CHAPTER IV

CONSPIRACY IN THE ARMY--BRIGANTINES LAUNCHED--MUSTER OF FORCES--EXECUTION OF XICOTENCATL--MARCH OF THE ARMY--BEGINNING OF THE SIEGE

1521

At the very time when Cortés was occupied with reconnoitring the Valley, preparatory to his siege of the capital, a busy faction in Castile was laboring to subvert his authority and defeat his plans of conquest altogether. The fame of his brilliant exploits had spread not only through the Isles, but to Spain and many parts of Europe, where a general admiration was felt for the invincible energy of the man who with his single arm, as it were, could so long maintain a contest with the powerful Indian empire. The absence of the Spanish monarch from his dominions, and the troubles of the country, can alone explain the supine indifference shown by the government to the prosecution of this great enterprise. To the same causes it may be ascribed that no action was had in regard to the suits of Velasquez and Narvaez, backed as they were by so potent an advocate as Bishop Fonseca, president of the Council of the Indies. The reins of government had fallen into

[Illustration: ADRIAN OF UTRECHT (POPE ADRIAN VI.)

_Goupil & Cº. Paris_]

the hands of Adrian of Utrecht, Charles’s preceptor, and afterwards Pope,--a man of learning, and not without sagacity, but slow and timid in his policy, and altogether incapable of that decisive action which suited the bold genius of his predecessor, Cardinal Ximenes.

In the spring of 1521, however, a number of ordinances passed the Council of the Indies, which threatened an important innovation in the affairs of New Spain. It was decreed that the Royal Audience of Hispaniola should abandon the proceedings already instituted against Narvaez for his treatment of the commissioner Ayllon; that that unfortunate commander should be released from his confinement at Vera Cruz; and that an arbitrator should be sent to Mexico with authority to investigate the affairs and conduct of Cortés, and to render ample justice to the governor of Cuba. There were not wanting persons at court who looked with dissatisfaction on these proceedings, as an unworthy requital of the services of Cortés, and who thought the present moment, at any rate, not the most suitable for taking measures which might discourage the general and perhaps render him desperate. But the arrogant temper of the bishop of Burgos overruled all objections; and the ordinances, having been approved by the Regency, were signed by that body, April 11, 1521. A person named Tápia, one of the functionaries of the Audience at St. Domingo, was selected as the new commissioner to be despatched to Vera Cruz. Fortunately, circumstances occurred which postponed the execution of the design for the present, and permitted Cortés to go forward unmolested in his career of conquest.[391]

But, while thus allowed to remain, for the present at least, in possession of authority, he was assailed by a danger nearer home, which menaced not only his authority, but his life. This was a conspiracy in the army, of a more dark and dangerous character than any hitherto formed there. It was set on foot by a common soldier, named Antonio Villafaña, a native of Old Castile, of whom nothing is known but his share in this transaction. He was one of the troop of Narvaez,--that leaven of disaffection, which had remained with the army, swelling with discontent on every light occasion, and ready at all times to rise into mutiny. They had voluntarily continued in the service after the secession of their comrades at Tlascala; but it was from the same mercenary hopes with which they had originally embarked in the expedition,--and in these they were destined still to be disappointed. They had little of the true spirit of adventure which distinguished the old companions of Cortés; and they found the barren laurels of victory but a sorry recompense for all their toils and sufferings.

With these men were joined others, who had causes of personal disgust with the general; and others, again, who looked with distrust on the result of the war. The gloomy fate of their countrymen who had fallen into the enemy’s hands filled them with dismay. They felt themselves the victims of a chimerical spirit in their leader, who, with such inadequate means, was urging to extremity so ferocious and formidable a foe; and they shrank with something like apprehension from thus pursuing the enemy into his own haunts, where he would gather tenfold energy from despair.

These men would have willingly abandoned the enterprise and returned to Cuba; but how could they do it? Cortés had control over the whole route from the city to the sea-coast; and not a vessel could leave its port without his warrant. Even if he were put out of the way, there were others, his principal officers, ready to step into his place and avenge the death of their commander. It was necessary to embrace these, also, in the scheme of destruction; and it was proposed, therefore, together with Cortés, to assassinate Sandoval, Olid, Alvarado, and two or three others most devoted to his interests. The conspirators would then raise the cry of liberty, and doubted not that they should be joined by the greater part of the army, or enough, at least, to enable them to work their own pleasure. They proposed to offer the command, on Cortés’ death, to Francisco Verdugo, a brother-in-law of Velasquez. He was an honorable cavalier, and not privy to their design. But they had little doubt that he would acquiesce in the command thus in a manner forced upon him, and this would secure them the protection of the governor of Cuba, who, indeed, from his own hatred of Cortés, would be disposed to look with a lenient eye on their proceedings.

The conspirators even went so far as to appoint the subordinate officers, an _alguacil mayor_ in place of Sandoval, a quartermaster-general to succeed Olid, and some others.[392] The time fixed for the execution of the plot was soon after the return of Cortés from his expedition. A parcel, pretended to have come by a fresh arrival from Castile, was to be presented to him while at table, and, when he was engaged in breaking open the letters, the conspirators were to fall on him and his officers and despatch them with their poniards. Such was the iniquitous scheme devised for the destruction of Cortés and the expedition. But a conspiracy, to be successful, especially when numbers are concerned, should allow but little time to elapse between its conception and its execution.

On the day previous to that appointed for the perpetration of the deed, one of the party, feeling a natural compunction at the commission of the crime, went to the general’s quarters and solicited a private interview with him. He threw himself at his commander’s feet, and revealed all the

## particulars relating to the conspiracy, adding that in Villafaña’s

possession a paper would be found, containing the names of his accomplices. Cortés, thunderstruck at the disclosure, lost not a moment in profiting by it. He sent for Alvarado, Sandoval, and one or two other officers marked out by the conspirator, and, after communicating the affair to them, went at once with them to Villafaña’s quarters, attended by four alguacils.

They found him in conference with three or four friends, who were instantly taken from the apartment and placed in custody. Villafaña, confounded at this sudden apparition of his commander, had barely time to snatch a paper, containing the signatures of the confederates, from his bosom, and attempt to swallow it. But Cortés arrested his arm, and seized the paper. As he glanced his eye rapidly over the fatal list, he was much moved at finding there the names of more than one who had some claim to consideration in the army. He tore the scroll in pieces, and ordered Villafaña to be taken into custody. He was immediately tried by a military court hastily got together, at which the general himself presided. There seems to have been no doubt of the man’s guilt. He was condemned to death, and, after allowing him time for confession and absolution, the sentence was executed by hanging him from the window of his own quarters.[393]

Those ignorant of the affair were astonished at the spectacle; and the remaining conspirators were filled with consternation when they saw that their plot was detected, and anticipated a similar fate for themselves. But they were mistaken. Cortés pursued the matter no further. A little reflection convinced him that to do so would involve him in the most disagreeable, and even dangerous, perplexities. And, however much the

## parties implicated in so foul a deed might deserve death, he could ill

afford the loss even of the guilty, with his present limited numbers. He resolved, therefore, to content himself with the punishment of the ringleader.

He called his troops together, and briefly explained to them the nature of the crime for which Villafaña had suffered. He had made no confession, he said, and the guilty secret had perished with him. He then expressed his sorrow that any should have been found in their ranks capable of so base an act, and stated his own unconsciousness of having wronged any individual among them; but, if he had done so, he invited them frankly to declare it, as he was most anxious to afford them all the redress in his power.[394] But there was no one of his audience, whatever might be his grievances, who cared to enter his complaint at such a moment; least of all were the conspirators willing to do so, for they were too happy at having, as they fancied, escaped detection, to stand forward now in the ranks of the malecontents. The affair passed off, therefore, without further consequences.

The conduct of Cortés in this delicate conjuncture shows great coolness, and knowledge of human nature. Had he suffered his detection, or even his suspicion, of the guilty parties to take air, it would have placed him in hostile relations with them for the rest of his life. It was a disclosure of this kind, in the early part of Louis the Eleventh’s reign, to which many of the troubles of his later years were attributed.[395] The mask once torn away, there is no longer occasion to consult even appearances. The door seems to be closed against reform. The alienation, which might have been changed by circumstances or conciliated by kindness, settles into a deep and deadly rancor. And Cortés would have been surrounded by enemies in his own camp more implacable than those in the camp of the Aztecs.

As it was, the guilty soldiers had suffered too serious apprehensions to place their lives hastily in a similar jeopardy. They strove, on the contrary, by demonstrations of loyalty, and the assiduous discharge of their duties, to turn away suspicion from themselves. Cortes, on his part, was careful to preserve his natural demeanor, equally removed from distrust and--what was perhaps more difficult--that studied courtesy which intimates, quite as plainly, suspicion of the party who is the object of it. To do this required no little address. Yet he did not forget the past. He had, it is true, destroyed the scroll containing the list of the conspirators. But the man that has once learned the names of those who have conspired against his life has no need of a written record to keep them fresh in his memory. Cortés kept his eye on all their movements, and took care to place them in no situation, afterwards, where they could do him injury.[396]

This attempt on the life of their commander excited a strong sensation in the army, with whom his many dazzling qualities and brilliant military talents had made him a general favorite. They were anxious to testify their reprobation of so foul a deed, coming from their own body, and they felt the necessity of taking some effectual measures for watching over the safety of one with whom their own destinies, as well as the fate of the enterprise, were so intimately connected. It was arranged, therefore, that he should be provided with a guard of soldiers, who were placed under the direction of a trusty cavalier named Antonio de Quiñones. They constituted the general’s body-guard during the rest of the campaign, watching over him day and night, and protecting him from domestic treason no less than from the sword of the enemy.

As was stated at the close of the last chapter, the Spaniards, on their return to quarters, found the construction of the brigantines completed, and that they were fully rigged, equipped, and ready for service. The canal, also, after having occupied eight thousand men for nearly two months, was finished.

It was a work of great labor; for it extended half a league in length, was twelve feet wide, and as many deep. The sides were strengthened by palisades of wood, or solid masonry. At intervals, dams and locks were constructed, and part of the opening was through the hard rock. By this avenue the brigantines might now be safely introduced on the lake.[397]

Cortés was resolved that so auspicious an event should be celebrated with due solemnity. On the 28th of April, the troops were drawn up under arms, and the whole population of Tezcuco assembled to witness the ceremony. Mass was performed, and every man in the army, together with the general, confessed and received the sacrament. Prayers were offered up by Father Olmedo, and a benediction invoked on the little navy, the first--worthy of the name--ever launched on American waters.[398] The signal was given by the firing of a cannon, when the vessels, dropping down the canal, one after another, reached the lake in good order; and, as they emerged on its ample bosom, with music sounding, and the royal ensign of Castile proudly floating from their masts, a shout of admiration arose from the countless multitudes of spectators, which mingled with the roar of artillery and musketry from the vessels and the shore![399] It was a novel spectacle to the simple natives; and they gazed with wonder on the gallant ships, which, fluttering like sea-birds on their snowy pinions, bounded lightly over the waters, as if rejoicing in their element. It touched the stern hearts of the Conquerors with a glow of rapture, and, as they felt that Heaven had blessed their undertaking, they broke forth, by general accord, into the noble anthem of the _Te Deum_. But there was no one of that vast multitude for whom the sight had deeper interest than their commander. For he looked on it as the work, in a manner, of his own hands; and his bosom swelled with exultation, as he felt he was now possessed of a power strong enough to command the lake, and to shake the haughty towers of Tenochtitlan.[400]

The general’s next step was to muster his forces in the great square of the capital. He found they amounted to eighty-seven horse, and eight hundred and eighteen foot, of which one hundred and eighteen were arquebusiers and crossbowmen. He had three large field-pieces of iron, and fifteen lighter guns or falconets of brass.[401] The heavier cannon had been transported from Vera Cruz to Tezcuco, a little while before, by the faithful Tlascalans. He was well supplied with shot and balls, with about ten hundred-weight of powder, and fifty thousand copper-headed arrows, made after a pattern furnished by him to the natives.[402] The number and appointments of the army much exceeded what they had been at any time since the flight from Mexico, and showed the good effects of the late arrivals from the Islands. Indeed, taking the fleet into the account, Cortés had never before been in so good a condition for carrying on his operations. Three hundred of the men were sent to man the vessels, thirteen, or rather twelve, in number, one of the smallest having been found, on trial, too dull a sailer to be of service. Half of the crews were required to navigate the ships. There was some difficulty in finding hands for this, as the men were averse to the employment. Cortés selected those who came from Palos, Moguer, and other maritime towns, and, notwithstanding their frequent claims of exemption, as hidalgos, from this menial occupation, he pressed them into the service.[403] Each vessel mounted a piece of heavy ordnance, and was placed under an officer of respectability, to whom Cortés gave a general code of instructions for the government of the little navy, of which he proposed to take the command in person.

He had already sent to his Indian confederates, announcing his purpose of immediately laying siege to Mexico, and called on them to furnish their promised levies within the space of ten days at furthest. The Tlascalans he ordered to join him in Tezcuco; the others were to assemble at Chalco, a more convenient place of rendezvous for the operations in the southern quarter of the Valley. The Tlascalans arrived within the time prescribed, led by the younger Xicotencatl, supported by Chichemecatl, the same doughty warrior who had convoyed the brigantines to Tezcuco. They came fifty thousand strong, according to Cortés,[404] making a brilliant show with their military finery, and marching proudly forward under the great national banner, emblazoned with a spread eagle, the arms of the republic.[405] With as blithe and manly a step as if they were going to the battle-ground, they defiled through the gates of the capital, making its walls ring with the friendly shouts of “Castile and Tlascala.”

The observations which Cortes had made in his late tour of reconnoissance had determined him to begin the siege by distributing his forces into three separate camps, which he proposed to establish at the extremities of the principal causeways. By this arrangement the troops would be enabled to move in concert on the capital, and be in the best position to intercept its supplies from the surrounding country. The first of these points was Tacuba, commanding the fatal causeway of the _noche triste_. This was assigned to Pedro de Alvarado, with a force consisting, according to Cortés’ own statement, of thirty horse, one hundred and sixty-eight Spanish infantry, and five-and-twenty thousand Tlascalans. Cristóval de Olid had command of the second army, of much the same magnitude, which was to take up its position at Cojohuacan, the city, it will be remembered, overlooking the short causeway connected with that of Iztapalapan. Gonzalo de Sandoval had charge of the third division, of equal strength with each of the two preceding, but which was to draw its Indian levies from the forces assembled at Chalco. This officer was to march on Iztapalapan and complete the destruction of that city, begun by Cortés soon after his entrance into the Valley. It was too formidable a post to remain in the rear of the army. The general intended to support the attack with his brigantines, after which the subsequent movements of Sandoval would be determined by circumstances.[406]

Having announced his intended dispositions to his officers, the Spanish commander called his troops together, and made one of those brief and stirring harangues with which he was wont on great occasions to kindle the hearts of his soldiery. “I have taken the last step,” he said; “I have brought you to the goal for which you have so long panted. A few days will place you before the gates of Mexico,--the capital from which you were driven with so much ignominy. But we now go forward under the smiles of Providence. Does any one doubt it? Let him but compare our present condition with that in which we found ourselves not twelve months since, when, broken and dispirited, we sought shelter within the walls of Tlascala; nay, with that in which we were but a few months since, when we took up our quarters in Tezcuco.[407] Since that time our strength has been nearly doubled. We are fighting the battles of the Faith, fighting for our honor, for riches, for revenge. I have brought you face to face with your foe. It is for you to do the rest.”[408]

The address of the bold chief was answered by the thundering acclamations of his followers, who declared that every man would do his duty under such a leader; and they only asked to be led against the enemy.[409] Cortés then caused the regulations for the army, published at Tlascala, to be read again to the troops, with the assurance that they should be enforced to the letter.

It was arranged that the Indian forces should precede the Spanish by a day’s march, and should halt for their confederates on the borders of the Tezcucan territory. A circumstance occurred soon after their departure which gave bad augury for the future. A quarrel had arisen in the camp at Tezcuco between a Spanish soldier and a Tlascalan chief, in which the latter was badly hurt. He was sent back to Tlascala, and the matter was hushed up, that it might not reach the ears of the general, who, it was known, would not pass it over lightly. Xicotencatl was a near relative of the injured party, and on the first day’s halt he took the opportunity to leave the army, with a number of his followers, and set off for Tlascala. Other causes are assigned for his desertion.[410] It is certain that from the first he had looked on the expedition with an evil eye, and had predicted that no good would come of it. He came into it with reluctance, as, indeed, he detested the Spaniards in his heart.

His partner in the command instantly sent information of the affair to the Spanish general, still encamped at Tezcuco. Cortés, who saw at once the mischievous consequences of this defection at such a time, detached a party of Tlascalans and Tezcucan Indians after the fugitive, with instructions to prevail on him, if possible, to return to his duty. They overtook him on the road, and remonstrated with him on his conduct, contrasting it with that of his countrymen generally, and of his own father in particular, the steady friend of the white men. “So much the worse,” replied the chieftain: “if they had taken my counsel, they would never have become the dupes of the perfidious strangers.”[411] Finding their remonstrances received only with anger or contemptuous taunts, the emissaries returned without accomplishing their object.

Cortés did not hesitate on the course he was to pursue. “Xicotencatl,” he said, “had always been the enemy of the Spaniards, first in the field, and since in the council-chamber; openly, or in secret, still the same,--their implacable enemy. There was no use in parleying with the false-hearted Indian.” He instantly despatched a small body of horse with an alguacil to arrest the chief wherever he might be found, even though it were in the streets of Tlascala, and to bring him back to Tezcuco. At the same time, he sent information of Xicotencatl’s proceedings to the Tlascalan senate, adding that desertion among the Spaniards was punished with death.

The emissaries of Cortés punctually fulfilled his orders. They arrested the fugitive chief,--whether in Tlascala or in its neighborhood is uncertain,--and brought him a prisoner to Tezcuco, where a high gallows, erected in the great square, was prepared for his reception. He was instantly led to the place of execution; his sentence and the cause for which he suffered were publicly proclaimed, and the unfortunate cacique expiated his offence by the vile death of a malefactor. His ample property, consisting of lands, slaves, and some gold, was all confiscated to the Castilian crown.[412]

Thus perished Xicotencatl, in the flower of his age,--as dauntless a warrior as ever led an Indian army to battle. He was the first chief who successfully resisted the arms of the invaders; and, had the natives of Anahuac, generally, been animated with a spirit like his, Cortés would probably never have set foot in the capital of Montezuma. He was gifted with a clearer insight into the future than his countrymen; for he saw that the European was an enemy far more to be dreaded than the Aztec. Yet, when he consented to fight under the banner of the white men, he had no right to desert it, and he incurred the penalty prescribed by the code of savage as well as of civilized nations. It is said, indeed, that the Tlascalan senate aided in apprehending him, having previously answered Cortés that his crime was punishable with death by their own laws.[413] It was a bold act, however, thus to execute him in the midst of his people. For he was a powerful chief, heir to one of the four seigniories of the republic. His chivalrous qualities made him popular, especially with the younger part of his countrymen; and his garments were torn into shreds at his death and distributed as sacred relics among them. Still, no resistance was offered to the execution of the sentence, and no commotion followed it. He was the only Tlascalan who ever swerved from his loyalty to the Spaniards.

According to the plan of operations settled by Cortés, Sandoval, with his division, was to take a southern direction, while Alvarado and Olid would make the northern circuit of the lakes. These two cavaliers, after getting possession of Tacuba, were to advance to Chapoltepec and demolish the great aqueduct there, which supplied Mexico with water. On the tenth of May they commenced their march; but at Acolman, where they halted for the night, a dispute arose between the soldiers of the two divisions, respecting their quarters. From words they came to blows, and a defiance was even exchanged between the leaders, who entered into the angry feelings of their followers.[414] Intelligence of this was soon communicated to Cortés, who sent at once to the fiery chiefs, imploring them, by their regard for him and the common cause, to lay aside their differences, which must end in their own ruin and that of the expedition. His remonstrance prevailed, at least, so far as to establish a show of reconciliation between the parties. But Olid was not a man to forget, or easily to forgive; and Alvarado, though frank and liberal, had an impatient temper much more easily excited than appeased. They were never afterwards friends.[415]

The Spaniards met with no opposition on their march. The principal towns were all abandoned by the inhabitants, who had gone to strengthen the garrison of Mexico, or taken refuge with their families among the mountains. Tacuba was in like manner deserted, and the troops once more established themselves in their old quarters in the lordly city of the Tepanecs.[416]

Their first undertaking was to cut off the pipes that conducted the water from the royal streams of Chapoltepec to feed the numerous tanks and fountains which sparkled in the court-yards of the capital. The aqueduct, partly constructed of brickwork and partly of stone and mortar, was raised on a strong though narrow dike, which transported it across an arm of the lake; and the whole work was one of the most pleasing monuments of Mexican civilization. The Indians, well aware of its importance, had stationed a large body of troops for its protection. A battle followed, in which both sides suffered considerably, but the Spaniards were victorious. A part of the aqueduct was demolished, and during the siege no water found its way again to the capital through this channel.

On the following day the combined forces descended on the fatal causeway, to make themselves masters, if possible, of the nearest bridge. They found the dike covered with a swarm of warriors, as numerous as on the night of their disaster, while the surface of the lake was dark with the multitude of canoes. The intrepid Christians strove to advance under a perfect hurricane of missiles from the water and the land, but they made slow progress. Barricades thrown across the causeway embarrassed the cavalry and rendered it nearly useless. The sides of the Indian boats were fortified with bulwarks, which shielded the crews from the arquebuses and cross-bows; and, when the warriors on the dike were hard pushed by the pikemen, they threw themselves fearlessly into the water, as if it were their native element, and, reappearing along the sides of the dike, shot off their arrows and javelins with fatal execution. After a long and obstinate struggle, the Christians were compelled to fall back on their own quarters with disgrace, and--including the allies--with nearly as much damage as they had inflicted on the enemy. Olid, disgusted with the result of the engagement, inveighed against his companion as having involved them in it by his wanton temerity, and drew off his forces the next morning to his own station at Cojohuacan.

The camps, separated by only two leagues, maintained an easy communication with each other. They found abundant employment in foraging the neighboring country for provisions, and in repelling the

## active sallies of the enemy; on whom they took their revenge by cutting

off his supplies. But their own position was precarious, and they looked with impatience for the arrival of the brigantines under Cortés. It was in the latter part of May that Olid took up his quarters at Cojohuacan; and from that time may be dated the commencement of the siege of Mexico.[417]

FOOTNOTES:

[1] “Y mucho os ruego, pues á todos os es notorio todo esto, que assí como hasta aquí á mí me habeis tenido, y obedecido por Señor vuestro, de aquí adelante tengais, y obedescais á este Gran Rey, pues él es vuestro natural Señor, y en su lugar tengais á este su Capitan: y todos los Tributos, y Servicios, que fasta aquí á mí me haciades, los haced, y dad á él, porque yo assimismo tengo de contribuir, y servir con todo lo que me mandaré.” Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 97.

[2] “Lo qual todo les dijo llorando, con las mayores lágrimas, y suspiros, que un hombre podia manifestar; é assimismo todos aquellos Señores, que le estaban oiendo, lloraban tanto, que en gran rato no le pudiéron responder.” Ibid., loc. cit.

[3] Solís regards this ceremony as supplying what was before defective in the title of the Spaniards to the country. The remarks are curious, even from a professed casuist: “Y siendo una como insinuacion misteriosa del título que se debió despues al derecho de las armas, sobre justa provocacion, como lo verémos en su lugar: circunstancia particular, que concurrió en la conquista de Méjico para mayor justificacion de aquel dominio, sobre las demas consideraciones generales que no solo hiciéron lícita la guerra en otras partes, sino legítima y razonable siempre que se puso en términos de medio necesario para la introduccion del Evangelio.” Conquista, lib. 4, cap. 3.

[4] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 101.--Solís, Conquista, loc. cit.--Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 9, cap. 4.--Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 87.--Oviedo considers the grief of Montezuma as sufficient proof that his homage, far from being voluntary, was extorted by necessity. The historian appears to have seen the drift of events more clearly than some of the actors in them. “Y en la verdad si como Cortés lo dice, ó escrivió, passó en efecto, mui gran cosa me parece la conciencia y liberalidad de Montezuma en esta su restitucion é obediencia al Rey de Castilla, por la simple ó cautelosa informacion de Cortés, que le podia hacer para ello; Mas aquellas lágrimas con que dice, que Montezuma hizo su oracion, é amonestamiento, despojándose de su señorío, é las de aquellos con que les respondiéron aceptando lo que les mandaba, y exortaba, y á mi parecer su llanto queria decir, ó enseñar otra cosa de lo que él, y ellos dixéron; porque las obediencias que se suelen dar á los Príncipes con riza, é con cámaras; é diversidad de Música, é leticia, enseñales de placer, se suele hacer; é no con lucto ni lágrimas, é sollozos, ni estando preso quien obedece; porque como dice Marco Varron: Lo que por fuerza se da no es servicio sino robo.” Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 9.

[5] Gomara, Crónica, cap. 92.--Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, tom. ii. p. 256.

[6] “Pareceria que ellos comenzaban á servir, y Vuestra Alteza tendria mas concepto de las voluntades, que á su servicio mostraban.” Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 98.

[7] Peter Martyr, distrusting some extravagance in this statement of Cortés, found it fully confirmed by the testimony of others. “Referunt non credenda. Credenda tamen, quando vir talis ad Cæsarem et nostri collegii Indici senatores audeat exscribere. Addes insuper se multa prætermittere, ne tanta recensendo sit molestus. _Idem affirmant qui ad nos inde regrediuntur._” De Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 3.

[8] “Las quales, demas de su valor, eran tales, y tan maravillosas, que consideradas por su novedad, y estrañeza, no tenian precio, ni es de creer, que alguno de todos los Príncipes del Mundo de quien se tiene noticia, las pudiesse tener tales, y de tal calidad.” Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 99.--See, also, Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 9.--Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 104.

[9] “Dezilde en vuestros anales y cartas: Esto os embia vuestro buen vassallo Monteçuma.” Bernal Diaz, ubi supra.

[10]

“Fluctibus auri Expleri calor ille nequit.” CLAUDIAN, In Ruf., lib. 1.

[11] “Y quando aquello le oyó Cortés, y todos nosotros, estuvímos espantados de la gran bondad, y liberalidad del gran Monteçuma, y con mucho acato le quitámos todos las gorras de armas, y le dixímos, que se lo teniamos en merced, y con palabras de mucho amor,” etc. Bernal Diaz, ubi supra.

[12] Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 99.--This estimate of the royal fifth is confirmed (with the exception of the four hundred ounces) by the affidavits of a number of witnesses cited on behalf of Cortés to show the amount of the treasure. Among these witnesses we find some of the most respectable names in the army, as Olid, Ordaz, Avila, the priests Olmedo and Diaz,--the last, it may be added, not too friendly to the general. The instrument, which is without date, is in the collection of Vargas Ponçe. Probanza fecha á pedimento de Juan de Lexalde, MS.

[13] “Eran tres montones _de oro_, y pesado huvo en ellos sobre _seis cientos mil pesos_, como adelante diré, sin la plata, é otras muchas riquezas.” Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 104.

[14] The quantity of silver taken from the American mines has exceeded that of gold in the ratio of forty-six to one. (Humboldt, Essai politique, tom. iii. p. 401.) The value of the latter metal, says Clemencin, which on the discovery of the New World was only eleven times greater than that of the former, has now come to be sixteen times. (Memorias de la Real Acad. de Hist. tom. vi. Ilust. 20.) This does not vary materially from Smith’s estimate made after the middle of the last century. (Wealth of Nations, book 1, chap. 11.) The difference would have been much more considerable, but for the greater demand for silver for objects of ornament and use.

[15] Dr. Robertson, preferring the authority, it seems, of Diaz, speaks of the value of the treasure as 600,000 _pesos_. (History of America, vol. ii. pp. 296, 298.) The value of the _peso_ is an ounce of silver, or dollar, which, making allowance for the depreciation of silver, represented, in the time of Cortés, nearly four times its value at the present day. But that of the _peso de oro_ was nearly three times that sum, or eleven dollars sixty-seven cents. (See _ante_, Book II. chap. 6, note 18.) Robertson makes his own estimate, so much reduced below that of his original, an argument for doubting the existence, in any great quantity, of either gold or silver in the country. In accounting for the scarcity of the former metal in this argument, he falls into an error in stating that gold was not one of the standards by which the value of other commodities in Mexico was estimated. Comp. _ante_, vol. i. p. 161.

[16] Many of them, indeed, could boast little or nothing in their coffers. Maximilian of Germany, and the more prudent Ferdinand of Spain, left scarcely enough to defray their funeral expenses. Even as late as the beginning of the next century we find Henry IV. of France embracing his minister, Sully, with rapture when he informed him that, by dint of great economy, he had 36,000,000 livres--about 1,500,000 pounds sterling--in his treasury. See Mémoires du Duc de Sully, tom. iii. liv. 27.

[17] “Por ser tan poco, muchos soldados huuo que no lo quisiéron recebir.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 105.

[18] “Palabras muy melifluas; ... razones mui bien dichas, que las sabia bien proponer.” Bernal Diaz, ubi supra.

[19] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 105, 106.--Gomara, Crónica, cap. 93.--Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 8, cap. 5.

[20] “Ex jureconsulto Cortesius theologus effectus,” says Martyr, in his pithy manner. De Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 4.

[21] According to Ixtlilxochitl, Montezuma got as far on the road to conversion as the _Credo_ and the _Ave Maria_, both of which he could repeat, but his baptism was postponed, and he died before receiving it. That he ever consented to receive it is highly improbable. I quote the historian’s words, in which he further notices the general’s unsuccessful labors among the Indians: “Cortés comenzó á-dar órden de la conversion de los Naturales, deciéndoles, que pues eran vasallos del Rey de España que se tornasen Cristianos como él lo era, y así se comenzáron á Bautizar algunos aunque fuéron muy pocos, y Motecuhzoma aunque pidió el Bautismo, y sabia algunas de las oraciones como eran el Ave María, y el Credo, se dilató por la Pasqua siguiente, que era la de Resurreccion, y fué tan desdichado que nunca alcanzó tanto bien, y los Nuestros con la dilacion y aprieto en que se viéron, se descuidáron, de que pesó á todos mucho muriese sin Bautismo.” Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 87.

[22] “O Malinche, y como nos quereis echar á perder á toda esta ciudad, porque estarán mui enojados nuestros Dioses contra nosotros, y aun vuestras vidas no sé en que pararán.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 107.

[23] This transaction is told with more discrepancy than usual by the different writers. Cortés assures the emperor that he occupied the temple, and turned out the false gods by force, in spite of the menaces of the Mexicans. (Rel. Seg., ap. Lorenzana, p. 106.) The improbability of this Quixotic feat startles Oviedo, who nevertheless reports it. (Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 10.) It looks, indeed, very much as if the general was somewhat too eager to set off his militant zeal to advantage in the eyes of his master. The statements of Diaz, and of other chroniclers, conformably to that in the text, seem far the most probable. Comp. Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, ubi supra,--Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 8, cap. 6,--Argensola, Anales, lib. 1, cap. 88.{*}

{*} [According to Andrés de Tapia, an eyewitness whose account was not accessible to Prescott, Cortés did use violence in occupying the temple and turning out the false gods. Two chapels, those of Huitzilopochtli and Tezcatlipopoca, were set apart for the use of the Christians. The fact that the image of the first god was found in this chapel during the later siege is easily accounted for. It had been restored to its old position when the invaders were forced to leave the city.--M.]

[24] “Para mí yo tengo por marabilla, é grande, la mucha paciencia de Montezuma, y de los Indios principales, que assí viéron tratar sus Templos, é Idolos: Mas su disimulacion adelante se mostró ser otra cosa viendo, que vna Gente Extrangera, é de tan poco número, les prendió su Señor é porque formas los hacia tributarios, é se castigaban é quemaban los principales, é se aniquilaban y disipaban sus templos, é hasta en aquellos y sus antecesores estaban. Recia cosa me parece soportarla con tanta quietud; pero adelante, como lo dirá la Historia, mostró el tiempo lo que en el pecho estaba oculto en todos los Indios generalmente.” Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 10.

[25] According to Herrera, it was the Devil himself who communicated this to Montezuma, and he reports the substance of the dialogue between the parties. (Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 9, cap. 6.) Indeed, the apparition of Satan in his own bodily presence, on this occasion, is stoutly maintained by most historians of the time. Oviedo, a man of enlarged ideas on most subjects, speaks with a little more qualification on this: “Porque la Misa y Evangelio, que predicaban y decian los christianos, le [al Diablo] daban gran tormento; y débese pensar, si verdad es, que esas gentes tienen tanta conversacion y comunicacion con nuestro adversario, _como se tiene por cierto en estas Indias_, que no le podia á nuestro enemigo placer con los misterios y sacramentos de la sagrada religion christiana.” Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 47.

[26] “E Cortés proveió de maestros é personas que entendiesen en la labor de los Navíos, é dixo despues á los Españoles desta manera: Señores y hermanos, este Señor Montezuma quiere que nos vamos de la tierra, y conviene que se hagan Navíos. Id con estos Indios é córtese la madera; é entretanto Dios nos proveherá de gente é socorro; por tanto, poned tal dilacion que parezca que haceis algo y se haga con ella lo quo nos conviene; é siempre me escrivid é avisad que tales estáis en la Montaña, é que no sientan los Indios nuestra disimulacion. E así se puso por obra.” (Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 47.) So, also, Gomara. (Crónica, cap. 95.) Diaz denies any such secret orders, alleging that Martin Lopez, the principal builder, assured him they made all the expedition possible in getting three ships on the stocks. Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 108.

[27] “I may say without vaunting,” observes our stout-hearted old chronicler, Bernal Diaz, “that I was so accustomed to this way of life, that since the conquest of the country I have never been able to lie down undressed, or in a bed; yet I sleep as sound as if I were on the softest down. Even when I make the rounds of my _encomienda_, I never take a bed with me, unless, indeed, I go in the company of other cavaliers, who might impute this to parsimony. But even then I throw myself on it with my clothes on. Another thing I must add, that I cannot sleep long in the night without getting up to look at the heavens and the stars, and stay awhile in the open air, and this without a bonnet or covering of any sort on my head. And, thanks to God, I have received no harm from it. I mention these things, that the world may understand of what stuff we, the true Conquerors, were made, and how well drilled we were to arms and watching.” Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 108.

[28] In the collection of MSS. made by Don Vargas Ponce, former President of the Academy of History, is a Memorial of this same Benito Martin to the emperor, setting forth the services of Velasquez and the ingratitude and revolt of Cortés and his followers. The paper is without date; written after the arrival of the envoys, probably at the close of 1519 or the beginning of the following year.

[29] Sandoval, indeed, gives a singular reason,--that of being near the coast, so as to enable Chièvres and the other Flemish blood-suckers to escape suddenly, if need were, with their ill-gotten treasures, from the country. Hist. de Cárlos Quinto, tom. i. p. 203, ed. Pamplona, 1634.

[30] See the letter of Peter Martyr to his noble friend and pupil, the Marquis de Mondejar, written two months after the arrival of the vessel from Vera Cruz. Opus Epist., ep. 650.

[31] Zuñiga, Anales eclesiásticos y seculares de Sevilla (Madrid, 1677), fol. 414.--Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 5, cap. 14; lib. 9, cap. 17, et alibi.

[32] Velasquez, it appears, had sent home an account of the doings of Cortés and of the vessel which touched with the treasures at Cuba, as early as October, 1519. Carta de Velasquez al Lic. Figueroa, MS., Nov. 17, 1519.

[33] “With loud music from clarions and flutes, and with great demonstration of joy, they weighed anchor and unfurled their sails to the wind, leaving unhappy Spain oppressed with sorrows and misfortunes.” Sandoval, Hist. de Cárlos Quinto, tom. i. p. 219.

[34] The instrument was dated at Barcelona, Nov. 13, 1518. Cortés left St. Jago the 18th of the same month. Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 3, cap. 11.

[35] Gomara (Crónica, cap. 96) and Robertson (History of America, vol. ii. p. 304, 466) consider that the new dignity of _adelantado_ stimulated the governor to this enterprise. By a letter of his own writing in the Muñoz collection, it appears he had begun operations some months previous to his receiving notice of his appointment. Carta de Velasquez al Señor de Xêvres, Isla Fernandina, MS., Octubre 12, 1519.

[36] Carta de Velasquez al Lic. Figueroa, MS., Nov. 17, 1519.

[37] The person of Narvaez is thus whimsically described by Diaz: “He was tall, stout-limbed, with a large head and red beard, an agreeable presence, a voice deep and sonorous, as if it rose from a cavern. He was a good horseman and valiant.” Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 205.

[38] The danger of such a result is particularly urged in a memorandum of the licentiate Ayllon. Carta al Emperador Guaniguanico, Marzo 4, 1520, MS.

[39] Processo y Pesquiza hecha por la Real Audiencia de la Española, Santo Domingo, Diciembre 24, 1519, MS.

[40] Parecer del Lic. Ayllon al Adelantado Diego Velasquez, Isla Fernandina, 1520, MS.

[41] Relacion del Lic. Ayllon, Santo Domingo, 30 de Agosto, 1520, MS.--Processo y Pesquiza por la Real Audiencia, MS.--According to Diaz, the ordnance amounted to twenty cannon. Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 109.

[42] The great fleet under Ovando, 1501, in which Cortés had intended to embark for the New World. Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 1, lib. 4, cap. 11.

[43] “De allí seguímos el viage por toda la costa de la Isla de Yucatan.” Relacion del Lic. Ayllon, MS.

[44] “La cual tierra sabe é ha visto este testigo, que el dicho Hernando Cortés tiene pacífica, é le sirven é obedecen todos los Indios; é que cree este testigo que lo hacen por cabsa que el dicho Hernando Cortés tiene preso á un Cacique que dicen Montesuma, que es Señor de lo mas de la tierra, á lo que este testigo alcanza, al cual los Indios obedecen, é facen lo que les manda, é los Cristianos andan por toda esta tierra seguros, é un solo Cristiano la ha atravesado toda sin temor.” Processo y Pesquiza hecha por la Real Audiencia de la Española, MS.

[45] Relacion del Lic. Ayllon, MS.--Demanda de Zavallos en nombre de Narvaez, MS.

[46] This report is to be found among the MSS. of Vargas Ponçe, in the archives of the Royal Academy of History. It embraces a hundred and ten folio pages, and is entitled “El Processo y Pesquiza hecha por la Real Audiencia de la Española é tierra nuevamente descubierta. Para el Consejo de su Majestad.”

[47] “E iban espantados de que veian tātas ciudades y pueblos grandes, que les traian de comer, y vnos los dexavan, y otros los tomavan, y andar por su camino. Dizē que iban pensando si era en cantamiento, ó sueño.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 111.--Demanda de Zavallos, MS.

[48] “Ya auia tres dias que lo sabia el Monteçuma, y Cortés no sabia cosa ninguna.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 110.

[49] Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 47.--Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 117-120.

[50] “Our commander said so many kind things to them,” says Diaz, “and _anointed their fingers_ so plentifully with gold, that, though they came like roaring lions, they went home perfectly tame!” Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 111.

[51] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 112.

[52] Ibid., cap. 111.--Oviedo says that Montezuma called a council of his nobles, in which it was decided to let the troops of Narvaez into the capital, and then to crush them at one blow, with those of Cortés! (Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33. cap. 47.) Considering the awe in which the latter alone were held by the Mexicans, a more improbable tale could not be devised. But nothing is too improbable for history,--though, according to Boileau’s Maxim, it may be for fiction.

[53] In the Mexican edition of the letters of Cortés, it is called five hundred men. (Rel. Seg., ap. Lorenzana, p. 122.) But this was more than his whole Spanish force. In Ramusio’s version of the same letter, printed as early as 1565, the number is stated as in the text. (Navigationi et Viaggi, fol. 244.) In an instrument without date, containing the affidavits of certain witnesses as to the management of the royal fifth by Cortés, it is said there were one hundred and fifty soldiers left in the capital under Alvarado. (Probanza fecha en la nueva España del mar océano á pedimento de Juan Ochoa de Lexalde, en nombre de Hernando Cortés, MS.) The account in the Mexican edition is unquestionably an error.

[54] Carta de la Villa de Vera Cruz á el Emperador, MS. This letter without date was probably written in 1520.--See, also, for the preceding pages, Probanza fecha á pedimento de Juan Ochoa, MS.,--Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 9, cap. 1, 21; lib. 10, cap. 1,--Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 119, 120,--Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 112-115,--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 47.

[55] So says Oviedo,--and with truth: “Si aquel capitan Juan Velasquez de Leon no estubiera mal con su pariente Diego Velasquez, é se pasara con los 150 Hombres, que havia llevado á Guaçacalco, á la parte de Pánfilo de Narvaez su cuñado, acabado oviera Cortés su oficio.” Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 12.

[56] Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 123, 124.--Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 115-117.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 12.

[57] But, although irresistible against cavalry, the long pike of the German proved no match for the short sword and buckler of the Spaniard, in the great battle of Ravenna, fought a few years before this, 1512. Machiavelli makes some excellent reflections on the comparative merit of these arms. Arte della Guerra, lib. 2, ap. Opere, tom. iv. p. 67.

[58] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 118.--“Tambien quiero dezir la gran necessidad que teniamos de armas, que por vn peto, ó capacete, ó casco, ó babera de hierro, dieramos aquella noche quāto nos pidiera por ello, y todo quāto auiamos ganado.” Cap. 122.

[59] “Yo les respondí, que no via provision de Vuestra Alteza, por donde le debiesse entregar la Tierra; é que si alguna trahia, que la presentasse ante mí, y ante el Cabildo de la Vera Cruz, segun órden, y costumbre de España, y que yo estaba presto de la obedecer, y cumplir; y que hasta tanto, por ningun interese, ni partido haria lo que él decia; ántes yo, y los que conmigo estaban, moririamos en defensa de la Tierra, pues la habiamos ganado, y tenido por Vuestra Magestad pacífica, y segura, y por no ser Traydores y desleales á nuestro Rey.... Considerando, que morir en servicio de mi Rey, y por defender, y amparar sus Tierras, y no las dejar usurpar, á mí, y á los de mi Compañía se nos seguia farta gloria.” Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 125-127.

[60] Such are the natural reflections of Oviedo, speculating on the matter some years later. “E tambien que me parece donaire, ó no bastante la escusa que Cortés da para fundar é justificar su negocio, ques es decir, que el Narvaez presentase las provisiones que llevaba de S. M. Como si el dicho Cortés oviera ido á aquella tierra por mandado de S. M. ó con mas, ni tanta autoridad como llebaba Narvaez; pues que es claro é notorio, que el Adelantado Diego Velasquez, que embió á Cortés, era parte, segun derecho, para le embiar á remover, y el Cortés obligado á le obedecer. No quiero decir mas en esto por no ser odioso á ninguna de las partes.” Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 12.

[61] More than one example of this _ruse_ is mentioned by Mariana in Spanish history, though the precise passages have escaped my memory.

[62] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 119.

[63] “E assimismo mandaba, y mandé por el dicho Mandamiento á todas las Personas, que con el dicho Narvaez estaban, que no tubiessen, ni obedeciessen al dicho Narvaez por tal Capitan, ni Justicia; ántes, dentro de cierto término, que en el dicho Mandamiento señalé, pareciessen ante mí, para que yo les dijesse, lo que debian hacer en servicio de Vuestra Alteza: con protestacion, que lo contrario haciendo, procederia contra ellos, como contra Traydores, y aleves, y malos Vasallos, que se rebelaban contra su Rey, y quieren usurpar sus Tierras, y Señoríos.” Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 127.

[64] “Y aun llouia de rato en rato, y entonces salia la Luna, que quādo allí llegámos hazia muy escuro, y llouia, y tambien la escuridad ayudó.” Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 122.

[65] The attorney of Narvaez, in his complaint before the crown, expatiates on the diabolical enormity of these instructions. “El dho Fernando Corttés como traidor aleboso, sin apercibir al dho mi partte, con un diabólico pensamᵗᵒ é infernal osadía, en contemtto é menosprecio de V. M. ó de sus provisiones R.ˢ, no mirando ni asattando la lealtad qᵉ debia á V. M., el dho Corttés dió un Mandamientto al dho Gonzalo de Sandobal para que prendiese al dho Pánfilo de Narvaez, é si se defendiese qᵉ lo mattase.” Demanda de Zavallos en nombre de Narvaez, MS.

[66] Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib 33, cap. 12, 47.--Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 122.--Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 1.

[67] “Que hazeis, que estais mui descuidado? pensais que Malinche, y los Teules que trae cōsigo, que son assí como vosotros? Pues yo os digo, que quādo no os cataredes, será aquí, y os matará.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 121.

[68] Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 128.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 47.--Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 2, 3.

[69] “Ya que se acercaban al Aposento de Narvaez, Cortés, que andaba reconociendo, i ordenando á todas partes, dixo á la Tropa de Sandoval: Señores, arrímaos á las dos aceras de la Calle, para que las balas del Artillería pasen por medio, sin hacer daño.” Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 3.

[70] Demanda de Zavallos en nombre de Narvaez, MS.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 47.

[71] “Como hazia tan escuro auia muchos cocayos (ansí los llaman en Cuba) que relumbrauan de noche, é los de Narvaez creyéron que era muchas de las escopetas.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 122.

[72] Narvaez, or rather his attorney, swells the amount of slain on his own side much higher. But it was his cue to magnify the mischief sustained by his employer. The collation of this account with those of Cortés and his followers affords the best means of approximation to the truth. “E allí le mattáron quince hombres qᵉ muriéron de las feridas qᵉ les diéron é les quemáron seis hombres del dho Incendio qᵉ despues pareciéron las cabezas de ellos quemadas, é pusiéron á sacomano todo quantto ttenian los que benian con el dho mi partte como si fueran Moros y al dho mi partte robáron é saqueáron todos sus vienes, oro, é Platta é Joyas.” Demanda de Zavallos en nombre de Narvaez, MS.

[73] “Entre ellos venia Andres de Duero, y Agustin Bermudez, y muchos amigos de nuestro Capitā, y assí como veniā, ivan á besar las manos á Cortés, [~q] estaua sentado en vna silla de caderas, con vna ropa larga de color como narājada, cō sus armas debaxo, acōpañado de nosotros. Pues ver la gracia con que les hablaua, y abraçaua, y las palabras de tātos cumplimiētos que les dezia, era cosa de ver que alegre estaua: y tenia mucha razon de verse en aquel pūto tan señor, y pujāte: y assí como le besauā la mano, se fuérō cada vno á su posada.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 122.

[74] Ibid., loc. cit.--“Dixose que como Narvaez vido á Cortés estando así preso le dixo: Señor Cortés, tened en mucho la ventura que habeis tenido, é lo mucho que habeis hecho en tener mi persona, ó en tomar mi persona. E que Cortés le respondió, é dixo: Lo menos que yo he hecho en esta tierra donde estais, es haberos prendido: é luego le hizo poner á buen recaudo é le tubo mucho tiempo preso.” Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 47.

[75] Oviedo says that military men discussed whether Velasquez de Leon should have obeyed the commands of Cortés rather than those of his kinsman, the governor of Cuba. They decided in favor of the former, on the ground of his holding his commission immediately from him. “Visto he platicar sobre esto á caballeros é personas militares sobre si este Juan Velasquez de Leon hizo lo que debia, en acudir ó no á Diego Velasquez, ó al Pánfilo en su nombre; E combienen los veteranos mílites, é á mi parecer determinan bien la question, en que si Juan Velasquez tubo conducta de capitan para que con aquella Gente que él le dió ó toviese en aquella tierra como capitan particular le acudiese á él ó á quien le mandase. Juan Velasquez faltó á lo que era obligado en no pasar á Pánfilo de Narvaez siendo requerido de Diego Velasquez, mas si le hizo capitan Hernando Cortés, é le dió él la Gente, á él havia de acudir, como acudió, excepto si viera carta, á mandamiento expreso del Rey en contrario.” Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 12.

[76] This ascendency the thoughtful Oviedo refers to his dazzling and liberal manners, so strongly contrasted with those of the governor of Cuba. “En lo demas valerosa persona ha seido, é para mucho; y este deseo de mandar juntamente con que fué mui bien partido é gratificador de los que le viniéron, fué mucha causa juntamente con ser mal quisto Diego Velasquez, para que Cortés se saliese con lo que emprendió, é se quedase en el oficio, é governacion.” Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 12.

[77] It was in a conversation with Oviedo himself, at Toledo, in 1525, in which Narvaez descanted with much bitterness, as was natural, on his rival’s conduct. The gossip, which has never appeared in print, may have some interest for the Spanish reader. “Que el año de 1525, estando Cesar en la cibdad de Toledo, ví allí al dicho Narvaez, é publicamente decia, que Cortés era vn traidor: E que dándole S. M. licencia se lo haria conocer de su persona á la suya, é que era hombre sin verdad, é otras muchas é feas palabras llamándole alevoso é tirano, é ingrato á su Señor, é á quien le havia embiado á la Nueva España, que era el Adelantado Diego Velasquez á su propia costa, é se le havia alzado con la tierra, é con la Gente é Hacienda, é otras muchas cosas que mal sonaban. Y en la manera de su prision la contaba mui al reves de lo que está dicho. Lo que yo noto de esto es, que con todo lo que oí á Narvaez, (como yo se lo dixe) no puedo hallarle desculpa para su descuido, porque ninguna necesidad tenia de andar con Cortés en pláticas, sino estar en vela mejor que la que hizo. E á esto decia él que le havian vendido aquellos de quien se fiaba, que Cortés le havia sobornado.” Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 12.

[78] Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 6.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 47.--Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 123.

[79] Diaz, who had often listened to it, thus notices his eloquence: “Comenzó vn parlamento por tan lindo estilo, y plática, tābiē dichas cierto otras palabras mas sabrosas, y llenas de ofertas, [~q] yo aquí no sabré escriuir.” Ibid., cap. 122.

[80] Captain Diaz had secured for his share of the spoil of the Philistines, as he tells us, a very good horse with all his accoutrements, a brace of swords, three daggers, and a buckler,--a very beautiful outfit for the campaign. The general’s orders were, naturally enough, not at all to his taste. Ibid., cap. 124.

[81] Narvaez alleges that Cortés plundered him of property to the value of 100,000 castellanos of gold! (Demanda de Zavallos en nombre de Narvaez, MS.) If so, the pillage of the leader may have supplied the means of liberality to the privates.

[82] Demanda de Zavallos en nombre de Narvaez, MS.--Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 124.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 47.--Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 130.--Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS.--The visit of Narvaez left melancholy traces among the natives, that made it long remembered. A negro in his suite brought with him the smallpox. The disease spread rapidly in that quarter of the country, and great numbers of the Indian population soon fell victims to it. Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 6.

[83] “Se perdia la mejor, y mas Noble Ciudad de todo lo nuevamente descubierto del Mundo; y ella perdida, se perdia todo lo que estaba ganado, por ser la Cabeza de todo, y á quien todos obedecian.” Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 131.

[84] Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 131.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 13, 14.--Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 124, 125.--Peter Martyr, De Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 5.--Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS.

[85] Gomara, Crónica, cap. 103.--Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 7.--Bernal Diaz raises the amount to 1300 foot and 96 horse. (Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 125.) Cortes diminishes it to less than half that number. (Rel. Seg., ubi supra.) The estimate cited in the text from the two preceding authorities corresponds nearly enough with that already given from official documents of the forces of Cortés and Narvaez before the junction.

[86] “Las sierras altas de Tetzcuco á que le mostrasen desde la mas alta cumbre de aquellas montañas y sierras de Tetzcuco, que son las sierras de Tlallocan altísimas y humbrosas, en las cuales he estado y visto, y puedo decir que son bastante para descubrir el un emisferio y otro, porque son los mayores puertos y mas altos de esta Nueva España, de árboles y montes de grandísima altura, de cedras, cipreses y pinares.” Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS.

[87] The historian partly explains the reason: “En la misma Ciudad de Tezcuco habia algunos apasionados de los deudos y amigos de los que matáron Pedro de Alvarado y sus compañeros en México.” Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 88.

[88] “En todo el camino nunca me salió á recibir ninguna Persona de el dicho Muteczuma, como ántes lo solian facer; y toda la Tierra estaba alborotada, y casi despoblada: de que concebí mala sospecha, creyendo que los Españoles que en la dicha Ciudad habian quedado, eran muertos.” Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 132.

[89] “Y como asomó á la vista de la Ciudad de México, parecióle que estaba toda yerma, y que no parecia persona por todos los caminos, ni casas, ni plazas, ni nadie le salió á recibir, ni de los suyos, ni de los enemigos; y fué esto señal de indignación y enemistad por lo que habia pasado.” Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 19.

[90] “Pontes ligneos qui tractim lapideos intersecant, sublatos, ac vias aggeribus munitas reperit.” P. Martyr, De Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 5.

[91] Probanza á pedimento de Juan de Lexalde, MS.--Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 133.--“Esto causó gran admiracion en todos los que venian, pero no dejáron de marchar, hasta entrar donde estaban los Españoles acorralados. Venian todos muy cansados y muy fatigados y con mucho deseo de llegar á donde estaban sus hermanos; los de dentro cuando los viéron, recibiéron singular consolacion y esfuerzo y recibiéronlos con la artillería que tenian, saludándolos, y dándolos el parabien de su venida.” Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 22.

[92] “E así los Indios, todos Señores, mas de 600 desnudos é con muchas joyas de oro é hermosos penachos, é muchas piedras preciosas, é como mas aderezados é gentiles hombres se pudiéron é supiéron aderezar, é sin arma alguna defensiva ni ofensiva bailaban é cantaban é hacian su areito é fiesta segun su costumbre.” (Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 54.) Some writers carry the number as high as eight hundred or even one thousand. Las Casas, with a more modest exaggeration than usual, swells it only to two thousand. Brevíssima Relatione, p. 48.

[93] “Sin duelo ni piedad Christiana los acuchilló, i mató.” Gomara, Crónica, cap. 104.

[94] “Fué tan grande el derramamiento de Sangre, que corrian arroyos de ella por el Patio, como agua cuando mucho llueve.” Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 20.

[95] [In the process instituted against Alvarado this massacre forms one of the most important charges. He is there accused of having killed four hundred of the principal nobles and a great number of the common people, of whom more than three thousand, it is stated, were assembled to celebrate the festival in honor of their war-god. “Ynbio al patyo donde todos baylaban y syn cabsa ni razon alguna dieron sobrellos y mataron todos los mas de los señores que estavan presos con el dicho Motenzuma y mataron cuatro cientos señores e prencipales que con el estavan e mataron mucho numero de yndios que estavan baylando en mas cantydad de tres mill personas.” (Procesos de Residencia, instruidos contra Pedro de Alvarado y Nuño de Guzman, p. 53.) The public are under great obligations to the licentiate Don Ignacio Rayon for bringing into light this important document, which for more than three centuries had lain hid in the General Archives of Mexico. We have hardly less reason to thank him for placing the manuscript in the hands of so competent a scholar as Don José Fernando Ramirez, to enrich it with the stores of his critical erudition. The publication of the process did not take place till some years after that of my own history of the Conquest of Mexico. But, as it contains a minute specification of the various charges against Alvarado, and his own defence, it furnishes me with the means of correcting any errors into which I have fallen in reference to that commander, while it corroborates, I may add, the general tenor of the statements I have derived from contemporary chroniclers.]

[96] “Y de aquí á que se acabe el mundo, ó ellos del todo se acaben, no dexarán de lamentar, y cantar en sus areytos, y bayles, como en romances, que acá dezimos, aquella calamidad, y perdida de la sucession de toda su nobleza, de que se preciauan de tantos años atras.” Las Casas, Brevíssima Relatione, p. 49.

[97] See Alvarado’s reply to queries of Cortés, as reported by Diaz (Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 125), with some additional particulars in Torquemada (Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 66), Solís (Conquista, lib. 4, cap. 12), and Herrera (Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 8) who all seem content to endorse Alvarado’s version of the matter. I find no other authority, of any weight, in the same charitable vein.

[98] Oviedo mentions a conversation which he had some years after this tragedy with a noble Spaniard, Don Thoan Cano, who came over in the train of Narvaez and was present at all the subsequent operations of the army. He married a daughter of Montezuma, and settled in Mexico after the Conquest. Oviedo describes him as a man of sense and integrity. In answer to the historian’s queries respecting the cause of the rising, he said that Alvarado had wantonly perpetrated the massacre from pure avarice; and the Aztecs, enraged at such unprovoked and unmerited cruelty, rose, as they well might, to avenge it. (Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 54.) See the original dialogue in Appendix, Part 2, No. 11.

[99] “Verdaderamente dió en ellos por metelles temor.” Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 125.

[100] Such, indeed, is the statement of Ixtlilxochitl, derived, as he says, from the native Tezcucan annalists. According to them, the Tlascalans, urged by their hatred of the Aztecs and their thirst for plunder, persuaded Alvarado, nothing loth, that the nobles meditated a rising on the occasion of these festivities. The testimony is important, and I give it in the author’s words: “Fué que ciertos Tlascaltecas (segun las Historias de Tescuco que son las que Io sigo y la carta que otras veces he referido) por embidia lo uno acordándose que en semejante fiesta los Mexicanos solian sacrificar gran suma de cautivos de los de la Nacion Tlascalteca, y lo otro que era la mejor ocasion que ellos podian tener para poder hinchir las manos de despojos y hartar su codicia, y vengarse de sus Enemigos (porque hasta entonces no habian tenido lugar, ni Cortés se les diera, ni admitiera sus dichos, porque siempre hacia las cosas con mucho acuerdo) fuéron con esta invencion al capitan Pedro de Albarado, que estaba en lugar de Cortés, el qual no fué menester mucho para darles crédito porque tan buenos filos, y pensamientos tenia como ellos, y mas viendo que allí en aquella fiesta habian acudido todos los Señores y Cabezas del Imperio y que muertos no tenian mucho trabajo en sojuzgarles.” Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 88.

[101] Alvarado intimates, in the defence of his conduct which forms part of the process, one source of the rumors respecting the rising of the Aztecs, by saying that the existence of such a scheme was matter of public notoriety among the Tlascalans. He adds that he obtained more precise intelligence from two or three Indians, one a Tezcucan, another a slave whom he had rescued from the sacrifice to which he had been doomed by the Aztecs; that these latter, under cover of the festivities, had planned an insurrection against the Spaniards, in which he and his countrymen were all to be exterminated. At the same time they determined to tear down the image of the Virgin which had been raised in the temple, and in its place to substitute that of their war-god, Huitzilopochtli. Montezuma was accused of being privy to this conspiracy. Thus instructed, Alvarado, as he asserts, got his men in readiness to resist the enemy, who, after a short encounter, was repulsed with slaughter, while one Spaniard was slain, and he himself, with several others, severely wounded (Proceso, pp. 66, 67). But although a long array of witnesses, most of them probably his ancient friends and comrades, are introduced to endorse his statement, one who reflects on the submissive spirit hitherto shown, not only by Montezuma, but his subjects, in their dealings with the Spaniards, and contrasts it with the fierce and unscrupulous temper displayed by Alvarado, will have little doubt on whose head the guilt of the massacre must rest; and as little seems to have been felt by most of the writers of the time who have spoken of the affair.

[102] Martyr well recapitulates these grievances, showing that they seemed such in the eyes of the Spaniards themselves,--of those, at least, whose judgment was not warped by a share in the transactions. “Emori statuerunt malle, quam diutius ferre tales hospites qui regem suum sub tutoris vitæ specie detineant, civitatem occupent, antiquos hostes Tascaltecanos et alios præterea in contumeliam ante illorum oculos ipsorum impensa conseruent; ... qui demum simulachra deorum confregerint, et ritus veteres ac ceremonias antiquas illis abstulerint.” De Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 5.

[103] Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 13, 47.--Gomara, Crónica, cap. 105.

[104] He left in garrison, on his departure from Mexico, 140 Spaniards and about 6500 Tlascalans, including a few Cempoallan warriors. Supposing five hundred of these--a liberal allowance--to have perished in battle and otherwise, it would still leave a number which, with the reinforcement now brought, would raise the amount to that stated in the text.

[105] “Seeing how all went contrary to his expectations and that we still received no supplies, he grew extremely sad, and showed himself in his bearing towards the Spaniards fretful and haughty.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 126.

[106] The scene is reported by Diaz, who was present. (Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 126.) See, also, the Chronicle of Gomara, the chaplain of Cortés. (Cap. 106.) It is further confirmed by Don Thoan Cano, an eye-witness, in his conversation with Oviedo. See Appendix, Part 2, No. 11.

[107] Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 8.

[108] “El qual Mensajero bolvió dende á media hora todo descalabrado, y herido, dando voces, que todos los Indios de la Ciudad venian de Guerra y que tenian todas las Puentes alzadas; é junto tras él da sobre nosotros tanta multitud de Gente por todas partes que ni las calles ni Azoteas se parecian con Gente; la qual venia con los mayores alaridos, y grita mas espantable, que en el Mundo se puede pensar.” Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 134.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 13.

[109] “Eran tantas las Piedras, que nos echaban con Hondas dentro en la Fortaleza, que no parecia sino que el Cielo las llovia; é las Flechas, y Tiraderas eran tantas, que todas las paredes y Patios estaban llenos, que casi no podiamos andar con ellas.” (Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 134.) No wonder that they should have found some difficulty in wading through the arrows, if Herrera’s account be correct, that _forty cart-loads_ of them were gathered up and burnt by the besieged every day! Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 9.

[110] “Luego sin tardanza se juntáron los Mexicanos, en gran copia, puestos á punto de Guerra, que no parecia, sino que habian salido debajo de tierra todos juntos, y comenzáron luego á dar grita y pelear, y los Españoles les comenzáron á responder de dentro con toda la artillería que de nuebo habian traido, y con toda la gente que de nuevo habia venido, y los Españoles hiciéron gran destrozo en los Indios, con la artillería, arcabuzes, y ballestas y todo el otro artificio de pelear.” (Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 22.) The good father waxes eloquent in his description of the battle-scene.

[111] The enemy presented so easy a mark, says Gomara, that the gunners loaded and fired with hardly the trouble of pointing their pieces. “Tan recio, que los artilleros sin asestar jugaban con los tiros.” Crónica, cap. 106.

[112] “Hondas, que eran la mas fuerte arma de pelea que los Mejicanos tenian.” Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS.

[113] “En la Fortaleza daban tan recio combate, que por muchas partes nos pusiéron fuego, y por la una se quemó mucha parte de ella, sin la poder remediar, hasta que la atajámos, cortando las paredes, y derrocando un pedazo que mató el fuego. E si no fuera por la mucha Guarda, que allí puse de Escopeteros, y Ballesteros, y otros tiros de pólvora, nos entraran á escala vista, sin los poder resistir.” Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 134.

[114] Ibid., ubi supra.--Gomara, Crónica, cap. 106.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 13.--Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 22.--Gonzalo de las Casas, Defensa, MS., Parte 1, cap. 26.--Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 126.

[115] Carta del Exército, MS.

[116] “Están todas en el agua, y de casa á casa vna puente leuadiza, passalla á nado, era cosa muy peligrosa; porque desde las açuteas tirauan tanta piedra, y cantos, que era cosa perdida ponernos en ello. Y demas desto, en algunas casas que les poniamos fuego, tardaua vna casa en se quemar vn dia entero, y no se podia pegar fuego de vna casa á otra; lo vno, por estar apartadas la vna de otra el agua en medio; y lo otro, por ser de açuteas.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 126.

[117] “The Mexicans fought with such ferocity,” says Diaz, “that, if we had had the assistance on that day of ten thousand Hectors, and as many Orlandos, we should have made no impression on them. There were several of our troops,” he adds, “who had served in the Italian wars, but neither there nor in the battles with the Turk had they ever seen anything like the desperation shown by these Indians.” Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 126. See, also, for the last pages, Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 135,--Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, MS.,--Probanza á pedimento de Juan de Lexalde, MS.,--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 13,--Gomara, Crónica, cap. 196.

[118] Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 9.--Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 69.

[119] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 126.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 13.--Gomara, Crónica, cap. 107.

[120] Cortés sent Marina to ascertain from Montezuma the name of the gallant chief, who could be easily seen from the walls animating and directing his countrymen. The emperor informed him that it was his brother Cuitlahua, the presumptive heir to his crown, and the same chief whom the Spanish commander had released a few days previous. Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 10.

[121] “¿Que quiere de mí ya Malinche, que yo no deseo viuir ni oille? pues en tal estado por su causa mi ventura me ha traido.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 126.

[122] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, ubi supra.--Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 88.

[123] Acosta reports a tradition that Guatemozin, Montezuma’s nephew, who himself afterwards succeeded to the throne, was the man that shot the first arrow. Lib. 7, cap. 26.

[124] I have reported this tragical event, and the circumstances attending it, as they are given, in more or less detail, but substantially in the same way, by the most accredited writers of that and the following age,--several of them eye-witnesses. (See Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 126.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 47.--Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 136.--Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS.--Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 88.--Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 10.--Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 70.--Acosta, ubi supra.--Martyr, De Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 5.) It is also confirmed by Cortés in the instrument granting to Montezuma’s favorite daughter certain estates by way of dowry. (See Appendix, No. 12.) Don Thoan Cano, indeed, who married this princess, assured Oviedo that the Mexicans respected the person of the monarch so long as they saw him, and were not aware, when they discharged their missiles, that he was present, being hid from sight by the shields of the Spaniards. (See Appendix, No. 11.) This improbable statement is repeated by the Chaplain Gomara. (Crónica, cap. 107.) It is rejected by Oviedo, however, who says that Alvarado, himself present at the scene, in a conversation with him afterwards, explicitly confirmed the narrative given in the text. (Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 47.) The Mexicans gave a very different account of the transaction. According to them, Montezuma, together with the lords of Tezcuco and Tlatelolco, then detained as prisoners in the fortress by the Spaniards, were all strangled by means of the _garrote_, and their dead bodies thrown over the walls to their countrymen. I quote the original of Father Sahagun, who gathered the story from the Aztecs themselves:

“De esta manera se determináron los Españoles á morir ó vencer varonilmente; y así habláron á todos los amigos Indios, y todos ellos estuviéron firmes en esta determinacion: y lo primero que hiciéron fué que diéron garrote á todos los Señores que tenian presos, y los echáron muertos fuera del fuerte: y antes que esto hiciesen les dijéron muchas cosas, y les hiciéron saber su determinación, y que de ellos habia de comenzar esta obra, y luego todos los demas habian de ser muertos á sus manos, dijéronles, no es posible que vuestros Idolos os libren de nuestras manos. Y desque les hubiéron dado garrote, y viéron que estaban muertos, mandáronlos echar por las azoteas, fuera de la casa, en un lugar que se llama Tortuga de Piedra, porque allí estaba una piedra labrada á manera de Tortuga. Y desque supiéron y viéron los de á fuera, que aquellos Señores tan principales habian sido muertos por las manos de los Españoles, luego tomáron los cuerpos, y les hiciéron sus exequias, al modo de su Idolatría, y quemáron sus cuerpos, y tomáron sus cenizas, y las pusiéron en lugares apropiadas á sus dignidades y valor.” Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 23.

It is hardly necessary to comment on the absurdity of this monstrous imputation, which, however, has found favor with some later writers. Independently of all other considerations, the Spaniards would have been slow to compass the Indian monarch’s death, since, as the Tezcucan Ixtlilxochitl truly observes, it was the most fatal blow which could befall them, by dissolving the last tie which held them to the Mexicans. Hist. Chich., MS., ubi supra.

[125] “Salí fuera de la Fortaleza, aunque manco de la mano izquierda de una herida que el primer dia me habian dado: y liada la rodela en el brazo fu ẏ á la Torre con algunos Españoles, que me siguiéron.” Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 138.

[126] See vol. ii. pp. 320-323.--I have ventured to repeat the description of the temple here, as it is important that the reader, who may perhaps not turn to the preceding pages, should have a distinct image of it in his own mind before beginning the account of the combat.

[127] Many of the Aztecs, according to Sahagun, seeing the fate of such of their comrades as fell into the hands of the Spaniards on the narrow terraces below, voluntarily threw themselves headlong from the lofty summit and were dashed in pieces on the pavement. “Y los de arriba viendo á los de abajo muertos, y á los de arriba que los iban matando los que habian subido, comenzáron á arrojarse del cu abajo, desde lo alto, los cuales todos morian despeñados, quebrados brazos y piernas, y hechos pedazos, porque el cu era muy alto; y otros los mesmos Españoles los arrojaban de lo alto del cu, y así todos cuantos allá habian subido de los Mexicanos, muriéron mala muerte.” Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 22.

[128] Among others, see Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 9,--Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 69,--and Solís, very circumstantially, as usual, Conquista, lib. 4, cap. 16.--The first of these authors had access to some contemporary sources, the chronicle of the old soldier, Ojeda, for example, not now to be met with. It is strange that so valiant an exploit should not have been communicated by Cortés himself, who cannot be accused of diffidence in such matters.

[129] Captain Diaz, a little loth sometimes, is emphatic in his encomiums on the valor shown by his commander on this occasion. “Here Cortés showed himself a very man, such as he always was. Oh, what a fighting, what a strenuous battle, did we have! It was a memorable thing to see us flowing with blood and full of wounds, and more than forty soldiers slain.” (Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 126.) The pens of the old chroniclers keep pace with their swords in the display of this brilliant exploit:--“colla penna e colla spada,” equally fortunate. See Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 138.--Gomara, Crónica, cap. 106.--Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 22.--Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 9.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 13.--Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 69.

[130] Archbishop Lorenzana is of opinion that this image of the Virgin is the same now seen in the church of _Nuestra Señora de los Remedios_! (Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 138, nota.) In what way the Virgin survived the sack of the city and was brought to light again, he does not inform us. But the more difficult to explain, the more undoubted the miracle.

[131] No achievement in the war struck more awe into the Mexicans than this storming of the great temple, in which the white men seemed to bid defiance equally to the powers of God and man. Hieroglyphical paintings minutely commemorating it were to be frequently found among the natives after the Conquest. The sensitive Captain Diaz intimates that those which he saw made full as much account of the wounds and losses of the Christians as the facts would warrant. (Hist. de la Conquista, ubi supra.) It was the only way in which the conquered could take their revenge.

[132] “Sequenti nocte, nostri erumpentes in vna viarum arci vicina, domos combussêre tercentum: in altera plerasque e quibus arci molestia fiebat. Ita nunc trucidando, nunc diruendo, et interdum vulnera recipiendo, in pontibus et in viis, diebus noctibusque multis laboratum est utrinque.” (Martyr, De Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 6.) In the number of actions and their general result, namely, the victories, barren victories, of the Christians, all writers are agreed. But as to time, place, circumstance, or order, no two hold together. How shall the historian of the present day make a harmonious tissue out of these motley and many-colored threads?

[133] It is the name by which she is still celebrated in the popular minstrelsy of Mexico. Was the famous Tlascalan mountain, _sierra de_ _Malinche_,--anciently “Mattalcueye,”--named in compliment to the Indian damsel? At all events, it was an honor well merited from her adopted countrymen.

[134] According to Cortés, they boasted, in somewhat loftier strain, they could spare twenty-five thousand for one: “á morir veinte y cinco mil de ellos, y uno de los nuestros.” Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 139.

[135] “Que todas las calzadas de las entradas de la ciudad eran deshechas, como de hecho passaba.” Ibid., loc. cit.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 13.

[136] “Pues tambien quiero dezir las maldiciones que los de Narvaez echauan á Cortés, y las palabras que dezian, que renegauan dél, y de la tierra, y aun de Diego Velasquez, que acá les embió, que bien pacíficos estauan en sus casas en la Isla de Cuba, y estavan embelesados, y sin sentido.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, ubi supra.

[137] Notwithstanding this, in the petition or letter from Vera Cruz, addressed by the army to the Emperor Charles V., after the Conquest, the importunity of the soldiers is expressly stated as the principal motive that finally induced their general to abandon the city. Carta del Exército, MS.

[138] “The scarcity was such that the ration of the Indians was a small cake, and that of the Spaniards fifty grains of maize.” Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 9.

[139] Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 135.--Gomara, Crónica, cap. 106.--Dr. Bird, in his picturesque romance of “Calavar,” has made good use of these _mantas_, better, indeed, than can be permitted to the historian. He claims the privilege of the romancer; though it must be owned he does not abuse this privilege, for he has studied with great care the costume, manners, and military usages of the natives. He has done for them what Cooper has done for the wild tribes of the North,--touched their rude features with the bright coloring of a poetic fancy. He has been equally fortunate in his delineation of the picturesque scenery of the land. If he has been less so in attempting to revive the antique dialogue of the Spanish cavalier, we must not be surprised. Nothing is more difficult than the skilful execution of a modern antique. It requires all the genius and learning of Scott to execute it so that the connoisseur shall not detect the counterfeit.

[140] Carta del Exército, MS.--Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 140.--Gomara, Crónica, cap. 109.

[141] Clavigero is mistaken in calling this the street of Iztapalapan. (Stor. del Messico, tom. iii. p. 120.) It was not the street by which the Spaniards entered, but by which they finally left the city, and is correctly indicated by Lorenzana as that of Tlacopan,--or, rather, Tacuba, into which the Spaniards corrupted the name. See vol. ii. p. 322, note.

[142] It is Oviedo who finds a parallel for his hero in the Roman warrior; the same, to quote the spirit-stirring legend of Macaulay,

“who kept the bridge so well In the brave days of old.”

“Mui digno es Cortés que se compare este fecho suyo desta jornada al de Oracio Cocles, que se tocó de suso, porque con su esfuerzo é lanza sola dió tanto lugar, que los caballos pudieran pasar, é hizo desembarazar la puente é pasó, á pesar de los Enemigos, aunque con harto trabajo.” Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 13.

[143] It was a fair leap, for a knight and horse in armor. But the general’s own assertion to the emperor (Rel. Seg., ap. Lorenzana, p. 142) is fully confirmed by Oviedo, who tells us he had it from several who were present: “Y segun lo que yo he entendido de algunos que presentes se halláron, demas de la resistencia de aquellos havia de la vna parte á la otra casi vn estado de saltar con el caballo sin le faltar muchas pedradas de diversas partes, é manos, é por ir el, é su caballo bien armados no los hiriéron; pero no dexó de quedar atormentado de los golpes que le diéron.” Hist. de las Ind., MS., ubi supra.

[144] Truly, “dignus vindice nodus”! The intervention of the celestial chivalry on these occasions is testified in the most unqualified manner by many respectable authorities. It is edifying to observe the combat going on in Oviedo’s mind between the dictates of strong sense and superior learning, and those of the superstition of the age. It was an unequal combat, with odds sorely against the former, in the sixteenth century. I quote the passage as characteristic of the times. “Afirman que se vido el Apóstol Santiago á caballo peleando sobre vn caballo blanco en favor de los Christianos; é decian los Indios que el caballo con los pies y manos é con la boca mataba muchos dellos, de forma, que en poco discurso de tiempo no pareció Indio, é reposáron los Christianos lo restante de aquel dia. Ya sé que los incrédulos ó poco devotos dirán, que mi ocupacion en esto destos miraglos, pues no los ví, es superflua, ó perder tiempo novelando, y yo hablo, que esto é mas se puede creer, pues que los gentiles é sin fé, Idólatras escriben, que ovo grandes misterios é miraglos en sus tiempos, é aquellos sabemos que eran causados é fechos por el Diablo, pues mas fácil cosa es á Dios é á la inmaculata Virgen Nuestra Señora é al glorioso Apóstol Santiago, é á los santos é amigos de Jesu Christo hacer esos miraglos, que de suso estan dichos, é otros maiores.” Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 47.

[145] “Multi restiterunt lapidibus et iaculis confossi, fuit et Cortesius grauiter percussus, pauci evaserunt incolumes, et hi adeò languidi, vt neque lacertos erigere quirent. Postquam vero se in arcem receperunt, non commode satis conditas dapes, quibus reficerentur, inuenerunt, nec forte asperi maiicii panis bucellas, aut aquam potabilem, de vino aut carníbus sublata erat cura.” (Martyr, De Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 6.) See also, for the hard fighting described in the last pages, Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 13,--Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 140-142,--Carta del Exército, MS.,--Gonzalo de las Casas, Defensa, MS., Parte 1, cap. 26,--Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 9, 10,--Gomara, Crónica, cap. 107.

[146] The sentiment is expressed with singular energy in the verses of Voltaire:

“Mais renoncer aux dieux que l’on croit dans son cœur, C’est le crime d’un lâche, et non pas une erreur; C’est trahir à la fois, sous un masque hypocrite, Et le dieu qu’on préfère, et le dieu que l’on quitte; C’est mentir au Ciel même, à l’univers, à soi.” ALZIRE, acte 5, sc. 5.

[147] Camargo, the Tlascalan convert, says he was told by several of the Conquerors that Montezuma was baptized at his own desire in his last moments, and that Cortés and Alvarado stood sponsors on the occasion. “Muchos afirman de los conquistadores que yo conocí, que estando en el artículo de la muerte, pidió agua de batismo é que fué batizado y murió Cristiano, aunque en esto hay grandes dudas y diferentes paresceres; mas como digo que de personas fidedignas conquistadores de los primeros desta tierra de quien fuímos informados, supímos que murió batizado y Cristiano, é que fuéron sus padrinos del batismo Fernando Cortés y Don Pedro de Alvarado.” (Hist. de Tlascala, MS.) According to Gomara, the Mexican monarch desired to be baptized before the arrival of Narvaez. The ceremony was deferred till Easter, that it might be performed with greater effect. But in the hurry and bustle of the subsequent scenes it was forgotten, and he died without the stain of infidelity having been washed away from him. (Crónica, cap. 107.) Torquemada, not often a Pyrrhonist where the honor of the faith is concerned, rejects these tales as irreconcilable with the subsequent silence of Cortés himself, as well as of Alvarado, who would have been loud to proclaim an event so long in vain desired by them. (Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 70.) The criticism of the father is strongly supported by the fact that neither of the preceding accounts is corroborated by writers of any weight, while they are contradicted by several, by popular tradition, and, it may be added, by one another.

[148] “Respondió, Que por la media hora que le quedaba de vida, no se queria apartar de la religion de sus Padres.” (Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 10.) “Ya he dicho,” says Diaz, “la tristeza que todos nosotros huvímos por ello, y aun al Frayle de la Merced, que siempre estaua con él, y no le pudo atraer á que se bolviesse Christiano.” Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 127.

[149] _Aunque no le pesaba dello_; literally, “although he did not repent of it.” But this would be rather too much for human nature to assert; and it is probable the language of the Indian prince underwent some little change as it was sifted through the interpretation of Marina. The Spanish reader will find the original conversation, as reported by Cortés himself, in the remarkable document in the Appendix, No. 12. The general adds that he faithfully complied with Montezuma’s request, receiving his daughters, after the Conquest, into his own family, where, _agreeably to their royal father’s desire, they were baptized_, and instructed in the doctrines and usages of the Christian faith. They were afterwards married to Castilian hidalgos, and handsome dowries were assigned them by the government. See note 36 of this chapter.

[150] I adopt Clavigero’s chronology, which cannot be far from truth. (Stor. del Messico, tom. iii. p. 131.) And yet there are reasons for supposing he must have died at least a day sooner.

[151] “De suerte que le tiráron una pedrada con una honda y le diéron en la cabeza, de que vino á morir el desdichado Rey, habiendo gobernado este nuevo Mundo con la mayor prudencia y gobierno que se puede imaginar, siendo el mas tenido y reverenciado y adorado Señor que en el mundo ha habido, y en su linaje, como es cosa pública y notoria en toda la maquina deste Nuevo Mundo, donde con la muerte de tan gran Señor se acabáron los Reyes Culhuaques Mejicanos, y todo su poder y mando, estando en la mayor felicidad de su monarquía; y ansí no hay de que fiar en las cosas desta vida sino en solo Dios.” Hist. de Tlascala, MS.

[152] “Y Cortés lloró por él, y todos nuestros Capitanes, y soldados: é hombres huvo entre nosotros de los que le conociamos, y tratauamos, que tan llorado fué, como si fuera nuestro padre, y no nos hemos de maravillar dello, viendo que tan bueno era.” Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 126.

[153] “He loved the Christians,” says Herrera, “as well as could be judged from appearances.” (Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 10.) “They say,” remarks the general’s chaplain, “that Montezuma, though often urged to it, never consented to the death of a Spaniard, nor to the injury of Cortés, whom he loved exceedingly. But there are those who dispute this.” (Gomara, Crónica, cap. 107.) Don Thoan Cano assured Oviedo that during all the troubles of the Spaniards with the Mexicans, both in the absence of Cortés and after his return, the emperor did his best to supply the camp with provisions. (See Appendix, No. 11.) And, finally, Cortés himself, in an instrument already referred to, dated six years after Montezuma’s death, bears emphatic testimony to the good will he had shown the Spaniards, and particularly acquits him of any share in the late rising, which, says the Conqueror, “I had trusted to suppress through his assistance.” (See Appendix, No. 12.)--The Spanish historians, in general,--notwithstanding an occasional intimation of a doubt as to his good faith towards their countrymen,--make honorable mention of the many excellent qualities of the Indian prince. Solís, however, the most eminent of all, dismisses the account of his death with the remark that “his last hours were spent in breathing vengeance and maledictions against his people; until he surrendered up to Satan--with whom he had frequent communication in his lifetime--the eternal possession of his soul!” (Conquista de México, lib. 4, cap. 15.) Fortunately, the historiographer of the Indians could know as little of Montezuma’s fate in the next world as he appears to have known of it in this. Was it bigotry, or a desire to set his own hero’s character in a brighter light, which led him thus unworthily to darken that of his Indian rival?

[154] “Dicen que venció nueve Batallas, i otros nueve Campos, en desafío vno á vno.” Gomara, Crónica, cap. 107.

[155] One other only of his predecessors, Tizoc, is shown by the Aztec paintings to have belonged to this knightly order, according to Clavigero. Stor. del Messico, tom. ii. p. 140.

[156] “Era mas cauteloso, y ardidoso, que valeroso. En las Armas, y modo de su govierno, fué muy justiciero; en las cosas tocantes á ser estimado y tenido en su Dignidad y Majestad Real de condicion muy severo, aunque cuerdo y gracioso.” Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 88.

[157] The whole address is given by Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 68.

[158]

“Τέχνη δ’ ἀνάγκης ἀσθενεστέρα μακρῷ. Τίς οὖν ἀνάγκης ἐστὶν οἰακοστρόφος; Μοῖραι τρίμορφοι μνήμονές τ’ Ἐρινύες. Τούτων ἄρα Ζεύς ἐστιν ἀσθενέστερος; Οὔκουν ἂν ἐκφύγοι γε τὴν πεπρωμένην.” ÆSCHYL., Prometh., v. 522-526.

[159] Señor de Calderon, the late Spanish minister at Mexico, informs me that he has more than once passed by an Indian dwelling where the Indians in his suite made a reverence, saying it was occupied by a descendant of Montezuma.

[160] This son, baptized by the name of Pedro, was descended from one of the royal concubines. Montezuma had two lawful wives. By the first of these, named Teçalco, he had a son, who perished in the flight from Mexico; and a daughter named Tecuichpo, who embraced Christianity and received the name of Isabella. She was married, when very young, to her cousin Guatemozin, and lived long enough after his death to give her hand to four Castilians, all of honorable family. From two of these, Don Thoan Cano and Don Juan Andrada, descended the illustrious families of the Cano and Andrada Montezuma. From the last came the counts of Miravalle noticed by Humboldt (Essai politique, tom. ii. p. 73, note). See Alaman, Disertaciones históricas, tom. ii. p. 325.--Montezuma, by his second wife, the princess Acatlan, left two daughters, named, after their conversion, Maria and Leonor. The former died without issue. Doña Leonor married a Spanish cavalier, Cristóval de Valderrama, from whom descended the family of the Sotelos de Montezuma.--The royal genealogy is minutely exhibited in a Memorial setting forth the claims of Montezuma’s grandsons to certain property in right of their respective mothers. The document, which is without date, is among the MSS. of Muñoz.

[161] It is interesting to know that a descendant of the Aztec emperor, Don José Sarmiento Valladares, count of Montezuma, ruled as viceroy, from 1697 to 1701, over the dominions of his barbaric ancestors. (Humboldt, Essai politique, tom. ii. p. 93, note.){*} Solís speaks of this noble house, grandees of Spain, who intermingled their blood with that of the Guzmans and the Mendozas. Clavigero has traced their descent from the emperor’s son Iohualicahua, or Dom Pedro Montezuma (as he was called after his baptism), down to the close of the eighteenth century. (See Solís, Conquista, lib. 4, 15.--Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, tom. i. p. 302, tom. iii. p. 132.) The title of count was bestowed on the head of the family by Philip the Second, in 1556. In 1765, under Charles the Third, the count of Montezuma was made a grandee of Spain, and he was in receipt of a yearly pension of 40,000 _pesos_. (Alaman, Disertaciones históricas, tom. i. p. 159.) The last of the line, of whom I have been able to obtain any intelligence, died not long since in this country. He was very wealthy, having large estates in Spain,--but was not, as it appears, very wise. When seventy years old or more, he passed over to Mexico, in the vain hope that the nation, in deference to his descent, might place him on the throne of his Indian ancestors, so recently occupied by the presumptuous Iturbide. But the modern Mexicans, with all their detestation of the old Spaniards, showed no respect for the royal blood of the Aztecs. The unfortunate nobleman retired to New Orleans, where he soon after put an end to his existence by blowing out his brains,--not for ambition, however, if report be true, but disappointed love!

{*} [Señor Alaman, in a note on this passage, says it was not the viceroy, but his wife, Doña María Gerónima Montezuma, who was a descendant of the Aztec emperor. She was third countess of Montezuma in her own right, her husband’s title being duke of Atlixco.--K.]

[162] Gomara, Crónica, cap. 107.--Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 10.

[163] Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 7.

[164] Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 47.--The astrologer predicted that Cortés would be reduced to the greatest extremity of distress, and afterwards come to great honor and fortune. (Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 128.) He showed himself as cunning in his art as the West Indian sibyl who foretold the destiny of the unfortunate Josephine.

[165] “Pues al astrólogo Botello, no le aprouechó su astrología, que tambien allí murió.” Bernal Diaz, ubi supra.

[166] The disposition of the treasure has been stated with some discrepancy, though all agree as to its ultimate fate. The general himself did not escape the imputation of negligence, and even peculation, most unfounded, from his enemies. The account in the text is substantiated by the evidence, under oath, of the most respectable names in the expedition, as given in the instrument already more than once referred to. “Hizo sacar el oro é joyas de sus Altezas é le dió é entregó á los otros oficiales Alcaldes é Regidores, é les dixo á la rason que así se lo entregó, que todos viesen el mejor modo é manera que habia para lo poder salvar, que él allí estaba para por su parte hacer lo que fuese posible é poner su persona á qualquier trance é riesgo que sobre lo salvar le viniese.... El qual les dió para ello una muy buena yegua, é quatro ó cinco Españoles de mucha confianza, á quien se encargó la dha yegua cargado con el otro oro.” Probanza á pedimento de Juan de Lexalde.

[167] “Desde aquí se lo doi, como se ha de quedar aquí perdido entre estos perros.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 128.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 47.

[168] Captain Diaz tells us that he contented himself with four _chalchivitl_,--the green stone so much prized by the natives,--which he cunningly picked out of the royal coffers before Cortés’ majordomo had time to secure them. The prize proved of great service, by supplying him the means of obtaining food and medicine when in great extremity, afterwards, from the people of the country. Ibid., loc. cit.

[169] Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., ubi supra.

[170] Gomara, Crónica, cap. 109.--Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 143.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 13, 47.

[171] There is some difficulty in adjusting the precise date of their departure, as, indeed, of most events in the Conquest; attention to chronology being deemed somewhat superfluous by the old chroniclers. Ixtlilxochitl, Gomara, and others fix the date at July 10th. But this is wholly contrary to the letter of Cortés, which states that the army reached Tlascala on the eighth of July, not the tenth, as Clavigero misquotes him (Stor. del Messico, tom. iii. pp. 135, 136, nota); and from the general’s accurate account of their progress each day, it appears that they left the capital on the last night of June, or rather the morning of July 1st. It was the night, he also adds, following the affair of the bridges in the city. Comp. Rel. Seg., ap. Lorenzana, pp. 142-149.

[172] [This second breach, says Ramirez, “the scene of the rout and slaughter of the Spaniards, was in front of _San Hipolito_, where a chapel was built, to commemorate the event, and dedicated to the _Martyrs_,--though assuredly none of those who had fallen there had any claim to the crown of martyrdom.” Notas y Esclarecimientos, p. 104.]

[173] Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 143.--Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS.--Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 128.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 13, 47.--Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 24.--Martyr, De Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 6.--Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 4.--Probanza en la Villa Segura, MS.

[174] “Pues la grita, y lloros, y lástimas [~q] deziā demādando socorro: Ayudadme, [~q] me ahogo, otros: Socorredme, [~q] me matā, otros demādando ayuda á N. Señora Santa María, y á Señor Santiago.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 128.

[175] “In this combat Maria de Estrada, oblivious of her sex, showed herself most valorous, and armed with sword and shield did marvellous deeds, rushing into the midst of the enemy with a courage and spirit equal to that of the bravest of men.... This lady became the wife of Pedro Sanchez Farfan, and the village of Tetela was granted to them _en encomienda_.” Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 72.

[176] Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS.--Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 128.--“Por la gran priesa que daban de ambas partes de el camino, comenzáron á caer en aquel foso, y cayéron juntos, que de Españoles, que de Indios y de caballos, y de cargas, el foso se hinchó hasta arriba, cayendo los unos sobre los otros, y los otros sobre los otros, de manera que todos los del bagage quedáron allí ahogados, y los de la retaguardia pasáron sobre los muertos.” Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 24.

[177] “E los que habian ido con Narvaez arrojáronse en la sala, é cargáronse de aquel oro é plata quanto pudiéron; pero los menos lo gozáron, porque la carga no los dexaba pelear, é los Indios los tomaban vivos cargados; é á otros llevaban arrastrando, é á otros mataban allí; E así no se salvaron sino los desocupados é que iban en la delantera.” Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 47.

[178] Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 11.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 13.--Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 128.

[179] “Luego encontráron con Pedro de Alvarado bien herido con vna lança en la mano á pie, que la yegua alaçana ya se la auian muerto.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 128.

[180] “Y los amigos vista tan gran hazaña quedáron maravillados, y al instante que esto viéron se arrojáron por el suelo postrados por tierra en señal de hecho tan heroico, espantable y raro, que ellos no habian visto hacer á ningun hombre, y ansi adoráron al Sol, comiendo puñados de tierra, arrancando yervas del campo, diciendo á grandes voces, verdaderamente que este hombre es _hijo del Sol_.” (Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS.) This writer consulted the process instituted by Alvarado’s heirs, in which they set forth the merits of their ancestor, as attested by the most valorous captains of the Tlascalan nation, present at the Conquest. It _may be_ that the famous leap was among these “merits” of which the historian speaks. M. de Humboldt, citing Camargo, so considers it. (Essai politique, tom. ii. p. 75.) This would do more than anything else to establish the fact. But Camargo’s language does not seem to me necessarily to warrant the inference.

[181] “Se llama aora la puente del salto de Alvarado: y platicauamos muchos soldados sobre ello, y no hallavamos razon, ni soltura de vn hombre que tal saltasse.” Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 128.

[182] Gomara, Crónica, cap. 109.--Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, ubi supra.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 47.--Which last author, however, frankly says that many who had seen the place declared that it seemed to them impossible. “Fué tan estremado de grande el salto, que á muchos hombres que han visto aquello, he oido decir que parece cosa imposible haberlo podido saltar ninguno hombre humano. En fin él lo saltó é ganó por ello la vida, é perdiéronla muchos que atras quedaban.”

[183] The spot is pointed out to every traveller. It is where a ditch, of no great width, is traversed by a small bridge not far from the western extremity of the Alameda. A house, lately erected there, may somewhat interfere with the meditations of the antiquary. (Alaman, Disertaciones históricas, tom. i. p. 202.) As the place received its name in Alvarado’s time, the story could scarcely have been discountenanced by him. But, since the length of the leap, strange to say, is nowhere given, the reader can have no means of passing his own judgment on its probability. [Unfortunately for the lovers of the marvellous, another version is now given of the account of Alvarado’s escape, which deprives him of the glory claimed for him by this astounding feat. In the process against him, which was not brought to light till several years after the present work was published, one of the charges was that he fled from the field, leaving his soldiers to their fate, and escaping by means of a beam which had survived the demolition of the bridge and still stretched across the chasm from one side to the other. The chief, in his reply, said that, far from deserting his men, they deserted him, and that he did not fly till he was wounded and his horse killed under him, when he escaped across the breach, was taken up behind a mounted cavalier on the other side, and carried out of the fray. That he should not have alluded to the account given of the manner of his escape, so much less glorious than that usually claimed for him, may lead us to infer that it was too true to be disputed. Such is the judgment of Señor Ramirez, who, in his account of the affair, tells us that, far from being an object of admiration, Alvarado’s escape was, in his own time, deemed rather worthy of punishment, as an act of desertion which cost the lives of many brave followers whom he left behind him. (See the Proceso de Alvarado, pp. 53, 68, with the caustic remarks of Ramirez, pp. xiv., 288, et seq.) It is natural that a descendant of the conquered race should hold in peculiar detestation the most cruel persecutor of the Aztecs.]

[184] “Fué Dios servido de que los Mejicanos se ocupasen en recojer los despojos de los muertos, y las riquezas de oro y piedras que llevaba el bagage, y de sacar los muertos de aquel acequia, y á los caballos y otros bestias. Y por esto no siguiéron el alcanze, y los Españoles pudiéron ir poco á poco por su camino sin tener mucha molestia de enemigos.” Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 25.

[185] Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 47.--Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 89.--Gomara, Crónica, cap. 109.

[186] Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 12.

[187] “Tacuba,” says that interesting traveller, Latrobe, “lies near the foot of the hills, and is at the present day chiefly noted for the large and noble church which was erected there by Cortés. And hard by you trace the lines of a Spanish encampment. I do not hazard the opinion, but it might appear by the coincidence, that this was the very position chosen by Cortés for his intrenchment, after the retreat just mentioned, and before he commenced his painful route towards Otumba.” (Rambler in Mexico, Letter 5.) It is evident, from our text, that Cortés could have thrown up no intrenchment here, at least on his retreat from the capital.

[188] Lorenzana, Viage, p. xiii.

[189] Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 24.--Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 128.--Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS.--Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 89.

[190] The table below may give the reader some idea of the discrepancies in numerical estimates, even among eye-witnesses, and writers who, having access to the actors, are nearly of equal authority:

Killed and Missing. Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 145, 150 Spaniards, 2000 Indians Cano, ap. Oviedo, lib. 33, cap. 54, 1170 “ 8000 “ Probanza, etc., 200 “ 2000 “ Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., lib. 33, cap. 13, 150 “ 2000 “ Camargo, 450 “ 4000 “ Gomara, cap. 109, 450 “ 4000 “ Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., cap. 88, 450 “ 4000 “ Sahagun, lib. 12, cap. 24, 300 “ 2000 “ Herrera, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 12, 150 “ 4000 “

Bernal Diaz does not take the trouble to agree with himself. After stating that the rear, on which the loss fell heaviest, consisted of 120 men, he adds, in the same paragraph, that 150 of these were slain, which number swells to 200 in a few lines further! Falstaff’s men in buckram! See Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 128.--Cano’s estimate embraces, it is true, those--but their number was comparatively small--who perished subsequently on the march. The same authority states that 270 of the garrison, ignorant of the proposed departure of their countrymen, were perfidiously left in the palace of Axayacatl, where they surrendered on terms, but were subsequently all sacrificed by the Aztecs! (See Appendix, No. 11.) The improbability of this monstrous story, by which the army with all its equipage could leave the citadel without the knowledge of so many of their comrades,--and this be permitted, too, at a juncture which made every man’s co-operation so important,--is too obvious to require refutation. Herrera records, what is much more probable, that Cortés gave particular orders to the captain, Ojeda, to see that none of the sleeping or wounded should, in the hurry of the moment, be overlooked in their quarters. Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 11.

[191] “Pues de los de Narvaez, todos los mas en las puentes quedáron, cargados de oro.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 128.

[192] According to Diaz, part of the gold intrusted to the _Tlascalan_ convoy was preserved. (Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 136.) From the document already cited,--Probanza de Villa Segura, MS.,--it appears that it was a Castilian guard who had charge of it.

[193] Gomara, Crónica, cap. 109.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 13.--Probanza en la Villa Segura, MS.--Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 128.

[194] Lorenzana, Viage, p. xiii.

[195] The last instance, I believe, of the direct interposition of the Virgin in behalf of the metropolis was in 1833, when she was brought into the city to avert the cholera. She refused to pass the night in town, however, but was found the next morning in her own sanctuary at Los Remedios, showing, by the mud with which she was plentifully bespattered, that she must have performed the distance--several leagues--through the miry ways on foot! See Latrobe, Rambler in Mexico, Letter 5.

[196] The epithet by which, according to Diaz, the Castilians were constantly addressed by the natives, and which--whether correctly or not--he interprets into _gods_, or _divine beings_. (See Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 48, et alibi.) One of the stanzas of Ercilla intimates the existence of a similar delusion among the South American Indians,--and a similar cure of it:

“Por dioses, como dixe, eran tenidos de los Indios los nuestros; pero oliéron que de muger y hombre eran nacidos, y todas sus flaquezas entendiéron: viéndolos á miserias sometidos, el error ignorante conociéron, ardiendo en viva rabia avergonzados por verse de mortales conquistados.” LA ARAUCANA, Parte 1, Canto 2.

[197] Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 147.--Hunger furnished them a sauce, says Oviedo, which made their horse-flesh as relishing as the far-famed sausages of Naples, the delicate kid of Avila, or the savory veal of Saragossa! “Con la carne del caballo tubiéron buen pasto, é se consoláron ó mitigáron en parte su hambre, é se lo comiéron sin dexar cuero, ni otra cosa dél sino los huesos, é las vñas, y el pelo; é aun las tripas no les pareció de menos buen gusto que las sobreasados de Nápoles, ó los gentiles cabritos de Abila, ó las sabrosas Terneras de Zaragosa, segun la estrema necesidad que llevaban; por que despues que de la gran cibdad de Temixtitan havian salido, ninguna otra cosa comiéron sino mahiz tostado, é cocido, é yervas del campo, y desto no tanto quanto quisieran ó ovieran menester.” Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 13.

[198] Herrera mentions one soldier who had succeeded in carrying off his gold to the value of 3000 _castellanos_ across the causeway, and afterwards flung it away by the advice of Cortés. “The devil take your gold,” said the commander bluntly to him, “if it is to cost you your life.” Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 11.

[199] Gomara, Crónica, cap. 110.

[200] The meaning of the word _Tlascala_, and so called from the abundance of maize raised in the country. Boturini, Idea, p. 78.

[201] “Empero la Nacion nuestra Española sufre mas hambre que otra ninguna, i estos de Cortés mas que todos.” Gomara, Crónica, cap. 110.

[202] For the foregoing pages, see Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS.,--Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 128,--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 13,--Gomara, Crónica, ubi supra,--Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 89,--Martyr, De Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 6,--Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 147, 148,--Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 25, 26.

[203] “Su nombre, que quiere decir _habitacion de los Dioses_, y que ya por estos tiempos era ciudad tan famosa, que no solo competia, pero excedia con muchas ventajas á la corte de Tollan.” Veytia, Hist. antig., tom. i. cap. 27.

[204] The pyramid of Mycerinos is 280 feet only at the base, and 162 feet in height. The great pyramid of Cheops is 728 feet at the base, and 448 feet high. See Denon, Egypt Illustrated (London, 1825), p. 9.

[205] “It requires a particular position,” says Mr. Tudor, “united with some little faith, to discover the pyramidal form at all.” (Tour in North America, vol. ii. p. 277.) Yet Mr. Bullock says, “The general figure of the square is as perfect as the great pyramid of Egypt.” (Six Months in Mexico, vol. ii. chap. 26.) Eye-witnesses both! The historian must often content himself with repeating, in the words of the old French lay,--

“_Si com je l’ai trové escrite_, Vos conterai la vérité.”

[206] This is M. de Humboldt’s opinion. (See his Essai politique, tom. ii. pp. 66-70.) He has also discussed these interesting monuments in his Vues des Cordillères, p. 25, et seq.

[207] Latrobe gives the description of this cavity, into which he and his fellow travellers penetrated. Rambler in Mexico, Letter 7.

[208]

“Et tot templa deûm Romæ, quot in urbe sepulcra Heroum numerare licet: quos fabula manes Nobilitat, noster populus veneratus adorat.” PRUDENTIUS, Contra Sym., lib. 1.

[209] The dimensions are given by Bullock (Six Months in Mexico, vol. ii. chap. 26), who has sometimes seen what has eluded the optics of other travellers.

[210] Such is the account given by the cavalier Boturini. Idea, pp. 42, 43.

[211] “Both Ixtlilxochitl and Boturini, who visited these monuments, one early in the seventeenth, the other in the first part of the eighteenth century, testify to their having seen the remains of this statue. They had entirely disappeared by 1757, when Veytia examined the pyramid. Hist. antig., tom. i. cap. 26.

[212]

“Agricola, incurvo terram molitus aratro, Exesa inveniet scabra rubigine pila,” etc. GEORG., lib. i.

[213] “Y como iban vestidos de blanco, parecia el campo nevado.” Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 13.

[214] “Vistosa confusion,” says Solís, “de armas y penachos, en que tenian su hermosura los horrores.” (Conquista, lib. 4, cap. 20.) His painting shows the hand of a great artist,--which he certainly was. But he should not have put fire-arms into the hands of his countrymen on this occasion.

[215] “Y cierto creímos ser aquel el último de nuestros dias.” Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 148.

[216] Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 14.--Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 128.--Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 27.--Cortés might have addressed his troops, as Napoleon did his in the famous battle with the Mamelukes: “From yonder pyramids forty centuries look down upon you.” But the situation of the Spaniards was altogether too serious for theatrical display.

[217] It is Sahagun’s simile: “Estaban los Españoles como una Isleta en el mar, combatida de las olas por todas partes.” (Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 27.) The venerable missionary gathered the particulars of the action, as he informs us, from several who were present in it.

[218] The epic bard Ercilla’s spirited portrait of the young warrior Tucapél may be applied without violence to Sandoval, as described by the Castilian chroniclers:

“Cubierto Tucapél de fina malla saltó como un ligero y suelto pardo en medio de la tímida canalla, haciendo plaza el bárbaro gallardo: con silvos grita en desigual batalla: con piedra, palo, flecha, lanza y dardo le persigue la gente de manera como si fuera toro, ó brava fiera.” LA ARAUCANA, Parte 1, canto 8.

[219] Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 13.--“Este caballo harriero,” says Camargo, “le sirvió en la conquista de Méjico, y en la última guerra que se dió se le matáron.” Hist. de Tlascala, MS.

[220] The brave cavalier was afterwards permitted by the emperor Charles V. to assume this trophy on his own escutcheon, in commemoration of his exploit. Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 128.

[221] The historians all concur in celebrating this glorious achievement of Cortés; who, concludes Gomara, “by his single arm saved the whole army from destruction.” See Crónica, cap. 110.--Also Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 27.--Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS.--Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 128.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 47.--Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 13.--Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 89.--The brief and extremely modest notice of the affair in the general’s own letter forms a beautiful contrast to the style of panegyric by others: “In this arduous contest we consumed a great part of the day, until it pleased God that a person was slain in their ranks of such consequence that his death put an end to the battle.” Rel. Seg., ap. Lorenzana, p. 148.

[222] “Pues á nosotros,” says the doughty Captain Diaz, “no nos dolian las heridas, ni teniamos hambre, ni sed, sino que parecia que no auiamos auido, ni passado ningun mal trabajo. Seguímos la vitoria matando, é hiriendo. Pues nuestros amigos los de Tlascala estavan hechos vnos leones, y con sus espadas, y montantes, y otras armas que allí apañáron, hazíanlo muy biē y esforçadamente.” Hist. de la Conquista, loc. cit.

[223] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, ubi supra.

[224] The belligerent apostle St. James, riding, as usual, his milk-white courser, came to the rescue on this occasion; an event commemorated by the dedication of a hermitage to him, in the neighborhood. (Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala.) Diaz, a skeptic on former occasions, admits his indubitable appearance on this. (Hist. de la Conquista, ubi supra.) According to the Tezcucan chronicler, he was supported by the Virgin and St. Peter. (Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 89.) Voltaire sensibly remarks, “Ceux qui ont fait les relations de ces étranges événemens les ont voulu relever par des miracles, qui ne servent en effet qu’à les rabaisser. Le vrai miracle fut la conduite de Cortés.” Voltaire, Essai sur les Mœurs, chap. 147.

[225] See Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 47.--Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 13.--Gomara, Crónica, cap. 110.

[226] Is it not the same fountain of which Toribio makes honorable mention in his topographical account of the country? “Nace en Tlaxcala una fuente grande á la parte del Norte, cinco leguas de la principal ciudad; nace en un pueblo que se llama Azumba, que en su lengua quiere decir _cabeza_, y así es, porque esta fuente es cabeza y principio del mayor rio de los que entran en la mar del Sur, el cual entra en la mar por Zacatula.” Hist. de los Indios, MS., Parte 3, cap. 16.

[227] “El qual pensamiento, y sospecha nos puso en tanta afliccion, quanta trahiamos viniendo peleando con los de Culúa.” Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 149.

[228] “Y mas dixo, que tenia esperança en Dios que los hallariamos buenos, y leales: é que si otra cosa fuesse, lo que Dios no permita, que nos han de tornar á andar los puños con coraçones fuertes, y braços vigorosos, y que para esso fuessemos muy apercibidos.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 128.

[229] Called Gualipan by Cortés. (Rel. Seg., ap. Lorenzana, p. 149.) An Aztec would have found it hard to trace the route of his enemies by their itineraries.

[230] Ibid., ubi supra.--Thoan Cano, however, one of the army, denies this, and asserts that the natives received them like their children, and would take no recompense. (See Appendix, No. 11.)

[231] “Y que tubiesse por cierto, que me serian muy ciertos, y verdaderos Amigos, hasta la muerte.” Rel. Seg., ap. Lorenzana, p. 150.

[232] Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS.--Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, ubi supra.--“Sobreviniéron las mugeres Tlascaltecas, y todas puestas de luto y llorando á donde estaban los Españoles, las unas preguntaban por sus maridos, las otras por sus hijos y hermanos, las otras por sus parientes que habian ido con los Españoles, y quedaban todos allá muertos: no es menos, sino que de esto llanto causó gran sentimiento en el corazon del Capitan, y de todos los Españoles, y él procuró lo mejor que pudo consolarles por medio de sus Intérpretes.” Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 28.

[233] “Yo assimismo quedé manco de dos dedos de la mano izquierda”--is Cortés’ own expression in his letter to the emperor. (Rel. Seg., ap. Lorenzana, p. 152.) Don Thoan Cano, however, whose sympathies--from his Indian alliance, perhaps--seem to have been quite as much with the Aztecs as with his own countrymen, assured Oviedo, who was lamenting the general’s loss, that he might spare his regrets, since Cortés had as many fingers on his hand at that hour as when he came from Castile. (See Appendix, No. 11.) May not the word _manco_, in his letter, be rendered by “maimed”?

[234] “Hiriéron á Cortés con Honda tan mal, que se le pasmó la Cabeça, ó porque no le curáron bien, sacándole Cascos, ó por el demasiado trabajo que pasó.” Gomara, Crónica cap. 110.

[235] Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 13.--Bernal Diaz Hist. de la Conquista, ubi supra.

[236] Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 150.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 15.--Herrera gives the following inscription, cut on the bark of a tree by some of these unfortunate Spaniards: “By this road passed Juan Juste and his wretched companions, who were so much pinched by hunger that they were obliged to give a solid bar of gold, weighing eight hundred ducats, for a few cakes of maize bread.” Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 13.

[237] One is reminded of the similar remonstrance made by Alexander’s soldiers to him on reaching the Hystaspis,--but attended with more success; as, indeed, was reasonable. For Alexander continued to advance from the ambition of indefinite conquest; while Cortés was only bent on carrying out his original enterprise. What was madness in the one was heroism in the other.

[238] “Acordándome, que siempre á los osados ayuda la fortuna, y que eramos Christianos y confiando en la grandíssima Bondad, y Misericordia de Dios, que no permitiria, que del todo pereciessemos, y se perdiesse tanta, y tan noble Tierra.” Rel. Seg., ap. Lorenzana, p. 152.

[239] This reply, exclaims Oviedo, showed a man of unconquerable spirit and high destinies: “Paréceme que la respuesta que á esto les dió Hernando Cortés, é lo que hizo en ello, fué vna cosa de ánimo invencible, é de varon de mucha suerte é valor.” Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 15.

[240] “E no me hable ninguno en otra cosa; y él que desta opinion no estubiere váyase en buen hora, que mas holgaré de quedar con los pocos y osados, que en compañía de muchos, ni de ninguno cobarde, ni desacordado de su propia honra.” Hist. de las Ind., MS., loc. cit.

[241] Oviedo has expanded the harangue of Cortés into several pages, in the course of which the orator quotes Xenophon, and borrows largely from the old Jewish history, a style of eloquence savoring much more of the closet than the camp. Cortés was no pedant, and his soldiers were no scholars.

[242] For the account of this turbulent transaction, see Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 129,--Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 152,--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 15,--Gomara, Crónica, cap. 112, 113,--Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 14.--Diaz is exceedingly wroth with the chaplain Gomara for not discriminating between the old soldiers and the levies of Narvaez, whom he involves equally in the sin of rebellion. The captain’s own version seems a fair one, and I have followed it, therefore, in the text.

[243] Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 15.--Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 14.--Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 29.

[244] Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 47.--Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 166.--Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 27, 29.--Or, rather, it was “at the instigation of the great Devil, the captain of all the devils, called Satan, who regulated every thing in New Spain by his free will and pleasure, before the coming of the Spaniards,” according to Father Sahagun, who begins his chapter with this eloquent exordium.

[245] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 88.--Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 29.--Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 19.

[246] The proceedings in the Tlascalan senate are reported in more or less detail, but substantially alike, by Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS.,--Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 29,--Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 12, cap. 14.--See, also, Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 129,--Gomara, Crónica, cap. 111.

[247] The Indian name of the capital,--the same as that of the province,--_Tepejacac_, was corrupted by the Spaniards into _Tepeaca_. It must be admitted to have gained by the corruption.

[248] “Y como aquello vió Cortés, comunicólo con todos nuestros Capitanes, y soldados: y fué acordado, que se hiziesse vn auto por ante Escriuano, que diesse fe de todo lo passado, y que se diessen por esclauos.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 130.

[249] The chroniclers estimate his army at 50,000 warriors; one-half, according to Toribio, of the disposable military force of the republic. “De la cual (Tlascala), como ya tengo dicho, solian salir cien mil hombres de pelea.” Hist. de los Indios, MS., Parte 3, cap. 16.

[250] “That night,” says the credulous Herrera, speaking of the carouse that followed one of their victories, “the Indian allies had a grand supper of legs and arms; for, besides an incredible number of roasts on wooden spits, they had fifty thousand pots of stewed human flesh”! (Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 15.) Such a banquet would not have smelt savory in the nostrils of Cortés.

[251] “Y allí hiziéron hazer el hierro con que se auian de herrar los que se tomauan por esclauos, que era una G., que quiere decir _guerra_.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 130.

[252] Solís, Conquista, lib. 5, cap. 3.

[253] Called by the Spaniards _Huacachula_, and spelt with every conceivable diversity by the old writers, who may be excused for stumbling over such a confusion of consonants.

[254] “Y toda la Ciudad está cercada de muy fuerte Muro de cal y canto, tan alto, como quatro estados por de fuera de la Ciudad: é por de dentro está casi igual con el suelo. Y por toda la Muralla va su petril, tan alto, como medio estado, para pelear, tiene quatro entradas, tan anchas, como uno puede entrar á Caballo.” Rel. Seg., p. 162.

[255] This cavalier’s name is usually spelt Olid by the chroniclers. In a copy of his own signature I find it written Oli.

[256] “I should have been very glad to have taken some alive,” says Cortés, “who could have informed me of what was going on in the great city, and who had been lord there since the death of Montezuma. But I succeeded in saving only one; and he was more dead than alive.” Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 159.

[257] “Y á ver que cosa era aquella, los quales eran mas de treinta mil Hombres, y la mas lúcida Gente, que hemos visto, porque trahian muchas Joyas de Oro, y Plata, y Plumajes.” Ibid., p. 160.

[258] “Alcanzando muchos por una Cuesta arriba muy agra; y tal, que quando acabámos de encumbrar la Sierra, ni los Enemigos, ni nosotros podiamos ir atras, ni adelante: é assí caiéron muchos de ellos muertos, y ahogados de la calor, sin herida ninguna.” Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 160.

[259] “Porque demas de la Gente de Guerra, tenian mucho aparato de Servidores, y fornecimiento para su Real.” Ibid., p. 160.

[260] The story of the capture of this strong post is told very differently by Captain Diaz. According to him, Olid, when he had fallen back on Cholula, in consequence of the refusal of his men to advance under the strong suspicion which they entertained of some foul practice from their allies, received such a stinging rebuke from Cortés that he compelled his troops to resume their march, and, attacking the enemy “with the fury of a tiger,” totally routed them. (Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 132.) But this version of the affair is not endorsed, so far as I am aware, by any contemporary. Cortés is so compendious in his report that it is often necessary to supply the omissions with the details of other writers. But, where he is positive in his statements,--unless there be some reason to suspect a bias,--his practice of writing on the spot, and the peculiar facilities for information afforded by his position, make him decidedly the best authority.

[261] Cortés, with an eye less sensible to the picturesque than his great predecessor in the track of discovery, Columbus, was full as quick in detecting the capabilities of the soil. “Tiene un Valle redondo muy fertil de Frutas, y Algodon, que en ninguna parte de los Puertos arriba se hace por la gran frialdad; y allí es Tierra caliente, y caúsalo, que está muy abrigada de Sierras; todo este Valle se riega por muy buenas Azequias, que tienen muy bien sacadas, y concertadas.” Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 164, 165.

[262] So numerous, according to Cortés, that they covered hill and dale, as far as the eye could reach, mustering more than a hundred and twenty thousand strong! (Ibid., p. 162.) When the Conquerors attempt anything like a precise numeration, it will be as safe to substitute “a multitude,” “a great force,” etc., trusting the amount to the reader’s own imagination.

[263] For the hostilities with the Indian tribes, noticed in the preceding pages, see, in addition to the Letter of Cortés, so often cited, Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 15,--Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 15, 16,--Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 90,--Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 130, 132, 134,--Gomara, Crónica, cap. 114-117,--P. Martyr, De Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 6,--Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS.

[264] “La primera fué de viruela, y comenzó de esta manera. Siendo Capitan y Governador Hernando Cortés al tiempo que el Capitan Pánfilo de Narvaez desembarcó en esta tierra, en uno de sus navíos vino un negro herido de viruelas, la cual enfermedad nunca en esta tierra se habia visto, y esta sazon estaba esta nueva España en estremo muy llena de gente.” Toribio, Hist. de los Indios, MS., Parte 1, cap. 1.

[265] “Morian como chinches á montones.” (Toribio, Hist. de los Indios, ubi supra.) “So great was the number of those who died of this disease that there was no possibility of burying them, and in Mexico the dead were thrown into the canals, then filled with water, until the air was poisoned with the stench of putrid bodies.” Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, lib. 8, cap. 1.

[266] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 136.

[267] Hist. de la Conquista, ubi supra.--Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 19.--Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 39.

[268] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 131.

[269] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 131, 133, 136.--Herrera, Hist. general, ubi supra.--Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 154, 167.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 16.

[270] Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 156.

[271] Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, tom. iii. p. 153.

[272] “E creo, como ya á Vuestra Magestad he dicho, que en muy breve tomará al estado, en que antes yo la tenia, é se restaurarán las pérdidas pasadas.” Rel. Seg., ap. Lorenzana, p. 167.

[273] “Me pareció, que el mas conveniente nombre para esta dicha Tierra, era llamarse _la Nueva España del Mar Océano_: y assí en nombre de Vuestra Magestad se le puso aqueste nombre; humildemente suplico á Vuestra Alteza lo tenga por bien, y mande, que se nombre assí.” (Ibid., p. 169.) The name of “New Spain,” without other addition, had been before given by Grijalva to Yucatan. _Ante_, Book 2,