Part 21

The route by land does away all these difficulties, as it is safe, convenient, occupies only twenty days, and may be undertaken during eight months of the year. The most favourable time for setting out, is the month of March, at which period the season is fresh, the sky pure, and the winds blow constantly from the north. Travellers by land might also carry on a considerable trade with the inhabitants on their way, as the country abounds with gum-trees and gold mines. The passage which I caused to be traced, was made by a single man; but it might be performed by caravans of any number, though they should always be under the guidance of a Marabou, as these priests possess the greatest influence over the Negroes. By such means we might obtain a proper knowledge of the interior of Africa, and by extending our political and commercial relations, make ourselves rich, and the people happy.

The kingdom of Bambouk is a large country, celebrated for its gold mines. The Moors acquire this metal by repairing to the spot, while the French and English receive it from the Mandingo Negroes, who bring it to the Gambia. This kingdom is bounded on the N. by that of Galam; on the N. E. by the Kajaaga; on the E. by the river Senegal; on the S. by the districts of Kulla and Konkadou; on the W. by the Satadou; and on the N. W. by the kingdom of Bondou.

It is a mistake which has prevailed, that the kingdom is not governed by any king; it has its sovereigns like the other neighbouring kingdoms; and each village has a master. Towards the river of Félémé, these chiefs are called _Farims_, with the addition of their residence. In the interior of the country, they are called _Aleuranni_: they are all independent of each other, but acknowledge the supreme head of the kingdom; and they are obliged to unite for the defence of the country in time of danger.

The Mandingos have possessed themselves of this state, in addition to their other conquests; and the natives of the country, who are called Malincops, have received them, and formed alliances with them, so that they are now only one nation, in which the religion, customs, and manners of the Mandingos, are absolute.

There is no country with which we are acquainted, that is so rich in gold mines as Bambouk. The experiments that have been made, prove that their ore is far superior to that of the mines of the Brazils and Peru; besides which, from the nature of the soil, ten men would extract more gold from Bambouk, than a hundred would in the rich mines of Spain and Portugal. In short, the country is so filled with gold mines, that the metal is found in every direction; but the richest of those that have been discovered, are in the centre of the kingdom, between the villages of Kelimani and Natacou, about thirty leagues to the east of the river Félémé. The gold is very pure, and appears in a surprising abundance.

The country is intersected by high and barren mountains; and the inhabitants having no means of subsistence but what they procure with their gold, are obliged to work sedulously in the mines; but they must first obtain the permission of the chiefs of their villages, who only grant it for a certain time, and on condition, that they retain not only half the produce, but likewise all the lumps which are above a certain size.

The Negroes of Bambouk have no notion of the different species of earth, nor the least rule for distinguishing that which produces gold. They know generally that their country contains much of the precious metal, and that the more steril the soil is, the more may be found in it. They watch indifferently in various parts, and when they by chance meet with a small quantity of the ore, they continue to work in the same spot till they see it diminish, on which they move somewhere else. They are of opinion, that the gold is an evil spirit, which delights in tormenting those who love it; on which account it often changes its place. When the mine happens to be rich, and they are satisfied with its produce without much trouble, they stop on the spot, and dig to the depth of six, seven, or eight feet; but they never go farther, being totally ignorant of the art of working by strata; nor are they sufficiently industrious to prevent the ground from falling in upon them.

By this manner of proceeding, they never come to the principal veins; while the ramifications are so rich, and the gold which they contain is so pure, that no mixture of marcassite or other mineral substances prevails in it: it is, indeed, so pure, that there is no occasion to melt it; but just as it comes from the mines it may be worked.

When the lumps are covered by mould, the Negroes put them into water, which detaches the terraqueous parts, and the gold sinks to the bottom.

It may be conceived, that with such little industry they not only obtain but a small part of the gold which is in the mine, but that they only imperfectly collect what they have extracted, because, on pouring off the water and mould, an infinity of particles pass with them.

Besides the gold which is so abundant in the country of Bambouk, there is found in many parts a quantity of blue stones, which are considered as certain tokens of other valuable mines. There have been discovered copper, silver, lead, iron, and tin, as well as excellent loadstones and salt-petre.

Iron is found at Bambouk as well as in all the contiguous states; and the mines are not only abundant, but the ore is of the best quality. The Negroes make it into pots and kettles, without any other aid than the hammer and a fire; they therefore will not buy our iron unless it be wrought.

They have somehow or other learned the art of making gunpowder, which they use when they are not in possession of our’s; but the latter always fetches a certain value, on account of its superiority.

Almost all the commandants at the fort of Galam have made attempts to acquire a perfect knowledge of the kingdom of Bambouk and its gold mines. In 1716 M. Compagnon undertook this perilous journey, and surmounted all its difficulties. He resided in the country nearly eighteen months, travelled all over it, visited the mines, and described them in the most satisfactory manner; he even so far gained the good opinion of the inhabitants, that they not only allowed him to visit all their mines, but they even permitted him to take as much earth as he pleased and to send it to isle St. Louis. In 1720, he published an account of the principal mines which he discovered, and states them to be at _Fourquaronne_, _Sambanoura_, _Segalla_, _Guinguifarama_, _Niausabana_, _Tambacoura_, _Netteco_, _Naye_, and at _Tomane Niacanet_. Since then new discoveries have been made, and those of the two mines of Kelimani and Natacou, are supposed to be the richest in the whole kingdom.

Several projects have been presented for forming establishments in this kingdom, but to me none of them appear feasible. One person has proposed the conquest of this vast country, and has only demanded for that purpose 1200 men; without reflecting that the most numerous army, even supposing that it were to arrive on the spot, and experience no resistance on the part of the natives, which is not likely, would be destroyed in a short time by the privations it would undergo, and the heat of the climate. Another project was, to build a movable fort of wood, in order, under the protection of such machinery, to examine the mines.

I consider both these projects as illusory dreams, because they are impracticable. I shall now state my own:—I think the most simple, least expensive, and the easiest of execution would be, to establish, under modest pretensions, a factory at Galam, and to rebuild the forts of St. Joseph on the Senegal, and St. Peter on the Félémé. Our intercourse is desired in these countries, and we should be received with open arms. Hence we might become the masters of their commerce and the whole of their gold mines, and might afterwards arrive at Tombut, which is still farther, and by which we might complete the grand tour of the interior, which I have already alluded to.

I shall now say a few words on the different hordes of Africa, and the relative advantages they derive from their connection with the Europeans.

All those countries are inhabited, either by Moors or by men whose complexion is of different shades of black, and were called Negroes. There is no race of men more perfidious and cruel than the Moors; they do not possess any of the virtues of the Arabs; they oppress the Negroes, and consider the persecution of strangers as a religious duty.

The Negroes, on the contrary, are naturally good, humane, and hospitable. Those who inhabit the environs of the Senegal are large, muscular, and well-formed men; their countenance is noble; their feelings sensitive and grateful; and their spirit is courageous and indefatigable. There are no domestics more attentive or capable of sincerer attachment; their activity and information render them fit for all the arts and trades; but, as I have already said, they are not adapted for agricultural labours, their bodies not being accustomed to stoop.

The women of these countries are generally handsome, gentle, modest, tender, and faithful; they have in their looks a certain degree of innocence, and in their language a timidity which adds to their charms. They have an invincible inclination for love and voluptuousness, and they express their wishes in this respect with such an attractive voice, as their organs alone seem capable of uttering. Their skin is as black as ebony. Nothing can be more agreeable than their physiognomy; their nose is well formed, and generally aquiline; their eyebrows are finely arched; their lips thin, and of a beautiful vermillion red; they have the finest teeth in the world; the shape of their body is uncommonly elegant; in short, they combine every perfection which constitutes beauty.

At Goree the men and women are also handsome; but there the Mulattoes of both sexes, who have descended from Europeans, are distinguishable in point of appearance, as they possess the grace of their fathers, and dress in the European manner. I may add, that the people of Goree are uncommonly cheerful; and a love of pleasure and gaiety prevails amongst them to a greater extent, than in any other part of the coast of Africa.

To the south and east of the Senegal, the Africans degenerate in a wonderful manner. Their colour is no longer the fine black just described, but an olive. Their form is indeed still robust, but aukward; their limbs are stiff, and the lineaments of their face are so gross, as to defy the judgment of the physiognomist. The figures which they paint on their foreheads and cheeks add to their ugliness. They are useful in all labour which requires exertion, but they possess no ingenuity. Their women are ugly and sallow; and they are, to those who were lately described, what the most barbarous ignorance is to a polished education. Their vivacity is so violent as to resemble anger.

All the governments of Africa are more or less absolute and despotic. Whether the kings be entitled to the throne by birth, or be called to it by voluntary election, the people are equally subjected to the arbitrary will of the prince, who disposes of their liberty and even of their lives, according to his pleasure; but he cannot destroy more than one at a time: he may do any thing to an individual, but nothing to a body of people.

There are a few small states or rather families in this part of Africa, who live together and are governed by elders whom they deem worthy of confidence; these are not the masters who have been described; and the people who live in perfect liberty, would be happy, were they not disturbed by their neighbours. They are often, however, attacked, and being too weak to defend themselves, are taken and sold as slaves; so that even the most peaceable inhabitants of this unfortunate country seem destined to wear chains.

These people in general have no knowledge of the art which is so revered amongst us, under the name of politics. Though they observe state formalities, and the custom of sending ambassadors is familiar to them, either to solicit assistance against a powerful enemy, or to obtain a mediation on points of difference. These ambassadors, however, do not occupy themselves with complicated subjects, but speak only on affairs of the moment; they are every where honoured and respected, their persons are held sacred, and they generally go in bodies of five or six together, preceded by a drum, which announces them at a distance.

Their wars are not better arranged than their politics. Every free man is a soldier; but no government has troops in its pay. On the first signal, the army collects and marches; and often, hostilities which began in the morning, are finished before night. They never yield a portion of territory, but take or keep all or none. Sometimes they dethrone a king, and another takes his place; but the territory always belongs to the people at large. Thus neither the great nor small states are dismembered, as the commonalty would oppose such a proceeding, and the chiefs are too wise thus to aggrandise themselves. Besides, these people do not attach any idea of glory to their conquests. Their prisoners are slaves, except the princes, who, as has already been stated, always enjoy their liberty by unanimous consent: they are given up immediately on certain conditions, or put to death; the rest are either exchanged or sold.

The ordinary occasions for the wars which almost always prevail in these countries, are, an insult at the time of a ceremony; a violent robbery; the injury of a girl, or the attack of a banditti.

In the course of my work I have explained the religion of all these hordes, as well as their laws relative to polygamy, marriage, and burial. Polygamy is not only even permitted, but honoured amongst them, whether Mussulmans or idolaters. The Christians here, as in Europe, have only one wife. I believe that the custom which formerly prevailed, of interring several persons alive with the dead body of a man of quality, is totally abolished.

One of the distinctive characteristics of these people, except such as reside on the coasts, and for whom commerce has created artificial wants, is a total indifference towards riches; in consequence of which hospitality is a common virtue amongst them. Their houses are open at meal-times, and travellers, whether rich or poor, may enter, and eat and drink with the family: they may even reside with them, if they wish so to do, and all their suite is well treated during their stay, without any recompence being expected. Amongst themselves, the Negro, who would refuse to divide with his relations, friends, and neighbours, the produce of his hunting or fishing, would be held up to public contempt.

Agriculture, that necessary art, is considered amongst them to be the occupation of slaves or women; and in some parts, the only advantage which the latter have over the slaves, is, that they are allowed to rest every third day, from what may be considered excessive labour.

The nature of their food, clothing, and dwellings, has been already described. Hence, it is evident, that the Africans have lost nothing, nor can they sustain any loss from their intercourse with Europeans; but they have acquired information, property, and a practice of virtue; advantages which have contributed to their happiness. Let us therefore hope, that all the hordes of Africa may one day resemble the inhabitants of St. Louis and Goree; they will then be happy, and owe their improvement to their connection with the whites.

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CHAP. XVIII.

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ACCOUNT OF MY RETURN TO EUROPE, WITH THE PARTICULARS OF MY SHIPWRECK.

I LEFT the Senegal for Havre on the 24th July, 1786, on board the brigantine _l’Aimable Marthe_; the crew consisted of the captain, whose name was Doré, a lieutenant, a carpenter, a mate, and three sailors. The passengers were Messrs. Gourg, naval commissioners at Senegal, Longer, captain of a frigate, Bernard my cook, a young Negro and myself.

After an uncommonly long and dangerous passage, we were of opinion, on the 12th September, in the morning, that we should arrive in the course of the night at Havre; and we in consequence gave ourselves up to that pleasure which travellers always experience at the end of a long voyage; when I perceived that the captain was out in his reckoning, and that we were in the Bristol channel. I informed him of this circumstance, and his surprise was equal to my own. The weather was stormy, the sea ran high, and the rapid gusts of wind indicated an approaching tempest.

At three o’clock we were in sight of Lundy island, and attempted to take refuge at it; but our efforts were unavailing; and we then directed our course for the bay of Tumby, which we entered, though here our hopes of finding a shelter also proved abortive; and we could not withstand the violence of the wind and tide. We were, however, near enough to the shore to observe the inhabitants collecting upon it, and expressing their regret that they could not afford us any assistance. We had dropped our bower anchor, but we were under the necessity of cutting the cable, and then our loss seemed inevitable. We nevertheless attempted to reach the isle of Caldy; and for this purpose we kept tacking the whole night, during which the weather was dreadful. The wind was W. S. W. and blew so strong, that we could only let out the main and mizen-sail. We were then in three fathoms water; but after tacking on different points, we found ourselves at two o’clock in Laugharn Bay, in only two fathoms water: the sea was furious, and every instant covered the vessel, while the rain was violent in the extreme, so that it soon became impossible to work the ship: she therefore ran aground, with three violent shocks, which laid her open, unshipped the rudder, and decided our fate.

We now found ourselves completely wrecked; and, in order to lighten the vessel, we cut away the masts, when we found that she remained fixed in six feet water, but was every instant covered with waves of an enormous size, which seemed ready to swallow her up. In this dreadful crisis some fell to making rafts, others seized on pieces of wood, and all endeavoured to avoid that death which seemed to be prepared for them. At this period it was remarkable that some of our little crew were concerned about futurity; and one of them being very anxious respecting the fate of the Negro boy, who had never been christened, baptized him in my presence with some fresh water, and then held him fast in his arms, with a view that they might die and arrive together in the other world.

About three o’clock the storm began to subside, and the waves broke with less violence against our vessel. We then perceived that it was low water; but the darkness of the night prevented us from distinguishing where we were, or ascertaining the place of our shipwreck; nevertheless, without knowing what distance we were from land, we thought it probable that we might get to it, and resolved to make the attempt. A small canoe was therefore let down, and I was the first who got into it: Longer and the lieutenant followed me, but we did not find sufficient water to work the boat; we therefore got out of it, and walked for about an hour in the sea, preceded by two sailors, who sounded at every step, and served as guides. After passing through different depths of water, but not sufficient to stop us, we at length landed, and sent back the two sailors to inform our companions that we were safe, and invite them to follow the route we had taken.

On quitting the vessel we left all our clothes, which might have prevented us from swimming, if necessary: I had nothing on but a pair of trowsers, in one of the pockets of which I had put a letter with my address, in order that my family might be informed of my fate, if I should be drowned, and cast on shore. This was the only precaution which I thought it necessary to take. We therefore found ourselves on an unknown spot, four in number, almost naked, and without the means of subsistence.

The night continued to be very dark, and the rain poured down in torrents. We, however, continued to walk for two hours, without knowing whither we were proceeding: at length we reached a mansion, which we walked round several times, but could not find any door open, or a place in which we could obtain shelter, though we made noise enough to be heard, if the inhabitants had not all been in a sound sleep. At length, after much trouble, I discovered a little gate, which led into the park. I raised the latch, the gate opened, and we found ourselves, with inexpressible pleasure, in a large walk, which led to the vestibule of the mansion. I knocked at the door with all my strength, and we heard the barking of dogs inside; we also soon found that the domestics were stirring: they appeared to be running to the chamber of the master, doubtless to inform him that the house was infested by banditti; as they only spoke to us through a garret window. They asked us first in English, and then in bad French, for what reason we had entered the park at such an hour? I answered in a feeble voice, and lamentable accent, that we were unfortunate Frenchmen, whose ship had been wrecked, and that we requested an asylum.

If that is the case, answered the person who first spoke, you may be easy; I will order my doors to be open, and you shall receive all the assistance that you may be in want of.

Soon afterwards the doors were thrown open, and we saw in the hall all the servants of the chateau, armed with muskets and sabres: it seems they had taken this precaution, lest we had deceived them by our story; but when they saw us naked, almost frozen, and objects of pity rather than fear, they put down their arms, and paid us every attention.

We were at first conducted into the kitchen, where, before a large fire, we warmed our frost-bitten limbs. Soon afterwards the mistress of the house, and all her female domestics, came and brought us linen, and other apparel, which we divided amongst each other as well as we could. A table was then laid out, and we were supplied with victuals and drink; which we devoured with the greatest eagerness, being almost famished.

After the repast, I was shewn to a chamber; while my companions and the master of the house went down to the shore, to endeavour to save something from the wreck. On their return, I learnt that the vessel had gone entirely to pieces at three o’clock.