Part 14
HAARLEM LAKE (Dutch _Harlemmer Meer_), a commune of the province of North Holland, constituted by the law of the 16th of July 1855. It has an area of about 46,000 acres, and its population increased from 7237 in 1860 to 16,621 in 1900. As its name indicates, the commune was formerly a lake, which is said to have been a relic of a northern arm of the Rhine which passed through the district in the time of the Romans. In 1531 the Haarlemmer Meer had an area of 6430 acres, and in its vicinity were three smaller sheets of water--the Leidsche Meer or Leiden Lake, the Spiering Meer, and the Oude Meer or Old Lake, with a united area of about 7600 acres. The four lakes were formed into one by successive inundations, whole villages disappearing in the process, and by 1647 the new Haarlem Lake had an area of about 37,000 acres, which a century later had increased to over 42,000 acres. As early as 1643 Jan Adriaanszoon Leeghwater proposed to endike and drain the lake; and similar schemes, among which those of Nikolaas Samuel Cruquius in 1742 and of Baron van Lijnden van Hemmen in 1820 are worthy of special mention, were brought forward from time to time. But it was not till a furious hurricane in November 1836 drove the waters as far as the gates of Amsterdam, and another on Christmas Day sent them in the opposite direction to submerge the streets of Leiden, that the mind of the nation was seriously turned to the matter. In August 1837 the king appointed a royal commission of inquiry; the scheme proposed by the commission received the sanction of the Second Chamber in March 1839, and in the following May the work was begun. A canal was first dug round the lake for the reception of the water and the accommodation of the great traffic which had previously been carried on. This canal was 38 m. in length, 123-146 ft. wide, and 8 ft. deep, and the earth which was taken out of it was used to build a dike from 30 to 54 yds. broad containing the lake. The area enclosed by the canal was rather more than 70 sq. m., and the average depth of the lake 13 ft. 1½ in., and as the water had no natural outfall it was calculated that probably 1000 million tons would have to be raised by mechanical means. This amount was 200 million tons in excess of that actually discharged. Pumping by steam-engines began in 1848, and the lake was dry by the 1st of July 1852. At the first sale of the highest lands along the banks on the 16th of August 1853, about £28 per acre was paid; but the average price afterwards was less. The whole area of 42,096 acres recovered from the waters brought in 9,400,000 florins, or about £780,000, exactly covering the cost of the enterprise; so that the actual cost to the nation was only the amount of the interest on the capital, or about £368,000. The soil is of various kinds, loam, clay, sand and peat; most of it is sufficiently fertile, though in the lower portions there are barren patches where the scanty vegetation is covered with an ochreous deposit. Mineral springs occur containing a very high percentage (3.245 grams per litre) of common salt; and in 1893 a company was formed for working them. Corn, seeds, cattle, butter and cheese are the principal produce. The roads which traverse the commune are bordered by pleasant-looking farm-houses built after the various styles of Holland, Friesland or Brabant. Hoofddorp, Venneperdorp or Nieuw Vennep, Abbenes and the vicinities of the pumping-stations are the spots where the population has clustered most thickly. The first church was built in 1855; in 1877 there were seven. In 1854 the city of Leiden laid claim to the possession of the new territory, but the courts decided in favour of the nation.
HAASE, FRIEDRICH (1827- ), German actor, was born on the 1st of November 1827, in Berlin, the son of a valet to King Frederick William IV., who became his godfather. He was educated for the stage under Ludwig Tieck and made his first appearance in 1846 in Weimar, afterwards acting at Prague (1849-1851) and Karlsruhe (1852-1855). From 1860 to 1866 he played in St Petersburg, then was manager of the court theatre in Coburg, and in 1869 (and again in 1882-1883) visited the United States. He was manager of the Stadt Theater in Leipzig from 1870 to 1876, when he removed to Berlin, where he devoted his energies to the foundation and management of the Deutsches Theater. He finally retired from the stage in 1898. Haase's aristocratic appearance and elegant manner fitted him specially to play high comedy parts. His chief rôles were those of Rocheferrier in the _Partie Piquet_; Richelieu; Savigny in _Der feiner Diplomat_, and der Fürst in _Der geheime Agent_. He is the author of _Ungeschminkte Briefe and Was ich erlebte 1846-1898_ (Berlin, 1898).
See Simon, _Friedrich Haase_ (Berlin, 1898).
HAASE, FRIEDRICH GOTTLOB (1808-1867), German classical scholar, was born at Magdeburg on the 4th of January 1808. Having studied at Halle, Greifswald and Berlin, he obtained in 1834 an appointment at Schulpforta, from which he was suspended and sentenced to six years' imprisonment for identifying himself with the _Burschenschaften_ (students' associations). Having been released after serving one year of his sentence, he visited Paris, and on his return in 1840 he was appointed professor at Breslau, where he remained till his death on the 16th of August 1867. He was undoubtedly one of the most successful teachers of his day in Germany, and exercised great influence upon all his pupils.
He edited several classic authors: Xenophon ([Greek: Lakedaimoniôn politeia], 1833); Thucydides (1840); Velleius Paterculus (1858); Seneca the philosopher (2nd ed., 1872, not yet superseded); and Tacitus (1855), the introduction to which is a masterpiece of Latinity. His _Vorlesungen über lateinische Sprachwissenschaft_ was published after his death by F. A. Eckstein and H. Peter (1874-1880). See C Bursian, _Geschichte der klassischen Philologie in Deutschland_ (1883); G. Fickert, _Friderici Haasii memoria_ (1868), with a list of works; T. Oelsner in _Rübezahl (Schlesische Provinzialblätter)_, vii. Heft 3 (Breslau, 1868).
HAAST, SIR JOHANN FRANZ JULIUS VON (1824-1887), German and British geologist, was born at Bonn on the 1st of May 1824. He received his early education partly in that town and partly in Cologne, and then entered the university at Bonn, where he made a special study of geology and mineralogy. In 1858 he started for New Zealand to report on the suitability of the colony for German emigrants. He then became acquainted with Dr von Hochstetter, and rendered assistance to him in the preliminary geological survey which von Hochstetter had undertaken. Afterwards Dr Haast accepted offers from the governments of Nelson and Canterbury to investigate the geology of those districts, and the results of his detailed labours greatly enriched our knowledge with regard to the rocky structure, the glacial phenomena and the economic products. He discovered gold and coal in Nelson, and he carried on important researches with reference to the occurrence of _Dinornis_ and other extinct wingless birds (Moas). His _Geology of the Provinces of Canterbury and Westland, N.Z._, was published in 1879. He was the founder of the Canterbury museum at Christchurch, of which he became director, and which he endeavoured to render the finest collection in the southern hemisphere. He was surveyor-general of Canterbury from 1861 to 1871, and professor of geology at Canterbury College. He was elected F.R.S. in 1867; and he was knighted for his services at the time of the colonial exhibition in London in 1887. He died at Wellington, N.Z., on the 15th of August 1887.
HABABS (AZ-HIBBEHS), a nomadic pastoral people of Hamitic stock, living in the coast region north-west of Massawa. Physically they are Beja, by language and traditions Abyssinians. They were Christians until the 19th century, but are now Mahommedans. Their sole wealth consists in cattle.
HABAKKUK, the name borne by the eighth book of the Old Testament "Minor Prophets." It occurs twice in the book itself (i. 1, iii. 1) in titles, but nowhere else in the Old Testament. The meaning of the name is uncertain. If Hebrew, it might be derived from the root [Hebrew: habak] (to embrace) as an intensive term of affection. It has also been connected more plausibly with an Assyrian plant name, _[h)]ambakuku_ (Delitzsch, _Assyrisches Handwörterbuch_, p. 281). The Septuagint has [Greek: Ambakoum]. Of the person designated, no more is known than may be inferred from the writing which bears his name. Various legends are connected with him, of which the best known is given in the Apocryphal story of "Bel and the Dragon" (v. 33-39); but none of these has any historic value.[1]
The book itself falls into three obvious parts, viz. (1) a dialogue between the prophet and God (i. 2-ii. 4); (2) a series of five woes pronounced on wickedness (ii. 5-ii. 20); (3) a poem describing the triumphant manifestation of God (iii.). There is considerable difficulty in regard to the interpretation of (1), on which that of (2) will turn; while (3) forms an independent section, to be considered separately.
In the dialogue, the prophet cries to God against continued violence and injustice, though it is not clear whether this is done _within_ or _to_ Israel (i. 2-4). The divine answer declares that God raises up the Chaldaeans, whose formidable resources are invincible (i. 5-11). The prophet thereupon calls God's attention to the tyranny which He apparently allows to triumph, and declares his purpose to wait till an answer is given to his complaint (i. 12-ii. 2). God answers by demanding patience, and by declaring that the righteous shall live by his faithfulness (ii. 3-4).
The interpretation of this dialogue which first suggests itself is that the prophet is referring to wickedness _within_ the nation, which is to be punished by the Chaldaeans as a divine instrument; in the process, the tyranny of the instrument itself calls for punishment, which the prophet is bidden to await in patient fidelity. On this view of the dialogue, the subsequent woes will be pronounced against the Chaldaeans, and the date assigned to the prophecy will be about 600 B.C., i.e. soon after the battle of Carchemish (605 B.C.), when the Chaldaean victory over Egypt inaugurated a period of Chaldaean supremacy which lasted till the Chaldaeans themselves were overthrown by Cyrus in 538 B.C. Grave objections, however, confront this interpretation, as is admitted even by such recent defenders of it as Davidson and Driver. Is it likely that a prophet would begin a complaint against Chaldaean tyranny (admittedly central in the prophecy) by complaining of that wickedness of his fellow-countrymen which seems partly to justify it? Are not the terms of reference in i. 2 f. and 1. 12 f. too similar for the supposition that two distinct, even contradictory, complaints are being made (cf. "wicked" and "righteous" in i. 4 and i. 13, interchanged in regard to Israel, on above theory)? And if i. 5-11 is a genuine _prophecy_ of the raising up of the Chaldaeans, whence comes that long experience of their rule required to explain the _detailed_ denunciation of their tyranny? To meet the last objection, Davidson supposes i. 5-11 to be really a reference to the past, prophetic in form only, and brings down the whole section to a later period of Chaldaean rule, "hardly, one would think, before the deportation of the people under Jehoiachin in 597" (p. 49). Driver prefers to bisect the dialogue by supposing i. 2-11 to be written at an earlier period than i. 12 f. (p. 57). The other objections, however, remain, and have provoked a variety of theories from Old Testament scholars, of which three call for special notice. (1) The first of these, represented by Giesebrecht,[2] Nowack and Wellhausen, refers i. 2-4 to Chaldaean oppression of Israel, the same subject being continued in i. 12 f. Obviously, the reference to the Chaldaeans as a divine instrument could not then stand in its present place, and it is accordingly regarded as a misplaced earlier prophecy. This is the minimum of critical procedure required to do justice to the facts. (2) Budde, followed by Cornill, also regards i. 2-4 as referring to the oppression of Israel by a foreign tyrant, whom, however, he holds to be Assyria. He also removes i. 5-11 from its present place, but makes it part of the divine answer, following ii. 4. On this view, the Chaldaeans are the divine instrument for punishing the tyranny of the Assyrians, to whom the following woes will therefore refer. The date would fall between Josiah's reformation (621) and his death (609). This is a plausible and even attractive theory; its weakness seems to lie in the absence of any positive evidence in the prophecy itself, as is illustrated by the fact that even G. A. Smith, who follows it, suggests "Egypt from 608-605" as an alternative to Assyria (p. 124). (3) Marti (1904) abandons the attempt to explain the prophecy as a unity, and analyses it into three elements, viz. (a) The original prophecy by Habakkuk, consisting of i. 5-10, 14 f., belonging to the year 605, and representing the emergent power of the Chaldaeans as a divine scourge of the faithless people; (b) Woes against the Chaldaeans, presupposing not only tyrannous rule over many peoples, but the beginning of their decline and fall, and therefore of date about 540 B.C. (ii. 5-19); (c) A psalm of post-exilic origin, whose fragments, i. 2-4, 12 a, 13, ii. 1-4, have been incorporated into the present text from the margins on which they were written, its subject being the suffering of the righteous. Each of these three theories[3] encounters difficulties of detail; none can be said to have secured a dominant position. The great variety of views amongst competent critics is significant of the difficulty of the problem, which can hardly be regarded as yet solved; this divergence of opinion perhaps points to the impossibility of maintaining the unity of chs. i. and ii., and throws the balance of probability towards some such analysis as that of Marti, which is therefore accepted in the present article.
In regard to the poem which forms the third and closing chapter of the present book of Habakkuk, there is much more general agreement. Its most striking characteristic lies in the superscription ("A prayer of Habakkuk the prophet, set to Shigionoth"), the subscription ("For the chief musician, on my stringed instruments"), and the insertion of the musical term "Selah" in three places (v. 3, 9, 13). These liturgical notes make extremely probable the supposition that the poem has been taken from some collection like that of our present book of Psalms, probably on the ground of the authorship asserted by the superscription there attached to it. It cannot, however, be said that the poem itself supports this assertion, which carries no more intrinsic weight than the Davidic titles of the Psalms. The poem begins with a prayer that God will renew the historic manifestation of the exodus, which inaugurated the national history and faith; a thunderstorm moving up from the south is then described, in which God is revealed (3-7); it is asked whether this manifestation, whose course is further described, is against nature only (8-11); the answer is given that it is for the salvation of Israel against its wicked foes (12-15); the poet describes the effect in terror upon himself (16) and declares his confidence in God, even in utter agricultural adversity (17-19). As Wellhausen says (p. 171): "The poet appears to believe that in the very act of describing enthusiastically the ancient deed of deliverance, he brings home to us the new; we are left sometimes in doubt whether he speaks of the past to suggest the new by analogy, or whether he is concerned directly with the future, and simply paints it with the colours of the past." In any case, there is nothing in this fine poem to connect it with the conception of the Chaldaeans as a divine instrument. It is the nation that speaks through the poet (cf. v. 14), but at what period of its post-exilic history we have no means of inferring.
Our estimate of the theological teaching of this book will naturally be influenced by the particular critical theory which is adopted. The reduction of the book to four originally independent sections requires that the point of each be stated separately. When this is done, it will, however, be found that there is a broad unity of subject, and of natural development in its treatment, such as to some extent justifies the instinct or the judgment of those who were instrumental in effecting the combination of the separate parts. (1) The poem (iii.), though possibly latest in date,[4] claims first consideration, because it avowedly moves in the circle of primitive ideas, and supplicates a divine intervention, a direct and immediate manifestation of the transcendent God. He is conceived as controlling or overcoming the forces of nature; and though an earlier mythology has supplied some of the ideas, yet, as with the opening chapters of Genesis, they are transfigured by the moral purpose which animates them, the purpose to subdue all things that could frustrate the destiny of God's anointed (v. 13). The closing verses strike that deep note of absolute dependence on God, which is the glory of the religion of the Old Testament and its chief contribution to the spirit of the Gospels. (2) The prophecy of the Chaldaeans as the instruments of the divine purpose involves a different, yet related, conception of the divine providence. The philosophy of history, by which Hebrew prophets could read a deep moral significance into national disaster and turn the flank of resistless attack, became one of the most important elements in the nation's faith. If the world-powers were hard as flint in their dealings with Israel, the people of God were steeled to such moral endurance that each clash of their successive onsets kindled some new flame of devotion. Through the Chaldaeans God worked a work which required centuries of life and literature to disclose its fulness (i. 5). (3) When we turn from this view of the Chaldaeans to the denunciation of their tyranny in "taunt songs" (ii. 5-20), we have simply a practical application of the doctrine of divine government. God being what He is, at once moral and all-powerful, the immoral life is doomed to overthrow, whether the immorality consist in grasping rapacity, proud self-aggrandizement, cruel exaction, exulting triumph or senseless idolatry. (4) Yet, because the doom so often tarries, there arises the problem of the suffering of the innocent and the upright. How can God look down with tolerance that seems favour on so much that conflicts with His declared will and character? This is the great problem of Israel, finding its supreme expression for all time in the book of Job (q.v.). In that book the solution of the problem of innocent suffering lies hidden from the sufferer, even to the end, for he is not admitted with the reader to the secret of the prologue; it is the practical solution of faithfulness resting on faith which is offered to us. So here, with the principle of ii. 4, "the righteous shall live by his faithfulness." The different application of these words in the New Testament to "faith" is well known (Rom. i. 17; Gal. iii. 11; Heb. x. 38) though the difference is apt to be exaggerated by those who forget how much of the element of [Hebrew: emuna]: lies in Paul's conception of [Greek: pistis]. In G. A. Smith's words, "as Paul's adaptation, 'the just shall live by faith,' has become the motto of evangelical Christianity, so we may say that Habakkuk's original of it has been the motto and the fame of Judaism: 'the righteous shall live by his faithfulness.'"
The Hebrew text of this impressive and varied book is unfortunately corrupt in many places; even so cautious a critic as Driver accepts or favourably notices eighteen textual emendations in the three chapters, and suspects the text in at least seven other cases. For the interpretation of the book in detail, the English reader will find Driver's commentary (1906) the most useful.
References to earlier literature will be found in the following noteworthy studies of recent date: Davidson, "Nahum, Habakkuk and Zephaniah," in _Cambridge Bible_ (1896); Nowack, _Die kleinen Propheten_ (Hdkr.) (1897); Wellhausen, _Die kleinen Propheten_^3 (1898); G. A. Smith, "The Book of the Twelve Prophets," in _The Expositor's Bible_, vol. ii. (1898); Driver, article "Habakkuk" in Hastings' _Dictionary of the Bible_, vol. ii. pp. 269-272 (1900); Budde, article "Habakkuk" in _Ency. Biblica_, vol. ii., c. 1921-1928 (1901); Stevenson, "The Interpretation of Habakkuk," in _The Expositor_ (1902), pp. 388-401; Peake, _The Problem of Suffering in the Old Testament_ (1904), pp. 4-11 and app. A, "Recent Criticism of Habakkuk"; Marti, _Dodekapropheton_ (K. H. C.) (1904); Driver, "Minor Prophets," vol. ii., in _Century Bible_ (1906); Duhm, _Das Buch Habakkuk_ (Text, Übersetzung und Efklärung), 1906 (regards the book as a unity belonging to the time of Alexander the Great). Max L. Margolis discusses the anonymous Greek version of Habakkuk iii. in a volume of _Old Test. and Semitic Studies: in Memory of William Rainey Harper_ (Chicago, 1908). (H. W. R.*)
FOOTNOTES:
[1] These legends are collected in Hastings, D. B. vol. ii. p. 272. He is the watchman of Is. xxi. 6 (cf. Hab. ii. 1); the son of the Shunammite (2 Kings iv. 16); and is miraculously lifted by his hair to carry his own dinner to Daniel in the lions' den (_supra_).
[2] Followed by Peake in _The Problem of Suffering_, pp. 4 f., 151 f., to whose appendix (A) reference may be made for further details of recent criticism.
[3] For the less probable theories of Rothstein, Lauterburg, Happel and Peiser (amongst others), cf. Marti's _Commentary_, pp. 328 f. and 332. Stevenson (_The Expositor_, 1902) states clearly the difficulties for those who regard ch. i. as a unity. He sees two independent sections, 2-4 + 12-13, and 5-11 + 14-17.
[4] Earlier, however, than Ps. lxxvii. 17-20, which is drawn from it.
HABDALA (lit. "separation"), a Hebrew term chiefly appropriated to ceremonies at the conclusion of Sabbath and festivals, marking the separation between times sacred and secular. On the Saturday night the ceremony consists of three items: (a) benediction over a cup of wine (common to many other Jewish functions); (b) benediction over a lighted taper, of which possibly the origin is utilitarian, as no light might be kindled on the Sabbath day, but the rite may be symbolical; and (c) benediction over a box of sweet-smelling spices. The origin of the latter has been traced to the bowl of burning spice which in Talmudic times was introduced after each meal. But here too symbolic ideas must be taken into account. Both the light and the spices would readily fit into the conception of the Sabbath "Over-soul" of the mystics. (I. A.)
HABEAS CORPUS, in English law, a writ issued out of the High Court of Justice commanding the person to whom it is directed to bring the body of a person in his custody before that or some other court for a specified purpose.