, and restored the orthodox belief, as well as the persecutions which he directed against the pagans and the destruction of their temples, occasioned the most dreadful convulsions. His efforts to preserve the boundaries of the empire, not a province of which was lost before his death, required an increase of taxes; and however oppressive this might be, we cannot impute it to the ruler as a crime. In an empire so enfeebled in itself, and which, nevertheless, had powerful foes on every side to contend with, it followed that every active reign would be oppressive. Yet never before had the internal depopulation of the empire made it necessary to take so many barbarians into Roman pay, as under this reign; whence naturally followed a change in the arms and tactics of the Roman armies.

P. ERASM. MULLER, _de genio saeculi Theodosiani_. Havniae, 1798, 2 vols. A very learned and in every respect excellent description of the deeply-decayed Roman world as it now stood.

20. Theodosius left two sons, between whom the empire was divided. Both parts, however, were certainly considered as forming but one empire--an opinion which afterwards prevailed, and even till late in the middle ages had important consequences--yet never since this period have they been reunited under one ruler. The eastern empire, comprising the _praefectura Orientis et Illyrici_, was allotted to the eldest son, Arcadius (aged 18-31) under the guardianship of Rufinus the Gaul. The western, or the _praefectura Galliarum et Italiae_, to the younger, Honorius, aged 11-39, under the guardianship of the Vandal Stilico.

21. The western empire, to the history of which we shall now confine ourselves, suffered such violent shocks during the reign of Honorius, as made its approaching fall plainly visible. The intrigues of Stilico to procure himself the government of the whole empire, opened a way for the Goths into its interior, just at a time when they were doubly formidable, fortune having given them a leader greatly superior to any they had hitherto had. Alaric king of the Visigoths established himself and his people in the Roman empire, became master of Rome, and mounted the throne: it was the mere effect of chance that he did not overthrow it altogether.

Both Honorius and Arcadius, especially the latter, belonged to that class of men who never come to years of maturity; their favourites and ministers therefore governed according to their own inclination. Stilico, who made Honorius his son-in-law, was not deficient, indeed, in abilities for governing; and his endeavour to obtain the management of the whole empire, arose, perhaps, from the conviction that it was necessary he should have it. He could not, however, gain his object by intrigue; for after the murder of Rufinus; 395, he found a still more powerful opponent in the eunuch Eutropius, his successor in the east. Under the regency of Stilico, Gaul, in consequence of its troops being withdrawn to oppose Alaric, 400, was inundated by German tribes--by Vandals, Alani, and Suevi--who from thence penetrated even into Spain. Nevertheless, he preserved Italy from their attacks by the victory which he gained, 403, over Alaric at Verona; and again over Radagaisus, 405, who had advanced with other German hordes as far as Florence. But Stilico, having entered into a secret alliance with Alaric, for the purpose of wresting eastern Illyrica from the empire of the east, was overreached by the intrigues of the new favourite Olympius, whose cabal knew how to take advantage of the weakness of Honorius, and of the jealousy of the Roman and foreign soldiers. Stilico was accused of aspiring to the throne, and was executed August 23, 408. Rome lost in him the only general that was left to defend her. Alaric invaded Italy the same year, 408, and the besieged Rome was obliged to purchase peace; the conditions, however, not being fulfilled, he was again, 409, before Rome, became master of the city, and created Attalus, the praefect of the city, emperor instead of Honorius, who had shut himself up in Ravenna. In 410 he assumed the diadem; and, making himself master of the city by force, gave it up to be plundered by his troops. Soon afterwards, while projecting the capture of Sicily and Africa, he died in lower Italy. His brother-in-law and successor, Adolphus, together with his Goths, left Italy, now completely exhausted, 412, went into Gaul, and from thence proceeding into Spain, founded there the empire of the Visigoths: he carried with him, however, Placidia the sister of Honorius, either as prisoner or as hostage, and married her in Gaul. During these events an usurper arose in Britain and Gaul named Constantine, 407: he was vanquished, and put to death, 411, by Constantius, one of Honorius's generals. This latter prince not only gave Constantius his sister Placidia, who had become a widow and was restored in 417, in marriage, but also named him Augustus in 421. He died, however, a few months after, so that Placidia henceforward had a considerable share in the government. She went nevertheless, 423, to Constantinople, where she remained until the death of Honorius.

# _Fl. Stilico, or the Wallenstein of Antiquity_, by CHR. FR. SCHULZE, 1805. Not written by way of comparison.

22. In this manner was a great part of Spain, and part of Gaul, cut off from the Roman empire during the reign of Honorius. After his death the secretary John usurped the government, but was defeated by the eastern emperor Theodosius II. The nephew of Honorius, Valentinian III. a minor (aged 6-36), was then raised to the throne, under the guardian care of his mother Placidia (! 450). Under his miserable reign the western empire was stripped of almost all her provinces with the exception of Italy. Yet the government of his mother, and afterwards his own incapacity, were as much the cause as the stormy migration of barbarous tribes, which now convulsed all Europe.

Britain had been voluntarily left by the Romans since 427. In Africa, the governor Boniface having been driven into rebellion by the intrigues of the Roman general Aetius, who possessed the ear of Placidia, invited the Vandals from Spain, under the command of Genseric, to come to his assistance. The latter then obtained possession of the country, 429-439; indeed, even as early as 435, Valentinian was obliged to make a formal cession of it to them. Valentinian's wife Eudoxia, a Grecian princess, was purchased by the cession of western Illyricum (Pannonia, Dalmatia, and Noricum); so that of all the countries south of the Danube there now only remained those which belonged to the praefecture of Italy: Rhaetia and Vindelicia. On the south-east of Gaul was formed, 435, the kingdom of the Burgundians, which, besides the south-east part of France, comprised also Switzerland and Savoy. The south-west was under the dominion of the Visigoths. There remained only the territory north of the Loire which still submitted to the Roman governors; the last of whom, Syagrius, survived the fall of the empire itself; holding out till the year 486, when he was defeated near Soissons by Clodovicus, or Clovis, king of the Franks.

23. But while the western empire seemed thus of itself almost to fall to pieces, another impetuous rush of nations took place, which threatened the whole of western Europe. The victorious hordes of Huns who now occupied the territory formerly the seat of the Goths, between the Don and the Theiss, and even as far as the Volga, had united themselves, since the year 444, under one common chief, Attila; who, by this union and his own superior talents as a warrior and ruler, became the most powerful prince of his time. The eastern empire having bought a peace by paying him a yearly tribute, he fell with a mighty army upon the western provinces. The united forces, however, of the Romans under Aetius and the Visigoths, obliged him near Chalons (_in campis Catalaunicis_) to retreat. Nevertheless, the following year he again invaded Italy, where he had a secret understanding with the licentious Honoria, Valentinian's sister. The cause of his second retreat, which was soon followed by his death, is unknown. The miserable Valentinian soon after deprived the Roman empire of its best general, being led by his suspicions to put Aetius to death. He himself, however, was soon doomed to undergo the punishment of his debaucheries, being murdered in a conspiracy formed by Petronius Maximus, whose wife he had dishonoured, and some friends of Aetius, whom he had executed.

24. The twenty years which intervened between the assassination of Valentinian, and the final destruction of the Roman empire in the west, was nearly one continued series of intestine revolutions. No less than nine sovereigns rapidly succeeded one another. These changes, indeed, were but of little importance in this troublesome period, compared to the terror with which Genseric king of the Vandals filled the Roman empire: he by his naval power having become master of the Mediterranean and Sicily, could ravage the coasts of the defenceless Italy at his pleasure, and even capture Rome itself. While in Italy, the German Ricimer, general of the foreign troops in Roman pay, permitted a series of emperors to reign in his name. It would have been his lot to put an end to this series of Augusti, but for mere accident, which reserved that glory for his son and successor, Odoacer, four years after his father's death.

After the death of Valentinian, Maximus was proclaimed emperor; but as he wished to compel Eudoxia, Valentinian's widow, to marry him, she called over Genseric from Africa, who took and pillaged Rome, and Maximus perished after a reign of three months, 455. He was succeeded by M. Avitus, who ascended the throne at Arles; and he again was soon deposed by Ricimer, 456, who, just before, had defeated the fleet of the Vandals. Ricimer now placed upon the throne, first Julianus Majorianus, April 1, 457; but he, having distinguished himself in the wars against the Vandals, 461, was set aside, and Libius Severus put in his place, who, however, died in 465, probably of poison. His death was followed by an interregnum of two years, during which Ricimer ruled, though without the title of emperor. At length the patrician Anthemius, then at Constantinople (where they never gave up their pretensions to the right of naming or confirming the sovereigns of the west), was, though not without the consent of the powerful Ricimer, named emperor of the west, April 12, 467, by the emperor Leo. But differences having arisen between him and Ricimer, the latter retired to Milan, 469, and commenced a war, in which he took and pillaged Rome, and Anthemius was slain. Ricimer himself followed soon after, ! Aug. 18, 472. Upon this, Anicius Olybrius, son-in-law of Valentinian III. was proclaimed Augustus, but dying in three months, Oct. 472, Glycerius assumed the purple at Ravenna, without, however, being acknowledged at Constantinople, where they in preference named Julius Nepos Augustus. The latter, in 474, having expelled Glycerius, became also in his turn expelled by his own general Orestes, 475, who gave the diadem to his son Romulus Momyllus, who, as the last in the succession of Augusti, acquired the surname of Augustulus. In 476, however, Odoacer, the leader of the Germans in the Roman pay at Rome, sent him, after the execution of Orestes, into captivity, and allowed him a pension. Odoacer now remained master of Italy till the year 492, when the Ostrogoths, under their king Theodoric, founded there a new empire.

25. Thus fell the Roman empire of the west, while that of the east, pressed on every side, and in a situation almost similar, endured a thousand years, notwithstanding its intestine broils, which would alone have sufficed to destroy any other, and the hosts of barbarians who attacked it during the middle ages. The impregnable situation of its capital, which usually decides the fate of such kingdoms, joined to its despotism, which is not unfrequently the main support of a kingdom in its decline, can alone, in some measure, explain a phenomenon which has no equal in the history of the world.

APPENDIX.

CHRONOLOGY OF HERODOTUS TO THE TIME OF CYRUS, EXTRACTED FROM THE RESEARCHES OF M. VOLNEY. See Preface.

Although Herodotus did not write his work in chronological order, yet we cannot doubt that he had some general plan of computing time. By carefully selecting and comparing the separate data scattered through his work, this plan to a certain extent may be traced out, and early history, with regard to settled chronology, must necessarily gain a good deal. The following essay is founded upon a procedure of this kind; it is drawn entirely from Herodotus, and only from data which he has precisely determined, the passages of his work being always referred to.

The year B. C. 561, in which the fall of Astyages and the Median empire took place, as may be proved from Herodotus himself, is a fixed point of time from which we may ascend into higher antiquity. This point of time may be determined by the chronological data respecting the battle of Marathon, four years before the death of Darius (Herodotus VII. 1. 4.) agreeing with the general data of the Greeks, who fix it in the third year of the 72nd Olymp. B. C. 490. By adding to this the thirty-two years of Darius's reign that had already elapsed (Herodotus, ibid.), the eight months of Smerdis (Herodotus, III. 68.), the seven years and five months of Cambyses (Herodotus III. 66.), and the twenty-nine years of Cyrus (Herodotus, I. 214.), we obtain the year 560 as the first year of Cyrus.

I. CHRONOLOGY OF THE MEDIAN EMPIRE.

B. C. End of the Median empire 561. Duration of the Median empire one hundred and fifty-six years (Herodotus, I, 130.) The beginning of it, therefore, after their separation from the Assyrians, would be 717. In this period, at first, six years of anarchy[a] 716-710. Reign of Deioces fifty-three years (Herodotus, I. 102.) 710-657. Reign of Phraortes, twenty-two years (ibid.) 657-635. Cyaxares, forty years (I. 106.) 635-595. Irruption and dominion of the Scythians, twenty-eight years (I. 203. 106.) 625-598. Conquest of Nineveh (I. 106.) 597. Astyages reigned thirty-five years (I. 130.) 595-561.

The succession of Median kings given by Ctesias, which entirely differs from this, the author thinks might be explained by a duplication; see # _Gott. Gel. Anz._ 1810, p. 4.

[a] These are certainly not determined from Herodotus; but they remain after subtracting the one hundred and fifty years' reign of the four Median kings.

II. CHRONOLOGY OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE.

The dominion of the Assyrians over Asia, or their empire, ended with the revolt of the Medes (Herodotus, I. 95.); although the existence of their state did not then end, but terminated with the capture of Nineveh by Cyaxares, B. C. 597.

B. C. Revolt of the Medes, as above 717. The dominion of the Assyrians had endured five hundred and twenty years (Herodotus, I. 95.) The Assyrian empire lasted therefore from 1237-717.

As Herodotus intended to write the history of this empire in a separate work (I. 184.), he only casually mentions (I. 7.) its founder Ninus, who began to reign 1237; and afterwards Sennacherib and his expedition (II. 141.); and the last king, Sardanapalus (II. 150.).

The mention of Sennacherib and his expedition furnishes a point of time for comparing the chronology of Herodotus with that of the Bible, or the Jews. According to the latter, Sennacherib's expedition took place B. C. 714. (see above, p. 26.); his death takes place immediately after, and he has for his successor Esar-haddon, 2 Kings, xix. 37. Here then is certainly a contradiction, since, according to Herodotus, the Assyrian dominion had ceased three years before, namely, 717. M. Volney endeavours to reconcile this difficulty by the restoration of an ancient reading in the sacred text; according to which Amon, king of Judaea, reigned twelve years instead of two (2 Kings, xxi. 10.); from which it would follow, that the expedition of Sennacherib took place in 724. As this would leave seven years after his death for his successor Esar-haddon, who agrees both in time and name with the Sardanapalus of the Greeks (the Greek name being formed from Esar-haddon-pal, i. e. Esar, the lord, son of Pal), the two chronologies are thus made to agree exactly. But even in following the ancient usual reading, the greatest difference between the two statements is only ten years; quite as little as can be reasonably expected under such circumstances.

With regard to the Assyrian chronology of Ctesias, M. Volney has satisfactorily shown that it is full of contradictions, and unworthy of any credit.

III. CHRONOLOGY OF THE LYDIAN EMPIRE.

The arrangement of the Lydian chronology rests upon the settlement of two principal facts: first, the great eclipse of the sun under Alyattes, foretold by Thales (Herodotus, I. 74.); and secondly, the conquest of Sardes, and overthrow of the empire under Croesus, by Cyrus; both of which Herodotus certainly mentions, but without assigning any precise date. But by a careful comparison of all the data it has been proved, that the great eclipse in Asia Minor (according to the Tables of Pingre) happened in the year 625; and the conquest of Sardes, and the end of the Lydian empire, B. C. 557, or in the fourth year of Cyrus. Therefore:

B. C. End of the Lydian empire 557.

It subsisted under three houses; under that of the Atyadae (fabulous and uncertain); under that of the Heraclidae, five hundred and five years (Herodotus, I. 7.); and under the last, that of the Mermnadae, one hundred and seventy years.

The Heraclidae and Mermnadae, then, reigned altogether six hundred and seventy-five years. Therefore:

B. C. Commencement of the reign of the Heraclidae, with Agron the son of Ninus (I. 7.) 1232. End of this house with the murder of Candaules, by Gyges 727.

By fixings the time of Agron, son of Ninus, Herodotus verifies himself (I. 7.); as, by the preceding data, Ninus began his reign in Assyria, 1237; consequently, it must have been in the fifth year of his reign that he conquered Lydia, and placed his son Agron upon the throne.

B. C. Dominion of the Mermnadae, one hundred and seventy years, under kings of that house 727-557. Gyges, thirty-eight years (Herodotus, I. 14.) 727-689. Ardys, forty-nine years (Herodotus, I. 16.) 689-640. First irruption of the Cimmerians 670. Sadyattes, twelve years (Herodotus, I. 16.) 640-628. Alyattes, fifty-seven years (Herodotus, I. 25.) 628-571. War with Cyaxares, ending with the great eclipse, and second irruption of the Cimmerians 625. Croesus, fourteen years and fourteen days (Herodotus, I. 86.) 571-557.

IV. CHRONOLOGY OF THE BABYLONIANS.

For this as well as for the Egyptians there is no evidence to guide us, the data being very scanty, and taken from Herodotus alone. The chronology of the Babylonians, according to the canon of Ptolemy, begins with Nabonassar, 747, who was succeeded by twelve kings (mentioned in the same canon), down to Nabopolassar; (see above, p. 28.)

B. C. Nabopolassar 627-604. Nebuchadnezzar 604-561. Evil-Merodach 561-559. Neriglissar 559-555. Labynetus 555-538. Conquest of Babylon by Cyrus 538.

V. CHRONOLOGY OF THE EGYPTIANS.

M. Volney very properly commences this with the dodecarchy--as of the earlier periods only the time of Sesostris, 1365, is ascertained;--and arranges it in the following manner.

B. C. Dodecarchy 671-656. Psammetichus's sole dominion thirty-nine years 656-617. Reign of Neco, sixteen years 617-601. -------- Psammis, six years 601-595. -------- Apries, twenty-five years 595-570. -------- Amasis, forty-four years 570-526. Psammenitus, six months 525. Conquest of Egypt by Cambyses

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I. THE REIGNING HOUSES OF MACEDON.

I. HOUSE OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT.

PHILIP ! 336. married, 1. Olympias. 2. Cleopatra. (3. Concubines.) | +------------------------------------------------------------------+ | 1. 1. Cleopatra. 3. 3. | | | | ALEXANDER THE GREAT ! 323. PHILIP ARRHIDAEUS ! 317. | married, 1. Roxana. (2. Barsine.) married Eurydice. | | | +--------------------------------------+ Thessalonice. | 1. 2. | married Cassander. ALEXANDER ! 311. HERCULES ! 309.

II. HOUSE OF ANTIPATER.

ANTIPATER ! 320. | CASSANDER ! 298, married Thessalonice. | +-------------------------------------------------------+ | PHILIP ! 297. ANTIPATER ! 294. ALEXANDER ! 294. |

III. HOUSE OF ANTIGONUS.

ANTIGONUS ! 301. | DEMETRIUS I. POLIORCETES ! 284. | +-----------------------------------------------------------------+ | Stratonice. ANTIGONUS I. GONATAS ! 242. | married, 1. Seleucus I. | 2. Antiochus I. +-------------------------------------+ | DEMETRIUS II. ! 233. Alcyoneus. | | | +-------------------+ +---------------+ | PHILIP II. ! 179. | | ANTIGONUS II. | | DOSON ! 221 +------------------------------------+ | PERSEUS ! 166. Demetrius ! 180. |

II. GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF THE SELEUCIDAE.

SELEUCUS I. NICATOR ! 281. married, 1. Apame. 2. Stratonice, daughter of Demetrius Poliorcetes. | +--------------------------------------------------------------------+ | 1. 2. | ANTIOCHUS I. SOTER ! 262. married, Phila married 1. Stratonice, his mother-in-law. 2. Anonymous. Antigonus Gonatas | king of Macedon. | +--------------------------------------------------------------------+ | 1. 1. 2. | ANTIOCHUS II. THEOS ! 247. Apame Laodice. married, married Magas 1. Laodice, his sister-in-law. of Cyrene. 2. Berenice, daughter of Ptol. Philad. | +--------------------------------------------------------------------+ | 1. 1. 1. | SELEUCUS II. CALLINICUS ! 227. Antiochus Stratonice married married Laodice, Hierax. Ariarathes IV. of daughter of Andromachus, Cappadocia. father of Achaeus. | +--------------------------------------------------------------------+ | SELEUCUS III. Stratonice married ANTIOCHUS III. THE GREAT ! 187.| CERAUNUS ! 224. Mithridates IV. married Laodice, daughter of of Pontus. Mithridates IV. of Pontus. | +------------------------------------------------------------------+ | Antiochus Laodice. | ANTIOCHUS IV. Cleopatra Antiochis | ! 192. | EPIPHANES ! 164. married married | | Ptolemy V. Ariarathes V. | | of Cappad. | +-----------------------------+ | | ANTIOCHUS V. EUPATOR ! 161. | | SELEUCUS IV. PHILOPATOR ! 176. married his sister Laodice. | +------------------------------------------------------+ | DEMETRIUS I. Laodice | ! 150. married Perseus king of Maced. | +--------------------------------------------------------------------+ | DEMETRIUS II. NICATOR ! 126. married, ANTIOCHUS SIDETES ! 131. | 1. Cleopatra, daughter of Ptol. Philom. married his 2. Rhodogyne. | daughter-in-law, Cleopatra. | | +-------------------------------------+ +---------------------------+ |SELEUCUS V. ANTIOCHUS GRYPHUS ! 97. | | ANTIOCHUS CYZICENUS ! 96. | ! 125. married Cleopatra Selene, married Cleopatra, daughter of Ptol. Phys. daughter of Ptol. Phys. | | | +----------------------------+ | | ANTIOCHUS EUSEBES ! c. 90. | | married Cleopatra Selene. | | | +---------------------------------------+ | | ANTIOCHUS SELEUCUS CYBIOSACTES | | ASIATICUS ! 58. ! 57. married | Berenice, daughter | of Ptol. Auletes. | +------------------------------------------------------------------+ | Seleucus Antioch. Philippus Demetr. Antioch. | Epiph. ! 94. Epiph. ! 93. Epiph. ! 83. Eucar. Dionys. ! c. 87. ! 89.

III. GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF THE PTOLEMIES.

PTOLEMY I. son of LAGUS ! 284. married, 1. Eurydice, daughter of Antipater. 2. Berenice. (3. Concubines.) | +-----------------------------------------------------+ | | | | 1. | | | Ptol. Ceraunus ! 279. | 2. | king of Macedonia. | Arsinoe | 2. | PTOL. II. PHILADELPHUS ! 246. 3. married, 1. Arsinoe, daughter Magas of Cyrene. of Lysimachus. | 2. His sister Arsinoe. +-------------+ | Berenice | +-------------------------------------------------------+ | PTOL. III. EVERGETES ! 221. Berenice married | Married Berenice, Antiochus Theos. daughter of Magas. | +-------------------------------------------------------------+ | PTOL. IV. PHILOPATOR ! 204. Magas. Arsinoe. | married, 1. His sister Arsinoe. (2. Agathoclea.) | +----------------------------+ | PTOL. V. EPHIPHANES ! 181. | married Cleopatra, daughter of Antiochus the Great. | +---------------------------------------------------------------------+ | PTOL. VI. PHILOMETOR ! 145. Cleopatra. PTOL. VII. PHYSCON ! 117.| married his sister Cleopatra. married, | 1. His sister Cleopatra. | 2. Cleopatra the younger. | (3. Irene.) Cleopatra the younger. | | +-------------------------------------------------------------------+ | 2. | 2. | 3. | PTOL. VIII. | PTOL. ALEXANDER | Ptol. Apion. LATHYRUS ! 81. | I. ! 88. | king of Cyrene, married, | married Cleopatra, | ! 97. 1, 2. his two sisters. | daughter of | (3. Concubines.) | Ptol. Lathyrus. | | | | | 2. 2. | Cleop. Selene. Cleopatra. | +------------------------------------------------------------+ | | | | | | | | 2. | 3. | | | | Cl. Berenice. | Ptol. of Cyprus | PTOL. ALEXANDER | | | ! 57. | II. ! 80. | | | | married | | | | Cleop. Berenice. | 2. 3. 3. | Cleopatra ! 88. PTOL. AULETES ! 51. Cleopatra. PTOL. ALEX. married married, III. ! 66. Alex. I. 1. His sister Cleop. 2. Unknown. | +--------------------------------------------------------------------+ | 1. | 2. | Arsinoe | BERENICE ! 55. | PTOL. DIONYSIUS ! 47. | ! 43. married, | married Cleopatra. | 1. Seleucus Cybios. | | 2. Archelaus. 1. 2. CLEOPATRA ! 30. Ptol. the younger ! 44. married, married Cleopatra. 1. 2. her brothers. (3. Jul. Caesar.) 4. Antony

IV. THE REIGNING HOUSES OF THE JEWS.

HOUSE OF THE MACCABEES. Mattathias ! B. C. 166. | +------------------------------------------------------------------+ | Judas Maccabaeus, Jonathan, Simon, high priest | general of the army high priest ! 143. and ethnarch, ! 135. ! 161. | +----------------------+ | John Hyrcanus ! 107. | | +------------------------------------------------+ | Aristobulus I. ! 106, Alex. I. Jannaeus ! 79. | king and high priest. married Alexandra. | +------------------------------------------------+ | Hyrcanus II. ! 30. Aristobulus. | high priest and ethnarch. ! 49. | +-----------------------------------------+ | Alexander II. ! 49. Antigonus ! 37. | | +-----------------------------------------------+ | Aristobulus ! 34. Mariamne ! 28. | married Herod the Great.

II. HOUSE OF HEROD.

Antipater ! 43. | +----------------------------------------------------------+ | Salome. Herod the Great ! A. C. 3. | married, 1. Doris. 2. Mariamne. 3. Many others. | +--------------------------------------------------------------------+ | Antipater Alexander Aristobulus Archelaus, | Philip, | ! A. C. 3. ! B. C. 5. ! B. C. 5. ethnarch, | tetrarch, | deposed | ! A. C. 34. +-------------------+ A. C. 6. | | Herod II. Agrippa | | ! A. C. 44. Antipas, tetrarch, | deposed A. C. 39. +---------------+ married Herodias. | Herod Agrippa | ! A. C. 100.

V. GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF THE CAESARS.

I.

C. Julius Caesar, praetor, ! 84. | +--------------------------------------------------------------+ | C. JULIUS CAESAR, dictator, Julia ! 52. | ! 44. married Accius Balbus. | | +-----------------------------+ +-----------------------+ | Julia ! 52. married Pompey. | | Accia ! 42, | married C. Octavius. | +--------------------------------------------------------------------+ | Octavia the elder | C. OCTAVIUS (CAESAR AUGUSTUS) | married M. Marcellus. | ! A. C. 14 (see No. II.) | Octavia the younger married, 1. C. Marcellus. 2. Pompey. 3. M. Antony.

II.

CAESAR OCTAVIANUS AUGUSTUS ! A. C. 14. married, 1. Scribonia. 2. Livia, widow of Tiberius Claudius Nero. | | | +------------------------------------------------------+ | | TIBERIUS NERO ! A.C. 37. Nero Claudius Drusus ! 9. | | married, 1. Vipsania. married Antonia | 2. Julia. the younger. | | | | +--------------------------+ | | | DRUSUS CAESAR ! A. C. 25.| | | | | +---------------------------------------------------+ | | Germanicus CLAUDIUS ! A. C. 54. | | ! A. C. 19. married, 1. Messalina. | married Agrippina. 2. Agrippina. | | | | | +------------------------------------+ | | | 1. Britannicus 1. Octavia | | | ! A. C. 34. ! A. C. 59. | | married Nero. | | | +-------------------------------------------------------+ | | Nero Drusus | Agrippina | | ! A. C. 29. ! A. C. 35. | married, | | 1. Cn. Domitius. | CAIUS CALIGULA 2. Claudius. | ! A. C. 41. | | | | +---------------------------------------+ | | 1. | | DOMITIUS NERO ! A. C. 68. | married, 1. Octavia. 2. Poppaea Sabina | +----------------------------------------------------------+ | 1. | Julia ! A. C. 17. married, 1. ! M. Cl. Marcellus. 2. Agrippa. 3. Tiberius. | +------------------------------------------------------------------+ | 2. 2. 2. 2. 2. | C. Caesar L. Caesar Agrippina Julia Agrippa ! A. C. 4. ! A. C. 2. ! A. C. 35. ! A. C. 30. Posthumus married ! A. C. 14. Germanicus.

VI. GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF THE HOUSE OF CONSTANTINE.

CONSTANTIUS CHLORUS ! 306. married, 1. Helena. 2. Theodora. | +-----------------------------------------------------------------+ CONSTANTINE the Great ! 337. | Jul. Constantius | married, 1. Minervina. | ! 337. married, | 2. Fausta. Constantia 1. Galla. | | married 2. Basilina. | | C. Valer LICINIUS, | | | Caesar, ! 324 +----------+ | +--------------------------+ | Fl. Valer. | 1. | 2. | +--------------+ Licinius | CRISPUS | CONSTANTIUS | 1. 2. ! 326. | ! 326. | ! 361. | Gallus JULIAN | 2. 2. ! 354. (the apostate) | CONSTANTINE CONSTANS ! 363. | ! 340. ! 350. Annibalianus. | +-----------------------------+ | Dalmatius Annibalianus | Caesar ! 339. ! 338.

PRINTED BY TALBOYS AND BROWNE, OXFORD.

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Transcriber's note:

The original text includes Greek characters. For this text version these words have been replaced with transliterations.

The dagger symbol (indicating death) has been replaced by ! within this text version.

Also, sidenotes have been removed to ease readability of the text.