CHAPTER III

THEORIES AS TO THE ORIGIN, DATE, AND STRUCTURE OF THE POEM

SECTION I. IS "BEOWULF" TRANSLATED FROM A SCANDINAVIAN ORIGINAL?

Our poem, the first original poem of any length in the English tongue, ignores England. In one remarkable passage (ll. 1931-62) it mentions with praise Offa I, the great king who ruled the Angles whilst they were still upon the Continent. But, except for this, it deals mainly with heroes who, so far as we can identify them with historic figures, are Scandinavian.

Hence, not unnaturally, the first editor boldly declared _Beowulf_ to be an Anglo-Saxon version of a Danish poem; and this view has had many supporters. The poem _must_ be Scandinavian, said one of its earliest translators, because it deals mainly with Scandinavian heroes and "everyone knows that in ancient times each nation celebrated in song its own heroes alone[227]." And this idea, though not so crudely expressed, seems really to underlie the belief which has been held by numerous scholars, that the poem is nothing more than a translation of a poem in which some Scandinavian minstrel had glorified the heroes of his own nation.

But what do we mean by "nation"? Doubtless, from the point of view of politics and war, each Germanic tribe, or offshoot of a tribe, formed an independent nation: the Longobardi had no hesitation in helping the "Romans" to cut the throats of their Gothic kinsmen: Penda the Mercian was willing to ally with the Welshmen in order to overthrow his {99} fellow Angles of Northumbria. But all this, as the history of the ancient Greeks or of the ancient Hebrews might show us, is quite compatible with a consciousness of racial unity among the warring states, with a common poetic tradition and a common literature. For purposes of poetry there was only one nation--the Germanic--split into many dialects and groups, but possessed of a common metre, a common style, a common standard of heroic feeling: and any deed of valour performed by any Germanic chief might become a fit subject for the poetry of any Germanic tribe of the heroic age.

So, if by "nation" we mean the whole Germanic race, then Germanic poetry is essentially "national." The Huns were the only non-Germanic tribe who were received (for poetical purposes) into Germania. Hunnish chiefs seem to have adopted Gothic manners, and after the Huns had disappeared it often came to be forgotten that they were not Germans. But with this exception the tribes and heroes of Germanic heroic poetry are Germanic.

If, however, by "nation" we understand the different warring units into which the Germanic race was, politically speaking, divided, then Germanic poetry is essentially "international."

This is no theory, but a fact capable of conclusive proof. The chief actors in the old Norse Volsung lays are not Norsemen, but Sigurd the Frank, Gunnar the Burgundian, Atli the Hun. In Continental Germany, the ideal knight of the Saxons in the North and the Bavarians in the South was no native hero, but Theodoric the Ostrogoth. So too in England, whilst _Beowulf_ deals chiefly with Scandinavian heroes, the _Finnsburg_ fragment deals with the Frisian tribes of the North Sea coast: _Waldere_ with the adventures of Germanic chiefs settled in Gaul, _Deor_ with stories of the Goths and of the Baltic tribes, whilst _Widsith_, which gives us a catalogue of the old heroic tales, shows that amongst the heroes whose names were current in England were men of Gothic, Burgundian, Frankish, Lombard, Frisian, Danish and Swedish race. There is nothing peculiar, then, in the fact that _Beowulf_ celebrates heroes who were not of Anglian birth. {100}

In their old home in Schleswig the Angles had been in the exact centre of Germania: with an outlook upon both the North Sea and the Baltic, and in touch with Scandinavian tribes on the North and Low German peoples on the South. That the Angles were interested in the stories of all the nations which surrounded them, and that they brought these stories with them to England, is certain. It is a mere accident that the one heroic poem which happens to have been preserved at length is almost exclusively concerned with Scandinavian doings. It could easily have happened that the history of the _Beowulf_ MS and the _Waldere_ MS might have been reversed: that the _Beowulf_ might have been cut up to bind other books, and the _Waldere_ preserved intact: in that case our one long poem would have been localized in ancient Burgundia, and would have dealt chiefly with the doings of Burgundian champions. But we should have had no more reason, without further evidence, to suppose the _Waldere_ a translation from the Burgundian than we have, without further evidence, to suppose _Beowulf_ a translation from the Scandinavian.

To deny that _Beowulf_, as we have it, is a translation from the Scandinavian does not, of course, involve any denial of the Scandinavian origin of the _story_ of Beowulf's deeds. The fact that his achievements are framed in a Scandinavian setting, and that the closest parallels to them have to be sought in Scandinavian lands, makes it probable on _a priori_ grounds that the story had its origin there. On the face of it, Muellenhoff's belief that the story was indigenous among the Angles is quite unlikely. It would seem rather to have originated in the Geatic country. But stories, whether in prose or verse, would spread quickly from the Geatas to the Danes and from the Danes to the Angles.

After the Angles had crossed the North Sea, however, this close intimacy ceased, till the Viking raids again reminded Englishmen, in a very unpleasant way, of their kinsmen across the sea. Now linguistic evidence tends to show that _Beowulf_ belongs to a time prior to the Viking settlement in England, and it is unlikely that the Scandinavian traditions embodied in _Beowulf_ found their way to England just at the time when {101} communication with Scandinavian lands seems to have been suspended. We must conclude then that all this Scandinavian tradition probably spread to the Angles whilst they were still in their old continental home, was brought across to England by the settlers in the sixth century, was handed on by English bards from generation to generation, till some Englishmen formed the poem of _Beowulf_ as we know it.

Of course, if evidence can be produced that _Beowulf_ is translated from some Scandinavian original, which was brought over in the seventh century or later, that is another matter. But the evidence produced so far is not merely inconclusive, but ludicrously inadequate.

It has been urged[228] by Sarrazin, the chief advocate of the translation theory, that the description of the country round Heorot, and especially of the journey to the Grendel-lake, shows such local knowledge as to point to its having been composed by some Scandinavian poet familiar with the locality. Heorot can probably, as we have seen, be identified with Leire: and the Grendel-lake Sarrazin identifies with the neighbouring Roskilde fjord. But it is hardly possible to conceive a greater contrast than that between the Roskilde fjord and the scenery depicted in ll. 1357 _etc._, 1408 _etc._ Seen, as Sarrazin saw it, on a May morning, in alternate sun and shadow, the Roskilde fjord presents a view of tame and peaceful beauty. In the days of Hrothgar, when there were perhaps fewer cultivated fields and more beech forests, the scenery may have been less tame, but can hardly have been less peaceful. The only trace of accurate geography is that Heorot is represented as not on the shore, and yet not far remote from it (ll. 307 _etc._). But, as has been pointed out above, we know that traditions of the attack by the Heathobeardan upon Heorot were current in England: and these would be quite sufficient to keep alive, even among English bards, some remembrance of the strategic situation of Heorot with regard to the sea. A man need not have been near Troy, to realize that the town was no seaport and yet near the sea.

{102}

Again, it has been claimed by Sarrazin that the language of _Beowulf_ shows traces of the Scandinavian origin of the poem. Sarrazin's arguments on this head have been contested energetically by Sievers[229]. After some heated controversy Sarrazin made a final and (presumably) carefully-weighed statement of his case. In this he gave a list of twenty-nine words upon which he based his belief[230]. Yet of these twenty-nine, twenty-one occur in other O.E. writings, where there can be no possible question of translation from the Scandinavian: some of these words, in fact, are amongst the commonest of O.E. poetical expressions. There remain eight which do not happen to be found elsewhere in the extant remains of O.E. poetry. But these are mostly compounds like _headho-l[=a]c_, _feorh-s[=e]oc_: and though the actual compound is not elsewhere extant in English, the component elements are thoroughly English. There is no reason whatever to think that these eight rare words are taken from Old Norse. Indeed, three of them do not occur in Old Norse at all.

Evidence to prove _Beowulf_ a translation from a Scandinavian original is, then, wanting. On the other hand, over and above the difficulty that the _Beowulf_ belongs just to the period when intimate communication between the Angles and Scandinavians was suspended, there is much evidence against the translation theory. The earliest Scandinavian poetry we possess, or of which we can get information, differs absolutely from _Beowulf_ in style, metre and sentiment: the manners of _Beowulf_ are incompatible with all we know of the wild heathendom of Scandinavia in the seventh or eighth century[231]. _Beowulf_, as we now have it, with its Christian references and its Latin loan-words, _could_ not be a translation from the Scandinavian. And the proper names in _Beowulf_ which Sarrazin claimed were Old Norse, not Old English, and had been taken {103} over from the Old Norse original, are in all cases so correctly transliterated as to necessitate the assumption that they were brought across early, at the time of the settlement of Britain or very shortly after, and underwent phonetic development side by side with the other words in the English language. Had they been brought across from Scandinavia at a later date, much confusion must have ensued in the forms.

Somewhat less improbable is the suggestion "that the poet had travelled on the continent and become familiar with the legends of the Danes and Geats, or else had heard them from a Scandinavian resident in England[232]." But it is clear from the allusive manner in which the Scandinavian tales are told, that they must have been familiar to the poet's audience. If, then, the English audience knew them, why must the poet himself have travelled on the continent in order to know them? There is, therefore, no need for this theory, and it is open to many of the objections of the translation theory: for example it fails, equally with that theory, to account for the uniformly correct development of the proper names.

The obvious conclusion is that these Scandinavian traditions were brought over by the English settlers in the sixth century. Against this only one cavil can be raised, and that will not bear examination. It has been objected that, since Hygelac's raid took place about 516, since Beowulf's accession was some years subsequent, and since he then reigned fifty years, his death cannot be put much earlier than 575, and that this brings us to a date when the migration of the Angles and Saxons had been completed[233]. But it is forgotten that all the historical events mentioned in the poem, which we can date, occur before, or not very long after, the raid of Hygelac, c. 516. The poem asserts that fifty years after these events Beowulf slew a dragon and was slain by it. But this does not make the dragon historic, nor does it make the year 575 the historic date of the death of Beowulf. We cannot be sure that there _was_ any actual king of the Geatas named Beowulf; and if there was, the last known historic act with which that king is associated is the raising of Eadgils to the Swedish throne, {104} c. 525: the rest of Beowulf's long reign, since it contains no event save the slaying of a dragon, has no historic validity.

It is noteworthy that, whereas there is full knowledge shown in our poem of those events which took place in Scandinavian lands during the whole period from about 450 to 530--the period during which hordes of Angles, Saxons and Jutes were landing in Britain--there is no reference, not even by way of casual allusion, to any continental events which we can date with certainty as subsequent to the arrival of the latest settlers from the continent. Surely this is strong evidence that these tales were brought over by some of the last of the invaders, not carried to England by some casual traveller a century or two later.

* * * * *

SECTION II. THE DIALECT, SYNTAX, AND METRE OF "BEOWULF" AS EVIDENCE OF ITS LITERARY HISTORY.

A full discussion of the dialect, metre and syntax of _Beowulf_ forms no part of the scheme of this study. It is only intended in this section to see how far such investigations throw light upon the literary history of the poem.

_Dialect._

_Beowulf_ is written in the late West Saxon dialect. Imbedded in the poem, however, are a large number of forms, concerning which this at least can be said--that they are not normal late West Saxon. Critics have classified these forms, and have drawn conclusions from them as to the history of the poem: arguing from sporadic "Mercian" and "Kentish" forms that _Beowulf_ is of Mercian origin and has passed through the hands of a Kentish transcriber.

But, in fact, the evidence as to Old English dialects is more scanty and more conflicting than philologists have always been willing to admit. It is exceedingly difficult to say with any certainty what forms are "Mercian" and what "Kentish." Having run such forms to earth, it is still more difficult to say what arguments are to be drawn from their _occasional_ {105} appearance in any text. Men from widely different parts of the country would be working together in the scriptorium of one and the same monastery, and this fact alone may have often led to confusion in the dialectal forms of works transcribed.

A thorough investigation of the significance of all the abnormal forms in _Beowulf_ has still to be made. Whether it would repay the labour of the investigator may well be questioned. In the meantime we may accept the view that the poem was in all probability originally written in some non-West-Saxon dialect, and most probably in an Anglian dialect, since this is confirmed by the way in which the Anglian hero Offa is dragged into the story.

Ten Brink's attempt to decide the dialect and transmission of _Beowulf_ will be found in his _Beowulf_, pp. 237-241: he notes the difficulty that the "Kentish" forms from which he argues are nearly all such as occur also sporadically in West Saxon texts. A classification of the forms by P. G. Thomas will be found in the _Modern Language Review_, I, 202 _etc._ How difficult and uncertain all classification must be has been shown by Frederick Tupper (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXVI, 235 _etc._; _J.E.G.P._ XI, 82-9).

"_Lichtenheld's Test._"

Somewhat more definite results can be drawn from certain syntactical usages. There can be no doubt that as time went on, the use of _se_, _s[=e]o_, _thaet_ became more and more common in O.E. verse. This is largely due to the fact that in the older poems the _weak adjective_ + _noun_ appears frequently where we should now use the definite article: _w[=i]sa fengel_--"the wise prince"; _se w[=i]sa fengel_ is used where some demonstrative is needed--"that wise prince." Later, however, _se_, _s[=e]o_, _thaet_ comes to be used in the common and vague sense in which the definite article is used in Modern English.

We consequently get with increasing frequency the use of the _definite article_ + _weak adjective_ + _noun_: whilst the usage _weak adjective_ + _noun_ decreases. Some rough criterion of date can thus be obtained by an examination of a poet's usage in this particular. Of course it would be absurd--as has been done--to group Old English poems in a strict chronological order according to the proportion of forms with and without the article. Individual usage must count for a good deal: {106} also the scribes in copying and recopying our text must to a considerable extent have obliterated the earlier practice. Metre and syntax combine to make it probable that, in line 9 of our poem, the scribe has inserted the unnecessary article _th[=a]ra_ before _ymbsittendra_: and in the rare cases where we have an O.E. poem preserved in two texts, a comparison proves that the scribe has occasionally interpolated an article. But this later tendency to level out the peculiarity only makes it the more remarkable that we should find such great differences between O.E. poems, all of them extant in copies transcribed about the year 1000.

How great is the difference between the usage of _Beowulf_ and that of the great body of Old English poetry will be clear from the following statistics.

The proportion of phrases containing the weak adjective + noun with and without the definite article in the certain works of Cynewulf is as follows[234]:

With article Without article _Juliana_ 27 3 _Christ (II)_ 28 3 _Elene_ 66 9

In _Guthlac_ (A) (c. 750) the proportions are:

With article Without article _Guthlac_ (A) 42 6

Contrast this with the proportion in our poem:

With article Without article _Beowulf_ 13 65

The nearest approach to the proportions of _Beowulf_ is in the (certainly very archaic)

With article Without article _Exodus_ 10 14

On the other hand, certain late texts show how fallible this criterion is. Anyone dating _Maldon_ solely by "Lichtenheld's Test" would assuredly place it much earlier than 991.

{107}

It is easy to make a false use of grammatical statistics: and this test should only be applied with the greatest caution. But the difference between _Beowulf_ and the works of Cynewulf is too striking to be overlooked. In _Beowulf_, to every five examples without the article (e.g. _headho-st[=e]apa helm_) we have _one_ with the article (e.g. _se hearda helm_): in Cynewulf to every five examples without the article we have _forty_ with it.

A further test of antiquity is in the use of the weak adjective with the instrumental--a use which rapidly diminishes.

There are eighteen such instrumental phrases in _Beowulf_ (3182 lines)[235]. In _Exodus_ (589 lines) there are six examples[236]--proportionally more than in _Beowulf_. In Cynewulf's undoubted works (c. 2478 lines) there is one example only, _beorhtan reorde_[237].

This criterion of the absence of the definite article before the weak adjective is often referred to as Lichtenheld's Test (see article by him in _Z.f.d.A._ XVI, 325 _etc._). It has been applied to the whole body of O.E. poetry by Barnouw (_Textcritische Untersuchungen_, 1902). The data collected by Barnouw are most valuable, but we must be cautious in the conclusions we draw, as is shown by Sarrazin (_Eng. Stud._ XXXVIII, 145 _etc._), and Tupper (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc._ XXVI, 274).

Exact enumeration of instances is difficult. For example, Lichtenheld gave 22 instances of definite article + weak adjective + noun in _Beowulf_[238]. But eight of these are not quite certain; _se g[=o]da m[=ae]g Hygel[=a]ces_ may be not "the good kinsman of Hygelac," but "the good one--the kinsman of Hygelac," for there is the half line pause after _g[=o]da_. These eight examples therefore should be deducted[239]. One instance, though practically certain, is the result of conjectural emendation[240]. Of the remaining thirteen[241] three are variations of the same phrase.

The statistics given above are those of Brandl (_Sitzungsberichte d. k. Preuss. Akad. d. Wissenschaften_, 1905, p. 719) which are based upon those of Barnouw.

"_Morsbach's Test._"

Sievers' theories as to O.E. metre have not been accepted by all scholars in their entirety. But the statistics which he {108} collected enable us to say, with absolute certainty, that some given types of verse were not acceptable to the ear of an Old English bard.

Sceptics may emphasize the fact that Old English texts are uncertain, that nearly all poems are extant in one MS only, that the MS in each case was written down long after the poems were composed, and that precise verbal accuracy is therefore not to be expected[242]. All the more remarkable then becomes the fact, for it is a fact, that there are certain types of line which never occur in _Beowulf_, and that there are other types which are exceedingly rare. Again, there are certain types of line which _do_ occur in _Beowulf_ as we have it, though they seem contrary to the principles of O.E. scansion. When we find that such lines consistently contain some word which had a different metrical value when our extant MS of _Beowulf_ was transcribed, from that which it had at the earlier date when _Beowulf_ was composed, and that the earlier value makes the line metrical, the conclusion is obvious. _Beowulf_ must have been composed at a time or in a dialect when the earlier metrical values held good.

But we reach a certain date beyond which, if we put the language back into its older form, it will no longer fit into the metrical structure. For example, words like _fl[=o]d_, _feld_, _eard_ were originally "u-nouns": with nom. and acc. sing. _fl[=o]du_, etc. But the half-line _ofer fealone fl[=o]d_ (1950) becomes exceedingly difficult if we put it in the form _ofer fealone fl[=o]du_[243]: the half-line _f[=i]felcynnes eard_ becomes absolutely impossible in the form _f[=i]felcynnes eardu_[244].

It can, consequently, with some certainty be argued that these half-lines were composed after the time when _fl[=o]du_, _eardu_ had become _fl[=o]d_, _eard_. Therefore, it has been further argued, _Beowulf_ was composed after that date. But are we justified in this further step--in assuming that because a certain number of half-lines in _Beowulf_ must have been composed after a certain date, therefore _Beowulf_ itself must have been composed after that date?

{109}

From what we know of the mechanical way in which the Old English _scribe_ worked, we have no reason to suppose that he would have consistently altered what he found in an older copy, so as to make it metrical according to the later speech into which he was transcribing it. But if we go back to a time when poems were committed to memory by a _scop_, skilled in the laws of O.E. metre, the matter is very different. A written poem may be copied word for word, even though the spelling is at the same time modernized, but it is obvious that a poem preserved orally will be altered slightly from time to time, if the language in which it is written is undergoing changes which make the poem no longer metrically correct.

Imagine the state of things at the period when final _u_ was being lost after a long syllable. This loss of a syllable would make a large number of the half-lines and formulas in the old poetry unmetrical. Are we to suppose that the whole of O.E. poetry was at once scrapped, and entirely new poems composed to fit in with the new sound laws? Surely not; old formulas would be recast, old lines modified where they needed it, but the old poetry would go on[245], with these minor verbal changes adapting it to the new order of things. We can see this taking place, to a limited extent, in the transcripts of Middle English poems. In the transmission of poems by word of mouth it would surely take place to such an extent as to baffle later investigation[246].

Consequently I am inclined to agree that this test is hardly final except "on the assumption that the poems were written down from the very beginning[247]." And we are clearly not justified in making any such assumption. A small number of such lines would accordingly give, not so much a means of fixing a period before which _Beowulf_ cannot have been composed, as merely {110} one before which _Beowulf_ cannot have been fixed by writing in its present form.

If, however, more elaborate investigation were to show that the _percentage_ of such lines is _just as great_ in _Beowulf_ as it is in poems certainly written after the sound changes had taken place, it might be conceded that the test was a valid one, and that it proved _Beowulf_ to have been written after these sound changes occurred.

This would then bring us to our second difficulty. At what date exactly did these sound changes take place? The chief documents available are the proper names in Bede's History, and in certain Latin charters, the glosses, and a few early runic inscriptions. Most important, although very scanty, are the charters, since they bear a date. With these we proceed to investigate:

A. The dropping of the _u_ after a long accented syllable (_fl['=o]du_ becoming _fl['=o]d_), or semi-accented syllable (_St['=a]nf[`o]rdu_ becoming _St['=a]nf[`o]rd_).

There is evidence from an Essex charter that this was already lost in 692 or 693 (_uuidmundesfelt_)[248]. From this date on, examples without the _u_ are forthcoming in increasing number[249]. One certain example only has been claimed for the preservation of _u_. In the runic inscription on the "Franks casket" _flodu_ is found for _flod_. But the spelling of the Franks casket is erratic: for example _giutheasu_ is also found for _giutheas_, "the Jews." Now _u_ here is impossible[250], and we must conclude perhaps that the inscriber of the runes intended to write _giuthea su[mae]_[250] or _giuthea su[na]_[251], "some of the Jews," "the sons of the Jews," and that having reached the end of his line at _u_, he neglected to complete the word: or else perhaps that he wrote _giutheas_ and having some additional space added a _u_ at the end of his line, just for fun. Whichever explanation we {111} adopt, it will apply to _flodu_, which equally comes at the end of a line, and the _u_ of which may equally have been part of some following word which was never completed[252].

Other linguistic data of the Franks casket would lead us to place it somewhere in the first half of the eighth century, and we should hardly expect to find _u_ preserved as late as this[253]. For we have seen that by 693 the _u_ was already lost after a subordinate accent in the Essex charter. Yet it is arguable that the _u_ was retained later after a long accented syllable (_fl[=['o]]du_) than after a subordinate accent (_uu[=['i]]dm[`u]ndesf[`e]lt_); and, besides, the casket is Northumbrian, and the sound changes need not have been simultaneous all over the country.

We cannot but feel that the evidence is pitifully scanty. All we can say is that _perhaps_ the _flodu_ of the Franks casket shows that _u_ was still preserved after a fully accented syllable as late as 700. But the _u_ in _flodu_ may be a deliberate archaism on the part of the writer, may be a local dialectal survival, may be a mere miswriting.

B. The preservation of _h_ between consonant and vowel.

Here there is one clear example which we can date: the archaic spelling of the proper name _Welhisc_. _Signum manus uelhisci_ occurs in a Kentish charter of 679[254]. The same charter shows _h_ already lost between vowels: _uuestan ae_ (_ae_ dative of _[=e]a_, "river," cf. Gothic _ahwa_).

Not much can be argued from the proper name _Welhisc_, as to the current pronunciation in Kent in 679, for an old man may well have continued to spell his name as it was spelt when he was a child, even though the current pronunciation had changed[255]. But we have further evidence in the glosses, which show _h_ sometimes preserved and sometimes not. These glosses are mechanical copies of an original which was presumably compiled between 680 and 720. We are therefore justified in arguing that at that date _h_ was still preserved, at any rate occasionally.

{112}

Of "Morsbach's test" we can then say that it establishes something of an argument that _Beowulf_ was composed after the date when final _u_ after a long syllable, or _h_ between consonant and vowel, were lost, and that this date was probably within a generation or so of the year 700 A.D. But there are too many uncertain contingencies involved to make the test at all a conclusive one.

Morsbach's _Zur Datierung des Beowulf-epos_ will be found in the Goettingen _Nachrichten_, 1906, pp. 252-77. These tests have been worked out for the whole body of Old English poetry in the _Chronologische Studien_ of Carl Richter, Halle, 1910.

* * * * *

SECTION III. THEORIES AS TO THE STRUCTURE OF "BEOWULF."

Certain peculiarities in the structure of _Beowulf_ can hardly fail to strike the reader. (1) The poem is not a biography of Beowulf, nor yet an episode in his life: it is two distinct episodes: the Grendel business and the dragon business, joined by a narrow bridge. (2) Both these stories are broken in upon by digressions: some of these concern Beowulf himself, so that we get a fairly complete idea of the life of our hero: but for the most part these digressions are not strictly apposite. (3) Even apart from these digressions, the narrative is often hampered: the poet begins his story, diverges and returns. (4) The traces of Christian thought and knowledge which meet us from time to time seem to belong to a different world from that of the Germanic life in which our poem has its roots.

Now in the middle of the nineteenth century it was widely believed that the great epics of the world had been formed from collections of original shorter lays fitted together (often unskilfully) by later redactors. For a critic starting from this assumption, better material than the _Beowulf_ could hardly be found. And it _was_ with such assumptions that Carl Muellenhoff, the greatest of the scholars who have dissected the _Beowulf_, set to work. He attended the lectures of Lachmann, and formed, {113} a biographer tells us, the fixed resolve to do for one epic what his admired master had done for another[256].

Muellenhoff claimed for his theories that they were simple[257] and straightforward: and so they were, if we may be allowed to assume as a basis that the _Beowulf_ is made up out of shorter lays, and that the only business of the critic is to define the scope of these lays. In the story of Beowulf's fight with Grendel (ll. 194-836: Muellenhoff's Sect. I) and with the dragon (ll. 2200-3183: Muellenhoff's Sect. IV) Muellenhoff saw the much interpolated remains of two original lays by different authors. But, before it was united to the dragon story, the Grendel story, Muellenhoff held, had already undergone many interpolations and additions. The story of Grendel's mother (ll. 837-1623: Sect. II) was added, Muellenhoff held, by one continuator as a sequel to the story of Grendel, and ll. 1-193 were added by another hand as an introduction. Then this Grendel story was finally rounded off by an interpolator (A) who added the account of Beowulf's return home (Sect. III, ll. 1629-2199) and at the same time inserted passages into the poem throughout. Finally came Interpolator B, who was the first to combine the Grendel story, thus elaborated, with the dragon story. Interpolator B was responsible for the great bulk of the interpolations: episodes from other cycles and "theologizing" matter.

Ten Brink, like Muellenhoff, regarded the poem as falling into four sections: the Grendel fight, the fight with Grendel's mother, the return home, the dragon fight. But Muellenhoff had imagined the epic composed out of one set of lays: incoherences, he thought, were due to the bungling of successive interpolators. Ten Brink assumed that in the case of all three fights, with Grendel, with Grendel's mother, and with the dragon, there had been two _parallel_ versions, which a later redactor had combined together, and that it was to this combination that the frequent repetitions in the {114} narrative were due: he believed that not only were the different episodes of the poem originally distinct, but that each episode was compounded of two originally distinct lays, combined together.

Now it cannot be denied that the process postulated by Muellenhoff _might_ have taken place: a lay on Grendel and a lay on the dragon-fight might have been combined by some later compiler. Ten Brink's theory, too, is inherently not improbable: that there should have been two or more versions current of a popular story is probable enough: that a scribe should have tried to fit these two parallel versions together is not without precedent: very good examples of such attempts at harmonizing different versions can be got from an examination of the MSS of _Piers Plowman_.

It is only here and there that we are struck by an inherent improbability in Muellenhoff's scheme. Thus the form in which Muellenhoff assumes the poem to have existed before Interpolator A set to work on it, is hardly a credible one. The "original poet" has brought Beowulf from his home to the Danish court, to slay Grendel, and the "continuator" has taken him to the haunted lake: Beowulf has plunged down, slain Grendel's mother, come back to land. Here Muellenhoff believed the poem to have ended, until "Interpolator A" came along, and told how Beowulf returned in triumph to Hrothgar, was thanked and rewarded, and then betook himself home, and was welcomed by Hygelac. That it would have been left to an interpolator to supply what from the old point of view was so necessary a part of the story as the return to Hrothgar is an assumption perilous indeed. "An epic poem only closes when everything is really concluded: not, like a modern novel, at a point where the reader can imagine the rest for himself[258]."

Generally speaking, however, the theories of the "dissecting school" are not in themselves faulty, if we admit the assumptions on which they rest. They fail however in two ways. An examination of the short lay and the long epic, so far as these are represented in extant documents, does not bear out {115} well the assumptions of the theorizers. Secondly, the minute scrutiny to which the poem has been subjected in matters of syntax, metre, dialect and tradition has failed to show any difference between the parts attributed to the different authors, such as we must certainly have expected to find, had the theories of the "dissecting school" been correct.

That behind our extant _Beowulf_, and connecting it with the events of the sixth century, there must have been a number of older lays, may indeed well be admitted: also that to these lays our poem owes its plot, its traditions of metre and its phraseology, and perhaps (but this is a perilous assumption) continuous passages of its text. But what Muellenhoff and ten Brink go on to assume is that these original oral lays were simple in outline and treated a single well-defined episode in a straightforward manner; that later redactors and scribes corrupted this primitive simplicity; but that the modern critic, by demanding it, and using its presence or absence as a criterion, can still disentangle from the complex composite poem the simpler elements out of which it was built up.

Here are rather large assumptions. What right have we to postulate that this primitive "literature without letters[259]," these short oral ballads and lays, dealt with a single episode without digression or confusion: whilst the later age,--the civilized, Christianized age of written literature during which _Beowulf_ in the form in which we now have it was produced,--is assumed to have been tolerant of both?

No doubt, here and there, in different literatures, groups of short lays can be found which one can imagine might be combined into an orderly narrative poem, without much hacking about. But on the other hand a short lay will often tell, in less than a hundred lines, a story more complex than that of the _Iliad_ or the _Odyssey_. Its shortness may be due, not to any limitation in the scope of the plot, but rather to the passionate haste with which it rushes through a long story. It is one thing to admit that there must have been short lays on the story of Beowulf: it is another to assume that these lays were of such a character that nothing was needed but compilers {116} with a taste for arrangement and interpolation in order to turn them into the extant epic of _Beowulf_.

When we find nearly five hundred lines spent in describing the reception of the hero in Hrothgar's land, we may well doubt whether this passage can have found its way into our poem through any such process of fitting together as Muellenhoff postulated. It would be out of scale in any narrative shorter than the _Beowulf_ as we have it. It suggests to us that the epic is developed out of the lay, not by a process of fitting together, but rather by a retelling of the story in a more leisurely way.

A comparison of extant short lays or ballads with extant epics has shown that, if these epics were made by stringing lays together, such lays must have been different from the great majority of the short lays now known. "The lays into which this theory dissects the epics, or which it assumes as the sources of the epics, differ in two ways from extant lays: they deal with short, incomplete subjects and they have an epic breadth of style[260]."

It has been shown by W. P. Ker[261] that a comparison of such fragments as have survived of the Germanic short lay (_Finnsburg_, _Hildebrand_) does not bear out the theory that the epic is a conglomeration of such lays. "It is the change and development in style rather than any increase in the complexity of the themes that accounts for the difference in scale between the shorter and the longer poems."

A similar conclusion is reached by Professor Hart: "It might be illuminating to base a _Liedertheorie_ in part, at least, upon a study of existing _Lieder_, rather than wholly upon an attempt to dismember the epic in question. Such study reveals indeed a certain similarity in kind of Ballad and Epic, but it reveals at the same time an enormous difference in degree, in stage of development. If the _Beowulf_, then, was made up of a series of heroic songs, strung together with little or no modification, these songs must have been something very different from the popular ballad[262]."

{117}

And subsequent investigations into the history and folk-lore of our poem have not confirmed Muellenhoff's theory: in some cases indeed they have hit it very hard. When a new light was thrown upon the story by the discovery of the parallels between _Beowulf_ and the _Grettis saga_, it became clear that passages which Muellenhoff had condemned as otiose interpolations were likely to be genuine elements in the tale. Dr Olrik's minute investigations into the history of the Danish kings have shown from yet another point of view how allusions, which were rashly condemned by Muellenhoff and ten Brink as idle amplifications, are, in fact, essential.

How the investigation of the metre, form, and syntax of _Beowulf_ has disclosed an archaic strictness of usage has been explained above (Sect. II). This usage is in striking contrast with the practice of later poets like Cynewulf. How far we are justified in relying upon such differences of usage as criteria of _exact_ date is open to dispute. But it seems clear that, had Muellenhoff's theories been accurate, we might reasonably have expected to have been able to differentiate between the earlier and the later strata in so composite a poem.

The composite theory has lately been strongly supported by Schuecking[263]. Schuecking starts from the fact, upon which we are all agreed, that the poem falls into two main divisions: the story of how Beowulf at Heorot slew Grendel and Grendel's mother, and the story of the dragon, which fifty years later he slew at his home. These are connected by the section which tells how Beowulf returned from Heorot to his own home and was honourably received by his king, Hygelac.

It is now admitted that the ways of Old English narrative were not necessarily our ways, and that we must not postulate, because our poem falls into two somewhat clumsily connected sections, that therefore it is compounded out of two originally distinct lays. But, on the other hand, as Schuecking rightly urges, instances _are_ forthcoming of two O.E. poems having been clumsily connected into one[264]. Therefore, whilst no one would now urge that _Beowulf_ is put together out of two older {118} lays, _merely_ because it can so easily be divided into two sections, this fact does suggest that a case exists for examination.

Now if a later poet had connected together two old lays, one on the Grendel and Grendel's mother business, and one on the dragon business, we might fairly expect that this connecting link would show traces of a different style. It is accordingly on the connecting link, the story of _Beowulf's Return_ and reception by Hygelac, that Schuecking concentrates his attention, submitting it to the most elaborate tests to see if it betrays metrical, stylistic or syntactical divergencies from the rest of the poem.

Various tests are applied, which admittedly give no result, such as the frequency of the repetition in the _Return_ of half verse formulas which occur elsewhere in _Beowulf_[265], or the way in which compound nouns fit into the metrical scheme[266]. Metrical criteria are very little more helpful[267]. We have seen that the antiquity of _Beowulf_ is proved by the cases where metre demands the substitution of an older uncontracted form for the existing shorter one. Schuecking argues that no instance occurs in the 267 lines of the _Return_. But, even if this were the case, it might well be mere accident, since examples only occur at rare intervals anywhere in _Beowulf_. As a matter of fact, however, examples are to be found in the _Return_[268] (quite up to the normal proportion), though two of the clearest come in a portion of it which Schuecking rather arbitrarily excludes.

Coming to syntax in its broadest sense, and especially the method of constructing and connecting sentences, Schuecking enumerates several constructions which are found in the _Return_, but not elsewhere in _Beowulf_. Syntax is a subject to which he has given special study, and his opinion upon it must be of value. But I doubt whether anyone as expert in the subject as Schuecking could not find in every passage of like length in _Beowulf_ some constructions not to be exactly paralleled elsewhere in the poem.

{119}

The fact that we find here, and here only, passages introduced by the clauses _ic sceal fordh sprecan_[269], and _t[=o] lang ys t[=o] reccenne_[270], is natural when we realize that we have here the longest speech in the whole poem, which obviously calls for such apologies for prolixity.

The fact that no parentheses occur in the _Return_ does not differentiate it from the rest of _Beowulf_: for, as Schuecking himself points out elsewhere, there are three other passages in the poem, longer than the _Return_, which are equally devoid of parentheses[271].

There remain a few _hapax legomena_[272], but very inconclusive.

There are, in addition, examples which occur only in the _Return_, and in certain other episodic passages. These episodic passages also, Schuecking supposes, may have been added by the same reviser who added the _Return_. But this is a perilous change of position. For example, a certain peculiarity is found only in the _Return_ and the introductory genealogical section[273]; or in the _Return_ and the _Finn Episode_[274]. But when Schuecking proceeds to the suggestion that the _Introduction_ or the _Finn Episode_ may have been added by the same reviser who added _Beowulf's Return_, he knocks the bottom out of some of his previous arguments. The argument from the absence of parentheses (whatever it was worth) must go: for according to Schuecking's own punctuation, such parentheses are found both in the _Introduction_ and in the _Finn Episode_. If these are by the author of the _Return_, then doubt is thrown upon one of the alleged peculiarities of that author; we find the author of the _Return_ no more averse _on the whole_ to parentheses than the author or authors of the rest of the poem.

Peculiar usages of the moods and tenses are found twice in the _Return_[275], and once again in the episode where Beowulf {120} recalls his youth[276]. Supposing this episode to be also the work of the author of the _Return_, we get peculiar constructions used three times by this author, which cannot be paralleled elsewhere in _Beowulf_[277].

Now a large number of instances like this last might afford basis for argument; but they must be in bulk in order to prove anything. By the laws of chance we might expect, in any passage of three hundred lines, taken at random anywhere in _Beowulf_, to find something which occurred only in one other passage elsewhere in the poem. We cannot forthwith declare the two passages to be the work of an interpolator. One swallow does not make a summer.

And the arguments as to style are not helped by arguments as to matter. Even if it be granted--which I do not grant--that the long repetition narrating Beowulf's contest with Grendel and Grendel's mother is tedious, there is no reason why this tedious repetition should not as well be the work of the original poet as of a later reviser. Must we find many different authors for _The Ring and the Book_? It must be granted that there are details (such as the mention of Grendel's glove) found in the Grendel struggle as narrated in _Beowulf's Return_, but not found in the original account of the struggle. Obviously the object is to avoid monotony, by introducing a new feature: but this might as well have been aimed at by the old poet retelling the tale as by a new poet retelling it.

To me, the fact that so careful and elaborate a study of the story of _Beowulf's Return_ fails to betray any satisfactory evidence of separate authorship, is a confirmation of the verdict of "not proven" against the "dividers[278]." But there can be no doubt that Schuecking's method, his attempt to prove differences in treatment, grammar, and style, is the right one. If any satisfactory results are to be attained, it must be in this way.

* * * * *

{121}

SECTION IV. ARE THE CHRISTIAN ELEMENTS INCOMPATIBLE WITH THE REST OF THE POEM?

Later students (like the man in Dante, placed between two equally enticing dishes) have been unable to decide in favour of either of the rival theories of Muellenhoff and ten Brink, and consequently the unity of the poem, which always had its champions, has of late years come to be maintained with increasing conviction and certainty.

Yet many recent critics have followed Muellenhoff so far at least as to believe that the Christian passages are inconsistent with what they regard as the "essentially heathen" tone of the rest of the poem, and are therefore the work of an interpolator[279].

Certainly no one can escape a feeling of incongruity, as he passes from ideas of which the home lies in the forests of ancient Germany, to others which come from the Holy Land. But that both sets of ideas could not have been cherished, in England, about the year 700, by one and the same poet, is an assumption which calls for examination.

As Christianity swept northward, situations were created which to the modern student are incongruous. But the Teutonic chief often had a larger mind than the modern student: he needed to have, if he was to get the best at the same time both from his wild fighting men and from his Latin clerks. It is this which gives so remarkable a character to the great men of the early centuries of converted Teutonism: men, like Theodoric the Great or Charles the Great, who could perform simultaneously the duties of a Germanic king and of a Roman Emperor: kings like Alfred the Great or St Olaf, who combined the character of the tough fighting chieftain with that of the saintly churchman. I love to think of these incongruities: to remember that the warrior Alfred, surrounded by _thegn_ and _gesith_, listening to the "Saxon songs" which he loved, was yet the same Alfred who painfully translated Gregory's _Pastoral {122} Care_ under the direction of foreign clerics. It is well to remember that Charles the Great, the catholic and the orthodox, collected ancient lays which his successors thought too heathen to be tolerated; or that St Olaf (who was so holy that, having absent mindedly chipped shavings off a stick on Sunday, he burnt them, as penance, on his open hand) nevertheless allowed to be sung before him, on the morning of his last fight, one of the most wild and utterly heathen of all the old songs--the _Bjarkam['a]l_.

It has been claimed that the account of the funeral rites of Beowulf is such as "no Christian poet could or would have composed[280]." Lately this argument has been stated more at length:

"In the long account of Beowulf's obsequies--beginning with the dying king's injunction to construct for him a lofty barrow on the edge of the cliff, and ending with the scene of the twelve princes riding round the barrow, proclaiming the dead man's exploits--we have the most detailed description of an early Teutonic funeral which has come down to us, and one of which the accuracy is confirmed in every point by archaeological or contemporary literary evidence[281]. Such an account must have been composed within living memory of a time when ceremonies of this kind were still actually in use[282]."

Owing to the standing of the scholar who urges it, this argument is coming to rank as a dogma[283], and needs therefore rather close examination.

Professor Chadwick _may_ be right in urging that the custom of burning the dead had gone out of use in England even before Christianity was introduced[284]: anyhow it is certain that, wherever it survived, the practice was disapproved by ecclesiastics, and was, indeed, formally censured and suppressed by the church abroad.

The church equally censured and endeavoured to suppress the ancient "heathen lays"; but without equal success. Now, in many of these lays the heathen rites of cremation must certainly have been depicted, and, in this way, the memory of the old funeral customs must have been kept fresh, long {123} after the last funeral pyre had died out in England. Of course there were then, as there have been ever since, puritanical people who objected that heathen lays and heathen ways were no fit concern for a Christian man. But the protests of such purists are just the strongest evidence that the average Christian did continue to take an interest in these things. We have seen that the very monks of Lindisfarne had to be warned by Alcuin. I cannot see that there is any such _a priori_ impossibility that a poet, though a sincere Christian enough, would have described a funeral in the old style, modelling his account upon older lays, or upon tradition derived from those lays.

The church might disapprove of the practice of cremation, but we have no reason to suppose that mention of it was tabooed. And many of the old burial customs seem to have kept their hold, even upon the converted. Indeed, when the funeral of Attila is instanced as a type of the old heathen ceremony, it seems to be forgotten that those Gothic chieftains who rode their horses round the body of Attila were themselves probably Arian Christians, and that the historian who has preserved the account was an orthodox cleric.

Saxo Grammaticus, ecclesiastic as he was, has left us several accounts[285] of cremations. He mentions the "pyre built of ships" and differs from the poet of _Beowulf_ chiefly because he allows those frankly heathen references to gods and offerings which the poet of _Beowulf_ excludes. Of course, Saxo was merely translating. One can quite believe that a Christian poet composing an account of a funeral in the old days, would have omitted the more frankly heathen features, as indeed the _Beowulf_ poet does. But Saxo shows us how far into Christian times the ancient funeral, in all its heathendom, was remembered; and how little compunction an ecclesiastic had in recording it. The assumption that no Christian poet would have composed the account of Beowulf's funeral or of Scyld's funeral ship, seems then to be quite unjustified.

The further question remains: Granting that he _would_, could he? Is the account of Beowulf's funeral so true to old custom that it must have been composed by an eye-witness of {124} the rite of cremation? Is its "accuracy confirmed in every point by archaeological or contemporary literary evidence"?

As to the archaeological evidence, the fact seems to be that the account is archaeologically so inexact that it has given great trouble to one eminent antiquary, Knut Stjerna. That the pyre should be hung with arms, which are _burnt_ with the hero (ll. 3139-40), and that then a second supply of unburnt treasures should be _buried_ with the cremated bones (ll. 3163-8), is regarded by Stjerna as extraordinary[286].

Surely, any such inexactitude is what we should expect in a late poet, drawing upon tradition. He would know that in heathen times bodies were burnt, and that weapons were buried; and he might well combine both. It is not necessary to suppose, as Stjerna does, that the poet has combined two separate accounts of Beowulf's funeral, given in older lays, in one of which the hero was burnt, and in the other buried. But the fact that an archaeological specialist finds the account of Beowulf's funeral so inexact that he has to assume a confused and composite source, surely disposes of the argument that it is so exact that it must date back to heathen times.

As to confirmation from literary documents, the only one instanced by Chadwick is the account of the funeral of Attila. The parallel here is by no means so close as has been asserted. The features of Attila's funeral are: the lying in state, during which the chosen horsemen of the nation rode round the body singing the dead king's praises; the funeral feast; and the burial (not burning) of the body. Now the only feature which recurs in _Beowulf_ is the praise of the dead man by the mounted thanes. Even here there is an essential difference. Attila's men rode round the dead body of their lord _before_ his funeral. Beowulf's retainers ride and utter their lament around (not the body but) the grave mound of their lord, ten days after the cremation.

And this is perhaps no accidental discrepancy: it may well correspond to a real difference in practice between the Gothic custom of the time of the migrations and the Anglo-Saxon {125} practice as it prevailed in Christian times[287]. For many documents, including the _Dream of the Rood_, tend to show that the _sorhl[=e]odh_, the lament of the retainers for their dead lord, survived into Christian times, but as a ceremony which was subsequent not merely to the funeral, but even to the building of the tomb.

So that, here again, so far from the archaeological accuracy of the account of Beowulf's funeral being confirmed by the account of that of Attila, we find a discrepancy such as we might expect if a Christian poet, in later times, had tried to describe a funeral of the old heathen type.

Of course, the evidence is far too scanty to allow of much positive argument. Still, _so far as it goes_, and that is not far, it rather tends to show that the account of the funeral customs is not quite accurate, representing what later Christian times knew by tradition of the rite of cremation, rather than showing the observation of that rite by an eye-witness.

We must turn, then, to some other argument, if we wish to prove that the Christian element is inconsistent with other parts of the poem.

A second argument that _Beowulf_ must belong either to heathen times, or to the very earliest Christian period in England, has been found in the character of the Christian allusions: they contain no "reference to Christ, to the Cross, to the Virgin or the Saints, to any doctrine of the church in regard to the Trinity, the Atonement, _etc._[288]" "A pious Jew would have no difficulty in assenting to them all[289]." Hence it has been argued[290] that they are the work of an interpolator who, working upon a poem "essentially heathen," was not able to impose upon it more than this "vague and colourless Christianity." I cannot see this. If passages had to be rewritten at all, it was just as easy to rewrite them in a tone emphatically Christian as in a tone mildly so. The difficulties which the interpolator would meet in removing a heathen phrase, and composing a Christian half-line in substitution, would be metrical, rather than theological. For example, in a second {126} half-line the interpolator could have written _ond h[=a]lig Crist_ or _ylda nergend_ just as easily as _ond h[=a]lig god_, or _ylda waldend_: he could have put in an allusion to the Trinity or to the Cross as easily as to the Lord of Hosts or the King of Glory. It would depend upon the alliteration which was the more convenient. And surely, if he was a monk deliberately sitting down to turn a heathen into a Christian poem, he would, of two alternatives, have favoured the more dogmatically Christian.

The vagueness which is so characteristic of the Christian references in _Beowulf_ can then hardly be due to the poem having originally been a heathen one, worked over by a Christian.

Others have seen in this vagueness a proof "that the minstrels who introduced the Christian element had but a vague knowledge of the new faith[291]": or that the poem was the work of "a man who, without having, or wanting to have, much definite instruction, had become Christian because the Court had newly become Christian[292]." But, vague as it is, does the Christianity of _Beowulf_ justify such a judgment as this? Do not the characters of Hrothgar or of Beowulf, of Hygd or of Wealhtheow, show a Christian influence which, however little dogmatic, is anything but superficial? This is a matter where individual feeling rather than argument must weigh: but the _Beowulf_ does not seem to me the work of a man whose adherence to Christianity is merely nominal[293].

And, so far as the absence of dogma goes, it seems to have been overlooked that the Christian references in the _Battle of Maldon_, written when England had been Christian for over three centuries, are precisely of the same vague character as those in _Beowulf_.

Surely the explanation is that to a devout, but not {127} theologically-minded poet, writing battle poetry, references to God as the Lord of Hosts or the Giver of Victory came naturally--references to the Trinity or the Atonement did not. This seems quite a sufficient explanation; though it may be that in _Beowulf_ the poet has consciously avoided dogmatic references, because he realized that the characters in his story were not Christians[294]. That, at the same time, he allows those characters with whom he sympathizes to speak in a Christian spirit is only what we should expect. Just so Chaucer allows his pagans--Theseus for instance--to use Christian expressions about God or the soul, whilst avoiding anything strikingly doctrinal.

Finally I cannot admit that the Christian passages are "poetically of no value[295]." The description of Grendel nearing Heorot is good:

Dh[=a] c[=o]m of m[=o]re under mist-hleothum Grendel gongan--

but it is heightened when the poet adds:

Godes yrre baer.

Yet here again it is impossible to argue: it is a matter of individual feeling.

When, however, we come to the further statement of Dr Bradley, that the Christian passages are not only interpolations poetically worthless, but "may be of any date down to that of the extant MS" (i.e. about the year 1000 A.D.), we have reached ground where argument _is_ possible, and where definite results can be attained. For Dr Bradley, at the same time that he makes this statement about the character of the Christian passages, also quotes the archaic syntax of _Beowulf_ as proving an early date[296]. _But this archaic syntax is just as prominent a feature of the Christian passages as of any other parts of the poem._ If these Christian passages are really the work of a "monkish copyist, whose piety exceeded his poetic powers[297]," how do they come to show an antique syntax and a strict technique surpassing those of Cynewulf or the _Dream {128} of the Rood_? Why do they not betray their origin by metrical inaccuracies such as we find in poems undoubtedly interpolated, like _Widsith_ or the _Seafarer_?

Dr Bradley is "our chief English seer in these matters," as Dr Furnivall said long ago; and it is only with the greatest circumspection that one should differ from any of his conclusions. Nevertheless, I feel that, before we can regard any portion of _Beowulf_ as later than the rest, discrepancies need to be demonstrated.

Until such discrepancies between the different parts of _Beowulf_ can be demonstrated, we are justified in regarding the poem as homogeneous: as a production of the Germanic world enlightened by the new faith. Whether through external violence or internal decay, this world was fated to rapid change, and perished with its promise unfulfilled. The great merit of _Beowulf_ as a historic document is that it shows us a picture of a period in which the virtues of the heathen "Heroic Age" were tempered by the gentleness of the new belief; an age warlike, yet Christian: devout, yet tolerant.

* * * * *

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PART II

DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATING THE STORIES IN _BEOWULF_, AND THE _OFFA_-SAGA.

A. THE EARLY KINGS OF THE DANES ACCORDING TO SAXO GRAMMATICUS

Saxo, Book I, ed. Ascensius, fol. iii b; ed. Holder, p. 10, l. 25.

Uerum a Dan, ut fert antiquitas, regum nostrorum stemmata, ceu quodam deriuata principio, splendido successionis ordine profluxerunt. Huic filii Humblus et Lotherus fuere, ex Grytha, summae inter Teutones dignitatis matrona, suscepti.

Lecturi regem ueteres affixis humo saxis insistere, suffragiaque promere consueuerant, subiectorum lapidum firmitate facti constantiam ominaturi. Quo ritu Humblus, decedente patre, nouo patriae beneficio rex creatus, sequentis fortunae malignitate, ex rege priuatus euasit. Bello siquidem a Lothero captus, regni depositione spiritum mercatus est; haec sola quippe uicto salutis conditio reddebatur. Ita fraternis iniuriis imperium abdicare coactus, documentum hominibus praebuit, ut plus splendoris, ita minus securitatis, aulis quam tuguriis inesse. Ceterum iniuriae tam patiens fuit, ut honoris damno tanquam beneficio gratulari crederetur, sagaciter, ut puto, regiae conditionis habitum contemplatus. Sed nec Lotherus tolerabiliorem regem quam militem egit, ut prorsus insolentia ac scelere regnum auspicari uideretur; siquidem illustrissimum quemque uita aut opibus spoliare, patriamque bonis ciuibus uacuefacere probitatis loco duxit, regni aemulos ratus, quos nobilitate pares habuerat. Nec diu scelerum impunitus, patriae consternatione perimitur; eadem spiritum eripiente, quae regnum largita fuerat. {130}

Cuius filius Skyoldus naturam ab ipso, non mores sortitus, per summam tenerioris aetatis industriam cuncta paternae contagionis uestigia ingeniti erroris deuio praeteribat. Igitur ut a paternis uitiis prudenter desciuit, ita auitis uirtutibus feliciter respondit, remotiorem pariter ac praestantiorem hereditarii moris portionem amplexus. Huius adolescentia inter paternos uenatores immanis beluae subactione insignis extitit, mirandoque rei euentu futurae eius fortitudinis habitum ominata est. Nam cum a tutoribus forte, quorum summo studio educabatur, inspectandae uenationis licentiam impetrasset, obuium sibi insolitae granditatis ursum, telo uacuus, cingulo, cuius usum habebat, religandum curauit, necandumque comitibus praebuit. Sed et complures spectatae fortitudinis pugiles per idem tempus uiritim ab eo superati produntur, e quibus Attalus et Scatus clari illustresque fuere. Quindecim annos natus, inusitato corporis incremento perfectissimum humani roboris specimen praeferebat, tantaque indolis eius experimenta fuere, ut ab ipso ceteri Danorum reges communi quodam uocabulo Skioldungi nuncuparentur....

Saxo then relates the adventures of Gram, Hadingus and Frotho, whom he represents as respectively son, grandson and great-grandson of Skioldus. That Gram and Hadingus are interpolated in the family is shewn by the fact that the pedigree of Sweyn Aageson passes direct from Skiold to his son Frothi.

Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xi b; ed. Holder, p. 38, l. 4.

Hadingo filius Frotho succedit, cuius uarii insignesque casus fuere. Pubertatis annos emensus, iuuenilium praeferebat complementa uirtutum, quas ne desidiae corrumpendas praeberet, abstractum uoluptatibus animum assidua armorum intentione torquebat. Qui cum, paterno thesauro bellicis operibus absumpto, stipendiorum facultatem, qua militem aleret, non haberet, attentiusque necessarii usus subsidia circunspiceret, tali subeuntis indigenae carmine concitatur:

Insula non longe est praemollibus edita cliuis, Collibus aera tegens et opimae conscia praedae. Hic tenet eximium, montis possessor, aceruum {131} Implicitus giris serpens crebrisque reflexus Orbibus, et caudae sinuosa uolumina ducens, Multiplicesque agitans spiras, uirusque profundens. Quem superare uolens clypeo, quo conuenit uti, Taurinas intende cutes, corpusque bouinis Tergoribus tegito, nec amaro nuda ueneno Membra patere sinas; sanies, quod conspuit, urit. Lingua trisulca micans patulo licet ore resultet, Tristiaque horrifico minitetur uulnera rictu, Intrepidum mentis habitum retinere memento. Nec te permoueat spinosi dentis acumen, Nec rigor, aut rapida iactatum fauce uenenum. Tela licet temnat uis squamea, uentre sub imo Esse locum scito, quo ferrum mergere fas est; Hunc mucrone petens medium rimaberis anguem. Hinc montem securus adi, pressoque ligone Perfossos scrutare cauos; mox aere crumenas Imbue, completamque reduc ad littora puppim.

Credulus Frotho solitarius in insulam traiicit: ne comitatior beluam adoriretur, quam athletas aggredi moris fuerat. Quae cum aquis pota specum repeteret, impactum Frothonis ferrum aspero cutis horrore contempsit. Sed et spicula, quae in eam coniecta fuerant, eluso mittentis conatu laesionis irrita resultabant. At ubi nil tergi duritia cessit, uentris curiosius annotati mollities ferro patuit. Quae se morsu ulcisci cupiens, clypeo duntaxat spinosum oris acumen impegit. Crebris deinde linguam micatibus ducens, uitam pariter ac uirus efflauit.

Repertae pecuniae regem locupletem fecere....

Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xv b; ed. Holder, p. 51, l. 4.

His, uirtute paribus, aequa regnandi incessit auiditas. Imperii cuique cura extitit; fraternus nullum respectus astrinxit. Quem enim nimia sui caritas ceperit, aliena deserit: nee sibi quisquam ambitiose atque aliis amice consulere potest. Horum maximus Haldanus, Roe et Scato fratribus interfectis, naturam scelere polluit: regnum parricidio carpsit. Et ne ullum crudelitatis exemplum omitteret, comprehensos eorum fautores prius {132} uinculorum poena coercuit, mox suspendio consumpsit. Cuius ex eo maxime fortuna ammirabilis fuit, quod, licet omnia temporum momenta ad exercenda atrocitatis officia contulisset, senectute uitam, non ferro, finierit.

Huius filii Roe et Helgo fuere. A Roe Roskildia condita memoratur: quam postmodum Sueno, furcatae barbae cognomento clarus, ciuibus auxit, amplitudine propagauit. Hic breui angustoque corpore fuit: Helgonem habitus procerior cepit. Qui, diuiso cum fratre regno, maris possessionem sortitus, regem Sclauiae Scalcum maritimis copiis lacessitum oppressit. Quam cum in prouinciam redegisset, uarios pelagi recessus uago nauigationis genere perlustrabat.

Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xvi a; ed. Holder, p. 53, l. 16.

Huic filius Roluo succedit, uir corporis animique dotibus uenustus, qui staturae magnitudinem pari uirtutis habitu commendaret.

_Ibid._, ed. Ascensius, fol. xvii a; ed. Holder, p. 55, l. 40.

Per idem tempus Agnerus quidam, Ingelli films, sororem Roluonis, Rutam nomine, matrimonio ducturus, ingenti conuiuio nuptias instruit. In quo cum pugiles, omni petulantiae genere debacchantes, in Ialtonem quendam nodosa passim ossa coniicerent, accidit, ut eius consessor, Biarco nomine, iacientis errore uehementem capite ictum exciperet. Qui dolore pariter ac ludibrio lacessitus, osse inuicem in iacientem remisso, frontem eius in occuput reflexit, idemque loco frontis intorsit, transuersum hominis animum uultus obliquitate mulctando. Ea res contumeliosam ioci insolentiam temperauit, pugilesque regia abire coegit. Qua conuiuii iniuria permotus, sponsus ferro cum Biarcone decernere statuit, uiolatae hilaritatis ultionem duelii nomine quaesiturus. In cuius ingressu, utri prior feriendi copia deberetur diutule certatum est. Non enim antiquitus in edendis agonibus crebrae ictuum uicissitudines petebantur: sed erat cum interuallo temporis etiam feriendi distincta successio; rarisque sed atrocibus plagis certamina gerebantur, ut gloria potius percussionum magnitudini, quam numero deferretur. Praelato ob generis dignitatem Agnero, tanta ui ictum ab eo editum {133} constat, ut, prima cassidis parte conscissa, supremam capitis cuticulam uulneraret, ferrumque mediis galeae interclusum foraminibus dimitteret. Tunc Biarco mutuo percussurus, quo plenius ferrum libraret, pedem trunco annixus, medium Agneri corpus praestantis acuminis mucrone transegit. Sunt qui asserant, morientem Agnerum soluto in risum ore per summam doloris dissimulationem spiritum reddidisse. Cuius ultionem pugiles auidius expetentes, simili per Biarconem exitio mulctati sunt. Utebatur quippe praestantis acuminis inusitataeque longitudinis gladio, quem Loeui uocabat. Talibus operum meritis exultanti nouam de se siluestris fera uictoriam praebuit. Ursum quippe eximiae magnitudinis obuium sibi inter dumeta factum iaculo confecit: comitemque suum Ialtonem, quo uiribus maior euaderet, applicato ore egestum belluae cruorem haurire iussit. Creditum namque erat, hoc potionis genere corporei roboris incrementa praestari. His facinorum uirtutibus clarissimas optimatum familiaritates adeptus, etiam regi percarus euasit; sororem eius Rutam uxorem asciuit, uictique sponsam uictoriae praemium habuit. Ab Atislo lacessiti Roluonis ultionem armis exegit, eumque uictum hello prostrauit. Tunc Roluo magni acuminis iuuenem Hiarthwarum nomine, sorore Sculda sibi in matrimonium data, annuoque uectigali imposito, Suetiae praefectum constituit, libertatis iacturam affinitatis beneficio leniturus.

Hoc loci quiddam memoratu iucundum operi inseratur. Adolescens quidam Wiggo nomine, corpoream Roluonis magnitudinem attentiori contemplatione scrutatus, ingentique eiusdem admiratione captus, percontari per ludibrium coepit, quisnam esset iste Krage, quem tanto staturae fastigio prodiga rerum natura ditasset; faceto cauillationis genere inusitatum proceritatis habitum prosecutus. Dicitur enim lingua Danica 'krage' truncus, cuius semicaesis ramis fastigia conscenduntur, ita ut pes, praecisorum stipitum obsequio perinde ac scalae beneficio nixus, sensimque ad superiora prouectus, petitae celsitudinis compendium assequatur. Quern uocis iactum Roluo perinde ac inclytum sibi cognomen amplexus, urbanitatem dicti ingentis armillae dono prosequitur. Qua Wiggo dexteram excultam extollens, laeua per pudoris simulationem post tergum {134} reflexa, ridiculum corporis incessum praebuit, praefatus, exiguo laetari munere, quem sors diutinae tenuisset inopiae. Rogatus, cur ita se gereret, inopem ornamenti manum nulloque cultus beneficio gloriantem ad aspectum reliquae uerecundo paupertatis rubore perfundi dicebat. Cuius dicti calliditate consentaneum priori munus obtinuit. Siquidem Roluo manum, quae ab ipso occultabatur, exemplo reliquae in medium accersendam curauit. Nec Wiggoni rependendi beneficii cura defuit. Siquidem arctissima uoti nuncupatione pollicitus est, si Roluonem ferro perire contingeret, ultionem se ab eius interfectoribus exacturum. Nec praetereundum, quod olim ingressuri curiam proceres famulatus sui principia alicuius magnae rei uoto principibus obligare solebant, uirtute tirocinium auspicantes.

Interea Sculda, tributariae solutionis pudore permota, diris animum commentis applicans, maritum, exprobrata condicionis deformitate, propulsandae seruitutis monitu concitatum atque ad insidias Roluoni nectendas perductum atrocissimis nouarum rerum consiliis imbuit, plus unumquenque libertati quam necessitudini debere testata. Igitur crebras armorum massas, diuersi generis tegminibus obuolutas, tributi more per Hiarthwarum in Daniam perferri iubet, occidendi noctu regis materiam praebituras. Refertis itaque falsa uectigalium mole nauigiis, Lethram pergitur, quod oppidum, a Roluone constructum eximiisque regni opibus illustratum, ceteris confinium prouinciarum urbibus regiae fundationis et sedis auctoritate praestabat. Rex aduentum Hiarthwari conuiualis impensae deliciis prosecutus ingenti se potione proluerat, hospitibus praeter morem ebrietatis intemperantiam formidantibus. Ceteris igitur altiorem carpentibus somnum, Sueones, quibus scelesti libido propositi communem quietis usum ademerat, cubiculis furtim delabi coepere. Aperitur ilico telorum occlusa congeries, et sua sibi quisque tacitus arma connectit. Deinde regiam petunt, irruptisque penetralibus in dormientium corpora ferrum destringunt. Experrecti complures, quibus non minus subitae cladis horror quam somni stupor incesserat, dubio nisu discrimini restitere, socii an hostes occurrerent, noctis errore incertum reddente. Eiusdem forte silentio noctis Hialto, qui {135} inter regios proceres spectatae probitatis merito praeeminebat, rus egressus, scorti se complexibus dederat. Hic cum obortum pugnae fragorem stupida procul aure sensisset, fortitudinem luxuriae praetulit, maluitque funestum Martis discrimen appetere, quam blandis Veneris illecebris indulgere. Quanta hunc militem regis caritate flagrasse putemus, qui, cum ignorantiae simulatione excusationem absentiae praestare posset, salutem suam manifesto periculo obicere, quam uoluptati seruare satius existimauit? Discedentem pellex percunctari coepit, si ipso careat, cuius aetatis uiro nubere debeat. Quam Hialto, perinde ac secretius allocuturus, propius accedere iussam, indignatus amoris sibi successorem requiri, praeciso naso deformem reddidit, erubescendoque uulnere libidinosae percunctationis dictum mulctauit, mentis lasciuiam oris iactura temperandam existimans. Quo facto, liberum quaesitae rei iudicium a se ei relinqui dixit. Post haec, repetito ocius oppido, confertissimis se globis immergit, aduersasque acies mutua uulnerum inflictione prosternit. Cumque dormientis adhuc Biarconis cubiculum praeteriret, expergisci iussum, tali uoce compellat:

Saxo's translation of the _Bjarkam['a]l_ follows. The part which concerns students of _Beowulf_ most is the account of how Roluo deposed and slew Roericus.

Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xix a; ed. Holder, p. 62, l. 1.

At nos, qui regem uoto meliore ueremur, Iungamus cuneos stabiles, tutisque phalangem Ordinibus mensi, qua rex praecepit, eamus Qui natum Boeki Roericum strauit auari, Implicuitque uirum leto uirtute carentem. Ille quidem praestans opibus, habituque fruendi Pauper erat, probitate minus quam foenore pollens; Aurum militia potius ratus, omnia lucro Posthabuit, laudisque carens congessit aceruos Aeris, et ingenuis uti contempsit amicis. Cumque lacessitus Roluonis classe fuisset, Egestum cistis aurum deferre ministros Iussit, et in primas urbis diffundere portas. {136} Dona magis quam bella parans, quia militis expers Munere, non armis, tentandum credidit hostem; Tanquam opibus solis bellum gesturus, et usu Rerum, non hominum, Martem producere posset. Ergo graues loculos et ditia claustra resoluit Armillas teretes et onustas protulit arcas, Exitii fomenta sui, ditissimus aeris, Bellatoris inops, hostique adimenda relinquens Pignora, quae patriis praebere pepercit amicis. Annellos ultro metuens dare, maxima nolens Pondera fudit opum, ueteris populator acerui. Rex tamen hunc prudens, oblataque munera spreuit, Rem pariter uitamque adimens; nec profuit hosti Census iners, quem longo auidus cumulauerat aeuo. Hunc pius inuasit Roluo, summasque perempti Cepit opes, inter dignos partitus amicos, Quicquid auara manus tantis congesserat annis; Irrumpensque opulenta magis quam fortia castra, Praebuit eximiam sociis sine sanguine praedam. Cui nil tam pulchrum fuit, ut non funderet illud, Aut carum, quod non sociis daret, aera fauillis Assimulans, famaque annos, non foenore mensus. Unde liquet, regem claro iam funere functum Praeclaros egisse dies, speciosaque fati Tempora, praeteritos decorasse uiriliter annos. Nam uirtute ardens, dum uiueret, omnia uicit, Egregio dignas sortitus corpore uires. Tam praeceps in bella fuit, quam concitus amnis In mare decurrit, pugnamque capessere promptus Ut ceruus rapidum bifido pede tendere cursum.

Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xxi a; ed. Holder, p. 67, l. 1.

Hanc maxime exhortationum seriem idcirco metrica ratione compegerim, quod earundem sententiarum intellectus Danici cuiusdam carminis compendio digestus a compluribus antiquitatis peritis memoriter usurpatur.

Contigit autem, potitis uictoria Gothis, omne Roluonis {137} agmen occumbere, neminemque, excepto Wiggone, ex tanta iuuentute residuum fore. Tantum enim excellentissimis regis meritis ea pugna a militibus tributum est, ut ipsius caedes omnibus oppetendae mortis cupiditatem ingeneraret, eique morte iungi uita iucundius duceretur.

Laetus Hiartuarus prandendi gratia positis mensis conuiuium pugnae succedere iubet, uictoriam epulis prosecuturus. Quibus oneratus magnae sibi ammirationi esse dixit, quod ex tanta Roluonis militia nemo, qui saluti fuga aut captione consuleret, repertus fuisset. Unde liquidum fuisse quanto fidei studio regis sui caritatem coluerint, cui superstites esse passi non fuerint. Fortunam quoque, quod sibi ne unius quidem eorum obsequium superesse permiserit, causabatur, quam libentissime se talium uirorum famulatu usurum testatus. Oblato Wiggone perinde ac munere gratulatus, an sibi militare uellet, perquirit. Annuenti destrictum gladium offert. Ille cuspidem refutans, capulum petit, hunc morem Roluoni in porrigendo militibus ense extitisse praefatus. Olim namque se regum clientelae daturi, tacto gladii capulo obsequium polliceri solebant. Quo pacto Wiggo capulum complexus, cuspidem per Hiartuarum agit, ultionis compos, cuius Roluoni ministerium pollicitus fuerat. Quo facto, ouans irruentibus in se Hiartuari militibus cupidius corpus obtulit, plus uoluptatis se ex tyranni nece quam amaritudinis ex propria sentire uociferans. Ita conuiuio in exequias uerso, uictoriae gaudium funeris luctus insequitur. Clarum ac semper memorabilem uirum, qui, uoto fortiter expleto, mortem sponte complexus suo ministerio mensas tyranni sanguine maculauit. Neque enim occidentium manus uiuax animi uirtus expauit, cum prius a se loca, quibus Roluo assueuerat, interfectoris eius cruore respersa cognosceret. Eadem itaque dies Hiartuari regnum finiuit ac peperit. Fraudulenter enim quaesitae res eadem sorte defluunt, qua petuntur, nullusque diuturnus est fructus, qui scelere ac perfidia partus fuerit. Quo euenit ut Sueones, paulo ante Daniae potitores, ne suae quidem salutis potientes existerent. Protinus enim a Syalandensibus deleti laesis Roluonis manibus iusta exsoluere piacula. Adeo plerunque fortunae saeuitia ulciscitur, quod dolo ac fallacia patratur.

* * * * *

{138}

B. HR['O]LFS SAGA KRAKA, CAP. 23

(ed. Finnur J['o]nsson, Koebenhavn, 1904, p. 65 ff.)

S['i]dhan f['o]r B[o,]dhvarr leidh s['i]na til Hleidhargardhs. Hann kemr til konungs atsetu. B[o,]dhvarr leidhir s['i]dhan hest sinn ['a] stall hj['a] konungs hestum hinum beztu ok spyrr engan at; gekk s['i]dhan inn ['i] h[o,]llina, ok var thar f['a]tt manna. Hann sez utarliga, ok sem hann hefir verit thar litla hr['i]dh, heyrir hann thrausk n[o,]kkut utar ['i] hornit ['i] einhverjum stadh. B[o,]dhvarr l['i]tr thangat ok s['e]r, at mannsh[o,]nd kemr upp ['u]r mikilli beinahr['u]gu, er thar l['a]; h[o,]ndin var sv[o,]rt mj[o,]k. B[o,]dhvarr gengr thangat til ok spyrr, hverr thar vaeri ['i] beinahr['u]gunni; th['a] var honum svarat ok heldr ['o]framliga: "H[o,]ttr heiti ek, Bokki saell." "Hv['i] ertu h['e]r, segir B[o,]dhvarr, edha hvat gerir th['u]?" H[o,]ttr segir: "ek geri m['e]r skjaldborg, Bokki saell." B[o,]dhvarr sagdhi: "vesall ertu thinnar skjaldborgar." B[o,]dhvarr thr['i]fr til hans ok hnykkir honum upp ['u]r beinahr['u]gunni. H[o,]ttr kvadh th['a] h['a]tt vidh ok maelti: "n['u] viltu m['e]r bana, ger eigi thetta, sv['a] sem ek hefi n['u] vel um b['u]iz ['a]dhr, en th['u] hefir n['u] r['o]tat ['i] sundr skjaldborg minni, ok hafdha ek n['u] sv['a] gert hana h['a]va utan at m['e]r, at h['u]n hefir hl['i]ft m['e]r vidh [o,]llum h[o,]ggum ykkar, sv['a] _at_ engi h[o,]gg hafa komit ['a] mik lengi, en ekki var h['u]n enn sv['a] b['u]in, sem ek aetladhi h['u]n skyldi verdha." B[o,]dhvarr maelti: "ekki muntu f['a] skjaldborgina lengr." H[o,]ttr maelti ok gr['e]t: "skaltu n['u] bana m['e]r, Bokki saell?" B[o,]dhvarr badh hann ekki hafa h['a]tt, t['o]k hann upp s['i]dhan ok bar hann ['u]t ['u]r h[o,]llinni ok til vats n[o,]kkurs, sem thar var ['i] n['a]nd, ok g['a]fu f['a]ir at thessu gaum, ok th['o] hann upp allan. S['i]dhan gekk B[o,]dhvarr til thess r['u]ms, sem hann hafdhi ['a]dhr tekit, ok leiddi eptir s['e]r H[o,]tt ok thar setr hann H[o,]tt hj['a] s['e]r, en hann er sv['a] hraeddr, at skelfr ['a] honum leggr ok lidhr, en th['o] thykkiz hann skilja, at thessi madhr vill hj['a]lpa s['e]r. Eptir that kveldar ok dr['i]fa menn ['i] h[o,]llina ok sj['a] Hr['o]lfs kappar, at H[o,]ttr er settr ['a] bekk upp, ok thykkir theim s['a] madhr hafa gert sik aerit djarfan, er thetta hefir til tekit. Ilt tillit hefir H[o,]ttr, th['a] _er_ hann s['e]r kunningja s['i]na, thv['i] _at_ hann hefir ilt eitt af theim reynt; hann vill lifa gjarnan ok fara aptr ['i] beinahr['u]gu s['i]na, en B[o,]dhvarr heldr honum, sv['a] _at_ hann n['a]ir ekki ['i] burtu at fara, thv['i] _at_ hann th['o]ttiz ekki jafnberr fyrir h[o,]ggum theira, ef hann naedhi thangat {139} at komaz sem hann er n['u]. Hirdhmenn hafa n['u] sama vanda, ok kasta fyrst beinum sm['a]m um thvert g['o]lfit til B[o,]dhvars ok Hattar. B[o,]dhvarr laetr, sem hann sj['a]i eigi thetta. H[o,]ttr er sv['a] hraeddr, at hann tekr eigi mat n['e] drukk, ok thykkir honum th['a] ok th['a] sem hann muni vera lostinn; ok n['u] maelti H[o,]ttr til B[o,]dhvars: "Bokki saell, n['u] ferr at th['e]r st['o]r hn['u]ta, ok mun thetta aetlat okkr til naudha." B[o,]dhvarr badh hann thegja; hann setr vidh holan l['o]fann ok tekr sv['a] vidh hn['u]tunni; thar fylgir leggrinn medh; B[o,]dhvarr sendi aptr hn['u]tuna ok setr ['a] thann, sem kastadhi ok r['e]tt framan ['i] hann medh sv['a] hardhri svipan, at hann fekk bana; sl['o] th['a] miklum ['o]tta yfir hirdhmennina. Kemr n['u] thessi fregn fyrir Hr['o]lf konung ok kappa hans upp ['i] kastalann, at madhr mikil['u]dhligr s['e] kominn til hallarinnar ok hafi drepit einn hirdhmann hans, ok vildu their l['a]ta drepa manninn. Hr['o]lfr konungr spurdhiz eptir, hv['a]rt hirdhmadhrinn hefdhi verit saklauss drepinn. "Thv['i] var naesta," s[o,]gdhu their. K['o]muz th['a] fyrir Hr['o]lf konung [o,]ll sannindi h['e]r um. Hr['o]lfr konungr sagdhi that skyldu fjarri, at drepa skyldi manninn--"hafi thit h['e]r illan vanda upp tekit, at berja saklausa menn beinum; er m['e]r ['i] thv['i] ['o]virdhing, en ydhr st['o]r sk[o,]mm, at gera sl['i]kt; hefi ek jafnan raett um thetta ['a]dhr, ok hafi thit at thessu engan gaum gefit, ok hygg ek, at thessi madhr muni ekki alll['i]till fyrir s['e]r, er th['e]r hafidh n['u] ['a] leitat, ok kallidh hann til m['i]n, sv['a] _at_ ek viti, hverr hann er." B[o,]dhvarr gengr fyrir konung ok kvedhr hann kurteisliga. Konunga spyrr hann at nafni. "Hattargridha kalla mik hirdhmenn ydhar, en B[o,]dhvarr heiti ek." Konungr maelti: "hverjar baetr viltu bj['o]dha m['e]r fyrir hirdhmann minn?" B[o,]dhvarr segir: "til thess gerdhi hann, sem hann fekk." Konungr maelti: "viltu vera minn madhr ok skipa r['u]m hans?" B[o,]dhvarr segir: "ekki neita ek, at vera ydharr madhr, ok munu vit ekki skiljaz sv['a] b['u]it, vit H[o,]ttr, ok dveljaz naer th['e]r b['a]dhir, heldr en thessi hefir setit, elligar vit f[o,]rum burt b['a]dhir." Konungr maelti: "eigi s['e] ek at honum saemd en ek spara ekki mat vidh hann." B[o,]dhvarr gengr n['u] til thess r['u]ms, sem honum l['i]kadhi, en ekki vill hann that skipa, sem hinn hafdhi ['a]dhr; hann kippir upp ['i] einhverjum stadh thremr m[o,]nnum, ok s['i]dhan settuz their H[o,]ttr thar nidhr ok innar ['i] h[o,]llinni en theim var skipat. Heldr th['o]tti m[o,]nnum ['o]daelt vidh B[o,]dhvar, ok er theim hinn mesti ['i]hugi at honum. Ok sem leidh at j['o]lum, {140} gerdhuz menn ['o]k['a]tir. B[o,]dhvarr spyrr H[o,]tt, hverju thetta saetti; hann segir honum, at d['y]r eitt hafi thar komit tv['a] vetr ['i] samt, mikit ok ['o]gurligt--"ok hefir vaengi ['a] bakinu ok fl['y]gr that jafnan; tvau haust hefir that n['u] hingat vitjat ok gert mikinn skadha; ['a] that b['i]ta ekki v['a]pn, en kappar konungs koma ekki heim, their sem at eru einna mestir." B[o,]dhvarr maelti: "ekki er h[o,]llin sv['a] vel skipudh, sem ek aetladhi, ef eitt d['y]r skal h['e]r eydha r['i]ki ok f['e] konungsins." H[o,]ttr sagdhi: "that er ekki d['y]r, heldr er that hit mesta tr[o,]ll." N['u] kemr j['o]laaptann; th['a] maelti konungr: "n['u] vil ek, at menn s['e] kyrrir ok hlj['o]dhir ['i] n['o]tt, ok banna ek [o,]llum m['i]num m[o,]nnum at ganga ['i] n[o,]kkurn h['a]ska vidh d['y]rit, en f['e] ferr eptir thv['i] sem audhnar; menn m['i]na vil ek ekki missa." Allir heita h['e]r g['o]dhu um, at gera eptir thv['i], sem konungr baudh. B[o,]dhvarr leyndiz ['i] burt um n['o]ttina; hann laetr H[o,]tt fara medh s['e]r, ok gerir hann that naudhugr ok kalladhi hann s['e]r st['y]rt til bana. B[o,]dhvarr segir, at betr mundi til takaz. Their ganga ['i] burt fr['a] h[o,]llinni, ok verdhr B[o,]dhvarr at bera hann; sv['a] er hann hraeddr. N['u] sj['a] their d['y]rit; ok thv['i] naest aepir H[o,]ttr sl['i]kt, sem hann m['a], ok kvadh dyrit mundu gleypa hann. B[o,]dhvarr badh bikkjuna hans thegja ok kastar honum nidhr ['i] mosann, ok thar liggr hann ok eigi medh [o,]llu ['o]hraeddr; eigi thorir hann heim at fara heldr. N['u] gengr B[o,]dhvarr m['o]ti d['y]rinu; that haefir honum, at sverdhit er fast ['i] umgj[o,]rdhinni, er hann vildi bregdha thv['i]. B[o,]dhvarr eggjar n['u] fast sverdhit ok th['a] bragdhar ['i] umgj[o,]rdhinni, ok n['u] faer hann brugdhit umgj[o,]rdhinni, sv['a] _at_ sverdhit gengr ['u]r sl['i]dhrunum, ok leggr thegar undir baegi d['y]rsins ok sv['a] fast, at st['o]dh ['i] hjartanu, ok datt th['a] d['y]rit til jardhar dautt nidhr. Eptir that ferr hann thangat sem H[o,]ttr liggr. B[o,]dhvarr tekr hann upp ok berr thangat, sem d['y]rit liggr dautt. H[o,]ttr skelfr ['a]kaft. B[o,]dhvarr maelti: "n['u] skaltu drekka bl['o]dh d['y]rsins." Hann er lengi tregr, en th['o] thorir hann v['i]st eigi annat. B[o,]dhvarr laetr hann drekka tv['a], sopa st['o]ra; hann l['e]t hann ok eta n[o,]kkut af d['y]rshjartanu; eptir thetta tekr B[o,]dhvarr til hans, ok ['a]ttuz their vidh lengi. B[o,]dhvarr maelti: "helzt ertu n['u] sterkr ordhinn, ok ekki vaenti ek, et th['u] hraedhiz n['u] hirdhmenn Hr['o]lfs konungs." H[o,]ttr sagdhi: "eigi mun ek th['a] hraedhaz ok eigi thik upp fr['a] thessu." "Vel er th['a] ordhit, H[o,]ttr f['e]lagi; f[o,]ru vit n['u] til ok reisum upp d['y]rit ok b['u]um sv['a] um, at adhrir aetli at kvikt muni vera." {141} Their gera n['u] sv['a]. Eptir that fara their heim ok hafa kyrt um sik, ok veit engi madhr, hvat their hafa idhjat. Konungr spyrr um morguninn, hvat their viti til d['y]rsins, hv['a]rt that hafi n[o,]kkut thangat vitjat um n['o]ttina; honum var sagt, at f['e] alt vaeri heilt ['i] grindum ok ['o]sakat. Konungr badh menn forvitnaz, hv['a]rt engi saei l['i]kindi til, at that hefdhi heim komit. Vardhmenn gerdhu sv['a] ok k['o]mu skj['o]tt aptr ok s[o,]gdhu konungi, at d['y]rit faeri thar ok heldr geyst at borginni. Konungr badh hirdhmenn vera hrausta ok duga n['u] hvern eptir thv['i], sem hann hefdhi hug til, ok r['a]dha af ['o]vaett thenna; ok sv['a] var gert, sem konungr baudh, at their bjuggu sik til thess. Konungr horfdhi ['a] d['y]rit ok maelti s['i]dhan: "enga s['e] ek f[o,]r ['a] d['y]rinu, en hverr vill n['u] taka kaup einn ok ganga ['i] m['o]ti thv['i]?" B[o,]dhvarr maelti: "that vaeri naesta hrausts manns forvitnisb['o]t. H[o,]ttr f['e]lagi, rektu n['u] af th['e]r illmaelit that, at menn l['a]ta, sem engi krellr n['e] dugr muni ['i] ther vera; far n['u] ok drep th['u] d['y]rit; m['a]ttu sj['a], at engi er allf['u]ss til annarra." "J['a]," sagdhi H[o,]ttr, "ek mun til thessa r['a]dhaz." Konungr maelti: "ekki veit ek, hvadhan thessi hreysti er at th['e]r komin, H[o,]ttr, ok mikit hefir um thik skipaz ['a] skammri stundu." H[o,]ttr maelti: "gef m['e]r til sverdhit Gullinhjalta, er th['u] heldr ['a], ok skal ek th['a] fella d['y]rit edha f['a] bana." Hr['o]lf konungr maelti: "thetta sverdh er ekki beranda nema theim manni, sem baedhi er g['o]dhr drengr ok hraustr." H[o,]ttr sagdhi: "sv['a] skaltu til aetla, at m['e]r s['e] sv['a] h['a]ttat." Konungr maelti: "hvat m['a] vita, nema fleira hafi skipz um hagi th['i]na, en sj['a] thykkir, en faestir menn thykkjaz thik kenna, at th['u] s['e]r enn sami madhr; n['u] tak vidh sverdhinu ok nj['o]t manna bezt, ef thetta er til unnit." S['i]dhan gengr H[o,]ttr at d['y]rinu alldjarfliga ok hoeggr til thess, th['a] _er_ hann kemr ['i] h[o,]ggfaeri, ok d['y]rit fellr nidhr dautt. B[o,]dhvarr maelti: "sj['a]idh n['u], herra, hvat hann hefir til unnit." Konungr segir: "v['i]st hefir hann mikit skipaz, en ekki hefir H[o,]ttr einn d['y]rit drepit, heldr hefir th['u] that gert." B[o,]dhvarr segir: "vera m['a], at sv['a] s['e]." Konungr segir: "vissa ek, th['a] _er_ th['u] komt h['e]r, at f['a]ir mundu th['i]nir jafningjar vera, en that thykki m['e]r th['o] thitt verk fraegiligast, at th['u] hefir gert h['e]r annan kappa, thar _er_ H[o,]ttr er, ok ['o]vaenligr th['o]tti til mikillar giptu; ok n['u] vil ek _at_ hann heiti eigi H[o,]ttr lengr ok skal hann heita Hjalti upp fr['a] thessu; skaltu heita eptir sverdhinu Gullinhjalta." {142}

Then Bothvar went on his way to Leire, and came to the king's dwelling.

Bothvar stabled his horse by the king's best horses, without asking leave; and then he went into the hall, and there were few men there. He took a seat near the door, and when he had been there a little time he heard a rummaging in a corner. Bothvar looked that way and saw that a man's hand came up out of a great heap of bones which lay there, and the hand was very black. Bothvar went thither and asked who was there in the heap of bones.

Then an answer came, in a very weak voice, "Hott is my name, good fellow."

"Why art thou here?" said Bothvar, "and what art thou doing?"

Hott said, "I am making a shield-wall for myself, good fellow."

Bothvar said, "Out on thee and thy shield-wall!" and gripped him and jerked him up out of the heap of bones.

Then Hott cried out and said, "Now thou wilt be the death of me: do not do so. I had made it all so snug, and now thou hast scattered in pieces my shield-wall; and I had built it so high all round myself that it has protected me against all your blows, so that for long no blows have come upon me, and yet it was not so arranged as I meant it should be."

Then Bothvar said, "Thou wilt not build thy shield-wall any longer."

Hott said, weeping, "Wilt thou be the death of me, good fellow?" Bothvar told him not to make a noise, and then took him up and bore him out of the hall to some water which was close by, and washed him from head to foot. Few paid any heed to this.

Then Bothvar went to the place which he had taken before, and led Hott with him, and set Hott by his side. But Hott was so afraid that he was trembling in every limb, and yet he seemed to know that this man would help him.

After that it grew to evening, and men crowded into the hall: and Rolf's warriors saw that Hott was seated upon the bench. And it seemed to them that the man must be bold {143} enough, who had taken upon himself to put him there. Hott had an ill countenance when he saw his acquaintances, for he had received naught but evil from them. He wished to save his life and go back to his bone-heap, but Bothvar held him tightly so that he could not go away. For Hott thought that, if he could get back into his bone-heap, he would not be as much exposed to their blows as he was.

Now the retainers did as before; and first of all they tossed small bones across the floor towards Bothvar and Hott. Bothvar pretended not to see this. Hott was so afraid that he neither ate nor drank; and every moment he thought he would be smitten.

And now Hott said to Bothvar, "Good fellow, now a great knuckle bone is coming towards thee, aimed so as to do us sore injury." Bothvar told him to hold his tongue, and put up the hollow of his palm against the knuckle bone and caught it, and the leg bone was joined on to the knuckle bone. Then Bothvar sent the knuckle bone back, and hurled it straight at the man who had thrown it, with such a swift blow that it was the death of him. Then great fear came over the retainers.

Now news came to King Rolf and his men up in the castle that a stately man had come to the hall and killed a retainer, and that the retainers wished to kill the man. King Rolf asked whether the retainer who had been killed had given any offence. "Next to none," they said: then all the truth of the matter came up before King Rolf.

King Rolf said that it should be far from them to kill the man: "You have taken up an evil custom here in pelting men with bones without quarrel. It is a dishonour to me and a great shame to you to do so. I have spoken about it before, and you have paid no attention. I think that this man whom you have assailed must be a man of no small valour. Call him to me, so that I may know who he is."

Bothvar went before the king and greeted him courteously. The king asked him his name. "Your retainers call me Hott's protector, but my name is Bothvar."

The king said, "What compensation wilt thou offer me for my retainer?" {144}

Bothvar said, "He only got what he asked for."

The king said, "Wilt thou become my man and fill his place?"

Bothvar said, "I do not refuse to be your man, but Hott and I must not part so. And we must sit nearer to thee than this man whom I have slain has sat; otherwise we will both depart together." The king said, "I do not see much credit in Hott, but I will not grudge him meat." Then Bothvar went to the seat that seemed good to him, and would not fill that which the other had before. He pulled up three men in one place, and then he and Hott sat down there higher in the hall than the place which had been given to them. The men thought Bothvar overbearing, and there was the greatest ill will among them concerning him.

And when it drew near to Christmas, men became gloomy. Bothvar asked Hott the reason of this. Hott said to him that for two winters together a wild beast had come, great and awful, "And it has wings on its back, and flies. For two autumns it has attacked us here and done much damage. No weapon will wound it: and the champions of the king, those who are the greatest, come not back."

Bothvar said, "This hall is not so well arrayed as I thought, if one beast can lay waste the kingdom and the cattle of the king." Hott said, "It is no beast: it is the greatest troll."

Now Christmas-eve came; then said the king, "Now my will is that men to-night be still and quiet, and I forbid all my men to run into any peril with this beast. It must be with the cattle as fate will have it: but I do not wish to lose my men." All men promised to do as the king commanded. But Bothvar went out in secret that night; he caused Hott to go with him, but Hott did that only under compulsion, and said that it would be the death of him. Bothvar said that he hoped that it would be better than that. They went away from the hall, and Bothvar had to carry Hott, so frightened was he. Now they saw the beast; and thereupon Hott cried out as loud as he could, and said that the beast would swallow him. Bothvar said, "Be silent, thou dog," and threw him down in the mire. And there he lay in no small fear; but he did not dare to go home, any the more. {145}

Now Bothvar went against the beast, and it happened that his sword was fast in his sheath when he wished to draw it. Bothvar now tugged at his sword, it moved, he wrenched the scabbard so that the sword came out. And at once he plunged it into the beast's shoulder so mightily that it pierced him to the heart, and the beast fell down dead to the earth. After that Bothvar went where Hott lay. Bothvar took him up and bore him to where the beast lay dead. Hott was trembling all over. Bothvar said, "Now must thou drink the blood of the beast." For long Hott was unwilling, and yet he did not dare to do anything else. Bothvar made him drink two great sups; also he made him eat somewhat of the heart of the beast.

After that Bothvar turned to Hott, and they fought a long time.

Bothvar said, "Thou hast now become very strong, and I do not believe that thou wilt now fear the retainers of King Rolf."

Hott said, "I shall not fear them, nor thee either, from now on."

"That is good, fellow Hott. Let us now go and raise up the beast, and so array him that others may think that he is still alive." And they did so. After that they went home, and were quiet, and no man knew what they had achieved.

In the morning the king asked what news there was of the beast, and whether it had made any attack upon them in the night. And answer was made to the king, that all the cattle were safe and uninjured in their folds. The king bade his men examine whether any trace could be seen of the beast having visited them. The watchers did so, and came quickly back to the king with the news that the beast was making for the castle, and in great fury. The king bade his retainers be brave, and each play the man according as he had spirit, and do away with this monster. And they did as the king bade, and made them ready.

Then the king faced towards the beast and said, "I see no sign of movement in the beast. Who now will undertake to go against it?"

Bothvar said, "That would be an enterprise for a man of true valour. Fellow Hott, now clear thyself of that ill-repute, {146} in that men hold that there is no spirit or valour in thee. Go now and do thou kill the beast; thou canst see that there is no one else who is forward to do it."

"Yea," said Hott, "I will undertake this."

The king said, "I do not know whence this valour has come upon thee, Hott; and much has changed in thee in a short time."

Hott said, "Give me the sword Goldenboss, Gullinhjalti, which thou dost wield, and I will fell the beast or take my death." Rolf the king said, "That sword cannot be borne except by a man who is both a good warrior and valiant." Hott said, "So shalt thou ween that I am a man of that kind." The king said, "How can one know that more has not changed in thy temper than can be seen? Few men would know thee for the same man. Now take the sword and have joy of it, if this deed is accomplished." Then Hott went boldly to the beast and smote at it when he came within reach, and the beast fell down dead. Bothvar said, "See now, my lord, what he has achieved." The king said, "Verily, he has altered much, but Hott has not killed the beast alone, rather hast thou done it." Bothvar said, "It may be that it is so." The king said, "I knew when thou didst come here that few would be thine equals. But this seems to me nevertheless thy most honourable work, that thou hast made here another warrior of Hott, who did not seem shaped for much luck. And now I will that he shall be called no longer Hott, but Hjalti from this time; thou shalt be called after the sword Gullinhjalti (Goldenboss)."

* * * * *

C. EXTRACTS FROM GRETTIS SAGA

(ed. G. Magn['u]sson, 1853; R. C. Boer, 1900)

(_a_) _Glam episode_ (caps. 32-35)

Th['o]rhallr h['e]t madhr, er bj['o] ['a] Th['o]rhallsst[o,]dhum ['i] Forsaeludal. Forsaeludalr er upp af Vatnsdal. Th['o]rhallr var Gr['i]msson, Th['o]rhallssonar, Fridhmundarsonar, er nam Forsaeludal. Th['o]rhallr ['a]tti th['a] konu, er Gudhr['u]n h['e]t. Gr['i]mr h['e]t sonr theira, en Thur['i]dhr d['o]ttir; thau v['a]ru vel ['a] legg komin. Th['o]rhallr var vel audhigr {147} madhr, ok mest at kvikf['e], sv['a] at engi madhr ['a]tti jafnmart ganganda f['e], sem hann. Ekki var hann h[o,]fdhingi, en th['o] skilr['i]kr b['o]nd['i]. Thar var reimt mj[o,]k, ok fekk hann varla saudhamann, sv['a] at honum thoetti duga. Hann leitadhi r['a]dhs vidh marga vitra menn, hvat hann skyldi til bragdhs taka; en engi gat that r['a]dh til gefit, er dygdhi. Th['o]rhallr reidh til things hvert sumar. Hann ['a]tti hesta g['o]dha. That var eitt sumar ['a] althingi, at Th['o]rhallr gekk til b['u]dhar Skapta l[o,]gmanns, Th['o]roddssonar. Skapti var manna vitrastr, ok heilr['a]dhr, ef hann var beiddr. That skildi medh theim fedhgum: Th['o]roddr var forsp['a]r ok kalladhr undirhyggjumadhr af sumum m[o,]nnum, en Skapti lagdhi that til medh hverjum manni, sem hann aetladhi at duga skyldi, ef eigi vaeri af thv['i] brugdhit; thv['i] var hann kalladhr betrfedhrungr. Th['o]rhallr gekk ['i] b['u]dh Skapta; hann fagnadhi vel Th['o]rhalli, thv['i] hann vissi, at hann var r['i]kr madhr at f['e], ok spurdhi hvat at t['i]dhendum vaeri.

Th['o]rhallr maelti: "Heilraedhi vilda ek af ydhr thiggja."

"['I] litlum foerum em ek til thess," sagdhi Skapti; "edha hvat stendr thik?"

Th['o]rhallr maelti: "That er sv['a] h['a]ttat, at m['e]r helz l['i]tt ['a] saudham[o,]nnum. Verdhr theim heldr klakks['a]rt, en sumir gera engar lyktir ['a]. Vill n['u] engi til taka, s['a] er kunnigt er til, hvat fyrir b['y]r."

Skapti svarar: "Thar mun liggja meinvaettr n[o,]kkur, er menn eru tregari til at geyma s['i]dhr th['i]ns fj['a]r en annarra manna. N['u] fyrir thv['i], at th['u] hefir at m['e]r r['a]dh s['o]tt, th['a] skal ek f['a] th['e]r saudhamann, thann er Gl['a]mr heitir, aettadhr ['o]r Sv['i]thj['o]dh, ['o]r Sylgsd[o,]lum, er ['u]t kom ['i] fyrra sumar, mikill ok sterkr, ok ekki mj[o,]k vidh alth['y]dhu skap."

Th['o]rhallr kvaz ekki um that gefa, ef hann geymdi vel fj['a]rins; Skapti sagdhi [o,]dhrum eigi vaent horfa, ef hann geymdi eigi fyrir afls sakir ok ['a]raedhis; Th['o]rhallr gekk th['a] ['u]t. Thetta var at thinglausnum.

Th['o]rhalli var vant hesta tveggja lj['o]sbleikra, ok f['o]r sj['a]lfr at leita; af thv['i] thykkjaz menn vita, at hann var ekki mikilmenni. Hann gekk upp undir Sledh['a]s ok sudhr medh fjalli thv['i], er ['A]rmannsfell heitir. Th['a] s['a] hann, hvar madhr f['o]r ofan ['o]r Godhask['o]gi ok bar hr['i]s ['a] hesti. Br['a]tt bar saman fund theira; Th['o]rhallr spurdhi hann at nafni, en hann kvez Gl['a]mr heita. Thessi madhr {148} var mikill vexti ok undarligr ['i] yfirbragdhi, bl['a]eygdhr ok opineygdhr, ['u]lfgr['a]r ['a] h['a]rslit. Th['o]rhalli br['a] n[o,]kkut ['i] br['u]n, er hann s['a] thenna mann; en th['o] skildi hann, at honum mundi til thessa v['i]sat.

"Hvat er th['e]r bezt hent at vinna?" segir Th['o]rhallr.

Gl['a]mr kvadh s['e]r vel hent at geyma saudhfj['a]r ['a] vetrum.

"Viltu geyma saudhfj['a]r m['i]ns?" segir Th['o]rhallr; "gaf Skapti thik ['a] mitt vald."

"Sv['a] mun th['e]r hentust m['i]n vist, at ek fari sj['a]lfr['a]dhr; thv['i] ek em skapstyggr, ef m['e]r l['i]kar eigi vel," sagdhi Gl['a]mr.

"Ekki mun m['e]r mein at thv['i]," segir Th['o]rhallr, "ok vil ek, at th['u] farir til m['i]n."

"Gera m['a] ek that," segir Gl['a]mr; "edha eru thar n[o,]kkur vandhoefi ['a]?"

"Reimt thykkir thar vera," sagdhi Th['o]rhallr.

"Ekki hraedhumz ek flykur thaer," sagdhi Gl['a]mr, "ok thykkir m['e]r at ['o]dauflig[r]a."

"Thess muntu vidh thurfa," segir Th['o]rhallr, "ok hentar thar betr, at vera eigi alll['i]till fyrir s['e]r."

Eptir that kaupa their saman, ok skal Gl['a]mr koma at vetrn['o]ttum. Sidhan skildu their, ok fann Th['o]rhallr hesta s['i]na, thar sem hann hafdhi n['y]leitat. Reidh Th['o]rhallr heim, ok thakkadhi Skapta sinn velgerning.

Sumar leidh af, ok fr['e]tti Th['o]rhallr ekki til saudhamanns, ok engi kunni skyn ['a] honum. En at ['a]nefndum t['i]ma kom hann ['a] Th['o]rhallsstadhi. Tekr b['o]ndi vidh honum vel, en [o,]llum [o,]dhrum gaz ekki at honum, en h['u]sfreyju th['o] minst. Hann t['o]k vidh fj['a]rvardhveizlu, ok vardh honum l['i]tit fyrir thv['i]; hann var hlj['o]dhmikill ok dimmraddadhr, ok f['e]it st[o,]kk allt saman, thegar hann h['o]adhi. Kirkja var ['a] Th['o]rhallsst[o,]dhum; ekki vildi Gl['a]mr til hennar koma; hann var ['o]s[o,]ngvinn ok tr['u]lauss, stirfinn ok vidhskotaillr; [o,]llum var hann hvimleidhr.

N['u] leidh sv['a] thar til er kemr atfangadagr j['o]la. Th['a] st['o]dh Gl['a]mr snemma upp ok kalladhi til matar s['i]ns.

H['u]sfreyja svarar: "Ekki er that h['a]ttr kristinna manna, at mataz thenna dag, thv['i]at ['a] morgin er j['o]ladagr hinn fyrsti," segir hon, "ok er thv['i] fyrst skylt at fasta ['i] dag."

Hann svarar: "Marga hindrvitni hafi th['e]r, th['a] er ek s['e] til enskis koma. Veit ek eigi, at m[o,]nnum fari n['u] betr at, heldr {149} en th['a], er menn f['o]ru ekki medh sl['i]kt. Th['o]tti m['e]r th['a] betri sidhr, er menn v['a]ru heidhnir kalladhir; ok vil ek mat minn en engar refjur."

H['u]sfreyja maelti: "V['i]st veit ek, at th['e]r mun illa faraz ['i] dag, ef th['u] tekr thetta illbrigdhi til."

Gl['a]mr badh hana taka mat ['i] stadh; kvadh henni annat skyldu vera verra. Hon thordhi eigi annat, en at gera, sem hann vildi. Ok er hann var mettr, gekk hann ['u]t, ok var heldr gustillr. Vedhri var sv['a] farit, at myrkt var um at litaz, ok fl[o,]gradhi ['o]r dr['i]fa, ok gn['y]mikit, ok versnadhi mj[o,]k sem ['a] leidh daginn. Heyrdhu menn til saudhamanns [o,]ndverdhan daginn, en midhr er ['a] leidh daginn. T['o]k th['a] at fj['u]ka, ok gerdhi ['a] hr['i]dh um kveldit; k['o]mu menn til t['i]dha, ok leidh sv['a] fram at dagsetri; eigi kom Gl['a]mr heim. Var th['a] um talat, hv['a]rt hans skyldi eigi leita; en fyrir thv['i], at hr['i]dh var ['a] ok nidhamyrkr, th['a] vardh ekki af leitinni. Kom hann eigi heim j['o]lan['o]ttina; bidhu menn sv['a] fram um t['i]dhir. At oernum degi f['o]ru menn ['i] leitina, ok fundu f['e]it v['i]dha ['i] f[o,]nnum, lamit af ofvidhri edha hlaupit ['a] fj[o,]ll upp. Thv['i]naest k['o]mu their ['a] tradhk mikinn ofarliga ['i] dalnum. Th['o]tti theim thv['i] l['i]kt, sem thar hefdhi gl['i]mt verit heldr sterkliga, thv['i]at grj['o]tit var v['i]dha upp leyst, ok sv['a] j[o,]rdhin. Their hugdhu at vandliga ok s['a], hvar Gl['a]mr l['a], skamt ['a] brott fr['a] theim. Hann var daudhr, ok bl['a]r sem Hel, en digr sem naut. Theim baudh af honum ['o]thekt mikla, ok hraus theim mj[o,]k hugr vidh honum. En th['o] leitudhu their vidh at foera hann til kirkju, ok g['a]tu ekki komit honum, nema ['a] einn gilsthr[o,]m thar skamt ofan fr['a] s['e]r; ok f['o]ru heim vidh sv['a] b['u]it, ok s[o,]gdhu b['o]nda thenna atburdh. Hann spurdhi, hvat Gl['a]mi mundi hafa at bana ordhit. Their kv['a]dhuz rakit hafa spor sv['a] st['o]r, sem keraldsbotni vaeri nidhr skelt thadhan fr['a], sem tradhkrinn var, ok upp undir bj[o,]rg thau, er thar v['a]ru ofarliga ['i] dalnum, ok fylgdhu thar medh bl['o]dhdrefjar miklar. That dr['o]gu menn saman, at s['u] meinvaettr, er ['a]dhr hafdhi [thar] verit, mundi hafa deytt Gl['a]m; en hann mundi fengit hafa henni n[o,]kkurn ['a]verka, thann er tekit hafi til fulls, thv['i]at vidh th['a] meinvaetti hefir aldri vart ordhit s['i]dhan. Annan j['o]ladag var enn til farit at foera Gl['a]m til kirkju. V['a]ru eykir fyrir beittir, ok g['a]tu their hvergi foert hann, thegar sl['e]ttlendit var ok eigi var forbrekkis at fara. Gengu n['u] fr['a] vidh sv['a] b['u]it. Hinn thridhja dag f['o]r prestr medh theim, ok leitudhu allan daginn, {150} ok Gl['a]mr fannz eigi. Eigi vildi prestr optar til fara; en saudhamadhr fannz, thegar prestr var eigi ['i] ferdh. L['e]tu their th['a] fyrir vinnaz, at foera hann til kirkju; ok dysjudhu hann thar, sem th['a] var hann kominn. L['i]tlu s['i]dhar urdhu menn varir vidh that, at Gl['a]mr l['a] eigi kyrr. Vardh m[o,]nnum at thv['i] mikit mein, sv['a] at margir fellu ['i] ['o]vit, ef s['a] hann, en sumir heldu eigi vitinu. Thegar eptir j['o]lin th['o]ttuz menn sj['a] hann heima thar ['a] boenum. Urdhu menn ['a]kafliga hraeddir; stukku th['a] margir menn ['i] brott. Thvinaest t['o]k Gl['a]mr at r['i]dha h['u]sum ['a] naetr, sv['a] at l['a] vidh brotum. Gekk hann th['a] n['a]liga naetr ok daga. Varla thordhu menn at fara upp ['i] dalinn, th['o]at aetti n['o]g oerendi. Th['o]tti m[o,]nnum thar ['i] heradhinu mikit mein at thessu.

Um v['a]rit fekk Th['o]rhallr s['e]r hj['o]n ok gerdhi b['u] ['a] j[o,]rdhu sinni. T['o]k th['a] at minka aptrgangr, medhan s['o]largangr var mestr. Leidh sv['a] fram ['a] midhsumar. Thetta sumar kom ['u]t skip ['i] H['u]navatni; thar var ['a] s['a] madhr, er Thorgautr h['e]t. Hann var ['u]tlendr at kyni, mikill ok sterkr; hann hafdhi tveggja manna afl; hann var lauss ok einn fyrir s['e]r; hann vildi f['a] starfa n[o,]kkurn, thv['i](at) hann var f['e]lauss. Th['o]rhallr reidh til skips ok fann Thorgaut; spurdhi ef hann vildi vinna fyrir honum; Thorgautr kvadh that vel mega vera, ok kvez eigi vanda that.

"Sv['a] skaltu vidh b['u]az," segir Th['o]rhallr, "sem thar s['e] ekki veslingsm[o,]nnum hent at vera, fyrir aptrg[o,]ngum theim, er thar hafa verit um hr['i]dh, en ek vil ekki thik ['a] t['a]lar draga."

Thorgautr svarar: "Eigi thykkjumz ek upp gefinn, th['o]at ek sj['a] sm['a]v['a]fur; mun th['a] eigi [o,]dhrum daelt, ef ek hraedhumz; ok ekki bregdh ek vist minni fyrir that."

N['u] semr theim vel kaupstefnan, ok skal Thorgautr gaeta saudhfj['a]r at vetri.

Leidh n['u] af sumarit. T['o]k Thorgautr vidh f['e]nu at vetrn['a]ttum. Vel l['i]kadhi [o,]llum vidh hann. Jafnan kom Gl['a]mr heim ok reidh h['u]sum. That th['o]tti Thorgauti allk['a]tligt, ok kvadh, "thraelinn thurfa mundu naer at ganga, ef ek hraedhumz." Th['o]rhallr badh hann hafa f['a]tt um; "er bezt, at thit reynidh ekki medh ykkr."

Thorgautr maelti: "Sannliga er skekinn thr['o]ttr ['o]r ydhr; ok dett ek eigi nidhr milli doegra vidh skraf thetta."

N['u] f['o]r sv['a] fram um vetrinn allt til j['o]la. Atfangakveld j['o]la f['o]r saudhamadhr til fj['a]r. {151}

Th['a] maelti h['u]sfreyja: "Thurfa thoetti m['e]r, at n['u] foeri eigi at fornum br[o,]gdhum."

Hann svarar: "Ver eigi hraedd um that, h['u]sfreyja," sagdhi hann; "verdha mun eitthvert s[o,]guligt, ef ek kem ekki aptr." S['i]dhan gekk hann aptr til fj['a]r s['i]ns. Vedhr var heldr kalt, ok fj['u]k mikit. Thv['i] var Thorgautr vanr, at koma heim, th['a] er h['a]lfroekkvat var; en n['u] kom hann ekki heim ['i] that mund. K['o]mu t['i]dhamenn, sem vant var. That th['o]tti m[o,]nnum eigi ['o]l['i]kt ['a] horfaz sem fyrr. B['o]ndi vildi leita l['a]ta eptir saudhamanni, en t['i]dhamenn t[o,]lduz undan, ok s[o,]gdhuz eigi mundu haetta s['e]r ['u]t ['i] tr[o,]llahendr um naetr; ok treystiz b['o]ndi eigi at fara, ok vardh ekki af leitinni. J['o]ladag, er menn v['a]ru mettir, f['o]ru menn til ok leitudhu saudhamanns. Gengu their fyrst til dysjar Gl['a]ms, thv['i]at menn aetludhu af hans v[o,]ldum mundi ordhit um hvarf saudhamanns. En er their k['o]mu naer dysinni, s['a]u their thar mikil t['i]dhendi, ok thar fundu their saudhamann, ok var hann brotinn ['a] h['a]ls, ok lamit sundr hvert bein ['i] honum. S['i]dhan foerdhu their hann til kirkju, ok vardh engum manni mein at Thorgauti s['i]dhan. En Gl['a]mr t['o]k at magnaz af n['y]ju. Gerdhi hann n['u] sv['a] mikit af s['e]r, at menn allir stukku brott af Th['o]rhallsst[o,]dhum, ['u]tan b['o]ndi einn ok h['u]sfreyja. Nautamadhr hafdhi thar verit lengi hinn sami. Vildi Th['o]rhallr hann ekki lausan l['a]ta fyrir g['o]dhvilja sakir ok geymslu. Hann var mj[o,]k vidh aldr, ok th['o]tti honum mikit fyrir, at fara ['a] brott; s['a] hann ok, at allt f['o]r at ['o]nytju, that er b['o]ndi ['a]tti, ef engi geymdi. Ok einn t['i]ma eptir midhjan vetr var that einn morgin, at h['u]sfreyja f['o]r til fj['o]ss, at mj['o]lka k['y]r eptir t['i]ma. Th['a] var allj['o]st, thv['i]at engi treystiz fyrr ['u]ti at vera annarr en nautamadhr; hann f['o]r ['u]t, thegar l['y]sti. Hon heyrdhi brak mikit ['i] fj['o]sit, ok beljan [o,]skurliga; hon hlj['o]p inn oepandi ok kvaz eigi vita, hver ['o]doemi um vaeri ['i] fj['o]sinu. B['o]ndi gekk ['u]t ok kom til nautanna, ok stangadhi hvert annat. Th['o]tti honum thar eigi gott, ok gekk innar at hl[o,]dhunni. Hann s['a], hvar l['a], nautamadhr, ok hafdhi h[o,]fudhit ['i] [o,]dhrum b['a]si en foetr ['i] [o,]dhrum; hann l['a] ['a] bak aptr. B['o]ndi gekk at honum ok threifadhi um hann; finnr br['a]tt, at hann er daudhr ok sundr hryggrinn ['i] honum. Var hann brotinn um b['a]shelluna. N['u] th['o]tti b['o]nda eigi vaert, ok f['o]r ['i] brott af boenum medh allt that, sem hann m['a]tti ['i] brott flytja. En allt kvikf['e] that, sem eptir var, deyddi Gl['a]mr. Ok thvinaest f['o]r {152} hann um allan dalinn ok eyddi alla boei upp fr['a] Tungu. Var Th['o]rhallr th['a] medh vinum s['i]num that [sem] eptir var vetrarins. Engi madhr m['a]tti fara upp ['i] dalinn medh hest edhr hund, thv['i]at that var thegar drepit. En er v['a]radhi, ok s['o]largangr var sem mestr, l['e]tti heldr aptrg[o,]ngunum. Vildi Th['o]rhallr n['u] fara aptr til lands s['i]ns. Urdhu honum ekki audhfengin hj['o]n, en th['o] gerdhi hann b['u] ['a] Th['o]rhallsst[o,]dhum. F['o]r allt ['a] sama veg sem fyrr; thegar at haustadhi, t['o]ku at vaxa reimleikar. Var th['a] mest s['o]tt at b['o]ndad['o]ttur; ok sv['a] f['o]r, at hon l['e]z af thv['i]. Margra r['a]dha var ['i] leitat, ok vardh ekki at g[o,]rt. Th['o]tti m[o,]nnum til thess horfaz, at eydhaz mundi allr Vatnsdalr, ef eigi yrdhi boetr ['a] r['a]dhnar.

N['u] er thar til at taka, at Grettir ['A]smundarson sat heima at Bjargi um haustit, s['i]dhan their V['i]gabardhi skildu ['a] Th['o]reyjargn['u]pi. Ok er mj[o,]k var komit at vetrn['o]ttum, reidh Grettir heiman nordhr yfir h['a]lsa til V['i]dhidals, ok gisti ['a] Audhunarst[o,]dhum. Saettuz their Audhunn til fulls, ok gaf Grettir honum oexi g['o]dha, ok maeltu til vin['a]ttu medh s['e]r. Audhunn bj['o] lengi ['a] Audhunarst[o,]dhum ok var kynsaell madhr. Hans sonr var Egill, er ['a]tti ['U]lfheidhi, d['o]ttur Eyj['o]lfs Gudhmundarsonar, ok var theira sonr Eyj['o]lfr, er veginn var ['a] althingi. Hann var fadhir Orms, kapil['a]ns Thorl['a]ks biskups. Grettir reidh nordhr til Vatnsdals ok kom ['a] kynnisleit ['i] Tungu. Thar bj['o] th['a] J[o,]kull B['a]rdharson, m['o]dhurbr['o]dhir Grettis; J[o,]kull var mikill madhr ok sterkr ok hinn mesti ofsamadhr. Hann var siglingamadhr, ok mj[o,]k ['o]daell, en th['o] mikilhoefr madhr. Hann t['o]k vel vidh Gretti, ok var hann thar thrj['a]r naetr. Th['a] var sv['a] mikit ordh ['a] aptrg[o,]ngum Gl['a]ms, at m[o,]nnum var ekki jafnt['i]dhroett sem that. Grettir spurdhi inniliga at theim atburdhum, er h[o,]fdhu ordhit; J[o,]kull kvadh thar ekki meira af sagt en til vaeri hoeft; "edha er th['e]r forvitni ['a], fraendi! at koma thar?"

Grettir sagdhi, at that var satt.

J[o,]kull badh hann that eigi gera, "thv['i] that er gaefuraun mikil; en fraendr th['i]nir eiga mikit ['i] haettu, thar sem th['u] ert," sagdhi hann; "thykkir oss n['u] engi sl['i]kr af ungum m[o,]nnum sem th['u]; en illt mun af illum hlj['o]ta, thar sem Gl['a]mr er. Er ok miklu betra, at f['a]z vidh mennska menn en vidh ['o]vaettir sl['i]kar."

Grettir kvadh s['e]r hug ['a], at koma ['a] Th['o]rhallsstadhi, ok sj['a], hversu thar vaeri um gengit. {153}

J[o,]kull maelti: "S['e] ek n['u], at eigi tj['a]ir at letja thik; en satt er that sem maelt er, at sitt er hv['a]rt, gaefa edha gervigleikr."

"Th['a] er [o,]dhrum v['a] fyrir dyrum, er [o,]dhrum er inn um komit; ok hygg at, hversu th['e]r mun fara sj['a]lfum, ['a]dhr l['y]kr," kvadh Grettir.

J[o,]kull svarar: "Vera kann, at vit sj['a]im b['a]dhir n[o,]kkut fram, en hv['a]rrgi f['a]i vidh g[o,]rt."

Eptir that skildu their, ok l['i]kadhi hv['a]rigum annars sp['a]r.

Grettir reidh ['a] Th['o]rhallsstadhi, ok fagnadhi b['o]ndi honum vel. Hann spurdhi, hvert Grettir aetladhi at fara; en hann segiz thar vilja vera um n['o]ttina, ef b['o]nda l['i]kadhi, at sv['a] vaeri. Th['o]rhallr kvaz th[o,]kk fyrir kunna, at hann vaeri thar, "en f['a]m thykkir sloegr til at gista h['e]r um t['i]ma; muntu hafa heyrt getit um, hvat h['e]r er at vaela. En ek vilda gjarna, at th['u] hlytir engi vandraedhi af m['e]r. En th['o]at th['u] komiz heill ['a] brott, th['a] veit ek fyrir v['i]st, at th['u] missir hests th['i]ns; thv['i] engi heldr h['e]r heilum s['i]num fararskj['o]ta, s['a] er kemr."

Grettir kvadh gott til hesta, hvat sem af thessum yrdhi.

Th['o]rhallr vardh gladhr vidh, er Grettir vildi thar vera, ok t['o]k vidh honum b['a]dhum h[o,]ndum. Var hestr Grettis laestr ['i] h['u]si sterkliga. Their f['o]ru til svefns, ok leidh sv['a] af n['o]ttin, at ekki kom Gl['a]mr heim.

Th['a] maelti Th['o]rhallr: "Vel hefir brugdhit vidh th['i]na kv['a]mu, thv['i]at hverja n['o]tt er Gl['a]mr vanr at r['i]dha h['u]sum edha brj['o]ta upp hurdhir, sem th['u] m['a]tt merki sj['a]."

Grettir maelti: "Th['a] mun vera annathv['a]rt, at hann mun ekki lengi ['a] s['e]r sitja, edha mun af venjaz meirr en eina n['o]tt. Skal ek vera h['e]r n['o]tt adhra ok sj['a], hversu ferr."

Sidhan gengu their til hests Grettis, ok var ekki vidh hann glez. Allt th['o]tti b['o]nda at einu fara. N['u] er Grettir thar adhra n['o]tt, ok kom ekki thraellinn heim. Th['a] th['o]tti b['o]nda mj[o,]k vaenkaz. F['o]r hann th['a], at sj['a] hest Grettis. Th['a] var upp brotit h['u]sit, er b['o]ndi kom til, en hestrinn dreginn til dyra ['u]tar, ok lamit ['i] sundr ['i] honum hvert bein.

Th['o]rhallr sagdhi Gretti, hvar th['a] var komit, ok badh hann fordha s['e]r: "thv['i]at v['i]ss er daudhinn, ef th['u] b['i]dhr Gl['a]ms."

Grettir svarar: "Eigi m['a] ek minna hafa fyrir hest minn, en at sj['a] thraelinn." {154}

B['o]ndi sagdhi, at that var eigi bati, at sj['a] hann, "thv['i]at hann er ['o]l['i]kr n[o,]kkurri mannligri mynd; en g['o]dh thykki m['e]r hver s['u] stund, er th['u] vilt h['e]r vera."

N['u] l['i]dhr dagrinn; ok er menn skyldu fara til svefns, vildi Grettir eigi fara af klaedhum, ok lagdhiz nidhr ['i] setit gegnt lokrekkju b['o]nda. Hann hafdhi r[o,]ggvarfeld yfir s['e]r, ok knepti annat skautit nidhr undir foetr s['e]r, en annat snaradhi hann undir h[o,]fudh s['e]r, ok s['a] ['u]t um h[o,]fudhsm['a]ttina. Setstokkr var fyrir framan setit, mj[o,]k sterkr, ok spyrndi hann thar ['i]. Dyraumb['u]ningrinn allr var fr['a] brotinn ['u]tidyrunum, en n['u] var thar fyrir bundinn hurdharflaki, ok ['o]vendiliga um b['u]it. Thverthilit var allt brotit fr['a] sk['a]lanum, that sem thar fyrir framan hafdhi verit, baedhi fyrir ofan thvertr['e]it ok nedhan. Saengr allar v['a]ru ['o]r stadh foerdhar. Heldr var thar ['o]vistuligt. Lj['o]s brann ['i] sk['a]lanum um n['o]ttina. Ok er af mundi thridhjungr af n['o]tt, heyrdhi Grettir ['u]t dynur miklar. Var th['a] farit upp ['a] h['u]sin, ok ridhit sk['a]lanum ok barit haelunum, sv['a] at brakadhi ['i] hverju tr['e]. Thvi gekk lengi; th['a] var farit ofan af h['u]sunum ok til dyra gengit. Ok er upp var lokit hurdhunni, s['a] Grettir, at thraellinn r['e]tti inn h[o,]fudhit, ok s['y]ndiz honum afskraemiliga mikit ok undarliga st['o]rskorit. Gl['a]mr f['o]r seint ok r['e]ttiz upp, er hann kom inn ['i] dyrnar; hann gnaefadhi ofarliga vidh raefrinu; sn['y]r at sk['a]lanum ok lagdhi handleggina upp ['a] thvertr['e]it, ok gaegdhiz inn yfir sk['a]lann. Ekki l['e]t b['o]ndi heyra til s['i]n, thv['i]at honum th['o]tti oerit um, er hann heyrdhi, hvat um var ['u]ti. Grettir l['a] kyrr ok hroerdhi sik hvergi. Gl['a]mr s['a], at hr['u]ga n[o,]kkur l['a] ['i] setinu, ok r['e]z n['u] innar eptir sk['a]lanum ok threif ['i] feldinn stundarfast. Grettir spyrndi ['i] stokkinn, ok gekk thv['i] hvergi. Gl['a]mr hnykti ['i] annat sinn miklu fastara, ok bifadhiz hvergi feldrinn. ['I] thridhja sinn threif hann ['i] medh b['a]dhum h[o,]ndum sv['a] fast, at hann r['e]tti Gretti upp ['o]r setinu; kiptu n['u] ['i] sundr feldinum ['i] millum s['i]n. Gl['a]mr leit ['a] slitrit, er hann helt ['a], ok undradhiz mj[o,]k, hverr sv['a], fast mundi togaz vidh hann. Ok ['i] thv['i] hlj['o]p Grettir undir hendr honum, ok threif um hann midhjan, ok spenti ['a] honum hrygginn sem fastast gat hann, ok aetladhi hann, at Gl['a]mr skyldi kikna vidh. En thraellinn lagdhi at handleggjum Grettis sv['a] fast, at hann h[o,]rfadhi allr fyrir orku sakir. F['o]r Grettir th['a] undan ['i] ['y]ms setin. Gengu th['a] fr['a] stokkarnir, ok allt brotnadhi, that sem fyrir vardh. Vildi {155} Gl['a]mr leita ['u]t, en Grettir foerdhi vidh foetr, hvar sem hann m['a]tti. En th['o] gat Gl['a]mr dregit hann fram ['o]r sk['a]lanum. ['A]ttu their th['a] allhardha s['o]kn thv['i]at thraellinn aetladhi at koma honum ['u]t ['o]r boenum; en sv['a] illt sem var at eiga vidh Gl['a]m inni, th['a] s['a] Grettir, at th['o] var verra, at f['a]z vidh hann ['u]ti; ok thv['i] brauz hann ['i] m['o]ti af [o,]llu afli at fara ['u]t. Gl['a]mr foerdhiz ['i] aukana, ok knepti hann at s['e]r, er their k['o]mu ['i] anddyrit. Ok er Grettir s['e]r, at hann fekk eigi vidh spornat, hefir hann allt eitt atridhit, at hann hleypr sem hardhast ['i] fang thraelnum ok spyrnir b['a]dhum f['o]tum ['i] jardhfastan stein, er stodh ['i] dyrunum. Vidh thessu bj['o]z thraellinn eigi; hann hafdhi th['a] togaz vidh at draga Gretti at s['e]r; ok thv['i] kiknadhi Gl['a]mr ['a] bak aptr, ok rauk [o,]fugr ['u]t ['a] dyrnar, sv['a] at herdharnar n['a]mu uppdyrit, ok raefrit gekk ['i] sundr, baedhi vidhirnir ok thekjan frerin; fell hann sv['a] opinn ok [o,]fugr ['u]t ['o]r h['u]sunum, en Grettir ['a] hann ofan. Tunglskin var mikit ['u]ti ok gluggathykkn; hratt stundum fyrir, en stundum dr['o] fr['a]. N['u] ['i] thv['i], er Gl['a]mr fell, rak sk['y]it fr['a] tunglinu, en Gl['a]mr hvesti augun upp ['i] m['o]ti. Ok sv['a], hefir Grettir sagt sj['a]lfr, at th['a] eina s['y]n hafi hann s['e]t sv['a], at honum brygdhi vidh. Th['a] sigadhi sv['a] at honum af [o,]llu saman, moedhi ok thv['i], er hann s['a] at Gl['a]mr gaut s['i]num sj['o]num hardhliga, at hann gat eigi brugdhit saxinu, ok l['a] n['a]liga ['i] milli heims ok heljar. En thv['i] var meiri ['o]fagnadharkraptr medh Gl['a]mi en flestum [o,]dhrum aptrg[o,]ngum[o,]nnum, at hann maelti th['a] ['a] thessa leidh: "Mikit kapp hefir th['u] ['a] lagit, Grettir," sagdhi hann, "at finna mik. En that mun eigi undarligt thykkja, th['o]at th['u] hlj['o]tir ekki mikit happ af m['e]r. En that m['a] ek segja th['e]r, at th['u] hefir n['u] fengit helming afls thess ok throska, er th['e]r var aetladhr, ef th['u] hefdhir mik ekki fundit. N['u] fae ek that afl eigi af th['e]r tekit, er th['u] hefir ['a]dhr hrept; en thv['i] m['a] ek r['a]dha, at th['u] verdhr aldri sterkari en n['u] ertu, ok ertu th['o] n['o]gu sterkr, ok at thv['i] mun m[o,]rgum verdha. Th['u] hefir fraegr ordhit h['e]r til af verkum th['i]num; en hedhan af munu falla til th['i]n sektir ok v['i]gaferli, en flest [o,]ll verk th['i]n sn['u]az th['e]r til ['o]gaefu ok hamingjuleysis. Th['u] munt verdha ['u]tlaegr g[o,]rr, ok hlj['o]ta jafnan ['u]ti at b['u]a einn samt. Th['a] legg ek that ['a] vidh thik, at thessi augu s['e] th['e]r jafnan fyrir sj['o]num, sem ek ber eptir; ok mun th['e]r erfitt thykkja, einum at vera; ok that mun th['e]r til daudha draga."

Ok sem thraellinn hafdhi thetta maelt, th['a] rann af Gretti ['o]megin, {156} that sem ['a] honum hafdhi verit. Br['a] hann th['a] saxinu ok hj['o] h[o,]fudh af Gl['a]mi ok setti that vidh thj['o] honum. B['o]ndi kom th['a] ['u]t, ok hafdhi klaez, ['a] medhan Gl['a]mr l['e]t ganga t[o,]luna; en hvergi thordhi hann naer at koma, fyrr en Gl['a]mr var fallinn. Th['o]rhallr lofadhi gudh fyrir, ok thakkadhi vel Gretti, er hann hafdhi unnit thenna ['o]hreina anda. F['o]ru their th['a] til, ok brendu Gl['a]m at k[o,]ldum kolum. Eptir that [b['a]ru their [o,]sku hans ['i] eina h['i]t ok] gr['o]fu thar nidhr, sem s['i]zt v['a]ru fj['a]rhagar edha mannavegir. Gengu heim eptir that, ok var th['a] mj[o,]k komit at degi. Lagdhiz Grettir nidhr, thv['i]at hann var stirdhr mj[o,]k. Th['o]rhallr sendi menn ['a] naestu boei eptir m[o,]nnum; s['y]ndi ok sagdhi, hversu farit hafdhi. [O,]llum th['o]tti mikils um vert um thetta verk, theim er heyrdhu. Var that th['a] almaelt, at engi vaeri thv['i]l['i]kr madhr ['a] [o,]llu landinu fyrir afls sakir ok hreysti ok allrar atgervi, sem Grettir ['A]smundarson.

Th['o]rhallr leysti Gretti vel af gardhi ok gaf honum g['o]dhan hest ok klaedhi soemilig, thv['i][at] thau v['a]ru [o,]ll sundr leyst, er hann hafdhi ['a]dhr borit. Skildu their medh vin['a]ttu. Reidh Grettir thadhan ['i] ['A]s ['i] Vatnsdal, ok t['o]k Thorvaldr vidh honum vel ok spurdhi inniliga at sameign theira Gl['a]ms; en Grettir segir honum vidhskipti theira, ok kvaz aldri ['i] thv['i]l['i]ka aflraun komit hafa, sv['a] langa vidhreign sem their h[o,]fdhu saman ['a]tt.

Thorvaldr badh hann hafa sik spakan, "ok mun th['a] vel duga, en ella mun th['e]r slysgjarnt verdha."

Grettir kvadh ekki batnat hafa um lyndisbragdhit, ok sagdhiz n['u] miklu verr stiltr en ['a]dhr, ok allar m['o]tgerdhir verri thykkja. ['A] thv['i] fann hann mikla muni, at hann var ordhinn madhr sv['a] myrkfaelinn, at hann thordhi hvergi at fara einn saman, thegar myrkva t['o]k. S['y]ndiz honum th['a] hvers kyns skr['i]pi; ok that er haft s['i]dhan fyrir ordhtoeki, at theim lj['a]i Gl['a]mr augna edhr gefi gl['a]ms['y]ni, er mj[o,]k s['y]niz annan veg, en er. Grettir reidh heim til Bjargs, er hann hafdhi g[o,]rt oerendi s['i]n, ok sat heima um vetrinn.

(_b_) _Sandhaugar episode_ (caps. 64-66)

Steinn h['e]t prestr, er bj['o] at Eyjardals['a] ['i] B['a]rdhardal. Hann var b['u]thegn g['o]dhr ok r['i]kr at f['e]. Kjartan h['e]t son hans, r[o,]skr madhr ok vel ['a] legg kominn. Thorsteinn hv['i]ti h['e]t madhr, er {157} bj['o] at Sandhaugum, sudhr fr['a] Eyjardals['a]. Steinv[o,]r h['e]t kona hans, ung ok gladhl['a]t. Thau ['a]ttu b[o,]rn, ok v['a]ru thau ung ['i] thenna t['i]ma. Thar th['o]tti m[o,]nnum reimt mj[o,]k sakir tr[o,]llagangs. That bar til, tveim vetrum fyrr en Grettir kom nordhr ['i] sveitir, at Steinv[o,]r h['u]sfreyja at Sandhaugum f['o]r til j['o]lat['i]dha til Eyjardals['a]r eptir vana, en b['o]ndi var heima. L[o,]gdhuz menn nidhr til svefns um kveldit; ok um n['o]ttina heyrdhu menn brak mikit ['i] sk['a]lann, ok til saengr b['o]nda. Engi thordhi upp at standa at forvitnaz um, thv['i]at thar var f['a]ment mj[o,]k. H['u]sfreyja kom heim um morguninn, ok var b['o]ndi horfinn, ok vissi engi, hvat af honum var ordhit. Lidhu sv['a] hin naestu misseri. En annan vetr eptir, vildi h['u]sfreyja fara til t['i]dha; badh hon h['u]skarl sinn heima vera. Hann var tregr til; en badh hana r['a]dha. F['o]r thar allt ['a] s[o,]mu leidh, sem fyrr, at h['u]skarl var horfinn. Thetta th['o]tti m[o,]nnum undarligt. S['a]u menn th['a] bl['o]dhdrefjar n[o,]kkurar ['i] ['u]tidyrum. Th['o]ttuz menn that vita, at ['o]vaettir mundu hafa tekit th['a] b['a]dha. Thetta fr['e]ttiz v['i]dha um sveitir. Grettir hafdhi spurn af thessu. Ok medh thv['i] at honum var mj[o,]k lagit at koma af reimleikum edha aptrg[o,]ngum, th['a] gerdhi hann ferdh s['i]na til B['a]rdhardals, ok kom atfangadag j['o]la til Sandha[u]ga. Hann duldiz ok nefndiz Gestr. H['u]sfreyja s['a], at hann var furdhu mikill vexti, en heimaf['o]lk var furdhu hraett vidh hann. Hann beiddiz thar gistingar. H['u]sfreyja kvadh honum mat til reidhu, "en ['a]byrgz thik sj['a]lfr."

Hann kvadh sv['a] vera skyldu. "Mun ek vera heima," segir hann, "en th['u] far til t['i]dha, ef th['u] vilt."

Hon svarar: "M['e]r thykkir th['u] hraustr, ef th['u] thorir heima at vera."

"Eigi laet ek m['e]r at einu getit," sagdhi hann.

"Illt thykkir m['e]r heima at vera," segir hon, "en ekki komumz ek yfir ['a]na."

"Ek skal fylgja th['e]r yfir," segir Gestr.

S['i]dhan bj['o]z hon til tidha, ok d['o]ttir hennar medh henni, l['i]til vexti. Hl['a]ka mikil var ['u]ti, ok ['a]in ['i] leysingum; var ['a] henni jakaf[o,]r.

Th['a] maelti h['u]sfreyja: "['O]foert er yfir ['a]na, baedhi m[o,]nnum ok hestum."

"V[o,]dh munu ['a] vera," kvadh Gestr; "ok veridh eigi hraeddar." {158}

"Ber th['u] fyrst meyna," kvadh h['u]sfreyja, "hon er l['e]ttari."

"Ekki nenni ek at gera tvaer ferdhir at thessu," segir Gestr, "ok mun ek bera thik ['a] handlegg m['e]r."

Hon signdi sik ok maelti: "Thetta er ['o]foera; edha hvat gerir th['u] th['a] af meyjunni?"

"Sj['a] mun ek r['a]dh til thess," segir hann; ok greip thaer upp b['a]dhar ok setti hina yngri ['i] kn['e] m['o]dhur sinnar, ok bar thaer sv['a] ['a] vinstra armlegg s['e]r; en hafdhi lausa hina hoegri h[o,]nd ok ['o]dh sv['a], ['u]t ['a] vadhit. Eigi thordhu thaer at oepa, sv['a] v['a]ru thaer hraeddar. En ['a]in skall thegar upp ['a] brj['o]sti honum. Th['a] rak at honum jaka mikinn; en hann skaut vidh hendi theiri, er laus var, ok hratt fr['a] s['e]r. Gerdhi th['a] sv['a] dj['u]pt, at strauminn braut ['a] [o,]xlinni. ['O]dh hann sterkliga, thar til er hann kom at bakkanum [o,]dhrum megin, ok fleygir theim ['a] land. S['i]dhan sneri hann aptr, ok var th['a] h['a]lfroekkvit, er hann kom heim til Sandhauga; ok kalladhi til matar. Ok er hann var mettr, badh hann heimaf['o]lk fara innar ['i] stofu. Hann t['o]k th['a] bordh ok lausa vidhu, ok rak um thvera stofuna, ok gerdhi b['a]lk mikinn, sv['a] at engi heimamadhr komz fram yfir. Engi thordhi ['i] m['o]ti honum at maela, ok ['i] engum skyldi kretta. Gengit var ['i] hlidhvegginn stofunnar inn vidh gaflhladhit; ok thar thverpallr hj['a]. Thar lagdhiz Gestr nidhr ok f['o]r ekki af klaedhunum. Lj['o]s brann ['i] stofunni gegnt dyrum. Liggr Gestr sv['a] fram ['a] n['o]ttina.

H['u]sfreyja kom til Eyjardals['a]r til t['i]dha, ok undrudhu menn um ferdhir hennar yfir ['a]na. Hon sagdhiz eigi vita, hv['a]rt hana hefdhi yfir flutt madhr edha tr[o,]ll. Prestr kvadh mann v['i]st vera mundu, th['o]at f['a]rra maki s['e]; "ok l['a]tum hlj['o]tt yfir," sagdhi hann; "m['a] vera, at hann s['e] aetladhr til at vinna b['o]t ['a] vandraedhum th['i]num." Var h['u]sfreyja thar um n['o]ttina.

N['u] er fr['a] Gretti that at segja, at th['a] er dr['o] at midhri n['o]tt, heyrdhi hann ['u]t dynur miklar. Thv['i]naest kom inn ['i] stofuna tr[o,]llkona mikil. Hon hafdhi ['i] hendi trog, en annarri sk['a]lm, heldr mikla. Hon litaz um, er hon kom inn, ok s['a], hvar Gestr l['a], ok hlj['o]p at honum, en hann upp ['i] m['o]ti, ok r['e]dhuz ['a] grimmliga ok s['o]ttuz lengi ['i] stofunni. Hon var sterkari, en hann f['o]r undan koenliga. En allt that, sem fyrir theim vardh, brutu thau, jafnvel thverthilit undan stofunni. Hon dr['o] hann fram yfir dyrnar, ok sv['a] ['i] anddyrit; thar t['o]k hann fast ['i] m['o]ti. Hon {159} vildi draga hann ['u]t ['o]r boenum, en that vardh eigi fyrr en thau leystu fr['a] allan ['u]tidyraumb['u]ninginn ok b['a]ru hann ['u]t ['a] herdhum s['e]r. Thoefdhi hon th['a] ofan til ['a]rinnar ok allt fram at glj['u]frum. Th['a] var Gestr ['a]kafliga m['o]dhr, en th['o] vardh annathv['a]rt at gera: at herdha sik, ella mundi hon steypa honum ['i] glj['u]frin. Alla n['o]ttina s['o]ttuz thau. Eigi th['o]ttiz hann hafa fengiz vidh thv['i]l['i]kan ['o]fagnadh fyrir afls sakir. Hon hafdhi haldit honum sv['a] fast at s['e]r, at hann m['a]tti hv['a]rigri hendi taka til n[o,]kkurs, ['u]tan hann helt um hana midhja k[ett]una. Ok er thau k['o]mu ['a] ['a]rgljufrit, bregdhr hann flagdhkonunni til sveiflu. ['I] thv['i] vardh honum laus hin hoegri h[o,]ndin. Hann threif th['a] skj['o]tt til saxins, er hann var gyrdhr medh, ok bregdhr thv['i]; hoeggr th['a] ['a] [o,]xl tr[o,]llinu, sv['a] at af t['o]k h[o,]ndina hoegri, ok sv['a], vardh hann lauss. En hon steyptiz ['i] glj['u]frin ok sv['a] ['i] fossinn. Gestr var th['a] baedhi stirdhr ok m['o]dhr, ok l['a] thar lengi ['a] hamrinum. Gekk hann th['a] heim, er l['y]sa t['o]k, ok lagdhiz ['i] rekkju. Hann var allr thr['u]tinn ok bl['a]r.

Ok er h['u]sfreyja kom fr['a] t['i]dhum, th['o]tti henni heldr raskat um h['y]b['y]li s['i]n. Gekk hon th['a] til Gests ok spurdhi, hvat til hefdhi borit, er allt var brotit ok boelt. Hann sagdhi allt, sem farit hafdhi. Henni th['o]tti mikils um vert, ok spurdhi, hverr hann var. Hann sagdhi th['a] til hit sanna, ok badh soekja prest ok kvaz vildu finna hann. Var ok sv['a] g[o,]rt. En er Steinn prestr kom til Sandhauga, vardh hann br['a]tt thess v['i]ss, at thar var kominn Grettir ['A]smundarson, er Gestr nefndiz. Prestr spurdhi, hvat hann aetladhi af theim m[o,]nnum mundi vera ordhit, er thar h[o,]fdhu horfit. Grettir kvaz aetla, at ['i] glj['u]frin mundu their hafa horfit. Prestr kvaz eigi kunna at leggja tr['u]nadh ['a] sagnir hans, ef engi merki maetti til sj['a]. Grettir segir, at s['i]fdhar vissi their that goerr. F['o]r prestr heim. Grettir l['a] ['i] rekkju margar naetr. H['u]sfreyja gerdhi vidh hann hardhla vel; ok leidh sv['a] af j['o]lin. Thetta er s[o,]gn Grettis, at tr[o,]llkonan steypdhiz ['i] glj['u]frin vidh, er hon fekk s['a]rit; en B['a]rdhardalsmenn segja, at hana dagadhi uppi, th['a] er thau gl['i]mdu, ok spryngi, th['a] er hann hj['o] af henni h[o,]ndina, ok standi thar enn ['i] konu l['i]king ['a] bjarginu. Their dalb['u]arnir leyndu thar Gretti.

Um vetrinn eptir j['o]l var that einn dag, at Grettir f['o]r til Eyjardals['a]r. Ok er their Grettir funduz ok prestr, maelti Grettir: "S['e] ek that, prestr," segir hann, "at th['u] leggr l['i]tinn {160} tr['u]nadh ['a] sagnir m['i]nar. N['u] vil ek at th['u] farir medh m['e]r til ['a]rinnar, ok sj['a]ir, hver l['i]kendi th['e]r thykkir ['a] vera."

Prestr gerdhi sv['a]. En er their k['o]mu til fossins, s['a]u their sk['u]ta upp undir bergit; that var meitilberg sv['a] mikit, at hvergi m['a]tti upp komaz, ok naer t['i]u fadhma ofan at vatninu. Their h[o,]fdhu festi medh s['e]r.

Th['a] maelti prestr: "Langt um ['o]foert s['y]niz m['e]r th['e]r nidhr at fara."

Grettir svarar: "Foert er v['i]st; en theim mun bezt thar, sem ['a]gaetismenn eru. Mun ek forvitnaz, hvat ['i] fossinum er, en th['u] skalt geyma festar."

Prestr badh hann r['a]dha, ok keyrdhi nidhr hael ['a] berginu, ok bar at grj['o]t, [ok sat thar hj['a]].

N['u] er fr['a] Gretti at segja, at hann l['e]t stein ['i] festaraugat ok l['e]t sv['a] s['i]ga ofan at vatninu.

"Hvern veg aetlar th['u] n['u]," segir prestr, "at fara?"

"Ekki vil ek vera bundinn," segir Grettir, "th['a] er ek kem ['i] fossinn; sv['a] bodhar m['e]r hugr um."

Eptir that bj['o] hann sik til ferdhar, ok var f['a]klaeddr, ok gyrdhi sik medh saxinu, en hafdhi ekki fleiri v['a]pn. S['i]dhan hlj['o]p hann af bjarginu ok nidhr ['i] fossinn. S['a] prestr ['i] iljar honum, ok vissi s['i]dhan aldri, hvat af honum vardh. Grettir kafadhi undir fossinn, ok var that torvelt, thv['i]at idha var mikil, ok vardh hann allt til grunns at kafa, ['a]dhr en hann koemiz upp undir fossinn. Thar var forberg n[o,]kkut, ok komz hann inn thar upp ['a]. Thar var hellir mikill undir fossinum, ok fell ['a]in fram af berginu. Gekk hann th['a] inn ['i] hellinn, ok var thar eldr mikill ['a] br[o,]ndum. Grettir s['a], at thar sat j[o,]tunn [o,]gurliga mikill; hann var hraedhiligr at sj['a]. En er Grettir kom at honum, hlj['o]p j[o,]tunninn upp ok greip flein einn ok hj['o] til thess, er kominn var, thv['i]at baedhi m['a]tti h[o,]ggva ok leggja medh [honum]. Tr['e]skapt var ['i]; that k[o,]lludhu menn th['a] heptisax, er thannveg var g[o,]rt. Grettir hj['o] ['a] m['o]ti medh saxinu, ok kom ['a] skaptit, sv['a] at ['i] sundr t['o]k. J[o,]tunninn vildi th['a] seilaz ['a] bak s['e]r aptr til sverdhs, er thar hekk ['i] hellinum. ['I] thv['i] hj['o] Grettir framan ['a] brj['o]stit, sv['a] at n['a]liga t['o]k af alla bringspelina ok kvidhinn, sv['a] at idhrin steyptuz ['o]r honum ofan ['i] ['a]na, ok keyrdhi thau ofan eptir ['a]nni. Ok er prestr sat vidh festina, s['a] hann, at slydhrur n[o,]kkurar rak ofan eptir strengnum bl['o]dhugar {161} allar. Hann vardh th['a] lauss ['a] velli, ok th['o]ttiz n['u] vita, at Grettir mundi daudhr vera. Hlj['o]p hann th['a] fr['a] festarhaldinu ok f['o]r heim. Var th['a] komit at kveldi, ok sagdhi prestr v['i]sliga, at Grettir vaeri daudhr; ok sagdhi, at mikill skadhi vaeri eptir thv['i]l['i]kan mann.

N['u] er fr['a] Gretti at segja; hann l['e]t skamt h[o,]ggva ['i] milli, thar til er j[o,]tunninn d['o]. Gekk Grettir th['a] innar eptir hellinum. Hann kveikti lj['o]s ok kannadhi hellinn. Ekki er fr['a] thv['i] sagt, hversu mikit f['e] hann fekk ['i] hellinum; en that aetla menn, at verit hafi n[o,]kkut. Dvaldiz honum thar fram ['a] n['o]ttina. Hann fann thar tveggja manna bein, ok bar thau ['i] belg einn. Leitadhi hann th['a] ['o]r hellinum ok lagdhiz til festarinnar, ok hristi hana, ok aetladhi, at prestr mundi thar vera. En er hann vissi, at prestr var heim farinn, vardh hann th['a] at handstyrkja upp festina, ok komz hann sv['a] upp ['a] bjargit. F['o]r hann th['a] heim til Eyjardals['a]r ok kom ['i] forkirkju belginum theim, sem beinin v['a]ru ['i], ok thar medh r['u]nakefli thv['i], er v['i]sur thessar v['a]ru forkunnliga vel ['a] ristnar:

"Gekk ek ['i] glj['u]fr et d[o,]kkva gein veltiflug steina, vith hj[o,]rgaethi hr['i]thar hlunns ['u]rsv[o,]lum munni, fast l['a] framm ['a] brj['o]sti flugstraumr ['i] sal naumu heldr kom ['a] herthar sk['a]ldi h[o,]rth fj['o]n Braga kv['o]nar."

Ok en thessi:

"Lj['o]tr kom m['e]r ['i] m['o]ti mellu vinr ['o]r helli; hann fekz, heldr at s[o,]nnu harthfengr, vith mik lengi; hartheggjat l['e]t ek h[o,]ggvit heptisax af skepti; Gangs klauf brj['o]st ok bringu bjartr gunnlogi svarta[298]."

{162}

Thar sagdhi sv['a], at Grettir hafi bein thessi ['o]r hellinum haft. En er prestr kom til kirkju um morgininn, fann hann keflit ok that sem fylgdi, ok las r['u]narnar. En Grettir hafdhi farit heim til Sandhauga.

En th['a] er prestr fann Gretti, spurdhi hann inniliga eptir atburdhum; en hann sagdhi alla s[o,]gu um ferdh s['i]na, ok kvadh prest ['o]tr['u]liga hafa haldit festinni. Prestr l['e]t that ['a] sannaz. Th['o]ttuz menn that vita, at thessar ['o]vaettir mundu valdit hafa mannahv[o,]rfum thar ['i] dalnum. Vardh ok aldri mein af aptrg[o,]ngum edha reimleikum thar ['i] dalnum s['i]dhan. Th['o]tti Grettir thar g[o,]rt hafa mikla landhreinsan. Prestr jardhadhi bein thessi ['i] kirkjugardhi.

TRANSLATION OF EXTRACTS FROM GRETTIS SAGA

The _Grettis saga_ was first printed in the middle of the eighteenth century, in Iceland (Marc['u]sson, _Nockrer Marg-frooder Sogu-thatter_, 1756, pp. 81-163). It was edited by Magn['u]sson and Thordarson, Copenhagen, 1853, with a Danish translation, and again by Boer (_Altnordische Saga-bibliothek_, Halle, 1900). An edition was also printed at Reykjavik in 1900, edited by V. ['A]smundarson.

There are over forty MSS of the saga: _Cod. Arn. Mag. 551 a_ (quoted in the notes below as A) forms the basis of all three modern editions. Boer has investigated the relationship of the MSS (_Die handschriftliche ueberlieferung der Grettissaga, Z.f.d.Ph._ XXXI, 40-60), and has published, in an appendix to his edition, the readings of five of the more important, in so far as he considers that they can be utilized to amend the text supplied by A.

The reader who consults the editions of both Magn['u]sson and Boer will be struck by the differences in the text, although both are following the same MS. Many of these differences are, of course, due to the fact that the editors are normalizing the spelling, but on different principles: many others, however, are due to the extraordinary difficulty of the MS itself. Mr Sigf['u]s Bloendal, of the Royal Library of Copenhagen, has examined _Cod. Arn. Mag. 551 a_ for me, and he writes:

"It is the very worst MS I have ever met with. The writing is small, almost every word is abbreviated, and, worst of all, the writing is in many places effaced, partly by smoke (I suppose the MS needs must have been lying for years in some smoky and damp _badhstofa_) rendering the parchment almost as black as shoe-leather, but still more owing to the use of chemicals, which modern editors have been obliged to use, to make sure of what there really was in the text. By the use of much patience and a lens, one can read it, though, in most places. Unfortunately, this does not apply to the _Gl['a]mur_ episode, a big portion of which belongs to the very worst part of the MS, and the readings of that portion are therefore rather uncertain."

The Icelandic text given above agrees in the main with that in the excellent edition of Boer, to whom, in common with all students of the {163} _Grettis saga_, I am much indebted: but I have frequently adopted in preference a spelling or wording nearer to that of Magn['u]sson. In several of these instances (notably the spelling of the verses attributed to Grettir) I think Prof. Boer would probably himself agree.

The words or letters placed between square brackets are those which are not to be found in _Cod. Arn. Mag. 551 a_.

To Mr Bloendal, who has been at the labour of collating with the MS, for my benefit, both the passages given above, my grateful thanks are due.

There are English translations of the _Grettis saga_ by Morris and E. Magn['u]sson (1869, and in Morris' _Works_, 1911, vol. VII) and by G. A. Hight (_Everyman's Library_, 1914).

For a discussion of the relationship of the _Grettis saga_ to other stories, see also Boer, _Zur Grettissaga_, in _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXX, 1-71.

(_a_) _Glam episode_ (p. 146 above)

There was a man called Thorhall, who lived at Thorhall's Farm in Shadow-dale. Shadow-dale runs up from Water-dale. Thorhall was son of Grim, son of Thorhall, son of Frithmund, who settled Shadow-dale. Thorhall's wife was called Guthrun: their son was Grim, and Thurith their daughter--they were grown up.

[Sidenote: p. 147]

Thorhall was a wealthy man, and especially in cattle, so that no man had as much live stock as he. He was not a chief, yet a substantial yeoman. The place was much haunted, and he found it hard to get a shepherd to suit him. He sought counsel of many wise men, what device he should follow, but he got no counsel which was of use to him. Thorhall rode each summer to the All-Thing; he had good horses. That was one summer at the All-Thing, that Thorhall went to the booth of Skapti Thoroddsson, the Law-man.

Skapti was the wisest of men, and gave good advice if he was asked. There was this difference between Skapti and his father Thorodd: Thorodd had second sight, and some men called him underhanded; but Skapti gave to every man that advice which he believed would avail, if it were kept to: so he was called 'Better than his father.' Thorhall went to the booth of Skapti. Skapti greeted Thorhall well, for he knew that he was a prosperous man, and asked what news he had.

Thorhall said, "I should like good counsel from thee." "I am little use at that," said Skapti. "But what is thy need?" {164}

Thorhall said, "It happens so, that it is difficult for me to keep my shepherds: they easily get hurt, and some will not serve their time. And now no one will take on the task, who knows what is before him."

Skapti answered, "There must be some evil being about, if men are more unwilling to look after thy sheep than those of other folk. Now because thou hast sought counsel of me, I will find thee a shepherd, who is named Glam, a Swede, from Sylgsdale, who came out to Iceland last summer. He is great and strong, but not much to everybody's taste."

Thorhall said that he would not mind that, if he guarded the sheep well. Skapti said that if Glam had not the strength and courage to do that, there was no hope of anyone else. Then Thorhall went out; this was when the All-Thing was nearly ending.

Thorhall missed two light bay horses, and he went himself to look for them--so it seems that he was not a great man. He went up under Sledge-hill and south along the mountain called Armannsfell.

Then he saw where a man came down from Gothashaw, bearing faggots on a horse. They soon met, and Thorhall asked him his name, and he said he was called Glam. Glam [Sidenote: p. 148] was tall and strange in bearing, with blue[299] and glaring eyes, and wolf-grey hair. Thorhall opened his eyes when he saw him, but yet he discerned that this was he to whom he had been sent.

"What work art thou best fitted for?" said Thorhall.

Glam said he was well fitted to watch sheep in the winter.

"Wilt thou watch my sheep?" said Thorhall. "Skapti gave thee into my hand."

"You will have least trouble with me in your house if I go my own way, for I am hard of temper if I am not pleased," said Glam.

"That will not matter to me," said Thorhall, "and I wish that thou shouldst go to my house."

"That may I well do," said Glam, "but are there any difficulties?"

{165}

"It is thought to be haunted," said Thorhall.

"I am not afraid of such phantoms," said Glam, "and it seems to me all the less dull."

"Thou wilt need such a spirit," said Thorhall, "and it is better that the man there should not be a coward."

After that they struck their bargain, and Glam was to come at the winter-nights [14th-16th of October]. Then they parted, and Thorhall found his horses where he had just been searching. Thorhall rode home and thanked Skapti for his good deed.

Summer passed, and Thorhall heard nothing of his shepherd, and no one knew anything of him; but at the time appointed he came to Thorhall's Farm. The yeoman greeted him well, but all the others could not abide him, and Thorhall's wife least of all. Glam undertook the watching of the sheep, and it gave him little trouble. He had a great deep voice, and the sheep came together as soon as he called them. There was a church at Thorhall's Farm, but Glam would not go to it. He would have nothing to do with the service, and was godless; he was obstinate and surly and abhorred by all.

Now time went on till it came to Yule eve. Then Glam rose early and called for meat. The yeoman's wife answered, "That is not the custom of Christian men to eat meat today, because tomorrow is the first day of Yule," said she, "and therefore it is right that we should first fast today."

He answered, "Ye have many superstitions which I see are good for nothing. I do not know that men fare better now [Sidenote: p. 149] than before, when they had nought to do with such things. It seemed to me a better way when men were called heathen; and I want my meat and no tricks."

The yeoman's wife said, "I know for a certainty that it will fare ill with thee today, if thou dost this evil thing."

Glam bade her bring the meat at once, else he said it should be worse for her. She dared not do otherwise than he willed, and when he had eaten he went out, foul-mouthed.

Now it had gone so with the weather that it was heavy all round, and snow-flakes were falling, and it was blowing loud, and grew much worse as the day went on. The shepherd {166} was heard early in the day, but less later. Then wind began to drive the snow, and towards evening it became a tempest. Then men came to the service, and so it went on to nightfall. Glam did not come home. Then there was talk whether search ought not to be made for him, but because there was a tempest and it was pitch dark, no search was attempted. That Yule night he did not come home, and so men waited till after the service [next, i.e. Christmas, morning]. But when it was full day, men went to search, and found the sheep scattered in the snow-drifts[300], battered by the tempest, or strayed up into the mountains. Then they came on a great space beaten down, high up in the valley. It looked to them as if there had been somewhat violent wrestling there, because the stones had been torn up for a distance around, and the earth likewise. They looked closely and saw where Glam lay a little distance away. He was dead, and blue like Hel and swollen like an ox. They had great loathing of him, and their souls shuddered at him. Nevertheless they strove to bring him to the church, but they could get him no further than the edge of a ravine a little below, and they went home leaving matters so, and told the yeoman what had happened. He asked what appeared to have been the death of Glam. They said that, from the trodden spot, up to a place beneath the rocks high in the valley, they had tracked marks as big as if a cask-bottom had been stamped down, and great drops of blood with them. So men concluded from this, that the evil thing which had been there before must have killed Glam, but Glam must have done it damage which had been enough, in that nought has ever happened since from that evil thing.

The second day of Yule it was again essayed to bring Glam to the church.

Beasts of draught were harnessed, but they could not move him where it was level ground and not down hill, so they departed, leaving matters so.

The third day the priest went with them, and they searched [Sidenote: p. 150] all day, but Glam could not be found. The priest would go no {167} more, but Glam was found when the priest was not in the company. Then they gave up trying to carry him to the church, and buried him where he was, under a cairn.

A little later men became aware that Glam was not lying quiet. Great harm came to men from this, so that many fell into a swoon when they saw him, and some could not keep their wits. Just after Yule, men thought they saw him at home at the farm. They were exceedingly afraid, and many fled away. Thereupon Glam took to riding the house-roofs at nights, so that he nearly broke them in. He walked almost night and day. Men hardly dared to go up into the dale, even though they had business enough. Men in that country-side thought great harm of this.

In the spring Thorhall got farm-hands together and set up house on his land. Then the apparition began to grow less frequent whilst the sun's course was at its height; and so it went on till midsummer. That summer a ship came out to Hunawater. On it was a man called Thorgaut. He was an outlander by race, big and powerful; he had the strength of two men. He was in no man's service, and alone, and he wished to take up some work, since he had no money. Thorhall rode to the ship, and met Thorgaut. He asked him if he would work for him. Thorgaut said that might well be, and that he would make no difficulties.

"But thou must be prepared," said Thorhall, "that it is no place for weaklings, by reason of the hauntings which have been going on for a while, for I will not let thee into a trap."

Thorgaut answered, "It does not seem to me that I am undone, even though I were to see some little ghosts. It must be no easy matter for others if I am frightened, and I will not give up my place for that."

So now they agreed well, and Thorgaut was to watch the sheep when winter came.

Now the summer passed on. Thorgaut took charge of the sheep at the winter-nights. He was well-pleasing to all. Glam ever came home and rode on the roofs. Thorgaut thought it sporting, and said that the thrall would have to come nearer {168} in order to scare him. But Thorhall bade him keep quiet: "It is best that ye should not try your strength together." Thorgaut said, "Verily, your courage is shaken out of you: I shall not drop down with fear between day and night over such talk."

Now things went on through the winter up to Yule-tide. On Yule evening the shepherd went out to his sheep. Then [Sidenote: p. 151] the yeoman's wife said, "It is to be hoped that now things will not go in the old way."

He answered, "Be not afraid of that, mistress; something worth telling will have happened if I do not come back."

Then he went to his sheep. The weather was cold, and it snowed much. Thorgaut was wont to come home when it was twilight, but now he did not come at that time. Men came to the service, as was the custom. It seemed to people that things were going as they had before. The yeoman wished to have search made for the shepherd, but the church-goers excused themselves, and said they would not risk themselves out in the hands of the trolls by night. And the yeoman did not dare to go, so the search came to nothing.

On Yule-day, when men had eaten, they went and searched for the shepherd. They went first to Glam's cairn, because men thought that the shepherd's disappearance must have been through his bringing-about. But when they came near the cairn they saw great things, for there they found the shepherd with his neck broken and not a bone in him whole. Then they carried him to the church, and no harm happened to any man from Thorgaut afterwards; but Glam began to increase in strength anew. He did so much that all men fled away from Thorhall's Farm, except only the yeoman and his wife.

Now the same cattle-herd had been there a long time. Thorhall would not let him go, because of his good-will and good service. He was far gone in age and was very unwilling to leave: he saw that everything went to waste which the yeoman had, if no one looked after it. And once after mid-winter it happened one morning that the yeoman's wife went to the byre to milk the cows as usual. It was quite light, because no one dared to go out before, except the cattle-herd: he went {169} out as soon as it dawned. She heard great cracking in the byre and a hideous bellowing. She ran back, crying out, and said she did not know what devilry was going on in the byre.

The yeoman went out, and came to the cattle, and they were goring each other. It seemed to him no good to stay there, and he went further into the hay-barn. He saw where the cattle-herd lay, and he had his head in one stall and his feet in the next. He lay on his back. The yeoman went to him and felt him. He soon found that he was dead, and his back-bone broken in two; it had been broken over the partition slab.

Now it seemed no longer bearable to Thorhall, and he left his farm with all that he could carry away; but all the live-stock [Sidenote: p. 152] left behind Glam killed. After that he went through all the dale and laid waste all the farms up from Tongue. Thorhall spent what was left of the winter with his friends. No man could go up into the dale with horse or hound, because it was slain forthwith. But when spring came, and the course of the sun was highest, the apparitions abated somewhat. Now Thorhall wished to go back to his land. It was not easy for him to get servants, but still he set up house at Thorhall's Farm.

All went the same way as before. When autumn came on the hauntings began to increase. The yeoman's daughter was most attacked, and it fared so that she died. Many counsels were taken, but nothing was done. Things seemed to men to be looking as if all Water-dale must be laid waste, unless some remedies could be found.

Now the story must be taken up about Grettir, how he sat at home at Bjarg that autumn, after he had parted from Barthi-of-the-Slayings at Thorey's Peak. And when it had almost come to the winter-nights, Grettir rode from home, north over the neck to Willow-dale, and was a guest at Authun's Farm. He was fully reconciled to Authun, and gave him a good axe, and they spake of their wish for friendship one with the other. (Authun dwelt long at Authun's Farm, and much goodly offspring had he. Egil was his son, who wedded Ulfheith, daughter of Eyjolf Guthmundson; and their son was Eyjolf, who was slain at the All-Thing. He was father of Orm, chaplain to {170} Bishop Thorlak.) Grettir rode north to Water-dale and came on a visit to Tongue. At that time Jokul Barthson lived there, Grettir's uncle. Jokul was a man great and strong and very proud. He was a seafaring man, and very over-bearing, yet of great account. He received Grettir well, and Grettir was there three nights.

There was so much said about the apparitions of Glam that nothing was spoken of by men equally with that. Grettir inquired exactly about the events which had happened. Jokul said that nothing more had been spoken than had verily occurred. "But art thou anxious, kinsman, to go there?"

Grettir said that that was the truth. Jokul begged him not to do so, "For that is a great risk of thy luck, and thy kinsmen have much at stake where thou art," said he, "for none of the young men seems to us to be equal to thee; but ill will come of ill where Glam is, and it is much better to have to do with mortal men than with evil creatures like that."

Grettir said he was minded to go to Thorhall's Farm and [Sidenote: p. 153] see how things had fared there. Jokul said, "I see now that it is of no avail to stop thee, but true it is what men say, that good-luck is one thing, and goodliness another."

"Woe is before one man's door when it is come into another's house. Think how it may fare with thee thyself before the end," said Grettir.

Jokul answered, "It may be that both of us can see somewhat into the future, but neither can do aught in the matter."

After that they parted, and neither was pleased with the other's foreboding.

Grettir rode to Thorhall's Farm, and the yeoman greeted him well. He asked whither Grettir meant to go, but Grettir said he would stay there over the night if the yeoman would have it so. Thorhall said he owed him thanks for being there, "But few men find it a profit to stay here for any time. Thou must have heard what the dealings are here, and I would fain that thou shouldst have no troubles on my account; but though thou shouldst come whole away, I know for certain that thou {171} wilt lose thy steed, for no one who comes here keeps his horse whole."

Grettir said there were plenty of horses, whatever should become of this one.

Thorhall was glad that Grettir would stay there, and welcomed him exceedingly.

Grettir's horse was strongly locked in an out-house. They went to sleep, and so the night passed without Glam coming home. Then Thorhall said, "Things have taken a good turn against thy coming, for every night Glam has been wont to ride the roofs or break up the doors, even as thou canst see."

Grettir said, "Then must one of two things happen. Either he will not long hold himself in, or the wonted haunting will cease for more than one night. I will stay here another night and see how it goes."

Then they went to Grettir's horse, and he had not been attacked. Then everything seemed to the yeoman to be going one way. Now Grettir stayed for another night, and the thrall did not come home. Then things seemed to the yeoman to be taking a very hopeful turn. He went to look after Grettir's horse. When he came there, the stable was broken into, and the horse dragged out to the door, and every bone in him broken asunder.

Thorhall told Grettir what had happened, and bade him save his own life--"For thy death is sure if thou waitest for Glam."

Grettir answered, "The least I must have in exchange for my horse is to see the thrall."

The yeoman said that there was no good in seeing him: [Sidenote: p. 154] "For he is unlike any shape of man; but every hour that thou wilt stay here seems good to me."

Now the day went on, and when bed-time came Grettir would not put off his clothes, but lay down in the seat over against the yeoman's sleeping-chamber. He had a shaggy cloak over him, and wrapped one corner of it down under his feet, and twisted the other under his head and looked out through the head-opening. There was a great and strong partition beam in front of the seat, and he put his feet against it. The {172} doorframe was all broken away from the outer door, but now boards, fastened together carelessly anyhow, had been tied in front. The panelling which had been in front was all broken away from the hall, both above and below the cross-beam; the beds were all torn out of their places, and everything was very wretched[301].

A light burned in the hall during the night: and when a third part of the night was past, Grettir heard a great noise outside. Some creature had mounted upon the buildings and was riding upon the hall and beating it with its heels, so that it cracked in every rafter. This went on a long time. Then the creature came down from the buildings and went to the door. When the door was opened Grettir saw that the thrall had stretched in his head, and it seemed to him monstrously great and wonderfully huge. Glam went slowly and stretched himself up when he came inside the door. He towered up to the roof. He turned and laid his arm upon the cross-beam and glared in upon the hall. The yeoman did not let himself be heard, because the noise he heard outside seemed to him enough. Grettir lay quiet and did not move.

Glam saw that a heap lay upon the seat, and he stalked in up the hall and gripped the cloak wondrous fast. Grettir pressed his feet against the post and gave not at all. Glam pulled a second time much more violently, and the cloak did not move. A third time he gripped with both hands so mightily that he pulled Grettir up from the seat, and now the cloak was torn asunder between them.

Glam gazed at the portion which he held, and wondered much who could have pulled so hard against him; and at that moment Grettir leapt under his arms and grasped him round {173} the middle, and bent his back as mightily as he could, reckoning that Glam would sink to his knees at his attack. But the thrall laid such a grip on Grettir's arm that he recoiled at the might of it. Then Grettir gave way from one seat to another. The beams[302] started, and all that came in their way was broken. [Sidenote: p. 155] Glam wished to get out, but Grettir set his feet against any support he could find; nevertheless Glam dragged him forward out of the hall. And there they had a sore wrestling, in that the thrall meant to drag him right out of the building; but ill as it was to have to do with Glam inside, Grettir saw that it would be yet worse without, and so he struggled with all his might against going out. Glam put forth all his strength, and dragged Grettir towards himself when they came to the porch. And when Grettir saw that he could not resist, then all at once he flung himself against the breast of the thrall, as powerfully as he could, and pressed forward with both his feet against a stone which stood fast in the earth at the entrance. The thrall was not ready for this, he had been pulling to drag Grettir towards himself; and thereupon he stumbled on his back out of doors, so that his shoulders smote against the cross-piece of the door, and the roof clave asunder, both wood and frozen thatch. So Glam fell backwards out of the house and Grettir on top of him. There was bright moonshine and broken clouds without. At times they drifted in front of the moon and at times away. Now at the moment when Glam fell, the clouds cleared from before the moon, and Glam rolled up his eyes; and Grettir himself has said that that was the one sight he had seen which struck fear into him. Then such a sinking came over Grettir, from his weariness and from that sight of Glam rolling his eyes, that he had no strength to draw his knife and lay almost between life and death.

{174}

But in this was there more power for evil in Glam than in most other apparitions, in that he spake thus: "Much eagerness hast thou shown, Grettir," said he, "to meet with me. But no wonder will it seem if thou hast no good luck from me. And this can I tell thee, that thou hast now achieved one half of the power and might which was fated for thee if thou hadst not met with me. Now no power have I to take that might from thee to which thou hast attained. But in this may I have my way, that thou shalt never become stronger than now thou art, and yet art thou strong enough, as many a one shall find to his cost. Famous hast thou been till now for thy deeds, but from now on shall exiles and manslaughters fall to thy lot, and almost all of thy labours shall turn to ill-luck and unhappiness. Thou shalt be outlawed and doomed ever to dwell alone, away from men; and then lay I this fate on thee, that these eyes of mine be ever before thy sight, and it shall seem grievous unto thee to be alone, and that shall drag thee to thy death."

And when the thrall had said this, the swoon which had [Sidenote: p. 156] fallen upon Grettir passed from him. Then he drew his sword and smote off Glam's head, and placed it by his thigh.

Then the yeoman came out: he had clad himself whilst Glam was uttering his curse, but he dare in no wise come near before Glam had fallen. Thorhall praised God for it, and thanked Grettir well for having vanquished the unclean spirit.

Then they set to work and burned Glam to cold cinders. After, they put the ashes in a skin-bag and buried them as far as possible from the ways of man or beast. After that they went home, and by that time it was well on to day. Grettir lay down, for he was very stiff. Thorhall sent people to the next farm for men, and showed to them what had happened. To all those who heard of it, it seemed a work of great account; and that was then spoken by all, that no man in all the land was equal to Grettir Asmundarson for might and valour and all prowess. Thorhall sent Grettir from his house with honour, and gave him a good horse and fit clothing; for all the clothes which he had worn before were torn asunder. They parted great friends. Grettir rode thence to Ridge in Water-dale, and Thorvald greeted him well, and asked closely as to his meeting {175} with Glam. Grettir told him of their dealings, and said that never had he had such a trial of strength, so long a struggle had theirs been together.

Thorvald bade him keep quiet, "and then all will be well, otherwise there are bound to be troubles for thee."

Grettir said that his temper had not bettered, and that he was now more unruly than before, and all offences seemed worse to him. And in that he found a great difference, that he had become so afraid of the dark that he did not dare to go anywhere alone after night had fallen. All kinds of horrors appeared to him then. And that has since passed into a proverb, that Glam gives eyes, or gives "glam-sight" to those to whom things seem quite other than they are. Grettir rode home to Bjarg when he had done his errand, and remained at home during the winter.

(_b_) _Sandhaugar episode_ (p. 156 above)

There was a priest called Stein who lived at Eyjardals['a] (Isledale River) in Barthardal. He was a good husbandman and rich in cattle. His son was Kjartan, a doughty man and well grown. There was a man called Thorstein the White who [Sidenote: p. 157] lived at Sandhaugar (Sandheaps), south of Isledale river; his wife was called Steinvor, and she was young and merry. They had children, who were young then.

People thought the place was much haunted by reason of the visitation of trolls. It happened, two winters before Grettir came North into those districts, that the good-wife Steinvor at Sandhaugar went to a Christmas service, according to her custom, at Isledale river, but her husband remained at home. In the evening men went to bed, and during the night they heard a great rummage in the hall, and by the good-man's bed. No one dared to get up to look to it, because there were very few men about. The good-wife came home in the morning, but her husband had vanished, and no one knew what had become of him.

The next year passed away. But the winter after, the good-wife wished again to go to the church-service, and she bade her {176} manservant remain at home. He was unwilling, but said she must have her own way. All went in the same manner as before, and the servant vanished. People thought that strange. They saw some splashes of blood on the outer door, and men thought that evil beings must have taken away both the good-man and the servant.

The news of this spread wide throughout the country. Grettir heard of it; and because it was his fortune to get rid of hauntings and spirit-walkings, he took his way to Barthardal, and came to Sandhaugar on Yule eve. He disguised himself[303], and said his name was Guest. The good-wife saw that he was great of stature; and the farm-folk were much afraid of him. He asked for quarters for the night. The good-wife said that he could have meat forthwith, but "You must look after your own safety."

He said it should be so. "I will be at home," said he, "and you can go to the service if you will."

She answered, "You are a brave man, it seems to me, if you dare to remain at home."

"I do not care to have things all one way[304]," said he.

"It seems ill to me to be at home," said she, "but I cannot get over the river."

"I will see you over," said Guest.

Then she got ready to go to the service, and her small daughter with her. It was thawing, the river was in flood, and there were ice-floes in it. Then the good-wife said, "It is impossible for man or horse to get across the river."

"There must be fords in it," said Guest, "do not be afraid."

[Sidenote: p. 158]

"Do you carry the child first," said the good-wife, "she is the lighter."

"I do not care to make two journeys of it," said Guest, "and I will carry thee on my arm."

She crossed herself and said, "That is an impossible way; what will you do with the child?"

{177}

"I will see a way for that," said he; and then he took them both up, and set the child on her mother's knee and so bore them both on his left arm. But he had his right hand free, and thus he waded out into the ford.

They did not dare to cry out, so much afraid were they. The river washed at once up against his breast; then it tossed a great icefloe against him, but he put out the hand that was free and pushed it from him. Then it grew so deep that the river dashed over his shoulder; but he waded stoutly on, until he came to the bank on the other side, and threw Steinvor and her daughter on the land.

Then he turned back, and it was half dark when he came to Sandhaugar and called for meat; and when he had eaten, he bade the farm folk go to the far side of the room. Then he took boards and loose timber which he dragged across the room, and made a great barrier so that none of the farm folk could come over it. No one dared to say anything against him or to murmur in any wise. The entrance was in the side wall of the chamber by the gable-end, and there was a dais there. Guest lay down there, but did not take off his clothes: a light was burning in the room over against the door: Guest lay there far into the night.

The good-wife came to Isledale river to the service, and men wondered how she had crossed the river. She said she did not know whether it was a man or a troll who had carried her over. The priest said, "It must surely be a man, although there are few like him. And let us say nothing about it," said he, "it may be that he is destined to work a remedy for your evils." The good-wife remained there through the night.

Now it is to be told concerning Grettir that when it drew towards midnight he heard great noises outside. Thereupon there came into the room a great giantess. She had in one hand a trough and in the other a short-sword, rather a big one. She looked round when she came in, and saw where Guest lay, and sprang at him; but he sprang up against her, and they struggled fiercely and wrestled for a long time in the room. She was the {178} stronger, but he gave way warily; and they broke all that was before them, as well as the panelling of the room. She dragged him forward through the door and so[305] into the porch, and he [Sidenote: p. 159] struggled hard against her. She wished to drag him out of the house, but that did not happen until they had broken all the fittings of the outer doorway and forced them out on their shoulders. Then she dragged him slowly down towards the river and right along to the gorge.

By that time Guest was exceedingly weary, but yet, one or other it had to be, either he had to gather his strength together, or else she would have hurled him down into the gorge. All night they struggled. He thought that he had never grappled with such a devil in the matter of strength. She had got such a grip upon him that he could do nothing with either hand, except to hold the witch by the middle; but when they came to the gorge of the river he swung the giantess round, and thereupon got his right hand free. Then quickly he gripped his knife that he wore in his girdle and drew it, and smote the shoulder of the giantess so that he cut off her right arm. So he got free: but she fell into the gorge, and so into the rapids below.

Guest was then both stiff and tired, and lay long on the rocks; then he went home when it began to grow light, and lay down in bed. He was all swollen black and blue.

And when the good-wife came from the service, it seemed to her that things had been somewhat disarranged in her house. Then she went to Guest and asked him what had happened, that all was broken and destroyed[306]. He told her all that had taken place. She thought it very wonderful, and asked who he was. He told her the truth, and asked her to send for the priest, and said he wished to meet him; and so it was done.

Then when Stein the priest came to Sandhaugar, he knew soon that it was Grettir Asmundarson who had come there, and who had called himself Guest.

The priest asked Grettir what he thought must have become of those men who had vanished. Grettir said he thought they {179} must have vanished into the gorge. The priest said that he could not believe Grettir's saying, if no signs of it were to be seen. Grettir said that they would know more accurately about it later. Then the priest went home. Grettir lay many days in bed. The good-wife looked after him well, and so the Christmas-time passed.

Grettir's account was that the giantess fell into the gulf when she got her wound; but the men of Barthardal say that day came upon her whilst they wrestled, and that she burst when he smote her hand off, and that she stands there on the cliff yet, a rock in the likeness of a woman[307].

The dwellers in the dale kept Grettir in hiding there. But after Christmas time, one day that winter, Grettir went to Isledale river. And when Grettir and the priest met, Grettir [Sidenote: p. 160] said "I see, priest, that you place little belief in my words. Now will I that you go with me to the river and see what the likelihood seems to you to be."

The priest did so. But when they came to the waterfall they saw that the sides of the gorge hung over[308]: it was a sheer cliff so great that one could in nowise come up, and it was nearly ten fathoms[309] from the top to the water below. They had a rope with them. Then the priest said, "It seems to me quite impossible for thee to get down."

Grettir said, "Assuredly it is possible, but best for those who are men of valour. I will examine what is in the waterfall, and thou shalt watch the rope."

{180}

The priest said it should be as he wished, drove a peg into the cliff, piled stones against it, and sat by it[310].

Now it must be told concerning Grettir that he knotted a stone into the rope, and so let it down to the water.

"What way," said the priest, "do you mean to go?"

"I will not be bound," said Grettir, "when I go into the water, so much my mind forebodes me."

After that he got ready for his exploit, and had little on; he girded himself with his short sword, and had no other weapon.

Then he plunged from the cliff down into the waterfall. The priest saw the soles of his feet, and knew no more what had become of him. Grettir dived under the waterfall, and that was difficult because there was a great eddy, and he had to dive right to the bottom before he could come up behind the waterfall. There was a jutting rock and he climbed upon it. There was a great cave behind the waterfall, and the river fell in front of it from the precipice. He went into the cave, and there was a big fire burning. Grettir saw that there sat a giant of frightful size. He was terrible to look upon: but when Grettir came to him, the giant leapt up and seized a pike, and hewed at the new-comer: for with the pike he could both cut and stab. It had a handle of wood: men at that time called a weapon made in such a way a _heptisax_. Grettir smote against it with his short sword, and struck the handle so that he cut it asunder. Then the giant tried to reach back for a sword which hung behind him in the cave. Thereupon Grettir smote him in the breast, and struck off almost all the lower part of his chest and his belly, so that the entrails gushed out of him down into the river, and were swept along the current.

And as the priest sat by the rope he saw some lumps, clotted [Sidenote: p. 161] with blood, carried down stream. Then he became unsteady, and thought that now he knew that Grettir must be dead: and he ran from keeping the rope and went home. It was then evening, and the priest said for certain that Grettir was dead, and added that it was a great loss of such a man.

Now the tale must be told concerning Grettir. He let little space go between his blows till the giant was dead. Then he {181} went further into the cave; he kindled a light and examined it. It is not said how much wealth he took in the cave, but men think that there was something. He stayed there far into the night. He found there the bones of two men, and put them into a bag. Then he left the cave and swam to the rope and shook it, for he thought that the priest must be there. But when he knew that the priest had gone home, then he had to draw himself up, hand over hand, and so he came up on to the cliff.

Then he went home to Isledale river, and came to the church porch, with the bag that the bones were in, and with a rune-staff, on which these verses were exceedingly well cut:

There into gloomy gulf I passed, O'er which from the rock's throat is cast The swirling rush of waters wan, To meet the sword-player feared of man. By giant's hall the strong stream pressed Cold hands against the singer's breast; Huge weight upon him there did hurl The swallower of the changing whirl[311].

And this rhyme too:

The dreadful dweller of the cave Great strokes and many 'gainst me drave; Full hard he had to strive for it, But toiling long he wan no whit; For from its mighty shaft of tree The heft-sax smote I speedily; And dulled the flashing war-flame fair In the black breast that met me there.

[Sidenote: p. 162]

These verses told also that Grettir had taken these bones out of the cave. But when the priest came to the church in the morning he found the staff, and what was with it, and read the runes; but Grettir had gone home to Sandhaugar.

But when the priest met Grettir he asked him closely as to what had happened: and Grettir told him all the story of his journey. And he added that the priest had not watched the rope faithfully. The priest said that that was true enough.

Men thought for certain that these monsters must have caused the loss of men there in the dale; and there was never any loss from hauntings or spirit-walkings there afterwards.

{182} Grettir was thought to have caused a great purging of the land. The priest buried these bones in the churchyard.

* * * * *

D. EXTRACTS FROM BJARKA R['I]MUR

(_Hr['o]lfs saga Kraka og Bjarkar['i]mur_ udgivne ved F. J['o]nsson, Koebenhavn, 1904)

58. Flestir [o,]mudhu Hetti heldr, hann var ekki ['i] m['a]li sneldr, einn dag f['o]ru their ['u]t af h[o,]ll, sv['o] ekki vissi hirdhin [o,]ll.

59. Hjalti talar er felmtinn faer, "f[o,]rum vidh ekki sk['o]gi naer, h['e]r er s['u] ylgr sem etr upp menn, okkr drepr h['u]n b['a]dha senn."

60. Ylgrin hlj['o]p ['u]r einum runn, ['o]gurlig medh gapanda munn, h[o,]rmuligt vardh Hjalta vidhr, ['a] honum skalf baedhi leggr og lidhr.

61. ['O]taept Bjarki adh henni gengr, ekki dvelr hann vidh thadh lengr, h[o,]ggur sv['o] adh ['i] hamri st['o]dh, hlj['o]p ['u]r henni ferligt bl['o]dh.

62. "Kj['o]stu Hjalti um kosti tv['o]," kappinn B[o,]dhvar taladhi sv['o], "drekk n['u] bl['o]dh edha drep eg thig h['e]r, dugrinn l['i]z m['e]r engi ['i] th['e]r."

63. Ansar Hjalti af aernum m['o]dh, "ekki thori eg adh drekka bl['o]dh, n['y]tir flest ef naudhigr skal, n['u] er ekki ['a] betra val."

64. Hjalti gj[o,]rir sem B[o,]dhvar bidhr, adh bl['o]dhi fr['a] eg hann lagdhist nidhr, drekkur s['i]dhan drykki thrj['a], duga mun honum vidh einn adh rj['a]. IV, 58-64.

{183} 4. Hann hefr fengidh hjartadh snjalt af h[o,]rdhum m['o]dhi, fekk hann huginn og aflidh alt af ylgjar bl['o]dhi.

5. ['I] grindur vandist gr['a]bj[o,]rn einn ['i] gardhinn Hleidhar, var s['a] margur vargrinn beinn og v['i]dha sveidhar.

6. Bjarka er kent, adh hjardharhunda hafi hann drepna, ekki er h['o]num allvel hent vidh ['y]ta kepna.

7. Hr['o]lfur b['y]st og hirdh hans [o,]ll adh h['u]na st['y]ri, "S['a] skal mestr ['i] minni h[o,]ll er maetir d['y]ri."

8. Beljandi hlj['o]p bj[o,]rninn framm ['u]r b['o]li krukku, veifar s['i]num v['o]nda hramm, sv['o] virdhar hrukku.

9. Hjalti s['e]r og horfir th['a] ['a], er hafin er r['o]ma, hafdhi hann ekki ['i] h[o,]ndum th['a] nema hnefana t['o]ma.

10. Hr['o]lfur fleygdhi adh Hjalta th['a] theim hildar vendi, kappinn m['o]ti krummu br['a] og kl['o]tidh hendi.

11. Lagdhi hann s['i]dhan bj[o,]rninn br['a]tt vidh b['o]ginn haegra, bessi fell ['i] br['u]dhar ['a]tt og bar sig laegra.

12. Vann hann thadh til fraegdha fyst og fleira s['i]dhar, hans var lundin l[o,]ngum byst ['i] leiki gr['i]dhar. {184}

13. H['e]r medh fekk hann Hjalta nafn hins hjartapr['u]dha, Bjarki var eigi betri en jafn vidh b['y]ti skr['u]dha. V, 4-13.

23. Adhals var gladhr afreksmadhr, austur thangadh k['o]mu, fyrdhar their medh fr['a]nan geir flengja thegar til r['o]mu.

24. ['Y]tar b['y]ta engum fridh, unnu vel til m['a]la, thar fell ['A]li og alt hans lidh ungr ['i] leiki st['a]la.

25. Hestrinn beztur Hrafn er kendr, hafa their tekidh af ['A]la, Hildisv['i]n er hj['a]lmrinn vendr, hann kaus Bjarki ['i] m['a]la.

26. [O,]dhling badh th['a] eigi drafl eiga um n[o,]kkur skipti, thadh mun kosta k['o]ngligt afl, hann kappann gripunum svipti.

27. Ekki th['o]tti B[o,]dhvar betr, ['i] burtu f['o]ru their Hjalti, l['e]tust ['a]dhr en lidhinn er vetr leita adh Fr['o]dha malti.

28. S['i]dhan r['i]dha seggir heim og s[o,]gdhu k['o]ngi thetta, hann kvedhst mundu handa theim heimta sl['i]kt af l['e]tta. VIII, 23-28.

TRANSLATION OF EXTRACTS FROM BJARKA R['I]MUR

58. Most [of Rolf's retainers] much tormented Hott [Hjalti]; he was not cunning in speech. One day Hjalti and Bothvar went out of the hall, in such wise that none of the retainers knew thereof. {185}

59. Hjalti spake in great terror, "Let us not go near the wood; here is the she-wolf who eats up men; she will kill us both together."

60. The she-wolf leapt from a thicket, dread, with gaping jaws. A great terror was it to Hjalti, and he trembled in every limb.

61. Without delay or hesitation went Bjarki towards her, and hewed at her so that the axe went deep; a monstrous stream of blood gushed from her.

62. "Choose now, Hjalti, of two things"--so spake Bothvar the champion--"Drink now the blood, or I slay thee here; it seems unto me that there is no valour in thee."

63. Hjalti replied stoutly enough, "I cannot bring myself to drink blood; but if I needs must, it avails most [to submit], and now is there no better choice."

64. Hjalti did as Bothvar bade: he stooped down to the blood; then drank he three sups: that will suffice him to wrestle with one man.

IV, 58-64.

4. He [Hjalti] has gained good courage and keen spirit; he got strength and all valour from the she-wolf's blood.

5. A grey bear visited the folds at Hleithargarth; many such a ravager was there far and wide throughout the country.

6. The blame was laid upon Bjarki, because he had slain the herdsmen's dogs; it was not so suited for him to have to strive with men[312].

7. Rolf and all his household prepared to hunt the bear; "He who faces the beast shall be greatest in my hall."

8. Roaring did the bear leap forth from out its den, swinging its evil claws, so that men shrank back.

9. Hjalti saw, he turned and gazed where the battle began; nought had he then in his hands--his empty fists alone.

{186}

10. Rolf tossed then to Hjalti his wand of war [his sword]; the warrior put forth his hand towards it, and grasped the pommel.

11. Quickly then he smote the bear in the right shoulder; Bruin fell to the earth, and bore himself in more lowly wise.

12. That was the beginning of his exploits: many followed later; his spirit was ever excellent amid the play of battle.

13. Herefrom he got the name of Hjalti the stout-hearted: Bjarki was no more than his equal.

V, 4-13.

23. Joyful was the valiant Athils when they [Bjarki and Rolf's champions] came east to that place [Lake Wener]; troops with flashing spears rode quickly forthwith to the battle.

24. No truce gave they to their foes: well they earned their pay; there fell Ali and all his host, young in the game of swords.

25. The best of horses, Hrafn by name, they took from Ali; Bjarki chose for his reward the helm Hildisvin.

26. The prince [Athils] bade them have no talk about the business; he deprived the champions[313] of their treasures--that will be a test of his power.

27. Ill-pleased was Bothvar: he and Hjalti departed; they declared that before the winter was gone they would seek for the treasure [the malt of Frothi].

28. Then they rode home and told it to the king [Rolf]; he said it was their business to claim their due outright.

VIII, 23-28.

* * * * *

E. EXTRACT FROM TH['A]TTR ORMS ST['O]R['O]LFSSONAR

(_Fornmanna S[o,]gur_, Copenhagen, 1827, III. 204 _etc._; _Flateyarb['o]k_, Christiania, 1859-68, I. 527 _etc._)

7. Litlu s['i]dharr enn their Ormr ok ['A]sbj[o,]rn h[o,]fdhu skilit, f['y]stist ['A]sbj[o,]rn nordhr ['i] Saudheyjar, f['o]r hann vidh 4 menn ok 20 ['a] skipi, heldr nordhr fyrir Maeri, ok leggr seint dags at Saudhey {187} hinni ytri, g['a]nga ['a] land ok reisa tjald, eru thar um n['o]ttina, ok verdha vidh ekki varir; um morgininn ['a]rla r['i]s ['A]sbj[o,]rn upp, klaedhir sik, ok tekr v['o]pn s['i]n, ok gengr upp['a] land, en bidhr menn s['i]na b['i]dha s['i]n; en er nokkut sv['a] var lidhit fr['a] thv['i], er ['A]sbj[o,]rn hafdhi ['i] brott gengit, verdha their vidh that varir, at ketta ['o]grlig var komin ['i] tjaldsdyrnar, hon var kolsv[o,]rt at lit ok heldr grimmlig, thv['i]at eldr th['o]tti brenna or n[o,]sum hennar ok munni, eigi var hon ok vel eyg; theim br['a] mj[o,]k vidh thessa s['y]n, ok urdhu ['o]ttafullir. Ketta hleypr th['a] innar at theim, ok gr['i]pr hvern at [o,]dhrum, ok sv['a] er sagt at suma gleypti hon, en suma rifi hon til daudhs medh kl['o]m ok t[o,]nnum, 20 menn drap hon thar ['a] l['i]tilli stundu, en 3 kv['o]must ['u]t ok undan ok ['a] skip, ok h['e]ldu thegar undan landi; en ['A]sbj[o,]rn gengr thar til, er hann kemr at hellinum Br['u]sa, ok snarar thegar inn ['i]; honum vardh nokkut dimt fyrir augum, en skuggamikit var ['i] hellinum; hann verdhr eigi fyrr var vidh, enn hann er thrifinn ['a]lopt, ok faerdhr nidhr sv['a] hart, at ['A]sbirni th['o]tti furdha ['i], verdhr hann thess th['a] varr, at thar er kominn Br['u]si j[o,]tun, ok s['y]ndist heldr mikiligr. Br['u]si maelti th['a]: th['o] lagdhir th['u] mikit kapp ['a] at saekja h['i]ngat; skaltu n['u] ok eyrindi hafa, thv['i]at th['u] skalt h['e]r l['i]fit l['a]ta medh sv['a] miklum harmkvaelum, at that skal adhra letja at saekja mik heim medh ['o]fridhi; fletti hann th['a] ['A]sbj[o,]rn klaedhum, thv['i]at sv['a], var theirra mikill afla munr, at j[o,]tuninn vardh einn at r['a]dha theirra ['i] milli; b['a]lk mikinn s['a] ['A]sbj[o,]rn standa um thveran hellinn ok st['o]rt gat ['a] midhjum b['a]lkinum; j['a]rns['u]la st['o]r st['o]dh nokkut sv['a] fyrir framan b['a]lkinn. N['u] skal pr['o]fa that, segir Br['u]si, hv['a]rt th['u] ert nokkut hardhari enn adhrir menn. L['i]tit mun that at reyna, segir ['A]sbj[o,]rn....

S['i]dhan l['e]t ['A]sbj[o,]rn l['i]f sitt medh mikilli hreysti ok dreingskap.

8. That er at segja at their thr['i]r menn, er undan k['o]must, s['o]ttu kn['a]liga r['o]dhr, ok l['e]ttu eigi fyrr enn their k['o]mu at landi, s[o,]gdhu thau t['i]dhindi er gerzt h[o,]fdhu ['i] theirra f[o,]rum, kv['o]dhust aetla ['A]sbj[o,]rn daudhan, en kunnu ekki fr['a] at segja, hversu at hefdhi borizt um hans l['i]fl['a]t; kv['o]mu their s['e]r i skip medh kaupm[o,]nnum, ok fluttust sv['a] sudhr til Danmerkr; spurdhust n['u] thessi t['i]dhindi v['i]dha, ok th['o]ttu mikil. Tha var ordhit h[o,]fdh['i]ngja skipti ['i] Noregi, Hakon jarl daudhr, en ['O]lafr Tryggvason ['i] land kominn, ok baudh [o,]llum r['e]tta tr['u]. Ormr St['o]r['o]lfsson spurdhi ['u]t til ['I]slands um {188} farar ok l['i]fl['a]t ['A]sbjarnar, er m[o,]nnum th['o]tti sem vera mundi; th['o]tti honum that allmikill skadhi, ok undi eigi lengr ['a] ['I]slandi, ok t['o]k s['e]r far ['i] Reydharfirdhi, ok f['o]r thar utan; their kv['o]mu nordharliga vidh Noreg, ok sat hann um vetrinn ['i] Thr['a]ndheimi; th['a] hafdhi ['O]lafr r['a]dhit 3 vetr Noregi. Um v['o]rit bj['o]st Ormr at fara til Saudheya, their v['o]ru thv['i] naerr margir ['a] skipi, sem their ['A]sbj[o,]rn h[,]fdhu verit; their l[o,]gdhu at minni Saudhey s['i]dh um kveldit, ok tj[o,]ldudhu ['a] landi, ok l['a]gu thar um n['a]ttina....

9. N['u] gengr Ormr thar til er hann kemr at hellinum, s['e]r hann n['u] bjargit that st['o]ra, ok leizt ['u]m['a]tuligt nokkurum manni that ['i] brott at faera; th['o] dregr hann ['a] sik gl['o]fana Mengladharnauta, tekr s['i]dhan ['a] bjarginu ok faerir that burt or dyrunum, ok thikist Ormr th['a] aflraun mesta s['y]nt hafa; hann gekk th['a] inn['i] hellinn, ok lagdhi m['a]laj['a]rn ['i] dyrnar, en er hann var inn kominn, s['a] hann hvar kettan hlj['o]p medh gapanda ginit. Ormr hafdhi boga ok [o,]rvamaeli, lagdhi hann th['a] [o,]r ['a] streing, ok skaut at kettunni thremr [o,]rum, en hon hendi allar medh hvoptunum, ok beit ['i] sundr, hefir hon sik th['a] at Ormi, ok rekr klaernar framan ['i] f['a]ngit, sv['a] at Ormr kiknar vidh, en klaernar gengu ['i] gegnum klaedhin sv['a] at ['i] beini st['o]dh; hon aetlar th['a] at b['i]ta ['i] andlit Ormi, finnr hann th['a] at honum mun eigi veita, heitir th['a] ['a] sj['a]lfan gudh ok hinn heilaga Petrum postula, at g['a]nga til R['o]ms, ef hann ynni kettuna ok Br['u]sa, son hennar; s['i]dhan fann Ormr at m['i]nkadhist afl kettunnar, tekr hann th['a] annarri hendi um kverkr henni, en annarri um hrygg, ok gengr hana ['a] bak, ok br['y]tr ['i]sundr ['i] henni hrygginn, ok gengr sv['a] af henni daudhri. Ormr s['a] th['a], hvar b['a]lkr st['o]rr var um thveran hellinn; hann gengr th['a] innar at, en er hann kemr thar, s['e]r hann at fleinn mikill kemr utar ['i] gegnum b['a]lkinn, hann var baedhi digr ok l['a]ngr; Ormr gr['i]pr th['a] ['i] m['o]ti fleininum, ok leggr af ['u]t; Br['u]si kippir th['a] at s['e]r fleininum ok var hann fastr sv['a] at hvergi gekk; that undradhist Br['u]si, ok gaegdist upp yfir b['a]lkinn, en er Ormr s['e]r that, thr['i]fr hann ['i] skeggit ['a] Br['u]sa b['a]dhum h[o,]ndum, en Br['u]si bregzt vidh ['i] [o,]dhrum stadh, sviptast their th['a] fast um b['a]lkinn. Ormr hafdhi vafit skegginu um h[o,]nd s['e]r, ok rykkir til sv['a] fast, at hann r['i]fr af Br['u]sa allan skeggstadhinn, h[o,]kuna, kjaptana b['a]dha, v['a]ngafyllurnar upp alt at eyrum, gekk h['e]r medh holdit nidhr at beini. Br['u]si l['e]t th['a] {189} s['i]ga br['y]nnar, ok grettist heldr greppiliga. Ormr st[o,]kkr th['a] innar yfir b['a]lkinn, gr['i]past their th['a] til ok gl['i]ma lengi, maeddi Br['u]sa th['a] fast bl['o]dhr['a]s, tekr hann th['a] heldr at g['a]ngast fyrir, gefr Ormr th['a] ['a], ok rekr Br['u]sa at b['a]lkinum ok br['y]tr hann thar um ['a] bak aptr. Snemma sagdhi m['e]r that hugr, sagdhi Br['u]si, at ek munda af th['e]r nokkut erfitt f['a], thegar ek heyrdha th['i]n getit, enda er that n['u] fram komit, muntu n['u] vinna skj['o]tt um, ok h[o,]ggva h[o,]fudh af m['e]r, en that var satt, at mj[o,]k p['i]nda ek ['A]sbj[o,]rn pr['u]dha, th['a] er ek rakta or honum alla tharmana, ok gaf hann sik ekki vidh, fyrrenn hann d['o]. Illa gerdhir th['u] that, segir Ormr, at p['i]na hann sv['a] mj[o,]k jafnr[o,]skvan mann, skaltu ok hafa thess nokkurar menjar. Hann br['a] th['a] saxi ok reist bl['o]dh[o,]rn ['a] baki honum, ok skar [o,]ll rifin fr['a] hryggnum, ok dr['o] thar ['u]t l['u]ngun; l['e]t Br['u]si sv['a] l['i]f sitt medh litlum dreingskap; s['i]dhan bar Ormr eld at, ok brendi upp til [o,]sku baedhi Br['u]sa ok kettuna, ok er hann hafdhi thetta starfat, f['o]r hann burt or hellinum medh kistur tvaer fullar af gulli ok silfri, en that sem meira var f['e]maett, gaf hann ['i] vald Mengladhar, ok sv['a] eyna; skildu thau medh mikilli vin['a]ttu, kom Ormr til manna sinna ['i] nefndan t['i]ma, h['e]ldu s['i]dhan til meginlands. Sat Ormr ['i] Thr['a]ndheimi vetr annan.

TRANSLATION OF EXTRACT FROM TH['A]TTR ORMS ST['O]R['O]LFSSONAR

7.

A little after Orm and Asbiorn had parted, Asbiorn wished to go north to Sandeyar[314]; he went aboard with twenty-four men, went north past Maeri, and landed late in the day at the outermost of the Sandeyar[314]. They landed and pitched a tent, and spent the night there, and met with nothing.

Early in the morning Asbiorn arose, clothed himself, took his arms, went inland, and bade his men wait for him.

But when some time had passed from Asbiorn's having gone away, they were aware that a monstrous[315] cat had come to the {190} door of the tent: she was coal-black in colour and very fierce, for it seemed as if fire was burning from her nostrils and mouth, and her eyes were nothing fair: they were much startled at this sight, and full of fear. Then the cat leapt within the tent upon them, and gripped one after the other, and so it is said that some she swallowed and some she tore to death with claws and teeth. Twenty men she killed in a short time, and three escaped aboard ship, and stood away from the shore.

But Asbiorn went till he came to the cave of Brusi, and hastened in forthwith. It was dim before his eyes, and very shadowy in the cave, and before he was aware of it, he was caught off his feet, and thrown down so violently that it seemed strange to him. Then was he aware that there was come the giant Brusi, and he seemed to him a great one.

Then said Brusi, "Thou didst seek with great eagerness to come hither--now shalt thou have business, in that thou shalt here leave thy life with so great torments that that shall stay others from attacking me in my lair."

Then he stripped Asbiorn of his clothes, forasmuch as so great was their difference in strength that the giant could do as he wished. Asbiorn saw a great barrier standing across the cave, and a mighty opening in the midst of it; a great iron column stood somewhat in front of the barrier. "Now it must be tried," said Brusi, "whether thou art somewhat hardier than other men." "Little will that be to test," said Asbiorn....

[Asbiorn then recites ten stanzas, Brusi tormenting him the while. The first stanza is almost identical with No. 50 in the _Grettis saga_.]

Then Asbiorn left his life with great valour and hardihood.

8.

Now it must be told concerning the three men who escaped; they rowed strongly, and stopped not until they came to land. They told the tidings of what had happened in their journey, and said that they thought that Asbiorn was dead, but that they could not tell how matters had happened concerning his death. They took ship with merchants, and so went south to {191} Denmark: now these tidings were spread far and wide, and seemed weighty.

There had been a change of rulers in Norway: jarl Hakon was dead, and Olaf Tryggvason come to land: and he proclaimed the true faith to all. Orm Storolfson heard, out in Iceland, about the expedition of Asbiorn, and the death which it seemed to men must have come upon him. It seemed to him a great loss, and he cared no longer to be in Iceland, and took passage at Reytharfirth and went abroad. They reached Norway far to the north, and he stayed the winter at Thrandheim: Olaf at that time had reigned three years in Norway.

In the spring Orm made ready for his journey to Sandeyar, and there were nearly as many in the ship as the company of Asbiorn had been.

They landed at Little Sandey late in the evening, and pitched a tent on the land, and lay there the night....

9.

Now Orm went till he came to the cave. He saw the great rock, and thought it was impossible for any man to move it. Then he drew on the gloves that Menglath had given him, and grasped the rock and moved it away from the door; this is reckoned Orm's great feat of strength. Then he went into the cave, and thrust his weapon against the door. When he came in, he saw a giantess (she-cat) springing towards him with gaping jaws. Orm had a bow and quiver; he put the arrow on the string, and shot thrice at the giantess. But she seized all the arrows in her mouth, and bit them asunder. Then she flung herself upon Orm, and thrust her claws into his breast, so that Orm stumbled, and her claws went through his clothes and pierced him to the bone. She tried then to bite his face, and Orm found himself in straits: he promised then to God, and the holy apostle Peter, to go to Rome, if he conquered the giantess and Brusi her son. Then Orm felt the power of the giantess diminishing: he placed one hand round her throat, and the other round her back, and bent it till he broke it in two, and so left her dead.

Then Orm saw where a great barrier ran across the cave: he went further in, and when he came to it he saw a great shaft {192} coming out through the barrier, both long and thick. Orm gripped the shaft and drew it away; Brusi pulled it towards himself, but it did not yield. Then Brusi wondered, and peeped up over the barrier. But when Orm saw that, he gripped Brusi by the beard with both hands, but Brusi pulled away, and so they tugged across the barrier. Orm twisted the beard round his hand, and tugged so violently that he pulled the flesh of Brusi away from the bone--from chin, jaws, cheeks, right up to the ears. Brusi knitted his brows and made a hideous face. Then Orm leapt in over the barrier, and they grappled and wrestled for a long time. But loss of blood wearied Brusi, and he began to fail in strength. Orm pressed on, pushed Brusi to the barrier, and broke his back across it. "Right early did my mind misgive me," said Brusi, "even so soon as I heard of thee, that I should have trouble from thee: and now has that come to pass. But now make quick work, and hew off my head. And true it is that much did I torture the gallant Asbiorn, in that I tore out all his entrails--yet did he not give in, before he died." "Ill didst thou do," said Orm, "to torture him, so fine a man as he was, and thou shalt have something in memory thereof." Then he drew his knife, and cut the "blood eagle" in the back of Brusi, shore off his ribs and drew out his lungs. So Brusi died in cowardly wise. Then Orm took fire, and burned to ashes both Brusi and the giantess. And when he had done that, he left the cave, with two chests full of gold and silver.

And all that was most of value he gave to Menglath, and the island likewise. So they parted with great friendship, and Orm came to his men at the time appointed, and then they sailed to the mainland. Orm remained a second winter at Thrandheim.

* * * * *

F. A DANISH DRAGON-SLAYING OF THE BEOWULF-TYPE

Paa den Tid, da kong Gram Guldkoelve regierede i Leire, vare der ved Hoffet to Ministre, Bessus og Henrik. Og da der paa samme Tid indkom idelige klager fra Indbyggerne i Vendsyssel, at et grueligt Udyr, som Boenderne kaldte Lindorm, oedelagde baade Mennesker og Kreaturer, gav Bessus det Raad, at Kongen skulde sende Henrik did hen, efterdi ingen i det ganske Rige kunde maale sig med ham in Tapperhed og Mod. Da svarede {193} Henrik, at han vel vilde paatage sig dette, dog tilfoeiede han, at han ansaae det for umuligt at slippe fra saadan Kamp med Livet. Og belavede han sig da strax til Reisen, tog roerende Afsked med sin Herre og Konge og sagde iblandt andet: "Herre! om jeg ikke kommer tilbage, da soerg for min kone og for mine Boern!" Da han derefter var kommen over til Vendsyssel, lod han sig af Boenderne vise det Sted, hvor Uhyret havde sit Leie, og fik da at vide, at Ormen endnu den samme Dag havde vaeret ude af Hulen og borttaget en Hyrde og en Oxe, og at den efter Saedvane nu ikke vilde komme ud, foerend om tre Timer, naar den skulde ned til Vandet for at drikke efter Maaltidet. Henrik ifoerte sig da sin fulde Rustning, og eftersom Ingen vovede at staae ham bi i dette Arbeide, lagde han sig ganske alene ved Vandet, dog saaledes, at Vinden ikke bar fra ham henimod Dyret. Da udsendte han foerst en vaeldig Piil fra sin Bue, men uagtet den rammede noeie det sted, hvortil han havde sigtet, toernede den dog tilbage fra Ormens haarde Skael. Herover blev Uhyret saa optaendt af Vrede, at det strax gik henimod ham, agtende ham kun et ringe Maaltid; men Henrik havde iforveien hos en Smed ladet sig gioere en stor Krog med Gjenhold, hvilken han jog ind i Beestets aabne Gab, saa at det ikke kunde blive den qvit, ihvormeget det end arbeidede, og ihvorvel Jernstangen brast i Henriks Haender. Da slog det ham med sin vaeldige Hale til Jorden, og skioendt han havde fuldkommen Jernrustning paa, kradsede det dog med sine forfaerdelige Kloeer saa at han, naesten doedeligt saaret, faldt i Besvimelse. Men da han, efterat Ormen i nogen Tid havde haft ham liggende under sin Bug, endelig kom lidt til sin Samling igien, greb han af yderste Evne en Daggert, af hvilke han foerte flere med sig i sit Baelte, og stak Dyret dermed i underlivet, hvor Sksaellene vare bloedest, saa at det tilsidst maate udpuste sin giftige Aande, medens han selv laae halv knust under dens Byrde. Da Boenderne i Vendsyssel som stode i nogen Afstand, under megen Frygt og lidet Haab omsider maerkede, at Striden sagtnede, og at begge Parter holdte sig rolige, naermede de sig og fandt Hr. Henrik naesten livloes under det draebte Udyr. Og efterat de i nogen Tid havde givet ham god Pleie, vendte han tilbage for at doe hos sin Konge, til hvem han gientagende anbefalede sin {194} Slaegt. Fra ham nedstammer Familien Lindenroth, som til Minde om denne vaeldige Strid foerer en Lindorm i sit Vaaben.

_MS_ 222. 4^o. Stamme och Slectebog over den hoeiadelige Familie af Lindenroth, in _Danmarks Folkesagn_, samlede af J. M. Thiele, 1843, I, 125-7.

A DANISH DRAGON-SLAYING OF THE BEOWULF-TYPE.

_Translation._

In the days when King Gram Guldkoelve ruled in Leire, there were two ministers at court, Bessus and Henry. And at that time constant complaints came to the court from the inhabitants of Vendsyssel, that a dread monster, which the peasants called a Drake, was destroying both man and beast. So Bessus gave counsel, that the king should send Henry against the dragon, seeing that no one in the whole kingdom was his equal in valour and courage. Henry answered that assuredly he would undertake it; but he added that he thought it impossible to escape from such a struggle with his life. And he made himself ready forthwith for the expedition, took a touching farewell of his lord and king, and said among other things: "My lord, if I come not back, care thou for my wife and my children."

Afterwards, when he crossed over to Vendsyssel, he caused the peasants to show him the place where the monster had its lair, and learnt how that very day the drake had been out of its den, and had carried off a herdsman and an ox; how, according to its wont, it would now not come out for three hours, when it would want to go down to the water to drink after its meal. Henry clothed himself in full armour, and inasmuch as no one dared to stand by him in that task, he lay down all alone by the water, but in such wise that the wind did not blow from him toward the monster. First of all he sent a mighty arrow from his bow: but, although it exactly hit the spot at which he had aimed, it darted back from the dragon's hard scales. At this the monster was so maddened, that it attacked him forthwith, reckoning him but a little meal. But Henry had had a mighty barbed crook prepared by a smith beforehand, which he thrust into the beast's open mouth, so that it could {195} not get rid of it, however much it strove, although the iron rod broke in Henry's hands. Then it smote him to the ground with its mighty tail, and although he was in complete armour, clutched at him with its dread claws, so that he fell in a swoon, wounded almost to death. But when he came somewhat to his senses again, after the drake for some time had had him lying under its belly, he rallied his last strength and grasped a dagger, of which he carried several with him in his belt, and smote it therewith in the belly, where the scales were weakest. So the monster at last breathed out its poisoned breath, whilst he himself lay half crushed under its weight. When the Vendsyssel peasants, who stood some distance away, in great fear and little hope, at last noticed that the battle had slackened, and that both combatants were still, they drew near and found Henry almost lifeless under the slain monster. And after they for some time had tended him well, he returned to die by his king, to whom he again commended his offspring. From him descends the family Lindenroth, which in memory of this mighty contest carries a drake on its coat of arms.

This story resembles the dragon fight in _Beowulf_, in that the hero faces the dragon as protector of the land, with forebodings, and after taking farewell; he attacks the dragon in its lair, single-handed; his first attack is frustrated by the dragon's scales; in spite of apparatus specially prepared, he is wounded and stunned by the dragon, but nevertheless smites the dragon in the soft parts and slays him; the watchers draw near when the fight is over. Yet these things merely prove that the two stories are of the same type; there is no evidence that this story is descended from _Beowulf_.

* * * * *

G. THE OLD ENGLISH GENEALOGIES.

I. _THE MERCIAN GENEALOGY_.

Of the Old English Genealogies, the only one which, in its stages _below_ Woden, immediately concerns the student of _Beowulf_ is the Mercian. This contains three names which also occur in _Beowulf_, though two of them in a corrupt form--Offa, Wermund (Garmund, _Beowulf_), and Eomaer (Geomor, _Beowulf_).

This Mercian pedigree is found in its best form in _MS Cotton Vesp. B. VI_, fol. 109 _b_,[316] and in the sister MS at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge (_C.C.C.C._ 183)[317]. Both these MSS are of {196} the 9th century. They contain lists of popes and bishops, and pedigrees of kings. By noting where these lists stop, we get a limit for the final compilation of the document. It must have been drawn up in its present form between 811 and 814[318]. But it was obviously compiled from lists already existing, and some of them were even at that date old. For the genealogy of the Mercian kings, from Woden, is not traced directly down to this period 811-814, but in the first place only as far as Aethelred (reigning 675-704), son of Penda: that is to say, it stops considerably more than a century before the date of the document in which it appears. Additional pedigrees are then appended which show the subsequent stages down to and including Cenwulf, king of Mercia (reigning 796-821). It is difficult to account for such an arrangement except on the hypothesis that the genealogy was committed to writing in the reign of Aethelred, the monarch with whose name it terminates in its first form, and was then brought up to date by the addition of the supplementary names ending with Cenwulf. This is confirmed when we find that precisely the same arrangement holds good for the accompanying Northumbrian pedigree, which terminates with Ecgfrith (670-685), the contemporary of Aethelred of Mercia, and is then brought up to date by additional names.

Genealogies which draw from the same source as the _Vespasian_ genealogies, and show the same peculiarities, are found in the _Historia Brittonum_ (ss. 57-61). They show, even more emphatically than do the _Vespasian_ lists, traces of having been originally drawn up in the time of Aethelred of Mercia (675-704) or possibly of his father Penda, and of having then been brought up to date in subsequent revisions[319].

One such revision must have been made about 796[320]: it is a {197} modification of this revision which is found in the _Historia Brittonum_. Another was that which, as we have seen, must have been made between 811-814, and in this form is found in _MS Cotton Vespasian B. VI_, _MS C.C.C.C._ 183, both of the 9th century, and in the (much later) _MS Cotton Tiberius B. V_.

The genealogy up to Penda is also found in the _A.-S. Chronicle_ under the year 626 (accession of Penda).

This Mercian list, together with the Northumbrian and other pedigrees which accompany it, can claim to be the earliest extant English historical document, having been written down in the 7th century, and recording historic names which (allowing thirty years for a generation) cannot be later than the 4th century A.D. In most similar pedigrees the earliest names are meaningless to us. But the Mercian pedigree differs from the rest, in that we are able from _Beowulf_, _Widsith_, Saxo Grammaticus, Sweyn Aageson and the _Vitae Offarum_, to attach stories to the names of Wermund and Offa. How much of these stories is history, and how much fiction, it is difficult to say--but, with them, extant English history and English poetry and English fiction alike have their beginning.

MS Cotton Vesp. B. VI. MS C.C.C.C. 183.

Aedhilred Peding Aedhelred Pending Penda Pypbing Penda Pybbing Pypba Crioding Pybba Creoding Crioda Cynewalding Creoda Cynewalding Cynewald Cnebbing Cynewald Cnebbing Cnebba Icling Cnebba Icling Icil Eamering Icel Eomaering Eamer Angengeoting Eomaer Angengeoting Angengeot Offing Angengiot Offing Offa Uaermunding Offa Waermunding Uermund Uihtlaeging Waermund Wihtlaeging Uihtlaeg Wiodhulgeoting Wihtlaeg Wiotholgeoting Weodhulgeot Wodning Weotholgiot Wodning Woden Frealafing Woden Frealafing

{198}

------------------------------------------------------------------------ _Historia Brittonum_[321]. _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle._ MS Harl 3859. MSS Cotton Tib. A. VI. and B.I.[322] ---------------------------------------------------------------------- Penda Penda Pybbing Pubba Pybba Creoding Creoda Cynewalding Cynewald Cnebbing Cnebba Iceling Icel Eomaering Eamer Eomaer Angeltheowing Ongen Angeltheow Offing Offa Offa Waermunding Guerdmund Waermund Wihtlaeging Guithleg Wihtlaeg Wodening Gueagon Guedolgeat [U]Uoden ------------------------------------------------------------------------

II. _THE STAGES ABOVE WODEN._

(1) _WODEN TO GEAT._

The stages above Woden are found in two forms: a short list which traces the line from Woden up to Geat: and a longer list which carries the line from Geat to Sceaf and through Noah to Adam.

The line from Woden to Geat is found in the _Historia Brittonum_, not with the other genealogies, but in s. 31, where the pedigree of the Kentish royal family is given, when the arrival of Hengest in Britain is recounted. Notwithstanding the dispute regarding the origin and date of the _Historia Brittonum_, there is a pretty general agreement that this _Woden to Geat_ pedigree is one of the more primitive elements, and is not likely to be much later than the end of the 7th century[323]. The original nucleus of the _Historia Brittonum_ was revised by {199} Nennius in the 9th century, or possibly at the end of the 8th[324]. The earliest MS of the _Historia_, that of Chartres, belongs to the 9th or 10th century--this is fragmentary and already interpolated; the received text is based upon _MS Harleian_ 3859, dating from the end of the 11th century[325], or possibly somewhat later.

I give the pedigree in four forms:

A. The critical text of the _Historia Brittonum_ as edited by Th. Mommsen (_Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Auct. Antiq., Chronica Minora_, III, Berolini, 1898, p. 171).

B. _MS Harl._ 3859, upon which Mommsen's text is based, fol. 180.

C. The _Chartres MS._

D. Mommsen's critical text of the later revision, _Nennius interpretatus_, which he gives parallel to the _Historia Brittonum_.

A B C D

Hors et Hengist Hors & Hengist Cors et Haecgens Hors et Hengist filii Guictgils filii Guictgils filii Guictils filii Guictgils Guigta Guitta Guicta Guigta Guectha Guectha Gueta Guectha VVoden VVoden VVoden Voden Frealaf Frealaf Frelab Frealaf Fredulf Fredulf Freudulf Fredolf Finn Finn Fran Finn Frenn Fodepald Fodepald Folcpald Folcvald Geta Geta G[e]uta Gaeta qui fuit, qui fuit, qui sunt [_sic_], Vanli ut aiunt, ut aiunt, ut aiunt, Saxi filius dei filius dei filius dei Negua

_MS Cotton Vespasian B. VI_ (9th century) contains a number of Anglo-Saxon genealogies and other lists revised up to the period 811-14[326]. The genealogy of the kings of Lindsey in this list has the stages from Woden to Geat. This genealogy is also found in the sister list in the 9th century MS at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge (_MS C.C.C.C._ 183).

{200}

A similar list is to be found in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ (entered under the year 547). But there it is appended to the genealogy of the Northumbrian kings. This genealogy has been erased in the oldest MS (Parker, end of the 9th century) to make room for later additions, but is found in _MSS Cotton Tiberius A. VI_ and _B. I._

_Cotton (Vespasian) _Corpus MS._ _A.-S. Chronicle_ MS._ UUoden Frealafing Woden Frealafing Woden Freotholafing Frealaf Friodhulfing Frealaf Friothowulsing (sic) Freothelaf Freothulfing Friodhulf Finning Freothowulf Godwulfing Frithulf Finning Finn Goduulfing Finn Godulfing Godulf Geoting Godwulf Geating Godulf Geating

The _Fodepald_ or _Folcpald_ who, in the _Historia Brittonum_, appears as the father of Finn, is clearly the _Folcwalda_ who appears as Finn's father in _Beowulf_ and _Widsith_. The Old English _w_ ([wynn]) has been mistaken for _p_, just as in _Pinefred_ for _Winefred_ in the _Life of Offa II_. In the _Vespasian MS_ and in other genealogies Godwulf is Finn's father. It has been very generally held that Finn and his father Godwulf are mythical heroes, quite distinct from the presumably historic Finn, son of Folcwalda, mentioned in _Beowulf_ and _Widsith_: and that by confusion _Folcwald_ came to be written instead of _Godwulf_ in the genealogy, as given in the _Historia Brittonum_. I doubt whether there is sufficient justification for this distinction between a presumed historic Finn Folcwalding and a mythical Finn Godwulfing. Is it not possible that Godwulf was a traditional, probably historic, king of the Frisians, father of Finn, and that _Folcwalda_[327] was a _title_ which, since it alliterated conveniently, in the end supplanted the proper name in epic poetry?

III. _THE STAGES ABOVE WODEN._

(2) _WODEN TO SCEAF._

The stages above Geat are found in the genealogy of the West-Saxon kings only[328]. This is recorded in the _Chronicle_ {201} under the year 855 (notice concerning Aethelwulf) and it was probably drawn up at the court of that king. Though it doubtless contains ancient names, it is apparently not so ancient as the _Woden-Geat_ list. It became very well known, and is also found in Asser and the _Textus Roffensis_. It was copied by later historians such as William of Malmesbury, and by the Icelandic genealogists[329].

The principal versions of this pedigree are given in tabular form below (pp. 202-3); omitting the merely second-hand reproductions, such as those of Florence of Worcester.

* * * * *

H. EXTRACT FROM THE CHRONICLE ROLL.

This roll was drawn up in the reign of Henry VI, and its compiler must have had access to a document now lost.

There are many copies of the roll extant--the "Moseley" Roll at University College, London (formerly in the Phillipps collection); at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge (No. 98 A); at Trinity College, Cambridge; and in the Biblioth[`e]que Nationale, Paris[330]; and one which recently came into the market in London.

Steph | Steldius | Boerinus | ------------------------------------------------------------------- | | | | | | | | | Cinrinicius Gothus Iutus Wandalus Gethius Fresus Suethedus Dacus Geate {202}

WEST-SAXON GENEALOGY--STAGES ABOVE WODEN

/------------------------------------------------\ CHRONICLE PARKER MS ASSER TEXTUS ROFFENSIS I

Woden Fribowalding Uuoden Woden Frithuwald Freawining Frithowald Frithewold Frealaf Frithuwulfing Frealaf Frealaf Frithuwulf Finning Frithuwulf Frithewulf Fin Godwulfing Fingodwulf Finn Godwulf Geating Godwulf Geat Taetwaing Geata* ... Geata* ... Taetwa Beawing Caetuua Tethwa Beaw Sceldwaing Beauu Beaw Sceldwea Heremoding Sceldwea Scaldwa Heremod Itermoning Heremod Heremod Itermon Hrathraing Itermod Iterman Hathra Hathra Huala Hwala Beduuig Bedwig se waes geboren in thaere Seth Scyf, se waes in earce Noe etc. Noe, etc. dham arken geboran [but son of Sem, not Noe]

* quem Getam *dhene dha haethena iamdudum pagani wuthedon for god pro deo venerabantur

CHRONICLE ETHELWERD MSS COTT. TIB. A. VI [& B. I]

Uuothen Woden Frealafing Frithouuald Frealaf Frithouulf Frealaf Fin[n]ing Fin Finn Godwulfing [Godulfing] Goduulfe Godulf Geat[t]ing Geat Geata [Geatt] Taetwaing Tetuua Taetwa Beawing Beo Beaw Sceldweaing [Scealdwaing] Scyld Scyldwa [Scealdwa] Heremoding Heremod Itermoning Itermon Hadhraing Hadhra Hwalaing Hwala Bedwiging Bedwig Sceafing, [i]d est filius N['o]e, se Scef. Ipse Scef cum uno waes geboren on thaere earce N['o]es dromone advectus est in insula oceani quae dicitur Scani, armis circundatus, eratque valde recens puer, et ab incolis illius terrae ignotus; attamen ab eis suscipitur et ut familiarem diligenti animo eum custodierunt et post in regem eligunt; de cuius prosapia ordinem trahit Athulf [i.e. Aethelwulf] rex.

{203}

/-------------------------------------- Chronicle MS Cott. Tib. B. IV Textus Roffensis II MS Cott. Tib. B. V

Woden Frealafing Woden Frealafing Woden Frealafing

Frealaf Finning Frealaf Finning Frealaf Finning Fin Godulfing Finn Godulfing Finn Godulfing Godulf Gating Godulf Eating Godulf Eating Geat Taetwaing Eata Tethwafing Eat Beawing Taetwa Beawing Tethwa Beawing Beaw Scealdwaing Beaw Scealdwaging Beaw Scealdwaging Scealdhwa Heremoding Scealwa Heremoding Scealwa Heremoding Heremod Itermoning Heremod Hermanning Heremod Itermanning Itermon Hadhrahing Herman Hathraing Iterman Hadhraing Hathra Hadhra Hwalaing Hadhra Bedwiging Hwala Beowung Hwala Bedwining Beowi Sceafing, id est Beadwig Sceafing Bedwig Sceafing filius Noe, se waes Se Scef waes Noes sunu se Scef waes N['o]es sunu geboren on thaere arce and he waes innan dhaere and he waes innan Nones ... earce geboren thaere earce geboren

----------------------------------\ Langfedhgatal Flateyarb['o]k Langebek, 1, 3 Christiania, 1860, 1, 27

Voden Voden, _er ver_ than kollvm ver _kollum_ Odinn Oden Frealaf Frilafr, _e.v.k._ Bors Finn Burri, _e.v.k._ Finn Godvlfi Godolfr Eat

Beaf Beaf, _e.v.k._ Biar Scealdna Skialldin, _e.v.k._ Skiolld Heremotr Heremoth, _e.v.k._ Hermod Itermann Trinaan Athra Atra

Bedvig Beduigg Seskef vel Seseph Sescef

William of Malmesbury. Wodenius fuit filius Fridewaldi, Fridewaldus Frelafii, Frelafius Finni, Finnus Godulfi, Godulfus Getii, Getius Tetii, Tetius Beowii, Beowius Sceldii, Sceldius Sceaf. Iste, ut ferunt, in quandam insulam Germaniae Scandzam ... appulsus, navi sine remige, puerulus, posito ad caput frumenti manipulo, dormiens, ideoque Sceaf nuncupatus, ab hominibus regionis illius pro miraculo exceptus et sedulo nutritus, adulta aetate regnavit in oppido quod tunc Slaswic, nunc vero Haithebi appellatur ... Sceaf fuit filius Heremodii, Heremodius Stermonii, Stermonius Hadrae, Hadra Gwalae, Gwala Bedwigii, Bedwegius Strephii; hic, ut dicitur, fuit filius Noae in arca natus. {204}

The following marginal note occurs:

Iste Steldius p_r_im_us_ inhabitator Germanie fuit. Que Germania sic dicta erat, quia instar ramor_um_ germina_n_ciu_m_ ab arbore, sic nome_n_ regnaq_ue_ germania nuncupa_n_tur. In nouem filiis diuisa a radice Boerini geminaueru_n_t. Ab istis nouem filiis Boerini descenderu_n_t nouem gentes septentrionalem p_ar_tem inhabitantes, qui quondam regnu_m_ Brita_n_nie inuaseru_n_t et optinueru_n_t, videlicet Saxones, Angli, Iuthi, Daci, Norwagences, Gothi, Wandali, Geathi et Fresi[331].

* * * * *

I. EXTRACT FROM THE LITTLE CHRONICLE OF THE KINGS OF LEIRE

From the _Annales Lundenses_. These Annals are comparatively late, going up to the year 1307; but the short _Chronicle of the Kings of Leire_, which is incorporated in them, is supposed to date from the latter half of the 12th century. The text is given in Langebek, _Scriptores Rerum Danicarum_, _I_, 224-6 (under the name of _Annales Esromenses_) from _Cod. Arn. Mag._ 841. There is a critical edition by Gertz, _Scriptores Minores historiae Danicae_, Copenhagen, 1917, based upon _Cod. Arn. Mag._ 843. The text given below is mainly that of Langebek, with corrections from Gertz's fine edition. See below, p. 216.

Erat ergo Dan rex in Dacia[332] per triennium. Anno tandem tertio cognouit uxorem suam Daniam, genuitque ex ea filium nomine Ro. Qui post patris obitum hereditarie possidebat regnum. Patrem uero suum Dan colle apud Lethram tumulauit Sialandiae, ubi sedem regni pro eo pater constituit, quam ipse post eum diuitiis multiplicibus ditauit. Tempore illo ciuitas magna erat in medio Sialandiae, ubi adhuc mons desertus est, nomine Hekebiarch, ubi sita erat ciuitas quae Hoekekoping nuncupata est; ad quam ut mox Ro rex uidit, quod mercatores a nauibus in uia currus conducentes multum expenderent, a loco illo ciuitatem amoueri jussit ad portum, ubi tenditur Isaefiorth, et circa fontem pulcherrimum domos disponere. Aedificauit ibi Ro ciuitatem honestam, cui nomen partitiuum imposuit post se et Fontem, partem capiens fontis partemque sui, Roskildam Danice uocans, quae hoc nomine uoca[bi]tur[333] in aeternum. Uixit autem rex Ro ita pacifice, ut nullus ei aciem opponeret, nec ipse usquam expeditionem direxit[334]. Erat autem uxor eius {205} fecunda sobole, ex qua genuit duos filios, nomen primi Helhgi et secundi Haldan[335]. Cumque cepissent pueri robore confortari et crescere, obiit pater eorum Ro, et sepultus est tumulo quodam Laethrae, post cuius obitum partiti sunt regnum filii, quod in duas partes diuidentes, alter terras, alter mare possidebat. Rexit itaque terras Haldanus, et genuit filium nomine Siwardum, cognomine Album, qui patrem suum Haldanum Laethrae tumulauit mortuum. Helgi autem rex erat marinus, et multos ad se traxit malificos, nauali bello bene adeptus diuersas partes, quasdam pace, quasdam cum piratica classe[336] petisse perhibetur....

The Chronicle then tells how Rolf was born, the son of Helgi and Yrse or Ursula: also of the death and burial of Helgi.

Filius autem eius et Ursulae puer crescebat Rolf et fortitudine uigebat. Mater uero eius Ursula, uelo uiduitatis deposito, data est regi Suethiae Athislo, qui ex ea filiam sibi genuit, Rolf uero ex matre eius sororem nomine Skuld. Interea dum haec de rege marino Helgi agerentur, frater eius, rex Daciae, mortuus est Haldanus. Post quem[337] rex Sweciae Athisl a Danis suscepit tributum.

Interea ... confortabatur filius Helgi, Rolff, cognomine Krake. Quem post mortem Snyo[338] Dani [in][339] regem assumpserunt. Qui Sialandiae apud Lethram, sicut antecessores sui, saepissime moratus est. Sororem suam nomine Sculd secum habuit, Athisli regis filiam, et suae matris Ursulae, de qua superius dictum est; quam fraterno amore dilexit. Cui provinciam Hornshaeraeth Sialandiae ad pascendas puellas suas in expensam dedit, in qua uillam aedificauit, nomine Sculdelef, unde nomen suscepit. Hoc tempore erat quidam Comes Scaniae, nomine Hiarwarth, Teotonicus genere, Rolf tributarius, qui ad eum procos misit, ut {206} sororem suam Sculd Hiarwardo daret uxorem. Quo nolente, propria ipsius uoluntate puellae clanculo eam raptam sociauit sibi. Unde conspirauerunt inter se deliberantes Hiarwart et Sculd, quomodo Rolf interficeretur, et Hiarwardus superstes regni heres efficeretur. Non post multum vero temporis animosus ad uxoris exhortationem Hiarwart Sialandiam classe petiit. Genero suo Rolff tributum attulisse simulauit. Die quadam dilucescente ad Laethram misit, ut uideret tributum, Rolff nunciauit. Qui cum uidisset non tributum sed exercitum armatum, uallatus est Rolff militibus, et a Hyarwardo interfectus est. Hyarwardum autem Syalandenses et Scanienses, qui cum eo erant, in regem assumpserunt. Qui breui tempore, a mane usque ad primam, regali nomine potitus est. Tunc uenit Haky, frater Haghbardi, filius Hamundi; Hyarwardum interfecit et Danorum rex effectus est. Quo regnante, uenit quidam nomine Fritleff a partibus Septentrionalibus et filiam sibi desponsauit Rolff Crake, ex qua filium nomine Frothe genuit, cognomine Largus.

* * * * *

K. THE STORY OF OFFA IN SAXO GRAMMATICUS

Book IV, ed. Ascensius, fol. xxxii b; ed. Holder, pp. 106-7.

Cui filius Wermundus succedit. Hic prolixis tranquillitatis otiis felicissima temporum quiete decursis, diutinam domesticae pacis constantiam inconcussa rerum securitate tractabat. Idem prolis expers iuuentam exegit; senior uero filium Uffonem sero fortunae munere suscitauit, cum nullam ei sobolem elapsa tot annorum curricula peperissent. Hic Uffo coaeuos quosque corporis habitu supergressus, adeo hebetis ineptique animi principio iuuentae existimatus est, ut priuatis ac publicis rebus inutilis uideretur. Siquidem ab ineunte aetate nunquam Iusus aut ioci consuetudinem praebuit; adeoque humanae delectationis uacuus fuit, ut labiorum continentiam iugi silentio premeret, et seueritatem oris a ridendi prorsus officio temperaret. Uerum ut incunabula stoliditatis opinione referta habuit, ita post modum conditionis contemptum claritate mutauit; et quantum inertiae spectaculum fuit, tantum prudentiae et fortitudinis exemplum euasit.

{207}

Book IV, ed. Ascensius, fol. xxxiv b; ed. Holder, pp. 113-7.

Cumque Wermundus aetatis uitio oculis orbaretur, Saxoniae rex, Daniam duce uacuam ratus, ei per legatos mandat, regnum, quod praeter aetatis debitum teneat, sibi procurandum committat, ne nimis longa imperii auiditate patriam legibus armisque destituat. Qualiter enim regem censeri posse, cui senectus animum, caecitas oculum pari caliginis horrore fuscauerit? Quod si abnuat, filiumque habeat, qui cum suo ex prouocatione confligere audeat, uictorem regno potiri permittat. Si neutrum probet, armis secum, non monitis agendum cognoscat, ut tandem inuitus praebeat, quod ultroneus exhibere contemnat. Ad haec Wermundus, altioribus suspiriis fractus, impudentius se aetatis exprobratione lacerari respondit, quem non ideo huc infelicitatis senectus prouexerit, quod pugnae parcus timidius iuuentam exegerit. Nec aptius sibi caecitatis uitium obiectari, quod plerunque talem aetatis habitum talis iactura consequi soleat, potiusque condolendum calamitati quam insultandum uideatur. Iustius autem Saxoniae regi impatientiae notam afferri posse, quem potius senis fatum operiri, quam imperium poscere decuisset, quod aliquanto praestet defuncto succedere, quam uiuum spoliare. Se tamen, ne tanquam delirus priscae libertatis titulos externo uideatur mancipare dominio, propria manu prouocationi pariturum. Ad haec legati, scire se inquiunt, regem suum conserendae cum caeco manus ludibrium perhorrere, quod tam ridiculum decernendi genus rubori quam honestati propinquius habeatur. Aptius uero per utriusque pignus et sanguinem amborum negotio consuli. Ad haec obstupefactis animo Danis, subitaque responsi ignorantia perculsis, Uffo, qui forte cum ceteris aderat, responsionis a patre licentiam flagitabat, subitoque uelut ex muto uocalis euasit. Cumque Wermundus, quisnam talem a se loquendi copiam postularet, inquireret, ministrique eum ab Uffone rogari dixissent, satis esse perhibuit, ut infelicitatis suae uulneribus alienorum fastus illuderet, ne etiam a domesticis simili insultationis petulantia uexaretur. Sed satellitibus Uffonem hunc esse pertinaci affirmatione testantibus, "Liberum ei sit," inquit, "quisquis est, cogitata profari." Tum Uffo, frustra ab eorum rege regnum appeti, inquit, quod tam proprii rectoris officio quam {208} fortissimorum procerum armis industriaque niteretur: praeterea, nec regi filium nec regno successorem deesse. Sciantque, se non solum regis eorum filium, sed etiam quemcunque ex gentis suae fortissimis secum adsciuerit, simul pugna aggredi constituisse. Quo audito legati risere, uanam dicti animositatem existimantes. Nec mora, condicitur pugnae locus, eidemque stata temporis meta praefigitur. Tantum autem stuporis Uffo loquendi ac prouocandi nouitate praesentibus iniecit, ut, utrum uoci eius an fiduciae plus admirationis tributum sit, incertum extiterit.

Abeuntibus autem legatis, Wermundus, responsionis auctore laudato, quod uirtutis fiduciam non in unius, sed duorum prouocatione statuerit, potius se ei, quicunque sit, quam superbo hosti regno cessurum perhibuit. Uniuersis autem filium eius esse testantibus, qui legatorum fastum fiduciae sublimitate contempserit, propius eum accedere iubet: quod oculis nequeat, manibus experturus. Corpore deinde eius curiosius contrectato, cum ex artuum granditate lineamentisque filium esse cognosset, fidem assertoribus habere coepit, percontarique eum, cur suauissimum uocis habitum summo dissimulationis studio tegendum curauerit, tantoque aetatis spatio sine uoce et cunctis loquendi commerciis degere sustinuerit, ut se linguae prorsus officio defectum natiuaeque taciturnitatis uitio obsitum credi permitteret? Qui respondit, se paterna hactenus defensione contentum, non prius uocis officio opus habuisse, quam domesticam prudentiam externa loquacitate pressam animaduerteret. Rogatus item ab eo, cur duos quam unum prouocare maluit, hunc iccirco dimicationis modum a se exoptatum respondit, ut Athisli regis oppressio, quae, quod a duobus gesta fuerat, Danis opprobrio extabat, unius facinore pensaretur, nouumque uirtutis specimen prisca ruboris monumenta conuelleret. Ita antiquae crimen infamiae recentis famae litura respergendum dicebat. Quem Wermundus iustam omnium aestimationem fecisse testatus, armorum usum, quod eis parum assueuisset, praediscere iubet. Quibus Uffo oblatis, magnitudine pectoris angustos loricarum nexus explicuit; nec erat ullam reperire, quae eum iusto capacitatis spatio contineret. Maiore siquidem corpore erat, quam ut alienis armis uti posset. Ad ultimum, cum paternam quoque {209} loricam uiolenta corporis astrictione dissolueret, Wermundus eam a laeuo latere dissecari, fibulaque sarciri praecepit, partem, quae clypei praesidio muniatur, ferro patere parui existimans. Sed et gladium, quo tuto uti possit, summa ab eo cura conscisci iussit. Oblatis compluribus, Uffo manu capulum stringens, frustatim singulos agitando comminuit; nec erat quisquam ex eis tanti rigoris gladius, quem non ad primae concussionis motum crebra partium fractione dissolueret. Erat autem regi inusitati acuminis gladius, Skrep dictus, qui quodlibet obstaculi genus uno ferientis ictu medium penetrando diffinderet, nec adeo quicquam praedurum foret, ut adactam eius aciem remorari potuisset. Quem ne posteris fruendum relinqueret, per summam alienae commoditatis inuidiam in profunda defoderat, utilitatem ferri, quod filii incrementis diffideret, ceteris negaturus. Interrogatus autem, an dignum Uffonis robore ferrum haberet, habere se dixit, quod, si pridem a se terrae traditum recognito locorum habitu reperire potuisset, aptum corporis eius uiribus exhiberet. In campum deinde perduci se iubens, cum, interrogatis per omnia comitibus, defossionis locum acceptis signorum indiciis comperisset, extractum cauo gladium filio porrigit. Quem Uffo nimia uetustate fragilem exesumque conspiciens, feriendi diffidentia percontatur, an hunc quoque priorum exemplo probare debeat, prius habitum eius, quam rem ferro geri oporteat, explorandum testatus. Refert Wermundus, si praesens ferrum ab ipso uentilando collideretur, non superesse, quod uirium eius habitui responderet. Abstinendum itaque facto, cuius in dubio exitus maneat.

Igitur ex pacto pugnae locus expetitur. Hunc fluuius Eidorus ita aquarum ambitu uallat, ut earum interstitio repugnante, nauigii duntaxat aditus pateat. Quem Uffone sine comite petente, Saxoniae regis filium insignis uiribus athleta consequitur, crebris utrinque turbis alternos riparum anfractus spectandi auiditate complentibus. Cunctis igitur huic spectaculo oculos inferentibus, Wermundus in extrema pontis parte se collocat, si filium uinci contigisset, flumine periturus. Maluit enim sanguinis sui ruinam comitari, quam patriae interitum plenis doloris sensibus intueri. Uerum Uffo, geminis iuuenum congressibus lacessitus, gladii diffidentia amborum ictus umbone {210} uitabat, patientius experiri constituens, quem e duobus attentius cauere debuisset, ut hunc saltem uno ferri impulsu contingeret. Quem Wermundus imbecillitatis uitio tantam recipiendorum ictuum patientiam praestare existimans, paulatim in occiduam pontis oram mortis cupiditate se protrahit, si de filio actum foret, fatum precipitio petiturus. Tanta sanguinis caritate flagrantem senem fortuna protexit. Uffo siquidem filium regis ad secum auidius decernendum hortatus, claritatem generis ab ipso conspicuo fortitudinis opere aequari iubet, ne rege ortum plebeius comes uirtute praestare uideatur. Athletam deinde, explorandae eius fortitudinis gratia, ne domini sui terga timidius subsequeretur, admonitum fiduciam a regis filio in se repositam egregiis dimicationis operibus pensare praecepit, cuius delectu unicus pugnae comes adscitus fuerit. Obtemperantem illum propiusque congredi rubore compulsum, primo ferri ictu medium dissecat. Quo sono recreatus Wermundus, filii ferrum audire se dixit, rogatque, cui potissimum parti ictum inflixerit. Referentibus deinde ministris, eum non unam corporis partem, sed totam hominis transegisse compagem, abstractum praecipitio corpus ponti restituit, eodem studio lucem expetens, quo fatum optauerat. Tum Uffo, reliquum hostem prioris exemplo consumere cupiens, regis filium ad ultionem interfecti pro se satellitis manibus parentationis loco erogandam impensioribus uerbis sollicitat. Quem propius accedere sua adhortatione coactum, infligendi ictus loco curiosius denotato, gladioque, quod tenuem eius laminam suis imparem uiribus formidaret, in aciem alteram uerso, penetrabili corporis sectione transuerberat. Quo audito Wermundus Screp gladii sonum secundo suis auribus incessisse perhibuit. Affirmantibus deinde arbitris, utrunque hostem ab eius filio consumptum, nimietate gaudii uultum fletu soluit. Ita genas, quas dolor madidare non poterat, laetitia rigauit. Saxonibus igitur pudore moestis, pugilumque funus summa cum ruboris acerbitate ducentibus, Uffonem Dani iocundis excepere tripudiis. Quieuit tum Athislanae caedis infamia, Saxonumque obprobriis expirauit.

Ita Saxoniae regnum ad Danos translatum, post patrem Uffo regendum suscepit, utriusque imperii procurator effectus, {211} qui ne unum quidem rite moderaturus credebatur. Hic a compluribus Olauus est dictus, atque ob animi moderationem Mansueti cognomine donatus. Cuius sequentes actus uetustatis uitio solennem fefellere notitiam. Sed credi potest, gloriosos eorum processus extitisse, quorum tam plena laudis principia fuerint.

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L. FROM SKIOLD TO OFFA IN SWEYN AAGESON

In Langebek, _Scriptores_, i, 44-7; Gertz, I, 97.

CAP. I.

De primo Rege Danorum.

Skiold Danis primum didici praefuisse. Et ut eius alludamus uocabulo, idcirco tali functus est nomine, quia uniuersos regni terminos regiae defensionis patrocinio affatim egregie tuebatur. A quo primum, modis Islandensibus, "Skioldunger" sunt reges nuncupati. Qui regni post se reliquit haeredes, Frothi uidelicet et Haldanum. Successu temporum fratribus super regni ambitione inter se decertantibus, Haldan, fratre suo interempto, regni monarchiam obtinuit. Hic filium, scilicet Helghi, regni procreauit haeredem, qui ob eximiam uirtutum strenuitatem, pyraticam semper exercuit. Qui cum uniuersorum circumiacentium regnorum fines maritimos classe pyratica depopulatus, suo subiugasset imperio, "Rex maris" est cognominatus. Huic in regno successit filius Rolf Kraki, patria virtute pollens, occisus in Lethra, quae tunc famosissima Regis extitit curia, nunc autem Roskildensi uicina ciuitati, inter abiectissima ferme uix colitur oppida. Post quem regnauit filius eius Roekil cognomento dictus "Slaghenback." Cui successit in regno haeres, agilitatis strenuitate cognominatus, quem nostro uulgari "Frothi hin Froekni" nominabant. Huius filius et haeres regni extitit Wermundus, qui adeo prudentiae pollebat uirtute, ut inde nomen consequeretur. Unde et "Prudens" dictus est. Hic filium genuit Uffi nomine, qui usque ad tricesimum aetatis suae annum fandi possibilitatem cohibuit, propter enormitatem opprobrii, quod tunc temporis Danis ingruerat, eo quod in {212} ultionem patris duo Dani in Sueciam profecti, patricidam suum una interemerunt. Nam et tunc temporis ignominiosum extitit improperium, si solum duo iugularent; praesertim cum soli strenuitati tunc superstitiosa gentilitas operam satagebat impendere. Praefatus itaque Wermundus usque ad senium regni sui gubernabat imperium; adeo tandem aetate consumptus, ut oculi eius prae senio caligarent. Cuius debilitatis fama cum apud transalpinas[340] partes percrebuisset, elationis turgiditate Teotonica intumuit superbia, utpote suis nunquam contenta terminis. Hinc furoris sui rabiem in Danos exacuit Imperator, se iam Danorum regno conquisito sceptrum nancisci augustius conspicatus. Delegantur itaque spiculatores, qui turgidi principis jussa reportent praefato Danorum regi, scilicet Wermundo, duarum rerum praefigentes electionem, quarum pars tamen neutra extitit eligenda. Aut enim regnum jussit Romano resignare imperio, et tributum soluere, aut athletam inuestigare, qui cum Imperatoris campione monomachiam committere auderet. Quo audito, regis extitit mens consternata; totiusque regni procerum legione corrogata, quid facto opus sit, diligenti inquisitione percontabatur. Perplexam se namque regis autumabat autoritas, utpote cui et ius incumbebat decertandi, et qui regno patrocinari tenebatur. Uultum coecitas obnubilauerat, et regni heres elinguis factus, desidia torpuerat, ita ut in eo, communi assertione, nulla prorsus species salutis existeret. Nam ab infantia praefatus Uffo uentris indulgebat ingluuiei, et Epicuraeorum more, coquinae et cellario alternum officiose impendebat obsequium. Corrogato itaque coetu procerum, totiusque regni placito[341] celebrato, Alamannorum regis ambitionem explicuit, quid in hac optione haud eligenda facturus sit, indagatione cumulata senior sciscitatur. Et dum uniuersorum mens consternaretur angustia, cunctique indulgerent silentio, praefatus Uffo in media concione surrexit. Quem cum cohors uniuersa conspexisset, satis nequibat admirari, ut quid elinguis uelut orationi gestus informaret. Et quia omne rarum dignum nouimus admiratione, omnium in se duxit intuitum. Tandem sic orsus coepit: "Non nos minae moueant lacessentium, cum {213} ea Teotonicae turgiditati innata sit conditio, ut uerborum ampullositate glorientur, minarumque uentositate pusillanimes et imbecilles calleant comminatione consternare. Me etenim unicum et uerum regni natura produxit heredem, cui profecto nouistis incumbere, ut monomachiae me discrimini audacter obiiciam, quatenus uel pro regno solus occumbam, uel pro patria solus uictoriam obtineam. Ut ergo minarum cassetur ampullositas, haec Imperatori referant mandata, ut Imperatoris filius et heres imperii, cum athleta praestantissimo, mihi soli non formidet occurrere." Dixit, et haec verba dictauit voce superba. Qui dum orationem complesset, a collateralibus senior sciscitabatur, cuiusnam haec fuisset oratio? Cum autem a circumstantibus intellexisset, quod filius suus, prius veluti mutus, hunc effudisset sermonem, palpandum eum jussit accersiri. Et cum humeros lacertosque, et clunes, suras atque tibias, caeteraque membra organica crebro palpasset: "Talem," ait, "me memini in flore extitisse iuuentutis." Quid multa? Terminus pugnae constituitur et locus. Talique responso percepto, ad propria legati repedabant.

CAP. II.

De duello Uffonis.

Superest ergo, ut arma nouo militi congrua corrogentur. Allatisque ensibus, quos in regno praestantiores rex poterat inuestigare, Uffo singulos dextra uibrans, in partes confregit minutissimas. "Haeccine arma sunt," inquit, "quibus et uitam et regni tuebor honorem?" Cuius cum pater uiuidam experiretur uirtutem, "Unicum adhuc," ait, "et regni et uitae nostrae superest asylum." Ad tumulum itaque ducatum postulauit, in quo prius mucronem experientissimum occultauerat. Et mox intersigniis per petrarum notas edoctus, gladium jussit effodi praestantissimum. Quem illico dextra corripiens, "Hic est," ait, "fili, quo numerose triumphaui, et qui mihi infallibile semper tutamen extitit." Et haec dicens, eundem filio contradidit. Nec mora; terminus ecce congressioni praefixus arctius {214} instabat. Tandem, confluentibus undique phalangis innumerabilibus, in Egdorae fluminis mediamne[342] locus pugnae constituitur: ut ita pugnatores ab utriusque coetus adminiculo segregati nullius opitulatione fungerentur. Teotonicis ergo ultra fluminis ripam in Holsatia considentibus, Danis uero citra amnem dispositis, rex pontis in medio sedem elegit, quatenus, si unigenitus occumberet, in fluminis se gurgitem praecipitaret, ne pariter nato orbatus et regno cum dolore superstes canos deduceret ad inferos. Deinde emissis utrinque pugilibus, in medio amne conuenerunt. Ast ubi miles noster egregius Uffo, duos sibi conspexit occurrere, tanquam leo pectore robusto infremuit, animoque constanti duobus electis audacter se opponere non detrectauit, illo cinctus mucrone, quem patrem supra meminimus occuluisse, et alterum dextra strictum gestans. Quos cum primum obuios habuisset, sic singillatim utrumque alloquitur, et quod raro legitur accidisse, athleta noster elegantissimus, cuius memoria in aeternum non delebitur, ita aduersarios animabat ad pugnam: "Si te," inquit, "regni nostri stimulat ambitio, ut nostrae opis, potentiaeque, opumque capessere uelis opulentias, comminus te clientem decet praecedere, ut et regni tui terminos amplifices, et militibus tuis conspicientibus, strenuitatis nomen nanciscaris." Campionem uero hunc in modum alloquitur: "Uirtutis tuae experientiam jam locus est propagare, si comminus accesseris, et eam, quam pridem Alamannis gloriam ostendisti, Danis quoque propalare non cuncteris. Nunc ergo famam tuae strenuitatis poteris ampliare, et egregiae munificentiae dono ditari, si et dominum praecedas, et clypeo defensionis eum tuearis. Studeat, quaeso, Teotonicis experta strenuitas variis artis pugillatoriae modis Danos instruere, ut tandem optata potitus uictoria, cum triumphi ualeas exultatione ad propria remeare." Quam quum complesset exhortationem, pugilis cassidem toto percussit conamine, ita ut, quo feriebat, gladius in duo dissiliret. Cuius fragor per uniuersum intonuit exercitum. Unde cohors Teotonicorum exultatione perstrepebat: sed contra Dani desperationis consternati tristitia, gemebundi murmurabant. Rex uero, ut audiuit, quod filii ensis dissiliuisset, in margine se pontis jussit {215} locari. Uerum Uffo, subito exempto, quo cinctus erat, gladio, pugilis illico coxam cruentauit, nec mora, et caput pariter amputauit. Sic ergo ludus fortunae ad instar lunae uarius, nunc his, nunc illis successibus illudebat, et quibus iamiam exultatione fauebat ingenti, eos nouercali mox uultu, toruoque conspexit intuitu. Hoc cognito, senior jam confidentius priori se jussit sede locari. Nec jam anceps diu extitit uictoria. Siquidem Uffo ualide instans, ad ripam amnis pepulit haeredem imperii, ibique eum haud difficulter gladio iugulauit. Sicque duorum solus uictor existens, Danis irrogatam multis retro temporibus infamiam gloriosa uirtute magnifice satis aboleuit. Atque ita Alamannis cum improperii uerecundia, cassatisque minarum ampullositatibus, cum probris ad propria remeantibus, postmodum in pacis tranquillitate praecluis Uffo regni sui regebat imperium.

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M. NOTE ON THE DANISH CHRONICLES

The text of Saxo Grammaticus, given above, is based upon the magnificent first edition printed by Badius Ascensius (Paris, 1514). Even at the time when this edition was printed, manuscripts of Saxo had become exceedingly scarce, and we have now only odd leaves of MS remaining. One fragment, however, discovered at Angers, and now in the Royal Library at Copenhagen, comes from a MS which had apparently received additions from Saxo himself, and therefore affords evidence as to his spelling.

Holder's edition (Strassburg, 1886) whilst following in the main the 1514 text of Badius Ascensius, is accordingly revised to comply with the spelling of the Copenhagen fragments, and with any other traces of MS authority extant. I doubt the necessity for such revision. If the text were extant in MS, one might feel bound to follow the spelling of the MS, as in the case of the old English MSS of the _Vitae Offarum_ below: but seeing that Saxo, with the exception of a few pages, is extant only in a 16th century printed copy, the spelling of which is almost identical with that now current in Latin text books, it seems a pity to restore conjecturally mediaeval spellings likely {216} to worry a student. Accordingly I have followed the printed text of 1514, modernizing a very few odd spellings, and correcting some obvious printers errors[343].

A translation of the first nine books of Saxo by Prof. O. Elton has been published by the Folk-Lore Society (No. XXXIII, 1893).

Saxo completed his history in the early years of the 13th century. His elder contemporary, Sweyn Aageson, had already written a _Brief History of the Kings of Denmark_. Sweyn's _History_ must have been completed not long after 1185, to which date belongs the last event he records. The extracts given from it (pp. 211-15) are taken from Langebek's collection, with modifications of spelling. Langebek follows the first edition (Stephanius, 1642); the MS used in this edition had been destroyed in 1728. _Cod. Arn. Mag. 33_, recently printed by Gertz, although very corrupt, is supposed to give the text of Sweyn's _History_ in a form less sophisticated than that of the received text (see Gertz, _Scriptores Minores Historiae Danicae_, 1917, p. 62). The _Little Chronicle of the Kings of Leire_ is probably earlier than Sweyn's _History_. Gertz dates it c. 1170, and thinks it was written by someone connected with the church at Roskilde. It covers only the early traditional history. See above, pp. 17, 204.

For comparison, the following lists, as given in the roll of kings known as _Langfedhgatal_, in the _Little Chronicle_, in Sweyn, and in Saxo may be useful:

| _Little_ | | |Names as given _Langfedhgatal_|_Chronicle_ |_Sweyn_ | _Saxo_ | in _Beowulf_ | Dan | | Dan | | | | {Humblus | | | | {Lotherus | ? = Heremod Skioldr ... | | Skiold | Skioldus | Scyld {217} | | | Gram | | | | Hadingus | | | {Frothi | Frotho I | ?= Beowulf I Halfdan | | {Haldanus | {Haldanus I | Healfdene | Ro | | {Roe I | | | | {Scato | {Hroar | {Haldan | | {Roe II | Hrothgar {Helgi | {Helgi | Helghi | {Helgo | Halga Rolf Kraki | Rolf Krake | Rolf Kraki | Roluo Krage | Hrothulf | Hiarwarth | | Hiarthuarus | Heoroweard | | | . . . . | Hraerekr | | Roekil | Roericus | Hrethric

* * * * *

N. THE LIFE OF OFFA I, WITH EXTRACTS FROM THE LIFE OF OFFA II. EDITED FROM TWO MSS IN THE COTTONIAN COLLECTION

The text is given from _MS Cotton Nero D. I_ (quoted in the footnotes as A), collated with _MS Claudius E. IV_ (quoted as B). Minor variations of B are not usually noted. The two MSS agree closely.

The _Nero_ MS is the more elaborate of the two, and is adorned with very fine drawings. _Claudius_, however, offers occasionally a better text; it has been read by a corrector whose alterations--contrary to what is so often the ease in mediaeval MSS--seem to be authoritative.

The _Lives of the Offas_ were printed by Wats in his edition of Matthew Paris (1639-40) from MS A. Miss Rickert has printed extracts from the two lives, in _Mod. Phil._ II, 14 _etc._, following MS A, "as Wats sometimes takes liberties with the text."

INCIPIT HISTORIA DE OFFA PRIMO Q_U_I STRENUITATE SUA S_IB_I ANGLIE MAXIMA_M_ P_AR_TE_M_ S_U_BEG_I_T. CUI SIMILLIM_US_ FUIT S_E_C_UN_D_U_S OFFA[344].

[Sidenote: Fol. 2 _a_]

Inter occidentalium Anglorum reges illustrissimos, precipua co_m_mendac_i_onis laude celebratur Rex Warmundus, ab hiis qui historias Angloru_m_ no_n_ solum relatu proferre, set eciam scriptis inserere consueuerant. Is fundator erat cui_us_dam urbis a seip_s_o denominate, que lingua Anglicana Warwic, id est curia Warmundi, nuncupatur. Qui usq_ue_ ad annos seniles absq_ue_ liberis extitit, pret_er_ unicum filiu_m_; q_ue_m, ut estimabat, regni sui heredem _et_ successorem puerilis debilitatis incomodo labora_n_tem, constituere non ualebat. Licet enim idem unic_us_ filius eius, Offa uel Offanus no_m_i_n_e, statura fuisset procer_us_, {218} corpore integer, _et_ elegantissime forme iuuenis existeret, perma_n_sit t_ame_n a natiuitate uisu priuatus usq_ue_ ad annu_m_ septimu_m_, mutus autem _et_ u_er_ba humana n_on_ proferens usq_ue_ ad annu_m_ etatis sue tricesimum. Huius debilitatis incomodum no_n_ solum rex, s_ed_ eciam regni proceres, supra q_u_am dici potest moleste sustinuerunt. Cum eni_m_ imineret p_at_ri etas senilis, _et_ ignoraret diem mortis sue, nesciebat q_ue_m alium sibi[345] _con_stitueret heredem _et_ regni successore_m_. Quidam au_tem_ p_r_imari_us_ regni, cui nomen Riganus[346], cu_m_ quoda_m_ suo co_m_plice Mitunno no_m_i_n_e, ambic_i_osus cu_m_ ambic_i_oso, seductor cu_m_ proditore uidens regem decrepitu_m_, _et_ sine spe prolis procreande senio fatiscente_m_, de se p_re_sumens, cepit ad regie dignitatis culmen aspirare, conte_m_ptis aliis regni primatib_us_, se solum p_re_ cet_er_is ad h_oc_ dignu_m_ reputando.

Iccirco diebus singulis regi molestus nimis, proterue eum aggreditur, ut se h_er_edis loco adoptaret. Aliq_u_ando cor regis blande alliciens, interi_m_ aspere minis _et_ terroribus prouocans, persuadere no_n_ cessat regi q_uo_d optabat[347]. Suggerebat eciam regi per uiros potentes, _com_plices cupiditatis _et_ malicie sue, se regni sui su_m_mu_m_ apice_m_, uiolentia _et_ terrorib_us_ et ui extorquere, nisi arbitrio uoluntatis sue rex ip_s_e pareret, faciendo uirtute_m_ de necessitate. Super h_oc_ itaq_ue et_ aliis regni negociis, euocato semel concilio, proteruus ille a rege reprobatus discessit a curie p_re_sentia, iracundie calore freme_n_s in semetip_s_o, pro repulsa q_u_am sustinuit.

[Illustration: Riganus (or Aliel) comes before King Warmundus to claim that he should be made King in place of the incompetent Offa

_From MS Cotton Nero D. I, fol. 2 a._ ]

{219} [Sidenote: Fol. 2 _b_] Nec mora, accitis m_u_ltis qui cont_r_a regis i_m_p_er_ium parte_m_ sua_m_ _con_fouebant, infra paucos dies, copiosum i_m_mo infinitu_m_ exc_er_citu_m_ _con_gregauit: _et_ sub spe uictorie uirilit_e_r optinende, regem _et_ suos ad hostile p_re_lium prouocauit. Rex au_tem_ confectus senio, time_n_s rebellare, declinauit aliquocie_n_s impet_us_ adu_er_sarior_um_. Tandem uero, co_n_uocatis i_n_ unum p_r_incipib_us_ _et_ magnatib_us_ suis, delib_er_are cep_i_t q_u_o f_a_c_t_o opus h_abe_ret. Dum igit_ur_ t_r_actarent i_n_ co_m_mune per aliq_u_ot dies, secu_m_ deliberantes instantissime nec_es_citatis articulu_m_, affuit int_er_ _ser_moci|nantes natus _et_ unigenitus regis, eo usq_ue_ elinguis _et_ absq_ue_ sermone, s_ed_ aure purgata, singulorum uerba discernens. Cum aute_m_ p_at_ris seniu_m_, _et_ se ip_su_m ad regni negocia q_u_asi inutilem _et_ min_us_ efficacem despici _et_ reprobari ab om_n_ib_us_ perpenderet, contritus est _et_ humiliatus in semetip_s_o, usq_ue_ in lac_r_imarum aduberem profusionem. _Et_ exitus aq_u_arum dedux_er_unt oculi eius; _et_ estuabat dolore cordis intrinsecus amarissimo. Et q_u_a_m_ u_er_bis no_n_ pot_er_at, deo aff_e_c_t_u int_r_inseco p_re_cordial_it_er suggerebat, ingemiscens, repone_n_sq_ue_ lac_r_imabilem q_ue_relam coram ip_s_o, orabat ut a spiritu s_an_c_t_o reciperet consolac_i_on_em_, a p_at_re luminu_m_ fortitudinem, _et_ a filio p_at_ris unigenito sapi_enci_e salutaris donatiuum. In breui igitur, _con_t_r_iti cordis uota prospiciens, is, cui nuda _et_ aperta sunt omnia, resoluit os adolescentis in u_er_ba discreta _et_ manifeste articulata. Sicq_ue_ de regni principatu tumide _et_ minaciter contra se _et_ p_at_rem suu_m_ perstrepentes, subito _et_ ex insp_er_ato alloquitur: "Quid adhuc me _et_ p_at_re meo sup_er_stite contra leges _et_ iura uobis uendicatis regni iudicium enormiter cont_re_ctare: _et_ me excluso, herede geneali, alium degen_er_em facinorosu_m_ _ec_iam in minas _et_ diffiduciac_i_onem sup_er_be nimis prorumpente_m_, subrogare ut uos no_n_ immerito iniquitatis _et_ prodic_i_onis arguere valeam_us_. Quid, inq_u_am, ext_er_i, q_u_id ex_tr_anei cont_ra_ nos agere debeant, cu_m_ nos affines _et_ domestici n_ost_ri a p_at_ria q_u_am hactenus gen_er_is n_ost_ri successio iure possedit hereditario, uelitis expellere?" Et dum hec Offanus uel Offa (hoc eni_m_ nomen adolescentulo erat) qui ia_m_ n_un_c primo et_er_no nomine cu_m_ b_e_n_e_d[_i_]c[_i_]onis memoria meruit intitulari, ore facundo, s_er_mone rethorico, uultu sereno prosequeret_ur_, omniu_m_ audientium plus q_u_am dici potest attonitoru_m_ oculos facies _et_ corda in se conu_er_tit. Et prosequens inceptum s_er_mone_m_, _con_tinuando r_ati_onem, ait (intuens ad superna): "Deum testor, om_ne_sq_ue_ celestis curie primates, quod tanti sceleris _et_ discidii incentores, (n_is_i qui cep_er_int titubare, uiriliter eriganter in uirtute_m_ p_r_istinam roborati) inde_m_pnes (pro ut desides _et_ formidolosi promerueru_n_t) ac impunitos, no_n_ paciar. Fideles autem, ac strenuos, omni honore proseq_u_ar [et] co_n_fouebo."

Audito _i_gi_tur_ adolescentis sermone, q_ue_m mutum estimabant vanu_m_ _et_ inutilem, _con_st_er_nati admodum _et_ conterriti, ab ei_us_ {220} p_re_sencia discesseru_n_t, q_u_i cont_r_a p_at_rem suu_m_ _et_ ip_su_m, mota sedic_i_one, ausu temerario co_n_spirau_er_ant. Rigan_us_ t_ame_n, co_n_tumax _et_ superbus, comitante Mittunno cu_m_ aliis complicibus suis, qui iam iram in odium _con_u_er_t_er_ant, minas minis recessit cumulando, rege_m_q_ue_ delirum cu_m_ filio suo inutili ac vano murione, frontose diffiduciauit. Econt_r_a, naturales ac fideles regis, ipsius minas paruipende_n_tes, i_m_mo [Sidenote: Fol. 3 _a_] | uilipendentes, inestimabili gaudio perfusi, regis _et_ filii sui pedibus incuruati, sua suor_um_q_ue_ corpora ad uindicandam regis iniuriam exponunt gratanter uniu_er_si. Nec mora, rex in sua _et_ filii sui presentia generali edicto eos qui parti sue fauebant iubet assistere, uolens co_m_muni eor_um_ consilio edoceri, q_u_aliter in agendis suis procedere _et_ negocia sua exequi habeat conuenienter. Qui super hiis diebus aliquot deliberantes, inprimis consulu_n_t regi ut filium suu_m_ morib_us_ _et_ etate ad h_oc_ maturu_m_, militari cingulo faciat insigniri: vt ad bellum procedens, hostibus suis horrori fieret _et_ formidini. Rex aute_m_ sano et salubri co_n_silio suoru_m_ obtemperans, celebri[348] ad hoc co_n_dicto die, cu_m_ solle_m_pni _et_ regia pompa, gladio filium suum accinxit; adiunctis tirocinio suo strenuis adolescentib_us_ gen_er_osis, quos rex ad dec_us_ _et_ gloriam filii sui militarib_us_ indui fecit, _et_ honorari.

Cum aute_m_ post h_ec_[349], aliq_u_andiu cu_m_ sociis suis decertans, instrumenta tiro Offanus experiretur, omnes eum strenuissimu_m_ _et_ singulos sup_er_ante_m_ uehement_er_[350] admirabant_ur_. Rex igit_ur_ in_de_ maiore_m_ assumens audaciam, _et_ in spem erectus alacriorem, co_m_municato cu_m_ suis consilio, co_n_t_r_a hostes regni sui insidiatores, i_m_mo iam manifeste _contr_a regnu_m_ suu_m_ insurgentes, _et_ inito c_er_tami_n_e adu_er_santes, resu_m_pto sp_irit_u bellum instaurari p_re_cep_i_t. Potentissim_us_ aut_em_ ille, q_u_i regnu_m_ sibi usurpare moliebatur, cu_m_ filiis suis iuuenib_us_ duob_us_, uidelicet tironib_us_ strenuissimis Otta _et_ Milione nominatis, ascita quoq_ue_ no_n_ minima multitudine, n_ich_ilomin_us_ audact_er_ ad rebellandum, se suosq_ue_ p_re_munire cepit, alacer _et_ imp_er_t_er_rit_us_. Et preliandi diem _et_ locum, hinc in_de_ rex _et_ eius emulus det_er_minarunt.

Congregato itaq_ue_ ut_r_obiq_ue_ copiosissimo _et_ formidabili nimis exc_er_citu, parati ad congressum, fixerunt tentoria e regione, nichilq_ue_ int_er_erat nisi fluui_us_ torrens in medio, qui {221} utrumq_ue_ exc_er_citu_m_ sequestrabat. Et aliq_u_andiu hinc in_de_ meticulosi _et_ co_n_sternati, rapidi fluminis alueum int_er_positu_m_ (qui uix erat homini uel equo t_r_ansmeabil_is_) transire distulerunt. Tela tamen sola, cu_m_ crebris co_m_minac_i_onibus _et_ conuiciis, transuolarunt. Tande_m_ indignatus Offa _et_ egre ferens probrose more dispendia, electis de exc_er_citu suo robustiorib_us_ _et_ bello magis strenuis, q_u_os _eciam_ credebat fideliores, subitus _et_ improuisus flumen raptim p_er_transiens, f_a_c_t_o impetu uehementi[351] _et_ repentino, hostes ei obuiam occurre_n_tes, preocupatos t_ame_n circa ripam flum_in_is, plurimos de adu_er_sarior_um_ exc_er_citu cont_r_iuit, _et_ i_n_ ore gladii trucidauit. Primosq_ue_ om_ne_s t_r_ibunos _et_ p_r_imicerios potenter dissipauit. Cu_m_ t_ame_n sui co_m_militones, forte uolentes p_re_scire in Offa p_re_uio Martis fortuna_m_, segnit_er_ amne_m_ t_r_ansmearent, q_u_i latus suu_m_ tenebantur suffulcire, _et_[352] pocius [Sidenote: Fol. 3 _b_] | circumuallando roborare, et resu_m_pto sp_irit_u uiuidiore, reliquos om_ne_s, hinc in_de_ ad modu_m_ nauis uelificantis _et_ equora uelocit_er_ sulcantis, impetuosissime diuisit, ense t_er_ribilit_er_ fulminante, _et_ hostiu_m_ cruore sepius inebriato, don_e_c sue om_ne_s acies ad ip_su_m illese _et_ inde_m_pnes t_r_ansmear_en_t. Quo cu_m_ p_er_uenirent sui co_m_militones, congregati ci_r_ca ip_su_m do_mi_n_u_m suu_m_, exc_er_citu_m_ magnu_m_ et fortem co_n_flau_er_unt. Duces aute_m_ _con_t_r_arii exc_er_citus, sese densis agminib_us_ _et_ consertis aciebus, uiolent_er_ opponu_n_t aduentantib_us_. Et congressu inito cruentissimo, acclamatu_m_ _est_ utrobiq_ue_ et exhortatu_m_, ut res agatur pro capite, _et_ c_er_tamen pro sua _et_ uxoru_m_ suar_um_, _et_ lib_er_or_um_ suor_um_, _et_ possessionu_m_ lib_er_ac_i_one, i_n_ea_n_t iustissimu_m_, auxilio diuino p_ro_tegente. P_er_strepunt igitur tube cu_m_ lituis, clamor exhortantiu_m_, equor_um_ hinnit_us_, morientiu_m_ _et_ uulnerator_um_ gemitus, fragor lancearum, gladioru_m_ tinnit_us_, ictuu_m_ tumultus, aera p_er_t_ur_bare uidebant_ur_. Adu_er_sarii tandem Offe legiones deiciunt, _et_ i_n_ fugam dissipatas _con_u_er_tunt.

Quod cum videret Offa strenuissim_us_, _et_ ex hostiu_m_ cede cruent_us_, hausto sp_irit_u alac_r_iori, in hostes, more leonis _et_ leene sublatis catulis, irruit truculent_er_, gladiu_m_ suu_m_ cruore hostili inebriando. Quod cu_m_ uiderent t_r_ucida_n_di, fugitiui _et_ meticulosi pudore confusi, reuersi su_n_t sup_er_ hostes, et ut famam redim_er_ent, ferociores in obstantes fulminant _et_ debacant_ur_.

{222}

Multoq_ue_ temp_or_e t_r_uculent_er_ nimis dec_er_tatu_m_ est, _et_ utrobiq_ue_ suspensa est uictoria; tandem p_ost_ multor_um_ ruinam, hostes fatigati pedem retulerunt, ut respirarent _et_ pausare_n_t p_ost_ co_n_flictu_m_.

Similit_er eciam et_ exc_er_citus Offani. Quod t_ame_n moleste nimis tulit Offan_us_, cui_us_ sanguis in ulc_i_one_m_ estuabat, _et_ i_n_defessus propugnator cessare erubescebat. Hic casu Offe obuiant duo filii diuitis illi_us_, qui regnu_m_ p_at_ris ei_us_ sibi atte_m_ptauit usurpare. Nomen p_r_imogenito Brutus [sive Hildebrandus][353] _et_ iuniori Sueno. Hii probra _et_ u_er_ba turpia in Offam irreu_er_enter ingesserunt, _et_ iuueni pudorato i_n_ _con_sp_ec_tu exc_er_cituum, no_n_ min_us_ s_er_monib_us_ q_u_am armis, molesti extit_er_unt. Offa igit_ur_, mag_is_ lacessitus, _et_ calore audacie scintillans, _et_ iracundia us_que_ ad fremitu_m_ succensus, in impetu sp_iritu_s sui i_n_ eosde_m_ audact_er_ irruit. Et eor_um_ alteru_m_, videlic_et_ Brutu_m_, unico gladii ictu percussit, amputatoq_ue_ galee cono, craneu_m_ usq_ue_ ad cerebri medulla_m_ p_er_forauit, _et_ i_n_ morte singultante_m_ sub eq_u_inis pedib_us_ pot_e_nt_er_ p_re_cipitauit. Alteru_m_ u_er_o, qui h_oc_ uiso fugam iniit, repentin_us_ inseq_ue_ns, uuln_er_e letali sauciatu_m_, _con_te_m_psit _et_ prostratu_m_. Post h_ec_[354] deseuie_n_s in cet_er_os _con_t_r_arii exc_er_citus duces, gladi_us_ Offe q_u_icq_u_id obuiam h_ab_uit prost_er_nendo deuorauit, exc_er_citu ip_s_i_us_ tali exemplo recenci_us_ i_n_ hostes insurgente, _et_ iam gloriosius t_r_iu_m_phante.

[Sidenote: Fol. 4 _a_]

Pat_er_, uero, p_re_d_i_c_t_or_um_ iuuenu_m_, pert_er_rit_us_ _et_ dolore i_n_t_r_inseco sauciatus, subt_er_fugiens amne_m_ oppositu_m_, nitebat_ur_| pert_r_ansire: s_ed_ interf_e_c_t_oru_m_ sanguine torre_n_s fluuius, eum loricatu_m_ _et_ armor_um_ pond_er_e grauatu_m_ _et_ multipl_icite_r fatigatum, cum multis de suo excercitu simili incomodo p_re_peditis, ad ima subm_er_sit, _et_ sine uuln_er_ib_us_, miseras animas exalarunt proditores, toti posteritati sue probra relinq_ue_ntes. Amnis aute_m_ a Rigano ibi subm_er_so sorciebatur uocabulum, _et_ Riganburne, vt f_act_i uiuat perpetuo memoria, nuncupat_ur_. [Hiic alio no_m_i_n_e Auene dicit_ur_.][355]

Reliqui aute_m_ om_ne_s de exc_er_citu Rigani [qui _et_ Aliel dicebatur][355] qui sub ducatu Mitunni regebantur, in abissu_m_ desperac_i_onis dem_er_si, _et_ timore effeminati, cum eorum duce i_n_ q_u_o {223} magis Rigan_us_ confidebat, in noctis crepusculo trucidati, cu_m_ uictoria gloriosa campu_m_ Offe strenuissimo (i_n_ nulla parte corporis sui deformit_er_ mutilato, nec _eciam_ uel letaliter uel periculose uuln_er_ato, licet ea die multis se letiferis opposuiss_et_ p_er_iculis) reliquerunt[356].

Sicq_ue_ Offe circa iuuentutis sue primicias, a Domino data est uictoria in bello nimis ancipiti, ac cruentissimo, _et_ int_er_ alienigenas uirtutis _et_ indust_r_ie sue nomen celebre ipsius uentilatum, _et_ odor longe lateq_ue_ bonitatis ac ciuilitatis, n_e_c no_n_ _et_ st_r_enuitatis ei_us_ circumfusus, nomen ei_us_ ad sidera subleuauit.

Porro in crastinu_m_ post uictoria_m_, hostiu_m_ spolia int_er_fector_um_ _et_ fugitiuor_um_ magnifice co_n_te_m_pnens, n_e_c sibi uolens aliq_u_atenus usurpare, ne q_u_omodolib_et_ auaricie turpit_er_ redargueretur, militibus suis stipendiariis, _et_ naturalib_us_ suis hominib_us_ (p_re_cipue[357] hiis quos nou_er_at indigere) liberalit_er_ dereliq_u_it. Solos t_ame_n magnates, quos ip_s_emet i_n_ prelio cep_er_at, sibi retinuit incarc_er_andos, redime_n_dos, u_e_l iudicialiter puniendos. Iussitq_ue_ ut int_er_fector_um_ duces _et_ p_r_incipes, quor_um_ fama titulos magnificauit, _et_ p_re_cipue eor_um_ qui in p_re_lio magnifice ac fidelit_er_ se habuerant (licet ei[358] adu_er_sarentur) seorsum honorifice i_n_tumulare_n_t_u_r, f_a_c_t_is eis obsequiis, cu_m_ lamentac_i_onib_us_. Exc_er_citus au_tem_ popularis cadau_er_a, in arduo _et_ eminenti loco, ad post_er_itatis memoriam, t_r_adi iussit sepulture ignobiliori. Vnde locus ille hoc no_m_i_n_e Anglico Q_u_almhul[359], a strage uidelicet _et_ sepultura interfectorum m_er_ito meruit intitulari.

Multor_um_ eciam et magnor_um_ lapidum super eos struem excercitus Offe, uoce p_re_conia iussus, congessit eminentem. Totaq_ue_ circumiacens planicies[360] ab ip_s_o cruentissimo c_er_tamine _et_ notabili sepultura nomen _et_ titulum indelebilem est sortita, et Blodiweld[361] a sa_n_guine int_er_fector_um_ deno_m_i_n_abat_ur_.

Deletis igitur _et_ confusis hostib_us_, Offa cum ingenti t_r_iumpho ac tripudio _et_ gloria reu_er_tit_ur_ ad propria. Pater uero Warmu_n_d_us_, q_u_i sese recep_er_at in locis tucioribus rei euentu_m_ exp_e_ctans, s_ed_ iam fausto nuncio c_er_tificatus, comperiensq_ue_ _et_ securus de carissimi filii sui uictoria, cu_m_ ingenti leticia ei {224} procedit obuius[362]: et in a_m_plexus eius diutissime _com_moratus, _con_ceptu_m_ [Sidenote: Fol. 4 _b_] | interius de filii sui palma gaudium teg_er_e non uolens set n_e_c ualens, hui_us_ cum lac_ri_mis exultac_i_onis prorupit in vocem: "Euge fili dulcissime, quo affectu, quaue mentis leticia, laudes tuas prout dignu_m_ est prosequar? Tu eni_m_ es spes mea _et_ subditor_um_ iubilus ex i_n_sp_er_ato _et_ exultac_i_o. In te spes inopinata meis reuixit temporibus; in sinu tuo leticia mea, i_m_mo spes pocius toci_us_ regni est reposita. Tu pop_u_li toci_us_ firmamentum, tu pacis _et_ lib_er_tatis mee basis _et_ stabile, deo aspirante, fundamentum. Tibi debetur ruina prot_e_rui proditoris illi_us_, q_u_ondam publici hostis n_ost_ri, qui regni fastigium quod m_ih_i _et_ de genere meo propagatis iure debetur h_er_editario, tam impudent_er_ q_u_am imprudenter, cont_r_a leges _et_ ius gentium usurpare moliebatur. S_ed_ uultus d_omi_ni super eu_m_ _et_ co_m_plices suos facientes mala, ut perderet de terra memoriam eoru_m_, Deus ulcionu_m_ Domin_us_ dissipau_i_t consilium ipsius. Ip_su_m q_u_o_que_ Riganu_m_ in sup_er_bia rigente_m_, _et_ i_m_mite_m_ Mitunnu_m_ _com_militone_m_ ipsius, cum exc_er_citu eor_um_ proiecit in flumen rapacissimu_m_. Descendunt q_u_asi plu_m_bum i_n_ aq_u_is uehem_en_tib_us_; deuorauit gladi_us_ tuus hostes n_ost_ros fulmina_n_s _et_ cruentat_us_, hostili sanguine magnifice i_n_ebriatus; non degen_er_ es fili mi genealis, s_ed_ pat_r_issans, patrum tuor_um_ uestigia seq_ue_ris magnificorum. Sepult_us_ i_n_ inf_er_no n_oste_r hostis _et_ adu_er_sarius, fructus viarum suaru_m_ condignos iam colligit, quos uiu_us_ promerebatur. Luctum _et_ miseriam q_u_am senectuti mee malignus ille inf_er_re disposuerat, u_er_sa uice, clementia diuina conuertit in tripudium[363]. Quamobre_m_ in p_re_senti accipe, quod tuis m_er_itis exigentib_us_ debetur, eciam si filius meus non esses, _et_ si m_ih_i iure h_er_editario non succederes; ecce iam, cedo, _et_ regnu_m_ Anglor_um_ uoluntatis tue arbitrio deinceps committo; etas enim mea fragilis _et_ iam decrepita, regni ceptrum ulterius sustinere no_n_ sufficit. Iccirco te fili desid_er_atissime, uicem meam supplere te co_n_uenit, _et_ corpus meu_m_ senio _con_fectum, donec morientis oculos clauseris, quieti t_r_ad_er_e liberiori, vt a curis _et_ secularib_us_ sollicitudinibus, quib_us_ discerpor lib_er_atus, p_re_cibus uacem _et_ _con_te_m_plac_i_oni. Armis hucusq_ue_ mat_er_ialib_us_ dimicaui: restat {225} ut de cet_er_o uita mea q_ue_ sup_er_est, militia sit sup_er_ t_er_ram _con_t_r_a hostes sp_irit_uales.

"Ego u_er_o pro incolumitate tua _et_ regni statu, q_uo_d strenuitati tue, O anime mee dimidiu_m_, ia_m_ _com_misi, preces quales mea, sci[t][364] simplicitas _et_ potest i_m_becillitas, Deo fundam indefessas. S_ed_ q_uia_ temp_us_ perbreue amodo m_ih_i restat, _et_ corpori meo solum s_upe_rest sepulchru_m_, aure_m_ benigna_m_ meis accomoda salutaribus consiliis, _et_ cor credulu_m_ meis monitis i_n_clina magnificis. Uerum ip_s_os qui nobiscum c_ontr_a hostes publicos, Riganu_m_ videlicet _et_ Mitunnu_m_ [Sidenote: Fol. 5 _a_] | _et_ eor_um_ complices emulos n_ost_ros fidelit_er_ steter_un_t, _et_ periculoso discrimini pro nobis se opposuer_un_t, p_ate_rno amore t_ib_i co_m_mendo, diligendos, hon