chapter 8

. [163] _Afflictare sese_, 'they worried themselves.' The expression is properly used of that kind of grief which manifests itself in inflicting pain on the body, by pulling the hair, striking the breast or loins, or by throwing one's self on the ground. So also _plangere_ denotes the physical expression of pain. [164] A law _de vi_ enacted in the year B.C. 89, and aimed at those who might attempt by violence to subvert the existing constitution of the state. On the ground of this law Catiline had already been summoned before a court of law, though no formal charge had yet been brought against him. [165] _Sicuti_ is here used for _quasi_, _velut_, or _perinde ac si_, 'as if.' [166] This is the first of Cicero's speeches against Catiline, which was delivered A.D. 6, Id. Novemb.; that is, on the 8th of November. [167] 'When he had sat down;' that is, when he had finished his speech, for those who spoke in the senate did so standing. [168] The imprudence of this speech, independent of the audacious denial of facts, consists in his boasting of his patrician descent, and in the insinuation that Cicero, who was born in the municipium of Arpinum, was only an alien at Rome, although in regard to political rights there no longer was any difference between patricians and plebeians, nor between the citizens of Rome and those of a municipium. Respecting the construction of _opus est_, with the ablative of a participle, see Zumpt, S 464, note 1.

32. Dein se ex curia domum proripuit; ibi multa ipse secum volvens, quod neque insidiae consuli procedebant et ab incendio intellegebat urbem vigiliis munitam, optimum factu credens exercitum augere ac prius quam legiones scriberentur, antecapere quae bello usui forent, nocte intempesta cum paucis in Manliana castra profectus est. Sed Cethego atque Lentulo ceterisque, quorum cognoverat promptam audaciam, mandat, quibus rebus possent opes factionis confirment, insidias consuli maturent, caedem, incendia aliaque belli facinora parent; sese propediem cum magno exercitu ad urbem accessurum. Dum haec Romae geruntur, G. Manlius ex suo numero legatos ad Marcium Regem mittit cum mandatis hujuscemodi:

33. 'Deos hominesque testamur, imperator, nos arma neque contra patriam cepisse, neque quo periculum aliis faceremus, sed uti corpora nostra ab injuria tuta forent, qui miseri, egentes, violentia atque crudelitate feneratorum plerique patriae, sed omnes fama atque fortunis[169] expertes sumus; neque cuiquam nostrum licuit more majorum lege uti,[170] neque amisso patrimonio liberum corpus habere, tanta saevitia feneratorum atque praetoris fuit. Saepe majores vestrum[171] miseriti plebis Romanae, decretis suis inopiae ejus opitulati sunt; ac novissime memoria nostra, propter magnitudinem aeris alieni, volentibus omnibus bonis, argentum aere solutum est.[172] Saepe ipsa plebes, aut dominandi studio permota, aut superbia magistratuum, armata a patribus secessit. At nos non imperium neque divitias petimus, quarum rerum causa bella atque certamina omnia inter mortales sunt, sed libertatem, quam nemo bonus nisi cum anima simul amittit.[173] Te atque senatum obtestamur, consulatis miseris civibus, legis praesidium, quod iniquitas praetoris eripuit, restituatis; neve nobis eam necessitudinem imponatis, ut quaeramus, quonam modo maxime ulti sanguinem nostrum pereamus.'

[169] The adjective _expers_ here is joined in the same sentence with two different cases; this is an unusual construction, though _expers_ may be joined with the genit. as well as with the ablat. See Zumpt, S 437, note 1. [170] From what he quotes as the substance of the law, we see that he means the lex Papiria Poetelia, which had been passed in B.C. 326, and according to which the property of a debtor served as a security to the creditor, while his person or his personal liberty could not be touched. [171] _Vestrum_; it would be more in accordance with the common usage to say _vestri_, but the genitive of the personal pronoun also may be used. See Zumpt, SS 424 and 431. [172] Literally, 'the borrowed silver was repaid in copper;' that is, instead of the ordinary silver coin, the sestertius, the value of four copper ases, only one copper as was paid. By this means debtors gained three-fourths of the capital they had borrowed. This reduction of debts took place in B.C. 86, during the ascendancy of the Marian party. [173] _Amittit_; that is, _missam facit_, _dimittit_ or _omittit_, 'he gives up.'

34. Ad haec Q. Marcius respondit: 'Si quid ab senatu petere vellent, ab armis discedant, Romam supplices proficiscantur; ea mansuetudine atque misericordia senatum populumque Romanum semper fuisse, ut nemo unquam ab eo frustra auxilium petiverit.' At Catilina ex itinere plerisque consularibus, praeterea optimo cuique, litteras mittit: 'Se falsis criminibus circumventum, quoniam factioni inimicorum resistere nequiverit, fortunae cedere, Massiliam[174] in exilium proficisci: non quo sibi tanti sceleris conscius esset, sed uti res publica quieta foret, neve ex sua contentione seditio oriretur.' Ab his longe diversas litteras Q. Catulus in senatu recitavit, quas sibi nomine Catilinae redditas dicebat; earum exemplum infra scriptum est:

[174] _Massilia_ (the modern Marseilles) was a free and independent city, leagued with the Roman people by treaty. It had been founded about the year B.C. 600, by Greek emigrants from Phocaea in Asia Minor. As Massilia thus was not subject to the civil law of Rome, the Romans who withdraw from the laws of their own country--that is, who went into exile--might choose that city as a safe place of residence, without fear of being delivered up to their own country.

35. 'L. Catilina Q. Catulo. Egregia tua fides re cognita, grata mihi, in magnis meis periculis fiduciam commendationi meae tribuit. Quamobrem defensionem in novo consilio non statui parare, satisfactionem ex nulla conscientia de culpa proponere decrevi,[175] quam mediusfidius[176] veram licet cognoscas. Injuriis contumeliisque concitatus, quod fructu laboris industriaeque meae privatus statum dignitatis non obtinebam,[177] publicam miserorum causam pro mea consuetudine suscepi, non quin aes alienum meis nominibus ex possessionibus solvere possem, quum et alienis nominibus liberalitas Orestillae suis filiaeque copiis persolveret;[178] sed quod non dignos homines honore honestatos videbam, meque falsa suspicione alienatum esse sentiebam.[179] Hoc nomine[180] satis honestas pro meo casu spes reliquae dignitatis conservandae sum secutus. Plura quum scribere vellem, nuntiatum est vim mihi parari.[181] Nunc Orestillam commendo tuaeque fidei trado: eam ab injuria defendas per liberos tuos rogatus. Haveto.'[182]

[175] Catiline writes that he will not undertake a detailed defence of his new design of taking up arms, but he says that he wishes to justify himself in regard to one point, and that merely because he is not conscious of any criminal act. _Satisfactio_ is nearly the same as _defensio_, but less formal. A man defends himself against opponents, but before friends he merely gives an explanation, whereby they may be gained over to his side. _Ex nulla conscientia_, 'in consequence of his not being conscious of guilt.' The expression is rather harsh and artificial, and seemingly in Catiline's own style of writing. [176] _Medius fidius_, the same as _mehercules_. See Zumpt, S 361. [177] 'I could not maintain the position of my dignity;' that is, I could not maintain my position in society after my enemies had deprived me of the consulship. [178] 'Not as if I could not pay my own debts out of my property, since Orestilla has paid even other persons' debts out of her own purse;' she would accordingly have done the same much more for me, her husband. _Aes alienum meis nominibus_ is the same as _meum ipsius aes alienum_, 'debts on my own account.' _Nomen_, in money transactions, is something put down to a person's account. Hence _aes alienum alienis nominibus_ is the same as _aliorum debita_, 'other persons' debts,' _aes alienum_ being understood from the preceding clause. [179] 'I felt that I had become estranged by false suspicions,' namely, 'from the Roman people,' who confer the honours which have been obtained by unworthy persons. [180] _Hoc nomine_, the same as _ideo_, 'accordingly,' 'for this reason.' [181] This is said in allusion to the consul Cicero, as if he had intended to arrest Catiline, and imprison him. Catiline evidently has recourse to this expedient for the purpose of avoiding his awkward explanation. They are hollow phrases about honour, the republic, and persecution, and well suited to the ruined circumstances of that nobleman. [182] _Haveto_. It is much more common to use this word in meeting a person, while _vale_ is the ordinary expression in parting from a friend.

36. Sed ipse paucos dies commoratus apud G. Flaminium in agro Arretino,[183] dum vicinitatem antea sollicitatam armis exornat, cum fascibus atque aliis imperii insignibus in castra ad Manlium contendit. Haec ubi Romae comperta sunt, senatus Catilinam et Manlium hostes judicat; ceterae multitudini diem statuit, ante quam sine fraude[184] liceret ab armis discedere praeter[185] rerum capitalium condemnatis. Praeterea decernit, uti consules delectum habeant, Antonius cum exercitu Catilinam persequi maturet, Cicero urbi praesidio sit. Ea tempestate mihi imperium populi Romani multo maxime miserabile visum est, cui quum ad occasum ab ortu solis omnia domita armis parerent, domi otium atque divitiae, quae prima mortales putant, affluerent, fuere tamen cives, qui seque remque publicam obstinatis animis perditum irent.[186] Namque duobus senati decretis ex tanta multitudine neque praemio inductus conjurationem patefecerat neque ex castris Catilinae quisquam omnium discesserat; tanta vis morbi uti tabes plerosque civium animos invaserat.

[183] _In agro Arretino_, 'in the territory of Arretium,' in the heart of Etruria, near the lake Trasimenus. [184] _Sine fraude_, 'without injury'--that is, without the fact that hitherto they had been with Manlius, drawing any punishment upon them. [185] _Praeter_, adverbially for _praeterquam_; but he might also have used _praeter_ as a preposition: _praeter--condemnatas_. [186] _Perditum irent_. See Zumpt, S 669.

37. Neque solum illis aliena[187] mens erat, qui conscii conjurationis fuerant, sed omnino cuncta plebes novarum rerum studio Catilinae incepta probabat. Id adeo[188] more suo videbatur facere. Nam semper in civitate, quibus opes nullae sunt, bonis[189] invident, malos extollunt, vetera odere, nova exoptant, odio suarum rerum mutari omnia student, turba atque seditionibus sine cura aluntur; quoniam egestas facile habetur[190] sine damno. Sed urbana plebes, ea vero[191] praeceps ierat multis de causis. Primum omnium, qui ubique probro atque petulantia maxime praestabant, item alii per dedecora patrimoniis amissis, postremo omnes, quos flagitium aut facinus domo expulerat, ii Romam sicut in sentinam[192] confluxerant. Deinde multi memores Sullanae victoriae, quod ex gregariis militibus alios senatores videbant, alios ita divites, ut regio victu atque cultu aetatem agerent, sibi quisque, si in armis foret, ex victoria talia sperabat. Praeterea juventus, quae in agris manuum mercede inopiam toleraverat, privatis atque publicis largitionibus excita[193] urbanum otium ingrato labori praetulerat; eos atque alios omnes malum publicum alebat. Quo minus mirandum est homines egentes, malis moribus, maxima spe, rei publicae juxta ac sibi consuluisse.[194] Praeterea quorum,[195] victoria Sullae parentes proscripti, bona erepta, jus libertatis imminutum erat, haud sane alio animo belli eventum expectabant. Ad hoc quicunque aliarum atque senatus partium erant, conturbari rem publicam quam minus valere ipsi malebant. Id adeo malum multos post annos in civitatem reverterat.

[187] _Aliena_; supply _a republica_. [188] _Adeo_ renders the sentence emphatic, 'nay, the common people seemed to do this even according to their custom.' _Adeo_ in this sense is always preceded by a demonstrative pronoun. See Zumpt, S 281. [189] _Boni_. In the political signification of this word, the ideas of quiet conduct, aversion to innovations, and acquiescence in the actual state of things, are combined with solid wealth. The reason of this is easily perceptible; for he who possesses property, dreads every change, and supports the existing state of things. A still more decided political meaning is implied in the term _optimates_, which denotes the party in the state which we now call Conservative, but at Rome it implied at the same time the idea of 'faction,' and of a tendency to occasional violence. [190] 'Poverty (that is, poor people) maintains itself, or continues in all disturbances without suffering any loss;' for he who has nothing, cannot sustain any loss. [191] _Ea vero_, 'this in particular. _Vero_ indicates the transition to that circumstance, which in the present case is of the greatest importance. Compare Zumpt, S 348, note. [192] _Sentina_ properly signifies the sediment which, in a vessel filled with water, sinks to the bottom. Hence 'the residue,' or the place where all that is bad or impure is collected. [193] The largesses in money and provisions with which the state supported the needy population of the capital, and by which private persons, anxious to gain partisans, catered numbers of clients, attracted to Rome many people from the country: the city plebs was thus constantly increasing. [194] 'They were as much concerned about the good of the state as about their own good'--that is, just as little. [195] Connect _quorum_ with _parentes_ and the following words, _bona_ and _jus_. Sulla had excluded the sons of those whom he proscribed from all public offices, and thus curtailed their rights of free citizens.

38. Nam postquam Gn. Pompeio et M. Crasso consulibus[196] tribunicia potestas restituta est, homines adolescentes summam potestatem nacti, quibus aetas animusque ferox erat, coepere senatum criminando plebem exagitare, dein largiundo atque pollicitando magis incendere; ita ipsi clari potentesque fieri. Contra eos summa ope nitebatur pleraque nobilitas senatus specie[197] pro sua magnitudine. Namque uti paucis verum absolvam, post illa tempora quicunque rem publicam agitavere, honestis nominibus, alii sicuti populi jura defenderent, pars quo[198] senatus auctoritas maxima foret, bonum publicum simulantes, pro sua quisque potentia certabant; neque illis modestia neque modus contentionis erat; utrique victoriam crudeliter exercebant.

[196] In B. C. 70, these consuls restored the power of the tribunes in its full extent, after it had been greatly reduced by Sulla in B. C. 81. The Roman people received this restoration of the tribunian power with the greatest joy; but Sallust does not seem to approve of it. [197] _Senatus specie_; under the pretence of supporting the senate, the _nobiles_ formed opposition to the tribunes, but in reality it was for their own aggrandisement. [198] _Quo_ for _ut eo_, 'that the authority of the senate might be the highest in the state.'

39. Sed postquam Gn. Pompeius ad bellum maritimum atque Mithridaticum missus est, plebis opes imminutae, paucorum potentia crevit. Hi magistratus, provincias, aliaque omnia tenere, ipsi innoxii,[199] florentes, sine metu aetatem agere, ceteros judiciis terrere, quo plebem in magistratu placidius tractarent.[200] Sed ubi primum dubiis rebus[201] novandi spes oblata est, vetus certamen animos eorum arrexit. Quodsi primo proelio Catilina superior aut aequa manu discessisset, profecto magna clades atque calamitas rem publicam oppressisset; neque illis, qui victoriam adepti forent, diutius ea uti licuisset, quin defessis et exsanguibus qui plus posset imperium atque libertatem extorqueret.[202] Fuere tamen extra conjurationem complures, qui ad Catilinam initio profecti sunt; in his erat A. Fulvius, senatoris filius, quem retractum ex itinere parens necari jussit. Iisdem temporibus Romae Lentulus, sicuti Catilina praeceperat, quoscunque moribus aut fortuna novis rebus idoneos credebat, aut per se aut per alios sollicitabat, neque solum cives, sed cujusque modi genus hominum, quod modo bello usui foret.

[199] _Innoxius_ has a twofold meaning, one active, 'one who does no harm' (_noxa_), and a passive, 'one who is not injured,' 'one to whom no harm is done,' _qui non afficitur noxa_, and in this latter sense it is used in this passage. [200] 'In order that, when in office, they themselves might guide the populace more gently,' since those who excited the multitude would be kept in awe by the terror of the law. _Placidius_, 'without harshness,' 'without severity,' harshness and severity being applied only against the popular leaders. [201] _Dubiis rebus_, the ablative absolute; _cum res dubiae essent_, 'the state of affairs being dangerous.' [202] 'A more powerful man would even have wrested their freedom from them.' About _quin_, see Zumpt, S 542; and about the imperfect in the sense of a pluperfect, S 525.

40. Igitur P. Umbreno cuidam negotium dat, uti legatos Allobrogum[203] requirat eosque, si possit, impellat ad societatem belli, existimans publice privatimque aere alieno oppressos, praeterea, quod natura gens Gallica bellicosa esset, facile eos ad tale consilium adduci posse. Umbrenus, quod in Gallia negotiatus erat, plerisque principibus civitatium notus erat atque eos noverat; itaque sine mora, ubi primum legatos in foro conspexit, percontatus pauca de statu civitatis, et quasi dolens ejus casum, requirere coepit, quem exitum tantis malis sperarent. Postquam illos videt queri de avaritia magistratuum, accusare senatum, quod in eo auxilii nihil esset, miseriis suis remedium mortem expectare: 'At ego, inquit, vobis, si modo viri esse vultis, rationem ostendam, qua tanta ista mala effugiatis.' Haec ubi dixit, Allobroges in maximam spem adducti Umbrenum orare, ut sui misereretur; nihil tam asperum neque tam difficile esse, quod non cupidissime facturi essent, dum ea res civitatem aere alieno liberaret. Ille eos in domum, D. Bruti perducit, quod foro propinqua erat neque aliena consilii[204] propter Semproniam; nam tum Brutus ab Roma aberat. Praeterea Gabinium accersit,[205] quo major auctoritas sermoni inesset. Eo praesente conjurationem aperit, nominat socios, praeterea multos cujusque generis innoxios, quo legatis animus amplior[206] esset; deinde eos pollicitos operam suam domum dimittit.

[203] The Allobroges inhabited the country from Lacus Lemannus and the Rhone as far south as the Isara. They were subject to Rome, but, with a certain degree of independence, they governed themselves within their own country. Their chief towns were Vienna and Geneva. [204] _Aliena consilii_. See Zumpt, S 470. [205] Respecting the orthography of _accersit_, see Zumpt, S 202. [206] _Magnus animus_ is the usual Latin expression for 'courage,' and _amplior_ is the same as _major_.

41. Sed Allobroges diu in incerto habuere, quidnam consilii caperent. In altera parte erat aes alienum, studium belli, magna merces in spe victoriae, at in altera majores opes, tuta consilia, pro incerta spe certa praemia. Haec illis volventibus, tandem vicit fortuna rei publicae. Itaque Q. Fabio Sangae, cujus patrocinio civitas plurimum utebatur, rem omnem, uti cognoverant, aperiunt. Cicero, per Sangam consilio cognito, legatis praecepit, ut studium conjurationis vehementer simulent, ceteros adeant, bene polliceantur, dentque operam, uti eos quam maxime manifestos habeant.[207]

[207] Manifestum habeo aliquem, 'I catch a person in the act,' so that he can be convicted of his crime by unexceptionable evidence.

42. Iisdem fere temporibus in Gallia citeriore atque ulteriore,[208] item in agro Piceno, Bruttio,[209] Apulia motus erat. Namque illi, quos ante Catilina dimiserat, inconsulte ac veluti per dementiam cuncta simul agebant; nocturnis consiliis, armorum atque telorum portationibus, festinando, agitando omnia, plus timoris quam periculi effecerant. Ex eo numero complures Q. Metellus Celer praetor ex senati consulto, causa cognita, in vincula conjecerat; item in ulteriore Gallia G. Murena, qui ei provinciae legatus[210] praeerat.

[208] _Gallia citerior_ is Gaul south of the Alps, or the province of Cisalpine Gaul. _Gallia ulterior_ is Gaul north of the Alps, as far as the Cebenna mountains. The part of modern France beyond those mountains was not yet subject to Rome, but became a Roman province by the conquests of Caesar. [209] _Bruttium_ is the peninsula of Italy, which extends towards Sicily. It was a mountainous country with many forests. [210] He was legate to his brother L. Murena, who had then already left the province of Gaul, being a candidate for the consulship for the year B.C. 62, which he obtained.

43. At Romae Lentulus cum ceteris, qui principes conjurationis erant, paratis, ut videbatur, magnis copiis, constituerant, uti quum Catilina in agrum Faesulanum cum exercitu venisset. L. Bestia tribunus plebis contione habita quereretur de actionibus Ciceronis, bellique gravissimi invidiam optimo consuli imponeret; eo signo[211] proxima nocte cetera multitudo conjurationis suum quisque negotium exequeretur. Sed[212] ea divisa hoc modo dicebantur: Statilius et Gabinius uti cum magna manu duodecim simul opportuna loca urbis incenderent, quo tumultu facilior aditus ad consulem ceterosque, quibus insidiae parabantur, fieret; Cethegus Ciceronis januam obsideret eumque vi aggrederetur, alius autem alium; sed filii[213] familiarum, quorum ex nobilitate maxima pars erat, parentes interficerent, simul caede et incendio perculsis omnibus, ad Catilinam erumperent. Inter haec parata atque decreta[214] Cethegus semper querebatur de ignavia sociorum; illos dubitando et dies prolatando magnas opportunitates corrumpere, facto, non consulto, in tali periculo opus esse, seque, si pauci adjuvarent, languentibus aliis, impetum in curiam facturum. Natura ferox, vehemens, manu promptus erat; maximum bonum in celeritate putabat.

[211] _Signum,_ in military phraseology, is the visible or audible signal for a movement which the army is to execute. The attack of the tribune of the people on Cicero during his address to the people was to be the signal. 'After this signal had been given' (_eo signo_), _dato_ being understood. _Conjurationis_ for _conjuratorum_. [212] _Sed_. According to ordinary Latinity, the sentence ought to have been introduced by _autem_; see Zumpt, S 348, note. But it must be observed that in the historical style of Sallust _sed_ very frequently expresses not only opposition, but also mere transition from one thing to another, which seems to be an affectation of simplicity. [213] The idea expressed by _filius familias_ is 'a son who is not yet independent, who has not yet a household of his own.' [214] _Inter haec_, &c.; that is, _dum haec parantur atque decernuntur_.

44. Sed Allobroges ex praecepto Ciceronis per Gabinium ceteros conveniunt;[215] ab Lentulo, Cethego, Statilio, item Cassio postulant jusjurandum, quod signatum ad cives perferant; aliter haud facile eos ad tantum negotium impelli posse. Ceteri nihil suspicantes dant; Cassius semet eo brevi venturum pollicetur ac paulo ante legates ex urbe proficiscitur. Lentulus cum his T. Volturcium quendam Crotoniensem mittit, ut Allobroges prins quam domum pergerent, cum Catilina data atque accepta fide societatem confirmarent. Ipse Volturcio litteras ad Catilinam dat, quarum exemplum infra scriptum est: 'Qui[216] sim ex eo, quem ad te misi, cognosces. Fac cogites, in quanta calamitate sis, et memineris te virum esse; consideres, quid tuae rationes postulent; auxilium petas ab omnibus, etiam ab infimis.'[217] Ad hoc mandata verbis dat: 'Quum ab senatu hostis judicatus sit, quo consilio servitia repudiet? in urbe parata esse, quae jusserit; ne cunctetur ipse propius accedere.'

[215] _Conveniunt_, with the accusative. See Zumpt, S 387. [216] _Qui_ for _quis_. See Zumpt, S 134, note. [217] He means to say, 'even from the slaves, who, as is now seen, have not been received by Catiline into his army.'

45. His rebus ita actis, constituta nocte, qua proficiscerentur, Cicero per legates cuncta edoctus,[218] L. Valerio Flacco et G. Pomptinio praetoribus imperat, ut in ponte Mulvio[219] per insidias Allobrogum comitatus deprehendant; rem omnem aperit, cujus gratia mittebantur, cetera, uti facto opus sit, ita agant, permittit. Illi, homines militares, sine tumultu praesidiis collocatis, sicuti praeceptum erat, occulte pontem obsidunt.[220] Postquam ad id loci[221] legati cum Volturcio venerunt et simul utrimque clamor exortus est, Galli, cito cognito consilio, sine mora praetoribus se tradunt. Volturcius primo, cohortatus ceteros, gladio se a multitudine defendit, deinde ubi a legatis desertus est, multa prius de salute sua Pomptinium obtestatus, quod ei notus erat, postremo timidus ac vitae diffidens velut hostibus[222] sese praetoribus dedit.

[218] _Cuncta_. Respecting this accusative, see Zumpt, S 391, note 1. [219] _Pons Mulvius_, a bridge across the Tiber, about one mile from the city, outside the porta Flaminia. It still exists under the name of ponte Molle, and is passed by all travellers who go from Rome to the north. [220] _Obsidunt_. For this verb, see Zumpt, S 189, under _sido_. [221] _Ad id loci_; that is, _ad eum locum_. [222] He betrayed his treasonable designs even by surrendering to the public authorities, as if they were a foreign and hostile power, and by praying them to spare his life.

46. Quibus rebus confectis, omnia propere per nuntios consuli declarantur. At ilium ingens cura atque laetitia simul occupavere; nam laetabatur intellegens conjuratione patefacta civitatem periculis ereptam esse, porro autem anxius erat, dubitans, in maximo scelere tantis civibus deprehensis, quid facto opus esset; poenam illorum sibi oneri, impunitatem perdundae rei publicae[223] fore credebat. Igitur confirmato animo vocari ad sese jubet Lentulum, Cethegum, Statilium, Gabinium, item quendam Caeparium Tarracinensem, qui in Apuliam ad concitanda servitia proficisci parabat. Ceteri sine mora veniunt: Caeparius paulo ante domo egressus cognito indicio ex urbe profugerat. Consul Lentulum, quod praetor erat, ipse manu tenens in senatum[224] perducit; reliquos cum custodibus in aedem Concordiae venire jubet. Eo senatum advocat, magnaque frequentia ejus ordinis, Volturcium cum legatis introducit, Flaccum praetorem scrinium cum litteris, quas a legatis acceperat, eodem afferre jubet.

[223] See Zumpt, S 662. [224] The meeting of the senate was held in the Temple of Concord, close by the Forum. Temples were often used instead of the Curia Hostilia, which was the regular place for the senate to assemble in. Lentulus was taken to the senate by the consul himself; the others were conducted thither by guards, to be brought before the assembly after the business had been opened.

47. Volturcius interrogatus de itinere, de litteris, postremo quid aut qua de causa consilii habuisset, primo fingere alia, dissimulare de conjuratione; post, ubi fide publica dicere jussus est,[225] omnia, uti gesta erant, aperit docetque se paucis ante diebus a Gabinio et Caepario socium ascitum nihil amplius scire quam legatos; tantummodo audire solitum ex Gabinio, P. Autronium, Ser. Sullam, L. Vargunteium, multos praeterea in ea conjuratione esse. Eadem Galli fatentur ac Lentulum dissimulantem coarguunt praeter litteras sermonibus, quos ille habere solitus erat; ex libris Sibyllinis[226] regnum Romae tribus Corneliis portendi; Cinnam atque Sullam antea, se tertium esse, cui fatum foret urbis potiri;[227] praeterea ab incenso Capitolio illum esse vigesimum annum, quem saepe ex prodigiis haruspices[228] respondissent bello civili cruentum fore. Igitur perlectis litteris, quum prius omnes signa sua cognovissent, senatus decernit, uti abdicato magistratu Lentulus, itemque ceteri in liberis custodiis[229] habeantur. Itaque Lentulus P. Lentulo Spintheri, qui tum aedilis erat, Cethegus Q. Cornificio, Statilius G. Caesari, Gabinius M. Crasso, Caeparius (nam is paulo ante ex fuga retractus erat) Gn. Terentio senatori traduntur.

[225] 'He was ordered to make his statement on the ground of the promise made to him, on behalf of the state, that he should not be punished.' Sallust might have used the more complete expression, _fide publica data_ or _accepta_; but such expressions are to be completed by the sense rather than by any grammatical ellipsis. [226] _Sibylla_ is the ancient Greek name for a prophetic woman; and at Rome prophecies and counsels (_libri Sibyllini_) were kept in the Capitol which were believed to have been given as early as the time of the kings by a Sibyl of Cumae. They contained information about festivals, sacrifices, and other religious observances, and the means by which calamities which threatened the state might be averted. They were under the superintendence of a special college of priests, by whom alone they were consulted, on the command of the senate, in cases of public distress or apprehension. This college was called at different times, according to the number of its members, _duoviri_, _decemviri_, or _quindecemviri sacrorum_. [227] The _gens_ Cornelia comprised a large number of families, such as the Scipios, Dolabellas, Merulas, Sullas, Cinnas, Cethegi, and Lentuli. L. Cinna, by repeated consulships, and as the leader of the Marian party, obtained the highest power at Rome after the death of C. Marius, but was slain in B.C. 84 by his own soldiers, whom he intended to lead against L. Sulla. Sulla, after having been consul as early as the year B.C. 88, became dictator in B.C. 82. Respecting the expression _urbis potiri_, see Zumpt, S 466. [228] _Haruspices_ were the interpreters of the signs which were believed to be contained in the entrails of victims sacrificed to the gods, as well as of the phenomena in the atmosphere (_monstra_), and other occurrences in nature, which seemed to be contrary to the ordinary course of things. The system of this kind of superstition had been principally developed by the ancient Etruscans, and the haruspices engaged in the state religion of the Romans were generally natives of Etruria; and the Romans, owing to the uncertainty of their knowledge of things divine, dreaded this kind of superstition rather than practised it. [229] _Libera custodia_ is opposed to the _carcer publicus_, in which the prisoners were treated like slaves, and kept in chains. There were at Rome no prisons for those persons whose guilt was not yet established, or whose punishment consisted merely in confinement; but private persons, or the relatives of the accused, were obliged to keep the person of a criminal in their own houses, until the final decision upon his offence was given by the ordinary courts of justice.

48. Interea plebes, conjuratione patefacta, quae primo cupida rerum novarum nimis bello favebat, mutata mente Catilinae consilia execrari, Ciceronem ad coelum tollere; veluti ex servitute erepta gaudium atque laetitiam agitabat.[230] Namque alia belli facinora praedae magis quam detrimento fore, incendium vero crudele, immoderatum ac sibi maxime calamitosum putabat, quippe cui omnes copiae in usu cotidiano et cultu corporis erant.[231] Post eum diem quidam L. Tarquinius ad senatum adductus erat, quem ad Catilinam proficiscentem ex itinere retractum ajebant. Is, quum se diceret indicaturum de conjuratione, si fides publica data esset, jussus a consule quae sciret edicere, eadem fere quae Volturcius, de paratis incendiis, de caede bonorum, de itinere hostium senatum docet; praeterea se missum a M. Crasso, qui Catilinae nuntiaret, ne eum Lentulus et Cethegus aliique ex conjuratione deprehensi[232] terrerent, eoque magis properaret ad urbem accedere, quo et ceterorum animos reficeret et illi facilius e periculo eriperentur. Sed ubi Tarquinius Crassum nominavit, hominem nobilem, maximis divitiis, summa potentia, alii rem incredibilem rati, pars tametsi verum existimabant, tamen quia in tali tempore[233] tanta vis hominis magis leniunda quam exagitanda videbatur, plerique Crasso ex negotiis privatis obnoxii conclamant indicem falsum esse, deque ea re postulant uti referatur.[234] Itaque consulente Cicerone frequens senatus decernit, Tarquinii indicium falsum videri, eumque in vinculis retinendum, neque amplius potestatem[235] faciundam, nisi de eo indicaret, cujus consilio tantam rem esset mentitus. Erant eo tempore, qui aestimarent, indicium illud a P. Autronio machinatum, quo facilius appellato Crasso per societatem periculi reliquos illius potentia tegeret. Alii Tarquinium a Cicerone immissum ajebant, ne Crassus more suo suscepto malorum patrocinio rem publicam conturbaret. Ipsum Crassum ego postea praedicantem [236] audivi, tantam illam contumeliam sibi a Cicerone impositam.

[230] Such transitions from the historical infinitive to the present or imperfect, and _vice versa_, are not uncommon in Sallust. See chapters 18, 23, 56, 58. [231] _Erant_; according to the style of Cicero, it would be _essent_. See Zumpt, S 565. [232] For _deprehensio Lentuli et aliorum_, which would be more in accordance with the usage of modern languages. [233] _In tali tempore_. See Zumpt, S 475, note. [234] They demanded that the consul should bring forward the matter, as to whether the statement of Tarquinius was to be believed, in order that the votes might be taken upon it. For without a special _relatio_ by the magistrate authorised to make it (commonly the presiding consul, but sometimes also a tribune of the people), no senatus consultum could be made. [235] _Potestatem_; supply from the context _indicandi_. [236] _Praedicantem_. See Zumpt, S 636.

49. Sed iisdem temporibus Q. Catulus et C. Piso[237] neque precibus neque gratia neque pretio Ciceronem impellere potuere, uti per Allobroges aut alium indicem C. Caesar falso nominaretur. Nam uterque cum illo graves inimicitias exercebat: Piso oppugnatus in judicio pecuniarum repetundarum propter cujusdam Transpadani supplicium injustum; Catulus ex petitione pontificatus odio incensus, quod extrema aetate, maximis honoribus usus, ab adolescentulo Caesare victus[238] discesserat. Res autem opportuna videbatur, quod is privatim egregia liberalitate, publice maximis muneribus[239] grandem pecuniam debebat. Sed ubi consulem ad tantum facinus impellere nequeunt, ipsi singulatim circumeundo atque ementiundo, quae se ex Volturcio aut Allobrogibus audisse dicerent,[240] magnam illi invidiam conflaverant, usque adeo, ut nonnulli equites Romani, qui praesidii causa eum telis erant circum aedem Concordiae, seu periculi magnitudine seu animi mobilitate[241] impulsi, quo studium suum in rem publicam clarius esset, egredienti ex senatu Caesari gladio minitarentur.

[237] These two leaders of the party of the optimates had been consuls, Catulus in the year B.C. 78, and C. Piso in B.C. 67; and Catulus had also been censor in B.C. 65. Both were enemies of Caesar, who had defeated Catulus in his canvas for the office of pontifex maximus, and had caused a judicial inquiry to be instituted against Piso, about the manner in which he had conducted the proconsular administration of Gaul. Caesar was even then considered as the leader of the popular party, and as an opponent of the senate and its influence in the constitution. [238] It was at that time that Caesar, on going from home to the elective assembly, said to his mother, 'To-day you shall see your son either as pontifex, or you shall never see him again.' Caesar, however, is here called an _adolescentulus_ only in comparison with the aged Catulus, for he was at that time thirty-six years old. [239] 'In public life by the greatest exhibitions;' for _munera_ are exhibitions by means of which a private person, and still oftener a magistrate, endeavoured to win the favour of the people. As regards Caesar, that which is said here refers to the brilliant exhibitions in his aedileship, and the games which he gave while invested with that office. But he had thereby got so deeply into debt, that when, after his praetorship--with which he was invested in B. C. 62, the year after the Catilinarian conspiracy--he wanted to leave Rome to go to his province of Spain, he was kept back by his creditors; and he was not allowed to depart until M. Crassus had given security for him. [240] _Dicerent_. Respecting this subjunctive, see Zumpt, S 551. [241] _Mobilitas animi_, 'irritability,' or that state of mind which is easily excited, or upon which it is easy to make an impression. _Clarius esset_ is an explanation of _gladio minitarentur_.

50. Dum haec in senatu aguntur et dum legatis Allobrogum et T. Volturcio, comprobato eorum indicio, praemia decernuntur, liberti et pauci ex clientibus Lentuli diversis itineribus opifices atque servitia in vicis ad eum eripiundum sollicitabant, partim exquirebant duces multitudinum,[242] qui pretio rem publicam vexare soliti erant. Cethegus autem per nuntios familiam atque libertos suos, lectos et exercitatos in audaciam, orabat, ut grege facto cum telis ad sese irrumperent. Consul, ubi ea parari cognovit, dispositis praesidiis, ut res atque tempus monebat, convocato senatu refert, quid de his fieri placeat, qui in custodiam traditi erant. Sed eos paulo ante frequens senatus judicaverat contra rem publicam fecisse.[243] Tum D. Junius Silanus, primus sententiam rogatus,[244] quod eo tempore consul designatus erat, de his, qui in custodiis tenebantur, praeterea de L. Cassio, P. Furio, P. Umbreno, Q. Annio, si deprehensi forent, supplicium sumendum decreverat; isque postea, permotus oratione C. Caesaris, pedibus in sententiam Tib. Neronis iturum[245] se dixerat, quod de ea re praesidiis additis referundum censuerat.[246] Sed Caesar, ubi ad eum ventum est, rogatus sententiam a consule, hujuscemodi verba locutus est:

[242] _Multitudines_; that is, _catervae, factiones_, crowds or bands of men united for the purpose of creating disturbances among the people. [243] This is the customary form of condemnation in a decree of the senate, whereby it is declared that a wrong has actually been done to the state, or that an attempt has been made upon the constitution. The verdict of 'guilty,' therefore, had been pronounced by the senate itself. [244] _Sententiam rogatus_. See Zumpt, S 393, note 1. [245] He had declared that at the voting, which took place after the members of the senate had expressed their opinions, he would vote for the opinion of Tib. Nero; for the voting took place by a division (_discessio_), only one proposal being voted upon at a time, so that those who supported it separated from those who did not support it, but intended to vote for any other opinion (_alia omnia_). [246] This opinion then aimed only at an adjournment of the matter. Its issue was to be waited for; but in the meantime, the posts of guards were to be strengthened, and a fresh proposal was to be made respecting the punishment of the prisoners. The Tib. Nero here mentioned is the grandfather of the Emperor Tiberius, who was raised to the imperial throne in A. D. 14, in the fifty-sixth year of his age.

51. 'Omnes homines, patres conscripti, qui de rebus dubiis consultant, ab odio, amicitia, ira atque misericordia vacuos esse decet. Haud facile animus verum providet, ubi illa officiunt, neque quisquam omnium libidini simul et usui paruit. Ubi intenderis ingenium, valet; si libido possidet, ea dominatur, animus nihil valet. Magna mihi copia est memorandi, P. C., quae reges atque populi ira aut misericordia impulsi male consuluerint;[247] sed ea malo dicere, quae majores nostri contra libidinem animi sui recte atque ordine fecere. Bello Macedonico, quod cum rege Perse[248] gessimus, Rhodiorum civitas, magna atque magnifica, quae populi Romani opibus creverat, infida atque adversa nobis fuit; sed postquam bello confecto de Rhodiis consultum est, majores nostri, ne quis divitiarum magis quam injuriae causa bellum inceptum diceret, impunitos eos dimisere. Item bellis Punicis omnibus, quum saepe Karthaginienses et in pace et per inducias multa nefaria facinora fecissent, nunquam ipsi per occasionem talia fecere; magis, quid se dignum foret, quam quid in illos jure fieri posset, quaerebant. Hoc item vobis providendum est, P. C., ne plus apud vos valeat P. Lentuli et ceterorum scelus quam vestra dignitas; neu magis irae vestrae quam famae consulatis. Nam si digna poena pro factis eorum reperitur, novum consilium approbo; sin magnitude sceleris omnium ingenia exuperat, his utendum censeo, quae legibus comparata sunt. Plerique eorum, qui ante me sententiam dixerunt, composite atque magnifice casum rei publicae miserati sunt; quae belli saevitia esset, quae victis acciderent, enumeravere; rapi virgines, pueros, divelli liberos a parentum complexu, matres familiarum pati, quae victoribus collibuissent, fana atque domos spoliari, caedem, incendia fieri, postremo armis, cadaveribus, cruore atque luctu omnia compleri. Sed, per deos immortales, quo illa oratio pertinuit? an[249] uti vos infestos conjurationi faceret? Scilicet[250] quem res tanta et tam, atrox non permovit, eum oratio accendet. Non ita est; neque cuiquam mortalium injuriae suae[251] parvae videntur: multi eas gravius aequo habuere.[252] Sed alia aliis licentia est, P. C. Qui demissi in obscuro vitam habent,[253] si quid iracundia deliquere, pauci sciunt; fama atque fortuna eorum pares sunt: qui magno imperio praediti in excelso aetatem agunt, eorum facta cuncti mortales novere. Ita in maxima fortuna minima licentia est; neque studere, neque odisse, sed minime irasci decet; quae apud alios iracundia dicitur, ea in imperio superbia atque crudelitas appellatur. Equidem ego[254] sic existimo, P. C., omnes cruciatus minores quam facinora illorum esse; sed plerique mortales postrema meminere, et in hominibus impiis sceleris eorum obliti de poena disserunt, si ea paulo severior fuit. D. Silanum, virum fortem atque strenuum, certo scio, quae dixerit, studio rei publicae dixisse, neque illum in tanta re gratiam aut inimicitias[255] exercere; eos mores eamque modestiam viri cognovi.[256] Verum sententia ejus mihi non crudelis,--quid enim in tales homines crudele fieri potest?--sed aliena a re publica nostra videtur. Nam profecto aut metus aut injuria te subegit,[257] Silane, consulem designatum, genus poenae novum decernere. De timore supervacaneum est disserere, quum praesertim diligentia clarissimi viri, consulis, tanta praesidia sint in armis. De poena possumus equidem dicere id quod res habet;[258] in luctu atque miseriis mortem aerumnarum requiem, non cruciatum esse, eam cuncta mortalium mala dissolvere, ultra neque curae neque gaudio locum esse. Sed, per deos immortales, quamobrem in sententiam non addidisti, uti prius verberibus in eos animadverteretur?[259] An quia lex Porcia[260] vetat? At aliae leges item condemnatis civibus non animam eripi, sed exilium permitti jubent.[261] An, quia gravius est verberari quam necari? Quid autem acerbum aut nimis grave est in homines tanti facinoris convictos? Sin, quia levius est; qui convenit[262] in minore negotio legem timere, quum eam in majore neglexeris? At enim[263] quis reprehendet, quod in parricidas rei publicae decretum erit? Tempus, dies, fortuna, cujus libido gentibus moderatur. Illis merito accidet, quidquid evenerit; ceterum vos, P. C., quid in alios statuatis, considerate. Omnia mala exempla ex bonis orta sunt; sed ubi imperium ad ignaros aut minus bonos pervenit, novum illud exemplum ab dignis et idoneis ad indignos et non idoneos transfertur.[264] Lacedaemonii devictis Atheniensibus triginta viros[265] imposuere, qui rem publicam eorum tractarent. Hi primo coepere pessimum quemque et omnibus invisum indemnatum necare; ea[266] populus laetari et merito dicere fieri. Post ubi paulatim licentia crevit, juxta bonos et malos libidinose interficere, ceteros metu terrere. Ita civitas servitute oppressa stultae laetitiae graves poenas dedit. Nostra memoria victor Sulla quum Damasippum[267] et alios hujusmodi, qui malo rei publicae creverant, jugulare jussit, quis non factum ejus laudabat? Homines scelestos et factiosos, qui seditionibus rem publicam exagitaverant, merito necatos ajebant. Sed ea res magnae initium cladis fuit. Nam uti quisque domum aut villam, postremo vas aut vestimentum alicujus concupiverat, dabat operam, ut is in proscriptorum[268] numero esset. Ita illi, quibus Damasippi mors laetitiae fuerat, paulo post ipsi trahebantur; neque prius finis jugulandi fuit quam Sulla omnes suos divitiis explevit. Atque ego haec non in M. Tullio neque his temporibus vereor, sed in magna civitate multa et varia ingenia sunt. Potest alio tempore, alio consule, cui item exercitus in manu sit, falsum aliquid pro vero credi; ubi hoc exemplo per senati decretum consul gladium eduxerit, quis illi finem statuet aut quis moderabitur? Majores nostri, P. C., neque consilii neque audaciae unquam eguere, neque illis superbia obstabat, quo minus aliena instituta, si modo proba erant, imitarentur. Arma atque tela militaria ab Samnitibus, insignia magistratuum ab Tuscis pleraque[269] sumpserunt: postremo quod ubique apud socios aut hostes idoneum videbatur, cum summo studio domi exequebantur, imitari quam invidere bonis malebant. Sed eodem illo tempore, Graeciae morem imitati, verberibus animadvertebant in cives, de condemnatis summum supplicium sumebant. Postquam res publica adolevit et multitudine civium factiones valuere, circumvenire innocentes, alia hujuscemodi fieri coepere, tum lex Porcia aliaeque leges paratae sunt, quibus legibus[270] exilium damnatis permissum est. Ego hanc causam, P. C., quominus[271] novum consilium capiamus, in primis magnam puto. Profecto virtus atque sapientia major in illis fuit, qui ex parvis opibus tantum imperium fecere quam in nobis, qui ea bene parta vix retinemus. Placet igitur eos dimitti et augere exercitum Catilinae? Minime, sed ita censeo; publicandas eorum pecunias, ipsos in vinculis habendos per municipia,[272] quae maxime opibus valent; neu quis de his postea ad senatum referat neve cum populo agat; qui aliter fecerit, senatum existimare eum contra rem publicam et salutem omnium facturum.'

[247] _Male consulere_, 'to form bad' or 'injurious resolutions.' [248] _Perse_. Respecting the forms of this name, see Zumpt, SS 52, 54. [249] _An_ must be explained by supplying another interrogation before it, such as _alione?_ 'had that speech any other object, or had it this one?' for _an_ is used only in the second part of a double question. [250] 'To be sure words will fire him on, whom the thing itself did not move'--that is, words are sure not to rouse him whom the thing itself did not move; for _scilicet_ has an ironical force. [251] _Injuriae suae_, 'the injuries done to him.' [252] 'Many have taken them more seriously to heart than was necessary.' It is more common to say _gravius tulerunt_. The perfect, _habuere_, in expressing a general truth, has the sense of a present, or rather of a Greek aorist, denoting that which once happened, and still continues to happen. Compare p.22, note 2 [note 68]. [253] _Vitam habent_ for _vitam agunt_, which is more common. Sallust is very fond of the verb _habere_ in certain phrases. See _Jug_. 10. [254] _Equidem ego_ for _ego quidem_. See Zumpt, S 278. [255] _Inimicitiae_. About this plural, see Zumpt, S 94. The singular _inimicitia_ is not used at all. [256] 'Such I know to be the character of the man.' [257] _Subigere_ here, as in many other passages of Sallust, has the meaning of _cogere, invitum impellere_ ('to force a person to something'), followed by an infinitive instead of a clause with _ut_. [258] _Id quod res habet_, 'that which is in the nature of the thing.' Caesar hereby means to represent his opinion as philosophically correct, and in accordance with nature. _Id quod_ belong together. [259] Such had indeed been the custom in former times. The condemned person, previous to being beheaded with the axe, was bound to a post and scourged. This barbarous punishment continued to be inflicted sometimes even at a later period, when it was expressly mentioned in the verdict that the criminal should be punished _more majorum_. _Animadvertere_ is the proper expression for the infliction of bodily punishment by a lictor, who _has to pay attention to his orders_; but it is also used of the person who gives the order, and causes it to be carried into effect, just as _interficere_ is said both of the executioner and the person who orders a man to be put to death. [260] This law, proposed by one Porcius, and passed by the people, forbade the scourging of Roman citizens on the naked body; so that, after the passing of that law, an execution consisted simply in beheading a criminal with the sword; and if he was a soldier, flogging took the place of scourging. The celebrated M. Porcius Cato, about B. C. 160, recommended this bill to the people; but it was not he who proposed it, but an unknown person of the name of Porcius, probably a tribune of the people. [261] There were no Roman laws forbidding capital punishment, or substituting exile in its place, and for this reason Caesar does not refer to any such law. He supports his view only by the circumstance that, in all the more recent laws, especially in the criminal law of Sulla, exile (_interdictio aquae et ignis_) was fixed upon as the extreme penalty; and that according to the usual indulgence (not sanctioned by any law), accused persons, if they denied being guilty, and were defended by some one, remained in the enjoyment of their freedom until the sentence was passed. Thus it happened that a person, foreseeing his condemnation, might quit the Roman territory, and take up his abode within the territory of some town or city where the Roman law was not in force, and where the Roman state placed no obstacles in his way. [262] 'How is it consistent?' Respecting _qui_ for _quomodo_ or _quo pacto_, see Zumpt, S 133, note. The _minus negotium_ is the scourging, and the _majus negotium_ the execution. [263] _At enim_ introduces an objection raised by the orator himself. _At_ represents the objection, and _enim_ introduces an explanation of it. See Zumpt, S 349. [264] Caesar means to say that the present senate, which, as he flatteringly says, consists of worthy men, will not abuse the power of putting Roman citizens to death; but that a subsequent senate, taking such an example as a precedent, might abuse its power. It must be observed that the Roman senate possessed the power over the life and death of citizens, not by virtue of legal enactments, but only by ancient custom. This power legally belonged only to the people assembled in the Comitia Centuriata, or to those to whom the people expressly intrusted it--namely, the ordinary and extraordinary courts of justice. It may seem surprising that Caesar does not express himself more energetically against the right claimed by the senate; but he would certainly have spoken in vain, for it was every senator's interest that the power of the senate should be recognised in its greatest extent, even though it should not be exercised in every particular case. [265] That is, the so-called thirty tyrants in the year B. C. 404. [266] _Ea_; for this accusative, see Zumpt, S 385. [267] _Damasippus_ was only a surname of the praetor M. Junius Brutus, who in the year B. C. 82 put to death a great many Roman nobles of the party of Sulla. [268] Namely, by Sulla, after he had been made dictator. [269] _Pleraque_; most of the ensigns and distinctions by which the magistrates were distinguished from private persons, especially the _toga praetexta_, _sella curulis_, _fasces_ (which were carried by the lictors), and, above all, the splendid procession of the _triumphatores_. [270] _Legibus_ is here a pleonasm, and might have been omitted. We must here repeat that Caesar makes an artful application of the circumstance that, in all the late criminal laws, the _interdictio aquae et ignis_ was fixed as the severest punishment, as if thereby a person had been simply permitted to withdraw from the republic. The _interdictio_ was a much more severe punishment, inasmuch as the person on whom it was inflicted lost all his rights as a citizen, and as every one was forbidden to receive him into his house, so that he was a complete outcast. Wherever these regulations were not carried into effect, and even in case a criminal made his escape before the sentence was pronounced, we can see nothing but an abuse of clemency. [271] _Quominus_ is here used because the leading clause conveys the idea of a hindrance; but _ne_ also might have been written. [272] _Per municipia_, 'among the municipia.' See Zumpt, S 301.

52. Postquam Caesar dicendi finem fecit, ceteri verbo alius alii varie assentiebantur: at M. Porcius Cato, rogatus sententiam, hujuscemodi orationem habuit: 'Longe mihi alia mens est, P. C., quum res atque pericula nostra considero, et quum sententias nonnullorum mecum ipse reputo.[273] Illi mihi disseruisse videntur de poena eorum, qui patriae, parentibus, aris atque focis suis bellum paravere; res autem monet cavere ab illis magis quam, quid in illos statuamus, consultare. Nam cetera maleficia tum persequare, ubi facta sunt; hoc nisi provideris ne accidat, ubi evenit, frustra judicia implores; capta urbe nihil fit reliqui victis. Sed, per deos immortales, vos ego appello, qui semper domos, villas, signa, tabulas vestras pluris quam rem publicam fecistis,[274] si ista, cujuscunque modi sunt quae amplexamini, retinere, si voluptatibus vestris otium praebere vultis, expergiscimini aliquando et capessite rem publicam.[275] Non agitur de vectigalibus neque de sociorum injuriis: libertas et anima nostra in dubio est. Saepenumero, P. C., multa verba in hoc ordine feci,[276] saepe de luxuria atque avaritia nostrorum civium questus sum, multosque mortales ea causa adversos habeo; qui mihi atque animo meo nullius unquam delicti gratiam fecissem,[277] haud facile alterius libidini male facta condonabam. Sed ea tametsi vos parvi pendebatis, tamen res publica firma erat; opulentia neglegentiam tolerabat.[278] Nunc vero non id agitur, bonisne an malis moribus vivamus, neque quantum aut quam magnificum imperium, populi Romani sit, sed haec cujuscunque modi videntur, nostra an nobiscum una hostium futura sint. Hic mihi quisquam mansuetudinem et misericordiam nominat.[279] Jampridem equidem[280] nos vera vocabula rerum amisimus, quia bona aliena largiri liberalitas, malarum rerum audacia fortitudo vocatur, eo[281] res publica in extremo sita est. Sint sane, quoniam ita se mores habent, liberales ex sociorum fortunis, sint misericordes in furibus aerarii; ne illi sanguinem nostrum largiantur, et[282] dum paucis sceleratis parcunt, bonos omnes perditum eant. Bene et composite G. Caesar paulo ante in hoc ordine de vita et morte disseruit, credo falsa existimans ea, quae de inferis memorantur, diverso itinere malos a bonis loca taetra, inculta, foeda atque formidolosa habere. Itaque censuit pecunias eorum publicandas, ipsos per municipia in custodiis habendos; videlicet timens, ne, si Romae sint, aut a popularibus conjurationis aut a multitudine conducta per vim eripiantur. Quasi vero mali atque scelesti tantummodo in urbe et non[283] per totam Italiam sint, aut non ibi plus possit audacia, ubi ad defendendum opes minores sunt. Quare vanum equidem hoc consilium est, si periculum ex illis metuit; sin in tanto omnium metu solus non timet, eo magis refert[284] me mihi atque vobis timere. Quare quum de P. Lentulo ceterisque statuetis, pro certo habetote,[285] vos simul de exercitu Catilinae et de omnibus conjuratis decernere. Quanto vos attentius ea agetis, tanto illis animus infirmior erit; si paululum modo vos languere viderint, jam omnes feroces aderunt.[286] Nolite existimare, majores nostros armis rem publicam ex parva magnam fecisse.[287] Si ita res esset, multo pulcherrimam eam nos haberemus; quippe sociorum atque civium, praeterea armorum atque equorum major nobis copia quam illis est. Sed alia fuere, quae illos magnos fecere, quae nobis nulla sunt, domi industria, foris justum imperium, animus in consulendo liber, neque delicto neque libidini obnoxius.[288] Pro his nos habemus luxuriam atque avaritiam, publice egestatem, privatim opulentiam; laudamus divitias, sequimur inertiam; inter bonos et malos discrimen nullum est; omnia virtutis praemia ambitio possidet. Neque mirum: ubi vos separatim sibi quisque consilium capitis, ubi domi voluptatibus, hic[289] pecuniae aut gratiae servitis, eo fit, ut impetus fiat in vacuam[290] rem publicam. Sed ego haec omitto. Conjuravere nobilissimi cives patriam incendere,[291] Gallorum gentem infestissimam nomini Romano ad bellum accersunt; dux hostium cum exercitu supra caput est: vos cunctamini etiamnunc, quid intra moenia deprensis hostibus faciatis?[292] Misereamini censeo[293],--deliquere homines adolescentuli per ambitionem,--atque etiam armatos dimittatis. Nae ista vobis mansuetudo et misericordia, si illi arma ceperint in miseriam onvertet.[294] Scilicet res ipsa aspera est, sed vos non timetis eam.[295] Immo vero[296] maxime; sed inertia et mollitia animi alius alium expectantes cunctamini, videlicet dis immortalibus confisi, qui hanc rem publicam saepe in maximis periculis servavere. Non votis neque suppliciis muliebribus auxilia deorum parantur; vigilando, agendo, bene consulendo prospera omnia cedunt; ubi socordiae te atque ignaviae tradideris, nequidquam deos implores;[297] irati infestique sunt. Apud majores nostros A. Manlius Torquatus bello Gallico filium suum, quod is contra imperium in hostem pugnaverat, necare jussit,[298] atque ille egregius adolescens immoderatae fortitudinis morte poenas dedit: vos de crudelissimis parricidis quid statuatis cunctamini? Videlicet cetera vita eorum huic sceleri obstat. Verum parcite dignitati Lentuli, si ipse pudicitiae, si famae suae, si dis aut hominibus unquam ullis pepercit; ignoscite Cethegi adolescentiae, nisi iterum jam patriae bellum fecit. Nam quid ego de Gabinio, Statilio, Caepario loquar? quibus si quidquam[299] unquam pensi fuisset, non ea consilia de re publica habuissent. Postremo, P. C., si mehercule peccato locus esset,[300] facile paterer vos ipsa re corrigi, quoniam verba contemnitis; sed undique circumventi sumus. Catilina cum exercitu faucibus urguet:[301] alii intra moenia atque in sinu urbis sunt hostes: neque parari neque consuli quidquam potest occulte; quo magis properandum est. Quare ita ego censeo: quum nefario consilio sceleratorum civium res publica in maxima pericula venerit, iique indicio T. Volturcii et legatorum Allobrogum convicti confessique sint caedem, incendia aliaque se foeda atque crudelia facinora in cives patriamque paravisse, de confessis sicuti de manifestis rerum capitalium more majorum supplicium sumendum.'

[273] Cato says, '_When I consider the danger of our situation, I form quite a different view_ from what I do when I reflect upon the opinions expressed by some about the punishment of the criminals; for the present danger demands energetic measures of defence, while some of you are speaking only about the punishment of a crime already committed. But such a view is incorrect, for we are still surrounded by the greatest dangers.' [274] _Pluris facere_, 'to esteem higher.' [275] _Capessere rem publicam_, 'to take part in the administration of the state,' or 'to devote one's self to its service.' [276] _Verba facere_, 'to speak,' or 'to make a speech.' [277] 'I who had never connived at any of my bad acts'--that is, I who had never given way to my own weaknesses. About this subjunctive expressing the reason why the orator does not allow the faults of others to pass unnoticed, see Zumpt, SS 555, 558. [278] 'The strength of the state bore the negligence' in restraining the arbitrary proceedings in which individuals indulged. [279] 'And here any one will speak to me of clemency and mercy!' alluding to Caesar. The negative pronoun _quisquam_ is used because the meaning implied is, that no one ought to have done so. See Zumpt, S 709. [280] _Equidem_ for _quidem_, as often in Sallust, but never in Cicero. The meaning is: 'We have indeed (_quidem_) long since lost the habit of calling things by their true names, but this erroneous application of the word _mercy_ is not to be borne.' [281] _Eo_; Cicero would have said _ea re_. [282] Instead of _et_, the author might have used _neve_ (_neu_), since from the preceding clause we have to supply _ne_ to _et_. This is not a very common mode of speaking; but it occurs most frequently when, after a negative clause, _et_ introduces a kind of antithesis, and thus acquires the power of _sed_. [283] _Et non_ corrects the untrue supposition, that there were no rebels except at Rome. In such a case we can neither use _non_ without _et_, nor _neque_. See Zumpt, S 334. [284] 'If Caesar alone is unconcerned, it is more requisite (necessary or important) that I should be concerned for me and for you.' About _refert_, see Zumpt, SS 23, 449, note. [285] _Habetote_; this future imperative denotes that something is to be done when something else shall take place. Zumpt, S 583. [286] The meaning is: 'All will be there immediately'--that is, they will rise to make the attack. [287] Cato means to say, 'It is a wrong opinion that our state has become great by arms; for if this were true, it would now be in the most flourishing condition, as our military power is now greater than it ever was. The republic has become great much more by the activity of the citizens, and by the justice of the government, and it is this activity and stern justice that must be restored.' [288] _Obnoxius_, 'subject to a punishment,' or 'to be injured (_noxa_);' hence, figuratively, 'bound,' 'dependent.' Our ancestors, says Cato, could deliberate and judge without bias, for their minds were not crippled either by crimes they had committed, nor by immoderate desires and passions--a hint intimating that those who were in favour of lenient measures were conscious of their own guilt, and not free from bad intentions. [289] _Hic_--that is, in the senate, in discussing matters of public importance, you allow yourselves to be guided only by your desire to gain money and popularity, being anxious not to offend any one who may be in your way. [290] _Vacuam_--namely, _a defensoribus_, 'defenceless,' 'helpless.' [291] _Incendere_, a free use of the infinitive for _ad patriam incendendam_. [292] A question expressive of wonder, in which the interrogative particles are commonly not used. See Zumpt, S 351, note. [293] Ironically: 'I am of opinion that you should have mercy, and dismiss the criminals.' The subjunctive without _ut_ depends upon the verb _censeo_; it is not a subjunctive for an imperative. [294] 'Assuredly this clemency of yours will end in misery.' Respecting _nae_, see Zumpt, S 360; and on the transitive sense of _vertere_, S 145. [295] The sentence beginning with _scilicet_ is again ironical. The sense, without the irony, is: 'Nor can it be supposed that you consider the matter indeed difficult, but that you are without fear. You are, on the contrary, full of fear, but you hesitate.' [296] _Immo vero_, 'oh no; on the contrary.' See Zumpt, S 277. [297] Respecting this form of hypothetical sentences, see Zumpt, S 524, note 1. The verb in the apodosis might be _implorabis_, without altering the meaning. [298] This statement differs in two points from the current tradition of history. First, the praenomen of this Manlius is commonly _Titus_, and so we must no doubt correct here, even though the manuscripts have _Aulus_. Secondly, he did not show his severe military discipline towards his son in the Gallic war, but in the great Latin war, which ended, in B.C. 340, with the subjugation of Latium. Manlius ordered his son to be executed in presence of the army; and to characterise that harsh severity, the orator uses the word _necare_ instead of _interficere_ or _occidere_. [299] _Quidquam_ is stronger than _siquid_--that is, the expression of the negative is more strongly marked in the protasis. [300] 'If there were room for a mistake'--namely, in the resolution to be come to. The meaning is: 'No time is to be lost, since, if you come to a wrong determination, you will be ruined before you have time to correct your decision.' [301] 'Is upon our necks,' a figurative expression, properly applied to a wrestler who seizes another by the throat.

53. Postquam Cato assedit, consulares omnes itemque senatus magna pars sententiam ejus laudant, virtutem animi ad coelum ferunt, alii alios increpantes timidos vocant, Cato clarus atque magnus habetur, senati decretum fit, sicuti ille censuerat. Sed mihi multa legenti, multa audienti, quae populus Romanus domi militiaeque, mari atque terra praeclara facinora fecit, forte libuit attendere, quae res maxime tanta negotia sustinuisset.[302] Sciebam saepenumero parva manu cum magnis legionibus hostium contendisse; cognoveram parvis copiis bella gesta cum opulentis regibus, ad hoc saepe fortunae violentiam toleravisse, facundia Graecos, gloria belli Gallos ante Romanos fuisse. Ac mihi multa agitanti constabat, paucorum civium egregiam virtutem cuncta patravisse,[303] eoque factum, uti divitias paupertas, multitudinem paucitas superaret. Sed postquam luxu atque desidia civitas corrupta est, rursus res publica magnitudine sua imperatorum atque magistratuum vitia sustentabat, ac, sicuti effeta parentum,[304] multis tempestatibus haud sane quisquam Romae virtute magnus fuit. Sed memoria mea ingenti virtute, diversis moribus fuere viri duo, M. Cato et G. Caesar; quos quoniam res obtulerat, silentio praeterire non fuit consilium, quin[305] utriusque naturam et mores, quantum ingenio possem, aperirem.

[302] 'What has chiefly helped in carrying out such great undertakings.' _Negotium sustinere_, 'to be able to carry out a business,' representing the _negotium_ as a burden. [303] Sallust states that, after mature consideration of all the circumstances, he has come to the conviction that the merit of individual citizens had raised Rome to its supremacy over the world, but that afterwards there were no men of importance, or excelling others by mental superiority, and that the state, as a whole, alone made the faults of individuals bearable. We must honour the judgment of Sallust, but cannot agree with it; we must rather believe that the unvarying ability of the whole Roman people, notwithstanding the not very prominent minds of individuals, was the cause of the rapid progress of the Roman dominion. In the later times, on the other hand, we meet a Scipio the younger, a Marius, a Sulla, a Pompey, and a Caesar, all of whom were men or generals of eminent talent, while all those who served under them were persons of inferior abilities. [304] _Effeta parentum_, the same as _effeta parens_, 'a mother who has had children, but can have no more.' Respecting the partitive genitive (as in _aliqui militum_ for _aliqui milites_), see Zumpt, S 430. The author in the progress of his sentence abandons the construction with which he began, and which ought to have been continued thus: _Roma haud sane quemquam virtute magnum protulit_, for which he says, _Romae haud sane quisquam virtute magnus fuit_. This deviation from the construction may be explained still more easily, if in our mind we add _facit_ to the words _sicuti effeta parentum_, 'as is the case with an aged mother.' _Multis tempestatibus_, 'during a long time.' The singular _tempestas_ in the sense of 'time' is not uncommon, but the plural _tempestates_ in the sense of 'periods of time' occurs only in Sallust in this passage, and _Jug_. 73, 96, and 108. [305] _Quin_ is used regularly for _ut non_ after a negative clause: 'I would not pass them over in silence, without unfolding their characters.'

54. Igitur his genus, aetas, eloquentia prope aequalia fuere; magnitudo animi par, item gloria, sed alia alii.[306] Caesar beneficiis ac munificentia magnus habebatur, integritate vitae Cato. Ille mansuetudine et misericordia clarus factus, huic severitas dignitatem addiderat. Caesar dando, sublevando, ignoscendo, Cato nihil largiundo gloriam adeptus est. In altero miseris perfugium erat, in altero malis pernicies; illius facilitas, hujus constantia laudabatur. Postremo Caesar in animum induxerat laborare, vigilare; negotiis amicorum intentus sua neglegere, nihil denegare, quod dono dignum esset; sibi magnum imperium, exercitum, bellum novum exoptabat, ubi virtus enitescere posset. At Catoni studium modestiae, decoris, sed maxime severitatis erat. Non divitiis cum divite, neque factione cum factioso, sed cum strenuo virtute, cum modesto pudore, cum innocente abstinentia certabat, esse quam videri bonus malebat; ita quo minus petebat gloriam, eo magis ilium sequebatur.[307]

[306] 'But the one a different one from the other.' The Latin custom of repeating the same word obliges the author, having once said _alia_, to use _alii_, which, strictly speaking, should be _alteri_, as he is speaking of only two persons. [307] 'The less he strove after fame, the more it followed him of itself,' so that _gloria_ must be supplied.

55. Postquam, ut dixi, senatus in Catonis sententiam discessit,[308] consul optimum factu ratus, noctem, quae instabat, antecapere, ne quid eo spatio novaretur, III. viros[309] quae supplicium postulabat parare jubet; ipse, praesidiis dispositis, Lentulum in carcerem deducit;[310] idem fit ceteris per praetores. Est in carcere locus, quod[311] Tullianum appellatur, ubi paululum descenderis ad laevam, circiter duodecim pedes humi depressus.[312] Eum muniunt undique parietes atque insuper camera lapideis fornicibus vineta,[313] sed incultu,[314] tenebris, odore foeda atque terribilis ejus facies est. In eum locum postquam demissus est Lentulus, viridices rerum capitalium,[315] quibus praeceptum erat, laqueo gulam fregere. Ila ille patricius ex gente clarissima Corneliorum, qui consulare imperium Romae habuerat,[316] dignum moribus factisque suis exitium vitae invenit. De Cethego, Statilio, Gabinio, Caepario eodem modo supplicium sumptum est.[317]

[308] _Dicessit_; that is, after the senate, a division having taken place, had decided in favour of Cato's opinion. Compare p. 50, note 2 [note 245]. [309] Read _tresviros_; each one by himself was called _triumvir_ 'one of the college of the three.' These officers belonging to the magistratus minores, had the superintendence of the public prison, and the carrying of the sentence into execution; whence their complete title was _tresviri capitales_. The singular, _triumvir_, does not justify the plural _triumviri_, since the ordinary grammatical laws require _tres viri_. In manuscripts, we usually had _III. viri_. Compare Zumpt, S 124. [310] The preposition _de_ in this compound adds to the idea of the simple verb _ducere_, that of the place to which a person is led, and in which he is to remain; hence it is frequently used in the expression _domum deducere_, 'to take' or 'lead a person home.' [311] _Locus, quod_. Respecting the gender of the relative pronoun, see Zumpt, S 372. [312] The whole structure was called _carcer Mamertinus_, and its main parts still exist, being changed into a Christian church, _San Pietro in carcere_. It is situated not far from the ancient _forum Romanum_, to the north-east, at the foot of the Capitoline hill. According to Sallust's description, persons on entering had to go down a few steps leading to the entrance of the _Tullianum_, a subterraneous apartment cut into the rock, and covered over with a roof; and this was the place where prisoners were executed. Their corpses were afterwards publicly exhibited in the adjoining _Scalae Gemoniae_. The name Tullianum is derived by the Romans from their king, Tullius Hostilius. [313] 'The roof is bound together by arches of stone,' to make it strong, for otherwise, wooden beams were used for such purposes. [314] _Incultus_, a substantive of rare occurrence, denoting 'want of cleanliness,' 'the absence of care.' [315] 'Punishers of capital offences' is only a paraphrase for _carnifices_, 'executioners.' [316] _Cornelius Lentulus_ had been consul as early as B.C. 71, but the year after, he had been ejected from the senate by the censors, on account of his base conduct. In order to be able to re-enter the senate, he caused himself to become praetor a second time in this year, B.C. 63, in which he ended his life so disgracefully. It is mentioned that he was of a manly and handsome appearance; but the baseness of his character is attested also by other authors. [317] The only one among the others who was a member of the senate was Cornelius Cethegus; Gabinius and Statilius were men of equestrian rank, and Caeparius was a native of the municipium of Terracina.

56. Dum ea Romae geruntur, Catilina ex omni copia,[318] quam et ipse adduxerat et Manlius habuerat, duas legiones instituit, cohortes pro numero militum complet,[319] deinde, ut quisque voluntarius aut ex sociis in castra venerat, aequaliter distribuerat, ac brevi spatio legiones numero hominum expleverat, quum initio non amplius duobus milibus[320] habuisset. Sed ex omni copia circiter pars quarta erat militaribus armis instructa; ceteri, ut quemque casus armaverat, sparos aut lanceas,[321] alii praeacutas sudes portabant. Sed postquam Antonius[322] cum exercitu adventabat, Catilina per montes iter facere, modo ad urbem, modo in Galliam versus castra movere, hostibus occasionem pugnandi non dare; sperabat propediem magnas copias sese habiturum, si Romae socii incepta patravissent. Interea servitia repudiabat, cujus[323] initio ad eum magnae copiae concurrebant, opibus conjurationis fretus, simul alienum suis rationibus existimans, videri[324] causam civium cum servis fugitivis communicavisse.

[318] A regular military force is more commonly called _copiae_, but the singular, _copia_, also occurs in the sense of 'army,' especially when it consists of an irregular mass of troops. [319] _Cohortes complet_ cannot mean in this passage, 'he makes the cohorts complete,' for such a completeness (consisting of at least 420 men) is incompatible with the addition _pro numero militum_, 'according to the number of his soldiers' in each cohort was not the usual number of a complete cohort. _Complet_ refers to the number of cohorts, ten of which made a legion. Translate therefore, 'he makes the full number of cohorts.' [320] _Duobus milibus_, Sallust might have said _duo milia_, with the ellipsis of _quam_ so customary with _plus_, _amplius_, and _minus_. See Zumpt, S 485. [321] _Sparus_ is said to be a wooden kind of weapon, resembling a shepherd's staff, turned at the top; and _lancea_ a spear with a handle in the middle. Both these weapons were not used by Roman soldiers, for the latter, besides the short and broad _gladius_, used the _pilum_, as long as a man is high, and as thick as a fist, the upper end of which was strongly provided with iron, and sometimes the _hasta_, which was still longer, and had an iron point. [322] _L. Antonius_, the colleague of Cicero in the consulship, B.C. 63. [323] _Servitia, cujus magnae copiae_; a singular construction, which cannot be explained otherwise than by taking _cujus_ as a neuter, 'slaves, _of which_ large numbers flocked to him.' This explanation, however, is supported by the consideration that slaves were regarded as things, and were designated by names of the neuter gender, as _servitia_, _mancipia_. In ordinary language, we should say _cujus generis_, 'of which class of men.' [324] _Videri_ for _se videri_, 'he thought it contrary to his interest to appear to have maintained the cause of citizens with the aid of runaway slaves.' Respecting the omission of the subject of the infinitive when it is a personal pronoun, see Zumpt, S 605.

57. Sed postquam in castra nuntius pervenit Romae conjurationem patefactam, de Lentulo et Cethego ceterisque, quos supra memoravi, supplicium sumptum; plerique, quos ad bellum spes rapinarum aut novarum rerum studium illexerat, dilabuntur; reliquos Catilina per montes asperos magnis itineribus in agrum Pistoriensem[325] abducit, eo consilio, uti per tramites occulte perfugeret in Galliam Transalpinam. At Q. Metellus Celer cum tribus legionibus in agro Piceno praesidebat, ex difficultate rerum eadem illa existimans, quae supra diximus, Catilinam agitare. Igitur, ubi iter ejus ex perfugis cognovit, castra propere movet ac sub ipsis radicibus montium consedit, qua illi descensus erat in Galliam properanti. Neque tamen Antonius procul aberat, utpote qui magno exercitu locis aequioribus expeditos in fuga sequeretur.[326] Sed Catilina postquam videt montibus atque copiis hostium sese clausum, in urbe res adversas, neque fugae neque praesidii ullam spem, optimum factu ratus, in tali re fortunam belli temptare, statuit cum Antonio quam primum confligere. Itaque contione advocata hujuscemodi orationem habuit:

[325] The territory of Pistoria, in the north of Etruria, not far from Faesulae, and to the north of Florentia, is in the Apennines. The regular road from Pisae to Genoa, and thence across the Alps into Transalpine Gaul, ran along the sea-coast. Cisalpine Gaul was likewise protected against Catiline by Metellus, so that he could reach his goal (Transalpine Gaul) only by mountain passes. [326] Antonius followed the bands of Catiline, which were not inconvenienced by baggage, as they were fleeing (_in fuga_; that is, _fugientes_). Antonius's army marched on smoother roads, but had to carry heavier baggage. From all this, we see why Antonius, though not far from the enemy, yet could not reach him. Respecting the adverb _utpote_, see Zumpt, S 271. _Utpote qui_, 'the which,' is used as a conjunction for _quippe qui_, generally with the subjunctive, and indicates the cause of the preceding statement.

58. 'Compertum ego habeo, milites, verba virtutem non addere, neque ex ignavo strenuum neque fortem ex timido exercitum oratione imperatoris fieri. Quanta cujusque animo audacia natura aut moribus inest, tanta in bello patere solet. Quem neque gloria neque pericula excitant, nequidquam hortere; timor animi auribus officit.[327] Sed ego vos, quo pauca monerem, advocavi; simul uti causam mei consilii aperirem. Scitis equidem, milites, socordia atque ignavia Lentuli quantam ipsi nobisque cladem attulerit; quoque modo, dum ex urbe praesidia opperior, in Galliam proficisci nequiverim.[328] Nunc vero quo in loco[329] res nostrae sint, juxta mecum omnes intellegitis. Exercitus hostium duo, unus ab urbe, alter a Gallia obstant; diutius in his locis esse, si maxime animus ferat, frumenti atque aliarum rerum egestas[330] prohibet. Quocunque ire placet, ferro iter aperiundum est. Quapropter vos moneo; uti forti atque parato animo sitis et, quum proelium inibitis, memineritis vos divitias, decus, gloriam, praeterea libertatem atque patriam in dexteris vestris portare. Si vincimus, omnia nobis tuta erunt, commeatus abunde, municipia atque coloniae patebunt; sin metu cesserimus, eadem illa adversa fient: neque locus neque amicus quisquam teget, quem arma non texerint. Praeterea, milites, non eadem nobis et illis necessitudo impendet; nos pro patria, pro libertate, pro vita certamus: illis supervacaneum est pro potentia paucorum pugnare. Quo audacius aggredimini, memores pristinae virtutis. Licuit vobis cum summa turpitudine in exilio aetatem agere; potuistis nonnulli Romae amissis bonis alienas opes expectare: quia illa foeda atque intoleranda viris videbantur, haec[331] sequi decrevistis. Si haec relinquere vultis, audacia opus est; nemo nisi victor pace bellum mutavit.[332] Nam in fuga salutem sperare, quum arma, quis[333] corpus tegitur, ab hostibus averteris, ea vero dementia est. Semper in proelio iis maximum est periculum, qui maxime timent; audacia pro muro habetur. Quum vos considero, milites, et quum facta vestra aestimo, magna me spes victoriae tenet. Animus, aetas, virtus vestra me hortantur;[334] praeterea necessitudo, quae etiam timidos fortes facit. Nam multitudo hostium ne circumvenire queat, prohibent angustiae loci. Quodsi virtuti vestrae fortuna inviderit, cavete,[335] inulti animam amittatis, neu capti potius sicuti pecora trucidemini, quam virorum more pugnantes cruentam atque luctuosam victoriam hostibus relinquatis.'

[327] _Officere_ is properly 'to oppose,' 'obstruct,' _aliquid alicui rei_; then omitting the object (_aliquid_) with the dative alone, 'to be an obstacle to,' or 'to hinder,' therefore, _officia famae tuae_, 'I oppose something to your fame.' 'Internal fear is a hindrance to the ear,' so that admonitions are either not heard at all, or do not penetrate into the mind. [328] Catiline assigns the circumstance that he had expected aid and succours from Rome itself, as the cause of his not having set out for Gaul earlier, when he might have accomplished his end. _Opperior_, 'I wait for,' or _expecto dum aliquis veniat_. [329] _Quo in loco_, 'in which situation.' The preposition _in_ might have been omitted. See Zumpt, S 481. [330] _Egestas_, 'want,' with the genitive of the thing wanted, is of rare occurrence for _inopia_ or _penuria_. _Egestas_ is commonly used absolutely in the sense of 'poverty,' 'neediness.' [331] _Haec_ is here used in the general sense of 'these circumstances;' that is, this honourable but difficult war. This we must infer from the _haec_ following. [332] For the construction of _mutare_, see Zumpt, S 456. [333] _Quis_ for _quibus_. _Ea_, not _id_. Zumpt, S 372. [334] 'Give me courage,' or 'give me hope,' for _hortari_ is applied to persons doing good things, and _admonere_ to persons doing bad ones: _hortamur properantem, admonemus cunctantem_. [335] _Cavete--amittatis, neu trucidemeni_ for _cavete, ne amittatis, neve (neu) trucidemini_. See Zumpt, S 586.

59. Haec ubi dixit, paululum commoratus, signa canere jubet,[336] atque instructos ordines in locum aequum deducit. Dein, remotis omnium equis, quo militibus exaequato periculo animus amplior esset, ipse pedes exercitum pro loco atque copiis instruit. Nam, uti planities erat inter sinistros montes et ab dextera rupe aspera,[337] octo cohortes in fronte constituit, reliquarum signa[338] in subsidio artius collocat. Ab his centuriones omnes, lectos et evocatos, praeterea ex gregariis militibus optimum quemque armatum in primam aciem subducit.[339] G. Manlium in dextera, Faesulanum quendam in sinistra parte curare[340] jubet; ipse cum libertis et colonis propter aquilam assistit,[341] quam bello Cimbrico G. Marius in exercitu habuisse dicebatur. At ex altera parte G. Antonius, pedibus aeger,[342] quod proelio adesse nequibat, M. Petreio legato[343] exercitum permittit. Ille cohortes veteranas, quas tumulti[344] causa conscripserat, in fronte post eas ceterum exercitum in subsidiis locat. Ipse equo circumiens, unum quemque nominans appellat, hortatur, rogat, ut meminerint, se contra latrones inermes, pro patria, pro liberis, pro aris atque focis suis certare. Homo militaris, quod amplius annos triginta tribunus aut praefectus aut legatus aut praetor cum magna gloria in exercitu fuerat, plerosque ipsos factaque eorum fortia noverat; ea commemorando militum animos accendebat.

[336] _Canere_ is used in different ways: _tubicen canit signum_, 'the trumpeter blows the signal;' _tubicen canit_, 'the trumpeter blows (his instrument);' _signa canuntur_, 'signals are blown' or 'given;' and lastly, _signa canunt_, 'the signals sound.' The last expression is the one used in our passage. [337] _Rupe aspera_, &c. 'For in accordance with the nature of the plain between hills on the left-hand side, and on the right a rugged rock, he drew up (only) eight cohorts in front.' A simpler construction would have been _et rupem asperam a dextra_, but the manuscripts are decidedly in favour of the ablative, which must be considered as an ablative absolute, and as forming a distinct clause. Other editions have the correction _rupis aspera_, 'the rough part of a rock' (_aspera_ being the neut. plur.), but this is a poetical expression. See Zumpt, S 435. [338] Literally, 'The signals (_vexilla_) of the other cohorts he places in the rear as a reserve, more closely together.' _Signa_ here denotes the separate divisions of the troops; that is, the cohorts and the three maniples in each cohort, which are distinguished from one another by their flags or banners (_vexilla_). When an army was drawn up in a spacious plain, a space was left between the several divisions, but in this case, the plain being too narrow, there were no such spaces. [339] 'From among these who were drawn up as a reserve, he draws, for the purpose of strengthening the van, all centurions, picked men (in apposition), and the volunteers who had not been enlisted, as well as the ablest of the common soldiers who were provided with arms.' The word _lectos_ belonging to _centuriones_, shows that Catiline had appointed to the office of centurions only chosen men who were personally known to him as able soldiers. _Evocati_ were those soldiers in a Roman army who did not serve in the ranks of the other common soldiers, but as a separate corps, and were exempt from the ordinary military duties of standing as sentinels, making fortifications, foraging, and the like. They derived their name from the fact that they were invited (_evocare_) by the general to serve in the army as volunteers; they, moreover, were generally more advanced in years than the regular troops. [340] _Curare_, 'to command.' [341] Catiline himself stood nearest the standard (eagle) with his most faithful followers, whose personal fate depended upon him; that is, the freedmen of his family and the tenant farmers of his estates. The Roman nobles, as early as that time, used to parcel out their estates in small farms, which were tenanted especially by their freedmen, who were thus patronised by their former masters. [342] _Pedibus aeger_. He had the gout. Dion Cassius, a later historian of Rome, who wrote in Greek, states that Antonius only pretended to be ill, in order not to have to fight against his friend Catiline. [343] A _legatus_, in this sense (for it also means 'ambassador'), supplied, in a Roman army, the place of a commander possessing the _imperium_. Accordingly, consuls and praetors, when intrusted with the command of an army, had one or more legates, according to the number of legions which they had under their command. The office of legate was given by the senate to such men as had held a magistracy, generally the praetorship, or at least the quaestorship, and the senate appointed them on the proposal of the commander-in-chief. When there were several legates, the commander-in-chief might intrust one of them with the command of the whole army; but the commander-in-chief was answerable for all the acts of his legate. [344] _Tumulti_ for _tumultus_, as _senati_ for _senatus_.

60. Sed ubi, omnibus rebus exploratis, Petreius tuba signum dat, cohortes paulatim incedere jubet, idem facit hostium exercitus. Postquam eo ventum est, unde a ferentariis[345] proelium committi posset, maximo clamore cum infestis signis[346] concurrunt; pila omittunt, gladiis res geritur. Veterani, pristinae virtutis memores, comminus acriter instare; illi haud timidi resistunt; maxima vi certatur. Interea Catilina cum expeditis in prima acie versari, laborantibus succurrere; integros pro sauciis accersere, omnia providere, multum ipse pugnare saepe, hostem ferire; strenui militis et boni imperatoris officia simul exequebatur. Petreius, ubi videt Catilinam, contra ac ratus erat, magna vi tendere, cohortem praetoriam[347] in medios hostes inducit, eosque perturbatos atque alios alibi resistentes interficit; deinde utrimque ex lateribus ceteros aggreditur. Manlius et Faesulanus in primis pugnantes cadunt. Postquam fusas copias seque cum paucis relictum videt Catilina, memor generis atque pristinae suae dignitatis, in confertissimos hostes incurrit ibique pugnans confoditur.

[345] _Ferentarii_ are light-armed troops fighting at a distance with javelins. [346] The banners being turned hostilely against one another. Respecting _cum_, see Zumpt, S 473; for we also find _infestis signis concurrere_, without _cum_, as an ablative of the instrument. [347] The _cohors praetoria_ was a battalion which, in forming an army, was composed of the ablest and most tried soldiers, as the bodyguard of the commander-in-chief. They had to protect him, and assist him in contriving to bring any engagement to the point where he wished it to be. Under the emperors, the _cohortes praetoriae_, nine or ten in number--the emperors having several armies under their command--formed the body-guard of the emperor and the garrison of Rome.

61. Sed confecto proelio, tum vero cerneres,[348] quanta audacia quantaque vis animi fuisset in exercitu Catilinae. Nam fere, quem quisque vivus pugnando locum ceperat, eum amissa anima corpore tegebat. Pauci autem, quos medios[349] cohors praetoria disjecerat, paulo diversius, sed omnes tamen adversis vulneribus[350] conciderant. Catilina vero longe a suis inter hostium cadavera repertus est, paululum etiam spirans ferociamque animi, quam habuerat vivus, in vultu retinens. Postremo ex omni copia neque in proelio neque in fuga quisquam[351] civis ingenuus captus est: ita cuncti suae hostiumque vitae juxta[352] pepercerant. Neque tamen exercitus populi Romani laetam aut incruentam victoriam adeptus erat; nam strenuissimus quisque aut occiderat in proelio aut graviter vulneratus discesserat. Multi autem, qui de castris visundi aut spoliandi gratia processerant, volventes hostilia cadavera, amicum alii, pars hospitem aut cognatum reperiebant; fuere item, qui inimicos suos cognoscerent. Ita varie per omnem exercitum laetitia, moeror, luctus atque gaudia[353] agitabantur.

[348] 'There you might indeed have seen.' See Zumpt, S 528, note 2. [349] In the centre of the army where they were drawn up. [350] _Adversa vulnera_, 'wounds in the breast,' or 'in the front part of the body' generally. _Aversa vulnera_, on the other hand, are 'wounds in the back,' such as are inflicted on cowards that run away. [351] _Quisquam_ for ullus_. See Zumpt, S 676. [352] _Juxta_, 'equally little.' They had spared the life of their enemy as little as their own. Compare p. 41, note 3 [note 194]. [353] These four substantives form contrasts, though intentionally not in the regular way, for _gaudium_ and _moeror_ denote a joyous and sad state of mind, 'joy' and 'sadness;' _laetitia_ and _luctus_ at the same time express the audible expressions of joy and grief. Accordingly, _laetitia_ contrasts with _luctus_, and _gaudia_ with _moeror_. Respecting the omission of the conjunction in describing contrasts of this nature, see Zumpt, S 783.

* * * * *

C. SALLUSTII CRISPI

BELLUM JUGURTHINUM.

* * * * *

1. Falso queritur de natura sua genus humanum quod imbecilla atque aevi brevis[1] forte potius quam virtute regatur. Nam contra reputando neque majus aliud neque praestabilius invenias,[2] magisque naturae industriam hominum quam vim aut tempus deesse. Sed dux atque imperator vitae mortalium animus est, qui, ubi ad gloriam virtutis via grassatur,[3] abunde pollens potensque et clarus est, neque fortuna eget, quippe probitatem, industriam aliasque artes bonas neque dare neque eripere cuiquam potest. Sin captus pravis cupidinibus ad inertiam et voluptates corporis pessumdatus est, perniciosa libidine paulisper[4] usus, ubi per socordiam vires, tempus, ingenium diffluxere, naturae infirmitas accusatur; suam quisque culpam auctores ad negotia transferunt.[5] Quodsi[6] hominibus bonarum rerum tanta cura esset, quanto studio aliena ac nihil profutura multumque etiam periculosa[7] petunt; neque regerentur[8] magis quam regerent casus, et eo magnitudinis[9] procederent, ubi pro mortalibus gloria aeterni fierent.

[1] _Aevi brevis_, 'of short duration.' _Aevum_, in the sense of _aetas_, is rather poetical, and does not occur till a rather late period; whence the common expression _medium aevum_, 'the middle ages,' is not exactly in accordance with the best Latinity. [2] _Invenias_; supply _quam naturam humanam_. [3] _Grassatur_, the same as _ingreditur_, 'advances towards;' but _grassari_ has the additional meaning of power and vehemence, whence it is often used to mark the progress of something bad. [4] _Paulisper_, 'for a short time.' [5] _Auctores_ contains a whole clause--'every one transfers his own fault, _though he himself is the author of it_, to circumstances;' that is, to the things which he himself has done. [6] _Quodsi_, 'if, however.' Zumpt, S 807. [7] 'And at the same time very dangerous.' In many cases one feels inclined to assign to the adverb _multum_ the meaning of 'often,' but with adjectives, it is used only to strengthen their meaning. [8] _Regerentur_; supply _casibus_. [9] _Eo magnitudinis_; that is, _ad eam magnitudinem_, 'to that greatness.' See Zumpt, S 434.

2. Nam uti genus hominum compositum ex corpore et anima est, ita res cunctae studiaque omnia nostra corporis alia, alia animi[10] naturam sequuntur. Igitur praeclara facies, magnae divitiae, ad hoc vis corporis et alia hujuscemodi omnia brevi dilabuntur; at ingenii egregia facinora sicuti anima immortalia sunt. Postremo corporis et fortunae bonorum ut initium sic finis est, omniaque orta occidunt et aucta senescunt: animus incorruptus[11] aeternus, rector humani generis, agit atque habet cuncta neque ipse habetur.[12] Quo magis pravitas eorum admiranda est,[13] qui dediti corporis gaudiis per luxum atque ignaviam aetatem agunt, ceterum[14] ingenium, quo neque melius neque amplius aliud in natura mortalium est, incultu atque socordia torpescere sinunt; quum praesertim tam multae variaeque sint artes animi, quibus summa claritudo paratur.

[10] According to the common arrangement of words, it would be _alia corporis, alia animi_; but Sallust abandons this order just because it is common. For the same reason he prefers _alii--pars_ to _alii--alii_. _Naturam corporis_ (or _animi_) _sequuntur_, 'they follow the nature (that is, they are of the same kind) of body and mind.' Regarding the change of _anima_ into _animus_, it must be observed that _anima_ is 'the soul,' the seat and basis of _animus_ (mind), which is the activity of the _anima_. [11] 'But the mind is not subject to corruption' (that is, to dissolution and annihilation), for a perfect participle with the negative prefix in frequently denotes a passive impossibility, which is usually expressed by adjectives ending in _ilis_ or _bilis_; as _invictus miles_, an invincible soldier. [12] 'The mind possesses all things, but itself is not possessed;' that is, it is free. This is an imitation of a well-known Greek phrase, [Greek: echo, ouk echomai]. [13] _Admirari_ signifies not only 'to admire,' but also 'to wonder,' at anything which is surprising or displeasing; and in the latter sense it is the same as _mirari_. [14] Respecting _ceterum _ as an adversative conjunction, see Zumpt, S 349.

3. Verum ex his magistratus et imperia, postremo omnis cura rerum publicarum minime mihi hac tempestate[15] cupiunda videntur; quoniam neque virtuti honos datur, neque illi, quibus per fraudem is fuit,[16] tuti aut eo magis honesti[17] sunt. Nam vi quidem regere patriam aut parentes,[18] quamquam et possis et delicta corrigas,[19] tamen importunum est; quum praesertim omnes rerum mutationes caedem, fugam, aliaque hostilia portendant,[20] frustra autem niti,[21] neque aliud se fatigando nisi odium quaerere, extremae dementiae est; nisi forte[22] quem inhonesta et perniciosa libido[23] tenet, potentiae paucorum decus atque libertatem suam gratificari.

[15] _Hac tempestate_, the same as _hoc tempore_. Sallust frequently uses _tempestas_ in this sense, though certainly the time which he paints in such dark colours--namely, the period after the murder of Caesar, in B.C. 44--was an agitated and stormy one. [16] 'Who have obtained by fraud an honour or honourable office,' _quibus honos contigit_. [17] _Honestus_, 'honoured,' or 'honourable;' for _honestus_ (from _honor_) is both the one who is intrusted with an honourable office, and in general he who is worthy of an honour. The persons here spoken of were _honesti_ in the first, but not in the second sense. [18] It might seem doubtful as to whether _parentes_ here means 'obeying persons'--that is, subjects of the Roman state--or 'kinsmen,' 'relatives.' We believe the latter to be the case, because to control subjects by force was not deemed improper by the ancients. Sallust elsewhere also combines _patria et parentes_ (_Catil._ 6, _Jug._ 87), thereby expressing the idea of a free and equal _civitas_, which is to be convinced, not forced, and to be governed by magistrates chosen by itself, and not by a despotic ruler. The word _importunus_ properly characterises the rudeness and unbearableness of a despot or tyrant. [19] 'Even if you have the power, and intend to punish actual crimes in the state'--whereby Sallust intimates that a tyrannical government may actually introduce improvements, as history proves to have been the case at all times. The subjunctive is used with _quamquam_, because the author speaks only of a possibility, and also because an indefinite person is addressed by the second person singular. Compare Zumpt, S 831, 3. [20] _Portendere_ is here the same as 'to bring with one's self,' or 'to be followed by.' It is a very sound remark, that by violent changes in a constitution, improvements may indeed be effected, but that at the same time these are accompanied or followed by many acts of injustice and crime. [21] _Frustra niti_, 'to strive in vain (namely, to effect improvements), if, after all, nothing but hatred is incurred by it, is extreme folly.' [22] _Nisi forte_, 'unless perhaps'--which surely cannot be the case with any sensible man. Respecting this use of _nisi forte_, expressing an improbable supposition, see Zumpt, S 526. [23] _Libido--gratificari_, 'the inclination to gratify;' for _libido tenet_ is only a paraphrase for _libet_. This statement is striking, and but too true, for there are men who think it an honour to sacrifice their own conviction and independence for the purpose of pleasing persons in power.

4. Ceterum ex aliis negotiis, quae ingenio exercentur, in primis magno usui est memoria rerum gestarum:[24] cujus de virtute quia multi dixere, praetereundum puto, simul ne per insolentiam[25] quis existimet memet studium meum laudando extollere. Atque ego credo fore, qui, quia decrevi procul a re publica aetatem agere, tanto tamque utili labori meo nomen inertiae imponant: certe, quibus[26] maxima industria videtur salutare plebem et conviviis gratiam quaerere. Qui si reputaverint, et quibus ego temporibus magistratum adeptus sim, et quales viri idem assequi nequiverint,[27] et postea quae genera hominum in senatum pervenerint, profecto existimabunt me magis merito quam ignavia judicium animi mei mutavisse, majusque commodum ex otio meo quam ex aliorum negotiis rei publicae venturum. Nam saepe ego audivi, Q. Maximum,[28] P. Scipionem, praeterea civitatis nostrae praeclaros viros solitos ita dicere, quum majorum imagines[29] intuerentur, vehementissime sibi animum ad virtutem accendi. Scilicet[30] non ceram illam neque figuram tantam vim in sese habere, sed memoria rerum gestarum eam flammam egregiis viris in pectore crescere neque prius sedari, quam virtus eorum famam atque gloriam adaequaverit.[31] At contra, quis est omnium his moribus,[32] quin divitiis et sumptibus, non probitate neque[33] industria cum majoribus suis contendat? Etiam homines novi,[34] qui antea per virtutem soliti erant nobilitatem antevenire, furtim et per latrocinia potius quam bonis artibus ad imperia et honores nituntur; proinde quasi[35] praetura et consulatus atque alia omnia hujuscemodi per se ipsa clara et magnifica sint, ac non perinde habeantur, ut eorum, qui ea sustinent, virtus est. Verum ego liberius altiusque processi, dum me civitatis morum piget taedetque; nunc ad inceptum redeo.

[24] _Memoria rerum gestarum_, 'the recording of events ;' that is, the writing of history, the usefulness (_virtus_) of which is acknowledged. [25] The words _per insolentiam_ belong to _laudando extollere_, and the meaning is, 'that no one may believe me to extol my own occupation with excessive praise.' _Per insolentiam_ is the same as _insolenter_, _per_ expressing manner. [26] 'At least _those_ to whom it appears to be a lofty occupation,' &c. Respecting the omission of the demonstrative pronoun before the relative, even when they are in different cases, see Zumpt, S 765. [27] 'And what distinguished men were unable to attain such a distinction.' Sallust here boasts of having obtained a seat in the senate, and a high magistracy, at a time when it was a matter of difficulty, and when even men of great merit were unable to gain either. But at the same time he adds the remark, that afterwards many undeserving persons were introduced into the senate, to co-operate with whom was no honour. _Quae genera hominum_ refers to the filling up of the senate with persons from the lower classes, and even with such as were not free-born. This connivance at ambitious upstarts, or rather this recklessness in filling up the vacancies in the supreme council of Rome, was shown not only by the dictator J. Caesar, but by his successors in power, M. Antony and Octavianus. In consequence of such things, Sallust adds, it will be evident that he was justified in withdrawing from public life. [28] That is, the celebrated Fabius Maximus, surnamed Cunctator, who distinguished himself by his prudence in the second Punic War. P. Scipio is the elder Scipio Africanus, the conqueror of Hannibal. We might indeed imagine that Sallust is speaking of Scipio Africanus the younger, but his being mentioned along with Fabius Maximus must lead every reader to think of the elder Scipio. [29] The images (_imagines_) of ancestors might indeed be statues, but from the mention of wax in the next sentence, it is evident that we have to understand the wax masks which constituted the greatest ornament in the vestibule of the house of a noble family. The busts (portraits) of those ancestors who had been invested with a curule office were made of wax, and their descendants used these wax portraits to dress up persons representing in public processions the illustrious deceased, adorned with all the insignia of the offices with which they had been invested. Such processions, especially at public funerals (a real kind of masquerade), were intended to keep alive in the memory of the Romans not only the names and exploits of their illustrious statesmen and warriors, but even their bodily appearance. [30] _Scilicet_, in this passage, is not a conjunction as usual, but, as in the earlier Latinity of Plautus and Terence, it is used for _scire licet_, 'one may perceive,' or 'it is self-evident,' and is accordingly followed by the accusative with the infinitive. [31] 'The flame of their noble ambition did not become extinguished until their merit had obtained the fame and glory' (namely, of those ancestors). [32] _His moribus_, 'in the present state of morality;' an ablative absolute. [33] Instead of _neque_, the author might have used _aut_, for both particles are used to continue a negative statement. See Zumpt, S 337. [34] _Homines novi_, 'new men,' so called by the Romans, were those persons who were the first of their family to rise to curule offices, as Cato Censorius, and at a later time Cicero. In former times, Sallust says, such _homines novi_ distinguished themselves by their ability, while now they rise by base means, especially by party strife and party interest, which he contemptuously calls _latrocinium_. [35] _Proinde quasi_, 'just as if,' and afterwards _perinde habentur ut_, 'they are considered as of equal value.' Compare Zumpt, SS 282 and 340.

5. Bellum scripturus sum,[36] quod populus Romanus cum Jugurtha rege Numidarum gessit; primum quia magnum et atrox variaque victoria fuit, dein quia tunc primum superbiae nobilitatis obviam itum est; quae contentio divina et humana cuncta permiscuit eoque vecordiae processit, uti studiis civilibus bellum atque vastitas Italiae finem faceret. Sed priusquam hujuscemodi rei initium expedio, pauca supra repetam, quo ad cognoscendum omnia illustria magis magisque in aperto sint.[37] Bello Punico secundo, quo dux Carthaginiensium Hannibal post magnitudinem nominis Romani[38] Italiae opes maxime attriverat, Masinissa rex Numidarum, in amicitiam receptus a P. Scipione, cui postea Africano[39] cognomen ex virtute fuit, multa ei praeclara[40] rei militaris facinora fecerat; ob quae victis Carthaginiensibus et capto Syphace, cujus in Africa magnum atque late imperium valuit,[41] populus Romanus quascunque urbes et agros manu ceperat, regi dono dedit. Igitur amicitia Masinissae bona atque honesta nobis permansit. Sed imperii vitaeque ejus finis idem fuit. Dein Micipsa filius regnum solus obtinuit, Mastanabale et Gulussa fratribus morbo absumptis. Is Adherbalem et Hiempsalem ex sese genuit, Jugurthamque, filium Mastanabalis fratris, quem Masinissa, quod ortus ex concubina erat, privatum dereliquerat,[42] eodem cultu quo liberos suos domi habuit.

[36] Respecting the special meaning of this periphrastic conjugation, see Zumpt, S 498. Sallust states that he wishes to describe this war separately, because during its progress there was kindled at Rome that struggle between the populares and the optimates, which was in the end carried on with such senseless vehemence, that only the devastation of Italy put a stop to the civil discord (_studiis civilibus_), and that only a military despotism (first of Caesar, and afterwards of the triumvirs) was able to restore peace. This part of the description of the Jugurthine war, accordingly, is of the greatest importance, in forming a correct idea of the history of Rome at that time. [37] The same meaning might have been expressed by _ut omnia ad cognoscendum illustriora et apertiora sint_. See Zumpt, S 106. [38] That is, 'after the Roman name had become great;' for in earlier times the Roman people had suffered still greater reverses, especially when the Gauls took and burned the city of Rome itself. But the author purposely avoids speaking of those early periods. [39] _Africano_. See Zumpt, S 421. [40] About _et_ after _multa_, see Zumpt, S 756. [41] _Magnum atque late_, the connection of an adjective and adverb is somewhat singular--'the dominion of Syphax existed as a large one, and had a wide extent;' for he possessed the whole of western Numidia, being the hereditary king of the people of the Massaesyli, while Masinissa had only the smaller, eastern, part, and the tribe of the Massyli. [42] 'He had left him behind in a private station;' that is, he had not appointed him in his will ruler of any portion of his dominions. But his uncle Micipsa gave him that which his grandfather Masinissa had refused to him; namely, he recognised him as a prince of the royal family.

6. Qui ubi primum adolevit, pollens viribus, decora facie, sed multo maxime ingenio validus, non se luxu[43] neque inertiae corrumpendum dedit, sed, uti mos gentis illius est, equitare, jaculari, cursu cum aequalibus certare, et quum omnes gloria anteiret, omnibus tamen carus esse; ad hoc pleraque tempora in venando agere, leonem atque alias feras primus aut in primis ferire, plurimum facere, minimum ipse de se loqui. Quibus rebus Micipsa tametsi initio laetus fuerat, existimans virtutem Jugurthae regno suo gloriae fore, tamen, postquam hominem adolescentem exacta sua aetate et parvis liberis magis magisque crescere intellegit, vehementer eo negotio permotus, multa cum animo suo volvebat. Terrebat eum natura mortalium avida imperii et praeceps ad explendam animi cupidinem, praeterea opportunitas suae liberorumque aetatis,[44] quae etiam mediocres viros spe praedae transversos agit;[45] ad hoc studia Numidarum in Jugurtham accensa, ex quibus, si talem virum dolis interfecisset, ne qua seditio aut bellum oriretur, anxius erat.

[43] _Luxu_ for _luxui_. See Zumpt, S 81. [44] 'The favourable opportunity of his advanced age, and of the tender age of his children.' [45] Opportunities are apt to lead ordinary persons (not endowed with great mental powers) away from the right path. _Transversus_, 'that which turns away to one side.'

7. His difficultatibus circumventus ubi videt neque per vim neque insidiis opprimi posse hominem tam acceptum popularibus, quod erat Jugurtha manu promptus et appetens gloriae militaris, statuit eum objectare periculis et eo modo fortunam temptare. Igitur bello Numantino[46] Micipsa, quum populo Romano equitum atque peditum auxilia mitteret, sperans vel ostentando virtutem vel hostium saevitia facile eum occasurum, praefecit Numidis, quos in Hispaniam mittebat. Sed ea res longe aliter, ac ratus erat, evenit. Nam Jugurtha, ut erat impigro atque acri ingenio, ubi naturam P. Scipionis, qui tum Romanis imperator erat,[47] et morem hostium cognovit, multo labore multaque cura, praeterea modestissime parendo et saepe obviam eundo periculis in tantam claritudinem brevi pervenerat, ut nostris vehementer carus, Numantinis maximo terrori esset. Ac sane, quod difficillimum in primis[48] est, et proelio strenuus erat et bonus consilio; quorum alterum[49] ex providentia timorem, alterum ex audacia temeritatem affere plerumque solet. Igitur imperator omnes fere res asperas per Jugurtham agere, in amicis habere, magis magisque eum in dies amplecti; quippe cujus neque consilium neque inceptum ullum frustra erat.[50] Huc accedebat munificentia animi et ingenii sollertia, quis rebus sibi multos ex Romanis familiari amicitia conjunxerat.

[46] 'In the war against Numantia.' Numantia was the capital of the Arevaci, a tribe of the Celtiberians in Spain, and was situated on the upper Durius (now Duero), in the mountainous district whence the Durius and Tagus flow westward, and other rivers eastward, into the Iberus (Ebro), and southward into the Mediterranean. This city carried on a desperate war against Rome to defend its own independence. After a brave resistance of many years, it was taken and destroyed, B. C. 133, by Scipio the younger, the destroyer of Carthage. Its ruins are believed to be in the neighbourhood of the modern Soria. [47] _Qui tum erat_--that is, _quem tum Romani imperatorem habebant_. [48] _Difficillimum in primis_, like _difficillimum omnium_; that is, the most difficult among those that were the first or foremost in difficulty. [49] The one--namely, to be good in council--usually produces timidity; the other--namely, to be bold in battle--rashness. _Alterum--alterum_, takes up the things mentioned before, but in an inverse order; respecting which, see Zumpt, S 700, note. [50] _Erat_ for the usual subjunctive _esset_.

8. Ea tempestate in exercitu nostro fuere complures novi atque nobiles, quibus divitiae bono honestoque potiores erant,[51] factiosi domi, potentes apud socios, clari magis quam honesti, qui Jugurthae non mediocrem animum pollicitando accendebant, si Micipsa rex occidisset, fore, uti solus imperio Numidiae potiretur, in ipso maximam virtutem, Romae omnia venalia esse. Sed postquam Numantia deleta P. Scipio dimittere auxilia et ipse reverti domum decrevit, donatum atque laudatum magnifice pro contione[52] Jugurtham in praetorium abduxit ibique secreto monuit, uti potius publice quam privatim amicitiam populi Romani coleret neu quibus[53] largiri insuesceret; periculose a paucis emi, quod multorum esset: si permanere vellet in suis artibus,[54] ultro illi et gloriam et regnum venturum, sin properantius pergeret, suamet ipsum pecunia praecipitem casurum.

[51] 'To whom wealth was of more importance than that which is good and noble.' [52] For the meaning of _pro_ in this and similar expressions, see Zumpt, S 311. [53] Not to make presents to individuals, _quibus_ being used for _aliquibus_. Scipio must have seen with displeasure the intimacy between Jugurtha and certain young ambitious Romans of an equivocal character. [54] 'In his own mode of acting,' must be understood here of his honourable mode of acting; though there are also _malae artes_, such as faithlessness, cunning, flattery, and the like.

9. Sic locutus cum litteris eum, quas Micipsae redderet, dimisit. Earum sententia haec erat: 'Jugurthae tui bello Numantino longe maxima virtus fuit, qnam rem tibi certo[55] scio gaudio esse. Nobis ob merita sua carus est; ut idem senatui et populo Romano sit, summa ope nitemur. Tibi quidem pro nostra amicitia gratulor. En habes virum dignum te atque avo suo Masinissa.' Igitur rex, ubi ea, quae fama acceperat, ex litteris imperatoris ita esse cognovit, cum virtute tum gratia viri permotus flexit animum suum et Jugurtham beneficiis vincere aggressus est, statimque eum adoptavit et testamento pariter cum filiis heredem instituit. Sed ipse paucos post annos morbo atque aetate confectus quum sibi finem vitae adesse intellegeret, coram amicis et cognatis itemque Adherbale et Hiempsale filiis dicitur hujuscemodi verba cum Jugurtha habuisse:[56]

[55] _Certo scio_; we also find _certe scio_. See Zumpt, S 266, note. [56] _Verba habere_ is sometimes used in the sense of _orationem habere_.

10. 'Parvum ego te, Jugurtha, amisso patre, sine spe, sine opibus, in meum regnum accepi, existimans non minus me tibi, quam si genuissem, ob beneficia carum fore; neque ea res falsum me habuit.[57] Nam, ut alia magna et egregia tua omittam, novissime rediens Numantia meque regnumque meum gloria honoravisti tuaque virtute nobis Romanos ex amicis amicissimos[58] fecisti; in Hispania nomen familiae renovatum est, postremo, quod difficillimum inter mortales est, gloria invidiam vicisti. Nunc, quoniam mihi natura finem vitae facit, per hanc dexteram, per regni fidem[59] moneo obtestorque, uti hos, qui tibi genere propinqui, beneficio meo fratres sunt, caros habeas, neu malis alienos adjungere[60] quam sanguine conjunctos retinere. Non exercitus neque thesauri praesidia regni sunt, verum amici, quos neque armis cogere neque auro parare queas; officio et fide pariuntur.[61] Quis autem amicior quam frater fratri? aut quem alienum fidum invenies, si tuis hostis fueris? Equidem ego vobis regnum trado firmum, si boni eritis; sin mali, imbecillum. Nam concordia parvae res crescunt, discordia maximae dilabuntur. Ceterum ante hos[62] te, Jugurtha, qui aetate et sapientia prior es, ne aliter quid eveniat, providere decet. Nam in omni certamine qui opulentior est, etiamsi accipit injuriam, tamen quia plus potest, facere videtur. Vos autem, Adherbal et Hiempsal, colite, observate[63] talem hunc virum, imitamini virtutem et enitimini, ne ego meliores liberos sumpsisse videar quam genuisse.'

[57] _Me falsum habuit_ for _me fefellit_. We remarked before (Cat. 51) [note 253 above] that Sallust is fond of using _habere_ in certain phrases. [58] _Amicissimos._ See Zumpt, S 410. [59] _Per regni fidem_, 'by the conscientiousness which is observed in governing, and must be observed;' so that it is almost the same as _per regiam fidem_, or _per fidem regum_, which kings owe to one another. [60] _Adjungere_; supply _tibi_, 'connect yourself with strangers,' as opposed to supporting and maintaining friendly relations with his friends and kinsmen. [61] Sallust here changes his expression. He might have said _parantur_, but _parere_ also occurs in other authors in the sense of _parare_, or 'to acquire.' [62] _Ante hos_, 'in preference to these.' [63] _Observare_ has a sense similar to that of _colere_, 'to honour' and refers to the observance of all the duties of devotedness, especially in the external relations of social life.

11. Ad ea Jugurtha, tametsi regem ficta locutum intellegebat et ipse longe aliter animo agitabat, tamen pro tempore benigne respondit. Micipsa paucis post diebus moritur. Postquam illi more regio justa magnifice fecerant, reguli[64] in unum convenerunt, ut inter se de cunctis negotiis disceptarent. Sed Hiempsal, qui minimus ex illis erat, natura ferox et jam ante ignobilitatem Jugurthae, quia materno genere impar erat, despiciens, dextera Adherbalem assedit,[65] ne medius ex tribus, quod apud Numidas honori ducitur, Jugurtha foret. Dein tamen ut aetati concederet fatigatus[66] a fratre, vix in partem alteram transductus est. Ibi quum mulla de administrando imperio dissererent, Jugurtha inter alias res jacit oportere quinquennii consulta et decreta omnia rescindi; nam per ea tempora confectum annis Micipsam parum animo valuisse. Tum idem Hiempsal placere sibi respondit; nam ipsum illum tribus proximis annis[67] adoptatione in regnum pervenisse. Quod verbum in pectus Jugurthae altius, quam quisquam ratus erat, descendit. Itaque ex eo tempore ira et metu anxius moliri, parare atque ea modo cum animo habere,[68] quibus Hiempsal per dolum caperetur. Quae ubi tardius procedunt neque lenitur animus ferox, statuit quovis modo inceptum perficere.

[64] _Reguli_ may be petty kings with small dominions as well as young kings--that is, princes. We here take the latter to be the meaning. [65] _Adherbalem assedit_, or _Adherbali assedit_, 'he sat himself down at the right-hand side of Adherbal.' See Zumpt, S 386, note. There accordingly remained for Jugurtha only the place on the left of Adherbal--that is, the least honourable of the three places. [66] _Fatigatus_ is commonly construed with an ablative, which is here to be supplied (_precibus_); but without such an addition, _fatigare_ signifies 'to importune a person with prayers and requests.' [67] 'Within the last three years;' but as the author is here speaking of the time at which something happened, it is used instead of _ante triennium_, or _triennio ante_. [68] _Cum animo habere_, the same as _cum_, or _in animo agitare_, _volvere_, _reputare_. Here, again, we must attend to the use of _habere_.

12. Primo conventu, quem ab regulis factum supra memoravi, propter dissensionem placuerat dividi thesauros finesque imperii singulis constitui. Itaque tempus ad utramque rem decernitur, sed maturius ad pecuniam distribuendam. Reguli interea in loca propinqua thesauris alius alio[69] concessere. Sed Hiempsal in oppido Thirmida forte ejus domo utebatur, qui proximus lictor[70] Jugurthae carus acceptusque ei semper fuerat; quem ille casu ministrum oblatum promissis onerat impellitque, uti tamquam suam visens domum eat, portarum claves adulterinas[71] paret (nam verae ad Hiempsalem referebantur); ceterum, ubi res postularet, se ipsum cum magna manu venturum. Numida mandata brevi conficit atque, uti doctus erat, noctu Jugurthae milites introducit. Qui postquam in aedes irrupere, diversi regem quaerere, dormientes alios, alios occursantes interficere, scrutari loca abdita, clausa effringere, strepitu et tumultu omnia miscere; quum[72] interim Hiempsal reperitur occultans sese tugurio mulieris ancillae, quo initio pavidus et ignarus loci perfugerat. Numidae caput ejus, uti jussi erant, ad Jugurtham referunt.

[69] _Alius alio_, 'one in one direction, and the other in another.' See Zumpt, S 289. [70] _Proximus lictor_ is the one of the lictors who, when they precede the praetors or consuls, walks last, and is therefore nearest to his commander; and this lictor, according to Roman custom, had the highest rank among his fellow-lictors. The customs of the Romans were imitated at the courts of allied princes. [71] _Claves adulterinae_, 'imitation keys.' [72] Respecting the _quum_ in descriptions, where it is commonly preceded by _interea_, or _interim_, see Zumpt, S 580.

13. Ceterum fama tanti facinoris per omnem Africam brevi divulgatur; Adherbalem omnesque, qui sub imperio Micipsae fuerant, metus invadit; in duas partes discedunt Numidae; plures Adherbalem sequuntur, sed illum alterum bello meliores. Igitur Jugurtha quam maximas potest copias armat, urbes partim vi, alias voluntate imperio suo adjungit, omni Numidiae imperare parat.[73] Adherbal, tametsi Romam legatos miserat, qui senatum docerent de caede fratris et fortunis suis, tamen fretus multitudine militum, parabat armis contendere. Sed ubi res ad certamen venit, victus ex proelio profugit in provinciam[74] ac deinde Romam contendit. Tum Jugurtha patratis consiliis, postquam omnis Numidiae potiebatur, in otio facinus suum cum animo reputans, timere populum Romanum neque adversus iram ejus usquam nisi in avaritia nobilitatis et pecunia sua spem habere. Itaque paucis diebus[75] cum auro et argento multo legatos Romam mittit, quis praecepit, primum uti veteres amicos muneribus expleant, deinde novos acquirant, postremo quaecunque possint largiundo parare ne cunctentur. Sed ubi Romam legati venere et ex praecepto regis hospitibus aliisque, quorum ea tempestate in senatu auctoritas pollebat, magna munera misere, tanta commutatio incessit, uti ex maxima invidia in gratiam et favorem nobilitatis Jugurtha veniret; quorum pars spe, alii praemio inducti, singulos ex senatu ambiundo[76] nitebantur, ne gravius in eum consuleretur.[77] Igitur ubi legati satis confidunt, die constituto senatus utrisque datur. Tum Adherbalem hoc modo locutum accepimus:

[73] _Parat_, in the sense of _se parat_, 'he prepares himself,' or 'sets about;' and thus _parare_ is not unfrequently used by Sallust absolutely in the sense of _statuere_ and _instituere_. [74] _Provincia_ here is the Roman province of Africa, consisting of the territory of Carthage which had been destroyed, and containing the towns of Leptis, Hadrumetum, Utica, and Carthage, which was gradually rising again as a Roman town. That territory now belongs to the dey of Tunis, a vassal prince of the Turkish sultan. Numidia, in the west of the Roman province, was bounded in the west by the kingdom of Mauretania, and comprised the modern Algeria which is possessed by the French. [75] _Paucis diebus_, 'within a few days;' that is, a few days after. See Zumpt, S 480. [76] _Singulos ambire_, 'to go about addressing individual persons,' has at the same time the meaning of 'attempting to gain them over by intreaties or promises.' [77] 'That no severe decree might be passed against him,' _ne gravius consilium in eum caperetur_.

14. 'Patres conscripti, Micipsa pater meus moriens mihi praecepit, uti regni Numidiae tantummodo procurationem[78] existimarem meam, ceterum jus et imperium ejus penes vos esse; simul eniterer domi militiaeque quam maximo usui esse populo Romano; vos mihi cognatorum, vos affinium[79] loco ducerem: si ea fecissem, in vestra amicitia exercitum, divitias, munimenta regni me habiturum. Quae quum praecepta parentis mei agitarem, Jugurtha, homo omnium, quos terra sustinet,[80] sceleratissimus contempto imperio vestro, Masinissae me nepotem et jam ab stirpe socium atque amicum populi Romani regno fortunisque omnibus expulit. Atque ego, patres conscripti, quoniam eo miseriarum venturus eram,[81] vellem potius ob mea quam ob majorum meorum beneficia posse a vobis auxilium petere, ac maxime deberi mihi beneficia a populo Romano, quibus non egerem; secundum ea, si desideranda erant, uti debitis uterer.[82] Sed quoniam parum tuta per se ipsa probitas est, neque mihi in manu fuit,[83] Jugurtha qualis foret, ad vos confugi, patres conscripti, quibus, quod mihi misserimum est, cogor prius oneri quam usui esse. Ceteri reges aut bello victi in amicitiam a vobis recepti sunt, aut in suis dubiis rebus societatem vestram appetiverunt; familia nostra cum populo Romano bello Carthaginiensi amicitiam instituit, quo tempore magis fides ejus quam fortuna petenda erat.[84] Quorum progeniem vos, patres conscripti, nolite pati me nepotem Masinissae[85] frustra a vobis auxilium petere. Si ad impetrandum nihil causae haberem praeter miserandam fortunam, quod paulo ante rex genere, fama atque copiis potens, nunc deformatus aerumnis, inops, alienas opes expecto, tamen erat majestatis Romani populi[86] prohibere injuriam neque pati cujusquam regnum per scelus crescere. Verum ego iis finibus ejectus sum, quos majoribus meis populus Romanus dedit, unde pater et avus meus una vobiscum expulere Syphacem et Carthaginienses. Vestra beneficia mihi erepta sunt, patres conscripti, vos in mea injuria despecti estis. Eheu me miserum! Hucine, Micipsa pater, beneficia tua evasere,[87] ut, quem tu parem cum liberis tuis regnique participem fecisti, is potissimum stirpis tuae extinctor sit? Nunquam ergo familia nostra quieta erit![88] semperne in sanguine, ferro, fuga versabimur? Dum Carthaginienses incolumes fuere, jure omnia saeva patiebamur; hostes ab latere, vos amici procul, spes omnis in armis erat. Postquam illa pestis ex Africa ejecta est, laeti pacem agitabamus, quippe quis hostis nullus erat, nisi forte quem vos jussissetis.[89] Ecce autem ex improviso Jugurtha, intoleranda audacia, scelere atque superbia sese efferens, fratre meo atque eodem propinquo suo[90] interfecto, primum regnum ejus sceleris sui praedam fecit, post, ubi me iisdem dolis non quit[91] capere, nihil minus quam vim aut bellum expectantem in imperio vestro, sicuti videtis, extorrem patria,[92] domo, inopem et coopertum miseriis effecit, ut ubivis tutius[93] quam in meo regno essem. Ego sic existimabam, patres conscripti, uti praedicantem audiveram patrem meum, qui vestram amicitiam diligenter colerent, eos multum laborem suscipere, ceterum ex omnibus maxime tutos[94] esse. Quod in familia nostra fuit,[95] praestitit, uti in omnibus bellis adesset vobis; nos uti per otium tuti simus, in vestra manu est, patres conscripti. Pater nos duos fratres reliquit; tertium, Jugurtham, beneficiis suis ratus est conjunctum nobis fore. Alter eorum necatus est, alterius ipse ego manus impias vix effugi. Quid agam? aut quo potissimum infelix accedam? Generis praesidia omnia extincta sunt; pater, uti necesse erat, naturae concessit; fratri, quem minime decuit,[96] propinquus per scelus vitam eripuit; affines, amicos, propinquos ceteros alium alia clades oppressit; capti ab Jugurtha pars in crucem acti, pars bestiis objecti sunt;[97] pauci, quibus relicta est anima, clausi in tenebris cum maerore et luctu morte graviorem vitam exigunt.[98] Si omnia, quae aut amisi aut ex necessariis adversa facta sunt,[99] incolumia manerent, tamen, si quid ex improviso mali accidisset, vos implorarem, patres conscripti, quibus pro magnitudine imperii jus et injurias omnes curae esse decet. Nunc vero exul patria, domo, solus atque omnium honestarum rerum egens, quo accedam aut quos appellem?[100] nationesne an reges, qui omnes familiae nostrae ob vestram amicitiam infesti sunt?[101] An quoquam mihi adire licet, ubi non majorum meorum hostilia monumenta plurima sint? aut quisquam nostri misereri potest, qui aliquando vobis hostis fuit? Postremo Masinissa nos ita instituit, patres conscripti, ne quem coleremus nisi populum Romanum, ne societates, ne foedera nova acciperemus; abunde magna praesidia nobis in vestra amicitia fore; si huic imperio[102] fortuna mutaretur, una occidendum nobis esse. Virtute ac dis volentibus magni estis et opulenti; omnia secunda[103] et obedientia sunt; quo facilius sociorum injurias curare licet. Tantum illud vereor, ne quos privata amicitia Jugurthae parum cognita transversos agat, quos ego audio maxima ope niti, ambire, fatigare[104] vos singulos, ne quid de absente incognita causa statuatis, fingere me verba et fugam simulare, cui licuerit in regno manere. Quodutinam[105] illum cujus impio facinore in has miserias projectus sum, eadem haec simulantem videam, et aliquando aut apud vos aut apud deos immortales rerum humanarum cura oriatur; nae ille, qui nunc sceleribus suis ferox atque praeclarus est, omnibus malis excruciatus impietatis in parentem nostrum, fratris mei necis mearumque miseriarum graves poenas reddat.[106] Jamjam frater, animo meo carissime, quamquam tibi immaturo et unde minime decuit vita erepta est,[107] tamen laetandum magis quam dolendum puto casum tuum;[108] non enim regnum, sed fugam, exilium, egestatem et omnes has, quae me premunt, aerumnas cum anima simul amisisti. At ego infelix, in tanta mala praecipitatus ex patrio regno, rerum humanarum spectaculum praebeo, incertus quid agam, tuasne injurias persequar, ipse auxilii egens, an regno consulam, cujus vitae necisque potestas ex opibus alienis[109] pendet. Utinam emori fortunis meis honestus exitus esset! neu vivere contemptus viderer, si defessus malis injuriae concessissem.[110] Nunc neque vivere libet, neque mori licet sine dedecore. Patres conscripti, per vos liberos[111] atque parentes vestros, per majestatem populi Romani subvenite misero mihi, ite obviam injuriae, nolite pati regnum Numidiae, quod vestrum est, per scelus et sanguinem familiae nostrae tabescere.'[112]

[78] Adherbal says that only the administration of Numidia belongs to him, but that the legal title and supremacy belong to Rome--the language of abject servility, by which he wishes to recommend himself to the protection of the senate. [79] _Affines_ are those connected with one another by marriage, whereas _cognati_ are relations by blood. [80] _Sustinere_ is here the same as _ferre_. [81] 'As I was to come to such misery;' that is, as it had been ordained by fate that I should come to such misery. See Zumpt, S 498. [82] Adherbal wishes to be able to solicit the aid of the Romans, in consequence of his own services, rather than those of his ancestors; he then again divides that wish, considering it as most desirable that the Roman people should owe him services without his being in want of them, and next in desirableness that the services which he requires should be performed as services due to him. By this latter sentiment he returns to the point from which he set out--namely, his wish to have done good services (_beneficia_) to the Romans. _Vellem_ in this sentence is followed twice by the accusative with the infinitive (_posse_, to which _me_ is to be supplied, and _beneficia deberi_), and then by a clause with _ut_ (_uti;_ that is, _ut--uterer_). _Secundum ea_, 'next to,' or 'next after this,' according to the etymology of _secundum_ from _sequor_. [83] _In manu fuit_, an expression not uncommon in the comic poets; _in manu alicujus est_, 'it is in a person's power.' [84] 'At a time when the good fortune of the Romans did not render it so desirable to enter into connection with them as their fidelity and trustworthiness.' [85] 'Do not allow me in vain to pray for your assistance.' _Me_ in this sentence is accompanied by two accusatives in apposition, first _progeniem_, and then _nepotem Masinissae_. [86] Observe the unusual combination _Romani populi_ for _populi Romani_, which is to be explained by the fact, that here _Romani_ is the more emphatic word, placing the Roman people in contrast with other nations. [87] 'O I, unfortunate man! to what result, father Micipsa, have thy good services led!' For the accusative _me miserum_, see Zumpt, S 402; and for the double suffix in _hucine_, S 132. [88] 'Never, then, will our family be at peace!' an exclamation to which afterwards an interrogative sentence with _ne_ is appended. The former also might have been expressed by _numquamne ergo_, &c. [89] The subjunctive _jussissetis_ indicates a repeated action. See Zumpt, S 569. The senate and people of Rome had the right to make war and peace throughout the extent of the Roman dominion, so that the allied nations and kings were obliged to regard those against whom the Romans declared war as their own enemies; as, for example, not long since, the Numantines. [90] 'Who being a brother, was at the same time a relation.' Respecting this use of the pronoun _idem_, when the two predicates are added to one subject, see Zumpt, S 697. [91] _Non queo_; that is, _nequeo_, or _non possum_. [92] _Extorris_ (from _terra_), as _exsul_ from _solum_, 'homeless.' Respecting the ablative denoting separation or privation, see Zumpt, S 468. [93] _Tutius_; the adjective _tutior_ also might have been used. Respecting the use of adverbs with esse, see Zumpt, S 365. [94] _Maxime tutos_; that is, _omnium tutissimos_. [95] 'Whatever was in the power of our family;' _quod per familiam nostram stetit_. [96] This inserted clause belongs to the following _propinquus_. The demonstrative _id_ (or _is_) is omitted, and the relative clause precedes the word to which it refers. See Zumpt, SS 765, 813. [97] _Pars--pars_; that is, _alii--alii_; whence the verb is in the plural. [98] _Exigere vitam_ for _agere vitam_, but implying a long and sorrowful life. [99] 'Which out of friendly things (circumstances), have become hostile.' The neuter _necessaria_ also comprises the persons who are termed _necessarii_, 'persons connected by ties of relationship or friendship;' such as in particular Jugurtha, the adoptive brother of the speaker. [100] 'Whither shall I turn myself? whom shall I call to my assistance?' Donatus, an ancient grammarian, in his commentary on Terence, quotes from Sallust _quo accidam?_ 'whither shall I turn myself for assistance?' but none of the manuscripts has that reading in this passage. [101] He alludes to the nations and kings who were still independent and had not yet been incorporated with the Roman empire, especially the kings of Syria and Egypt, and perhaps also the king of Mauritania. [102] Sallust might have said _hujus imperii_, but he prefers the dative, which is a dativus incommodi. [103] _Secundus_, 'favourable,' according to its derivation from _sequor_, is especially used of a favourable wind, but also in the general sense of 'assisting,' or 'devoted to.' [104] _Fatigare_, 'to importune a person with prayers.' See note chap. 3. [105] _Quodutinam_ connects this sentence in an animated manner with the preceding, otherwise _utinam_ alone might be used. 'Yes, would that I could but see Jugurtha feigning these very things.' [106] _Nae ille--reddat_; as far as the sense is concerned, this sentence forms the apodosis to the preceding wish: 'would that I could see him in like circumstances, and would that at length the gods opened their eyes; then he would surely have to pay a heavy penalty for his impiety, for the death of my brother and for my sufferings.' The present subjunctive in the apodosis corresponds with the same tense in the protasis, and differs very little from the future indicative. See Zumpt, S 524, note. [107] 'Although life has been taken from thee before the age of maturity, and by a person who should have done it least of all.' _Unde_, the more general relative, is here used for _a quo homine_. In like manner the Romans, in legal phraseology, called the defendant _unde petitur_; that is, the person of whom payment is demanded. [108] _Doleo_, 'I grieve at,' is construed with _de_, as _de casu tuo_, with the ablative alone, _casu tuo_, and also as a transitive verb with the accusative, _doleo casum tuum_. _Laetari_ here follows the construction of _doleo_, for it is generally followed by _de_, or the ablative alone. See Zumpt, S 383. [109] Namely, the life and death of the persecuted Adherbal depends upon the power of Jugurtha. [110] Adherbal wishes two things: first, that a speedy death may terminate his misfortunes; and second, not to be obliged to live in contempt, if he should yield to Jugurtha. But neither of these things, says he, can be done. Jugurtha will continue to lay snares for him, and if he yields, and gives up to him his kingdom, he must live despised. These two wishes are here uttered to move the hearts of the senators, expressed as they are by a king. [111] _Per vos liberos atque parentes vestros_. The words _per liberos_ belong together; to _vos_ supply _oro_. See Zumpt, S 794. Adherbal intreats the senators by their children and parents, because Jugurtha has so criminally trampled on the sacred rights of the family. Others read _per vos per liberos vestros_; but this is wrong, and the repetition of _per_ is bad: we never intreat persons by themselves, but by something that is dear to them. [112] _Tabescere_, 'to waste away,' 'perish;' the proper meaning is, 'to be consumed by some disease.'

15. Postquam rex finem loquendi fecit, legati Jugurthae, largitione magis quam causa freti, paucis respondent: 'Hiempsalem ob saevitiam suam ab Numidis interfectum; Adherbalem ultro bellum inferentem, postquara superatus sit, queri, quod injuriam facere nequivisset: Jugurtham ab senatu petere, ne se alium putarent, ac Numantiae cognitus esset, neu verba inimici ante facta sua ponerent.'[113] Deinde utrique curia egrediuntur. Senatus statim consulitur: fautores legatorum, praeterea magna pars gratia depravata,[114] Adherbalis dicta contemnere, Jugurthae virtutem extollere laudibus; gratia, voce, denique omnibus modis pro alieno scelere et flagitio sua quasi pro gloria nitebantur. At contra pauci, quibus bonum et aequum divitiis carius erat, subveniundum Adherbali et Hiempsalis mortem severe vindicandam censebant; sed ex omnibus maxime Aemelius Scaurus, homo nobilis, impiger, factiosus, avidus potentiae, honoris, divitiarum, ceterum vitia sua callide occultans. Is postquam videt regis largitionem famosam impudentemque, veritus, quod in tali re solet, ne polluta licentia[115] invidiam accenderet, animum a consueta libidine continuit.

[113] _Ante facta_, &c. It would have been more common to say _factis suis anteponerent_. In Cicero, _ante_ is not used to denote preference as in Sallust, _Cat._ 53: _Graeci ante Romanos fuere_ for _Graeci Romanis praestabant_. [114] According to Sallust's mode of speaking, we should have expected _depravati_, _pars_ being only another form for _alii_. But nothing can be said against the grammatical agreement _pars depravata_, it being that form which, according to grammar, should be used. [115] Scaurus dreaded the stained audacity of those who accepted bribes from Jugurtha without any scruple or shame, and would have liked to stir up against them the hatred and envy of others. _Licentia_ is the conduct of a man who thinks he is allowed to do anything, and accordingly here signifies to accept bribes by which statesmen disgrace themselves. The adjective which properly refers to men (_pollutus_) is here transferred to _licentia_. Sallust describes Aemelius Scaurus, one of the most eminent men of his age (he was twice consul and princeps senatus), as a prudent aristocrat, anxious to keep up a respectable appearance, and to avoid suspicion as much as possible; although in secret he, too, had recourse to unfair means to obtain influence and wealth. The events which Sallust has related hitherto, the murder of Hiempsal, the expulsion of Adherbal by Jugurtha, and Adherbal's flight to Rome, belong to the year B.C. 116, a time when, if we except some trifling wars against barbarous tribes on the frontiers, the Roman Republic was not engaged in any military undertaking.

16. Vicit tamen in senatu pars illa, quae vero pretium aut gratiam anteferebat. Decretum fit, uti decem legati regnum, quod Micipsa obtinuerat, inter Jugurtham et Adherbalem dividerent. Cujus legationis princeps fuit L. Opimius, homo clarus et tum in senatu potens, quia consul, G. Graccho et M. Fulvio Flacco interfectis, acerrime victoriam nobilitatis in plebem exercuerat.[116] Eum Jugurtha tametsi Romae in inimicis habuerat, tamen accuratissime recepit, dando et pollicitando multa perfecit, uti famae, fide,[117] postremo omnibus suis rebus commodum regis anteferret. Reliquos legates eadem via aggressus, plerosque capit; paucis carior fides quam pecunia fuit. In divisione, quae pars Numidiae Mauretaniam attingit, agro virisque opulentior, Jugurthae traditur: illam alteram specie quam usu potiorem, quae portuosior et aedificiis magis exornata erat, Adherbal possedit.[118]

[116] Opimius had been consul in B.C. 121, and in that year he had, with the authority of the senate, crushed the democratical party of G. Gracchus by force of arms. In consequence of that victory, several very harsh measures had been adopted by the aristocracy to strengthen and increase the power of the senate and the nobility. Opimius, too, was a statesman of loose principles, as is clear from the narrative of Sallust. [117] _Fide_ for _fidei_. See Zumpt, S 85, note 3. [118] _Possedit_, 'he took possession of.' The present _possideo_ only means 'to possess;' but the past tenses, _possedi_, _possessum_, at the same time have the meaning of 'taking possession,' as if they were formed from a present _possido_, _possidere_. Compare the similarly-formed compounds of _sido_, _sidere_, in Zumpt, S 189.

17. Res postulare videtur Africae siturn paucis exponere et eas gentes, quibuscum nobis bellum aut amicitia fuit, attingere. Sed quae loca et nationes ob calorem aut asperitatem, item solitudines minus frequentata[119] sunt, de iis haud facile compertum narraverim; cetera quam paucissimis absolvam. In divisione orbis terrae plerique in parte tertia[120] Africam posuere, pauci tantummodo Asiam et Europam esse, sed Africam in Europa.[121]Ea fines habet ab occidente fretum nostri maris et Oceani,[122] ab ortu solis declivem latitudinem,[123] quem locum Katabathmon incolae appellant. Mare saevum, importuosum, ager frugum fertilis, bonus pecori, arbore infecundus, coelo terraque penuria aquarum. Genus hominum salubri corpore, velox, patiens laborum; plerosque senectus dissolvit, nisi qui ferro aut bestiis interiere; nam morbus haud saepe quemquam superat; ad hoc malefici generis plurima animalia. Sed qui mortales initio Africam habuerint, quique postea accesserint, aut quomodo inter se permixti sint, quamquam ab ea fama, quae plerosque obtinet, diversum est, tamen uti ex libris Punicis, qui regis Hiempsalis dicebantur, interpretatum nobis est, utique rem sese habere cultores ejus terrae putant, quam paucissimis dicam.[124] Ceterum fides ejus rei penes auctores erit.

[119] _Frequentata sunt_, 'they have been frequented.' The participle is in the neuter, the subjects being both animate and inanimate. _Asperitas_ refers to the inaccessible nature of mountainous districts. [120] Other editions have _in partem tertiam_, and this deviation from the common mode of speaking (which is to use _pono_ with _in_ and the ablative) commentators explain by the remark, that the division was not yet made, but only supposed. But the Latin language knows of no such distinction. [121] In the earliest times, before the earth was divided into three parts, it was rather customary to consider Africa, especially Egypt and the countries about the Nile, as belonging to Asia. To connect Africa with Europe could only have been an idea of those who divided the earth into an eastern and a western half, and did not know the vast extent of Africa to the south. [122] _Fretum_, &c.; that is, the Fretum Herculeum, or the Straits of Gibraltar. It is clear that Sallust wants to state only the northern frontier of Africa on the Mediterranean, and the frontiers in the east and west. The extent of Africa southward was too little known to him to speak about it. [123] 'The inclined plain,' or, as the geographer Mela says, 'the valley which inclines towards Egypt.' The length of this valley extends from south to north as far as the Mediterranean, and in the upper part it separates the immense desert in the west from the oasis in the east, which is considered as a part of Egypt. The easternmost country in Africa on the Mediterranean was Cyrenaica. It is therefore quite clear that Sallust does not include Egypt in Africa. [124] Sallust wants to give a short account of the original inhabitants of Africa, and their amalgamation with new immigrants, such as it was translated for him from the Punic books of King Hiempsal. This Hiempsal is not the same as the one already mentioned, who had been murdered by Jugurtha, but a later descendant of Masinissa, who ruled after Jugurtha, and was still alive in the days of Cicero, about B. C. 60. _Interpretatum est_, in a passive sense. See Zumpt, S 632.

18. Africam initio habuere Gaetuli et Libyes, asperi incultique, quis cibus erat caro ferina atque humi pabulum, uti pecoribus. Hi neque moribus neque lege aut imperio cujusquam regebantur; vagi, palantes, qua nox coegerat, sedes habebant. Sed postquam in Hispania Hercules, sicuti Afri putant, interiit, exercitus ejus, compositus ex variis gentibus, amisso duce ac passim multis sibi quisque imperium petentibus,[125] brevi dilabitur. Ex eo numero Medi, Persae et Armenii, navibus in Africam transvecti, proximos nostro mari[126] locos occupavere. Sed Persae intra Oceanum magis; hique alveos navium inverses pro tuguriis habuere, quia neque materia in agris neque ab Hispanis emundi aut mutandi copia erat; mare magnum et ignara[127] lingua commercia prohibebant. Hi paulatim per connubia Gaetulos secum miscuere, et quia saepe temptantes agros[128] alia, deinde alia loca petiverant, semet ipsi Nomadas appellavere. Ceterum adhuc aedificia Numidarum agrestium, quae mapalia illi vocant, oblonga, incurvis lateribus tecta, quasi navium carinae sunt. Medi autem et Armenii accessere Libyes[129] (nam hi propius mare Africum agitabant, Gaetuli sub sole magis, haud procul ab ardoribus) hique mature oppida habuere; nam freto divisi ab Hispania mutare res inter se instituerant. Nomen eorum paulatim Libyes corrupere, barbara lingua Mauros pro Medis[130] appellantes. Sed res Persarum brevi adolevit; ac postea nomine Numidae, propter multitudinem a parentibus digressi, possedere ea loca, quae proxime Carthaginem Numidia appellatur. Deinde utrique[131] alteris freti finitimos armis aut metu sub imperium suum coegere, nomen gloriamque sibi addidere; magis ii, qui ad nostrum mare processerant, quia Libyes quam Gaetuli minus bellicosi. Denique Africae pars inferior pleraque ab Numidis possessa est; victi omnes in gentem nomenque imperantium concessere.

[125] Within the clause expressed by the ablative absolute (_multis--petentibus_) there is inserted another stating that each did so for himself, and that in the nominative case, because _multis petentibus_ is, after all, only a different form for _quum multi peterent_. Grammatically speaking, it ought to be _sibi quoque_; but no Latin would have understood this, since he would have taken _quoque_ as an adverb. See Zumpt, S 710. _Passim_, 'in different places,' 'scattered everywhere,' but not 'here and there.' The tradition of the immense conquests extending to the western extremities of the known earth, which are ascribed to Hercules (Heracles), who occurs in the traditions of various nations, runs through the whole of ancient history. [126] _Nostrum mare_ is the Mediterranean, the African coast of which was occupied by the parts of Hercules' army here mentioned; and the Persae, it is farther stated, occupied that coast which is more within (that is, 'on this side,' as a person writing at Rome would say) the ocean. [127] _Gnarus_ and _ignarus_ have most commonly an active meaning, denoting 'one who does know,' or 'one does not know;' but sometimes, and especially in Sallust and Tacitus, they have a passive meaning, 'he who is known,' and 'he who is not known.' So here _ignara lingua_ is the same as _ignota lingua_. [128] 'They tried the fields;' that is, 'the soil,' as to whether it was fruitful, and in this manner they sometimes inhabited one place, and sometimes another. _Alia, deinde alia_, is the same as _alia atque alia_, as in chap. 26. Hence they were called in Greek [Greek: Nomades], and the Greek accusative of this word, _Nomadas_ for _Nomades_, is used by Sallust in the next sentence. See Zumpt, S 74. [129] The Medes and Armenians in the army of Hercules joined the Libyans, the ancient inhabitants of Africa. _Libyes_ is the accusative, for _accedere_ is joined with the accusative as well as the dative of the person whom one joins. See Zumpt, S 386, note. [130] This derivation of the name _Mauri_ is very improbable. The Mauri are the inhabitants of the western part of the African coast of the Mediterranean. They lived to the west of the mouth of the river Mulucha (which separated them from the Numidians), opposite Malaga and Cadiz, and also on the coast of the ocean extending southward as far as those countries were known to the ancients. The modern name of Moors is derived from the ancient Mauri. [131] _Utrique_ refers to _parentes_ and their descendants, the Numidae. One part of the nation trusted to the other (_alteris freti_), and was supported by it.

19. Postea Phoenices, alii multitudinis domi minuendae gratia, pars imperii cupidine, sollicitata plebe et aliis novarum rerum avidis,[132] Hipponem, Hadrumetum, Leptim[133] aliasque urbes in ora maritima condidere, eaeque brevi multum auctae, pars originibus suis[134] praesidio, aliae decori fuere. Nam[135] de Carthagine silere melius puto quam parum dicere, quoniam alio properare tempus monet. Igitur ad Katabathmon, qui locus Aegyptum ab Africa dividit, secundo mari[136] prima Cyrene est, colonia Theraeon, ac deinceps duae Syrtes,[137] interque eas Leptis; deinde Philaenon arae,[138] quem locum Aegyptum versus finem imperii habuere Carthaginienses, post aliae Punicae urbes. Cetera loca usque ad Mauretaniam Numidae tenent; proxime Hispaniam Mauri sunt. Super Numidiam[139] Gaetulos accepimus partim in tuguriis, alios incultius vagos agitare, post eos Aethiopas esse, dein loca exusta solis ardoribus. Igitur bello Jugurthino pleraque ex Punicis oppida et fines Carthaginiensium, quos novissime[140] habuerant, populus Romanus permagistratus administrabat, Gaetulorum magna pars et Numidae usque ad flumen Mulucham sub Jugurtha erant, Mauris omnibus rex Bocchus imperitabat, praeter nomen cetera ignarus[141] populi Romani, itemque nobis neque bello neque pace antea cognitus. De Africa et ejus incolis ad necessitudinem rei satis dictum.

[132] To _aliis--avidis_ supply _sollicitatis_. [133] All three are cities in the territory of Carthage, which afterwards became the province of Africa. Hippo with the surname of Diarrhytus, (there being another town, Hippo Regius, on the coast of Numidia,) is said to be the modern Bizerta; Hadrumetum, southeast of Carthage, and Leptis, surnamed minor (there being another town, Leptis magna, more to the east), are now in ruins. [134] 'To their origin;' that is, to their mother country Phoenicia, whence the settlers had come. [135] The transition to Carthage by the conjunction _nam_ presupposes the ellipsis of some such sentiment as--'I only meant to mention these Phoenician settlements on the African coast, _for_ it is well known that Carthage also was a settlement of the Phoenicians.' [136] _Secundo mari_, 'along the sea,' is said according to the analogy of _secundo flumine_ (see Caes. _Bell. Gall._ vii. 58) _secundo flumine ad Lutetiam iter facere coepit_. The sea has indeed no current like a river, but the direction is determined by the person travelling on the coast, and in this case it is the direction from east to west. _Theraei_ are the inhabitants of the island of Thera, in the Greek Archipelago, south of Peloponnesus, whence the first Greek settlers at Cyrene proceeded in B. C. 631, under the leadership of Battus. Respecting the Greek genitive _on_, instead of _orum_, see Zumpt, S 52, 1. [137] _Syrtis major_ and _Syrtis minor_ are two large sandbanks near the coast of Africa between Cyrene and Carthage. They were very dangerous to navigation, and between them lay the route to Leptis magna, a city of considerable importance. Compare chap. 78, where Sallust describes these sandbanks and the bays named after them. [138] The origin of the name of this place is stated by Sallust, chap. 79. As it was situated above the great, that is, the eastern Syrtis, it is clear that _deinde_ is used somewhat vaguely, since only the great Syrtis, but not the town of Leptis and the small Syrtis, precede the place Arae Philaenon in the order of succession. [139] 'Above Numidia;' that is, southward, towards the inland, the coast being always, or at least being always conceived to be, lower than the inland districts. [140] _Novissime_, 'latterly;' that is, at the beginning of the third Punic war, the result of which was, that Carthage and its territory became a Roman province. [141] _Cetera ignarus_, 'otherwise unknown.' Compare p. 87, note 4 [note 127]; and on _cetera_, Zumpt, S 459.

20. Postquam, diviso regno, legati Africa decessere, et Jugurtha contra timorem animi praemia sceleris adeptum sese videt, certum ratus, quod ex amicis apud Numantiam acceperat, omnia Romae venalia esse, simul et illorum pollicitationibus accensus, quos paulo ante muneribus expleverat, in regnum Adherbalis animum intendit. Ipse acer, bellicosus; at is, quem petebat, quietus, imbellis, placido ingenio, opportunus injuriae, metuens magis quam metuendus. Igitur ex improviso fines ejus cum magna manu invadit; multos mortales cum pecore atque alia praeda capit, aedificia incendit, pleraque loca hostiliter cum equitatu accedit, deinde cum omni multitudine in regnum suum convertit, existimans dolore permotum Adherbalem injurias suas manu vindicaturum, eamque rem belli causam fore. At ille, quod neque se parem armis existimabat et amicitia populi Romani magis quam Numidis fretus erat, legatos ad Jugurtham de injuriis questum[142] misit; qui tametsi contumeliosa dicta retulerant, prius tamen omnia pati decrevit quam bellum sumere, quia temptatum antea secus[143] cesserat. Neque eo magis cupido Jugurthae minuebatur, quippe qui totum ejus regnum animo jam invaserat. Itaque non uti antea cum praedatoria manu, sed magno exercitu comparato bellum gerere coepit et aperte totius Numidiae imperium petere. Ceterum qua pergebat urbes, agros vastare, praedas agere, suis animum, hostibus terrorem augere.

[142] _Questum_, the supine, 'in order to complain' [143] 'The war previously undertaken had turned out unsuccessfully.' About _secus_, see Zumpt, S 283.

21. Adherbal ubi intellegit eo processum, uti regnum aut relinquendum esset aut armis retinendum, necessario copias parat et Jugurthae obvius procedit. Interim haud longe a mari prope Cirtam oppidum[144] utriusque exercitus consedit, et quia diei extremum erat, proelium non inceptum. Sed ubi plerumque[145] noctis processit, obscuro etiamtum lumine, milites Jugurthini signo dato castra hostium invadunt; semisomnos partim,[146] alios arma sumentes fugant funduntque; Adherbal cum paucis equitibus Cirtam profugit, et ni multitudo togatorum[147] fuisset, quae Numidas insequentes moenibus prohibuit, uno die inter duos reges coeptum atque patratum bellum foret. Igitur Jugurtha oppidum circumsedit, vineis turribusque et machinis omnium generum expugnare aggreditur, maxime festinans tempus legatorum antecapere, quos ante proelium factum ab Adherbale Romam missos audiverat. Sed postquam senatus de bello eorum accepit, tres adolescentes in Africam legantur, qui ambos reges adeant, senatus populique Romani verbis nuntient: 'Velle et censere eos ab armis discedere, de controversiis suis jure potius quam bello disceptare; ita seque illisque[148] dignum esse.'

[144] _Cirta_, the capital of Numidia, situated in that part of the country nearest to Carthage, or the Roman province. It is said to be 'not far from the sea,' only in consideration of the vast extent of Numidia to the south. Cirta is the modern Constantina, which name it received in honour of the Emperor Constantine, and is situated at a distance of four days' march from Bona, the ancient Hippo Regius. [145] _Plerumque_ for the more common _plurimum_, 'the greater part.' See Zumpt, S 103. [146] As Sallust in other passages connects _pars_ and _alii_, so here _partim_ and _alios_, _partim_ being the same as _partem_. [147] _Togati_ are Roman citizens, for they alone wore the peculiar and privileged dress called _toga_. But it may be that other Italians also are comprised under the name; for Romans and Italians resided in great numbers in all the towns subject to the Roman dominion, for the sake of commerce, and in them they formed a distinct _conventus_. _Moenibus prohibere_. See Zumpt, S 468. [148] It would be more in accordance with the ordinary usage to say, _et se et illis_. See Zumpt, S 338.

22. Legati in Africam maturantes veniunt, eo magis, quod Romae, dum proficisci parant, de proelio facto et oppugnatione Cirtae audiebatur; sed is rumor clemens erat.[149] Quorum Jugurtha accepta oratione respondit: 'Sibi neque majus quiequam neque carius auctoritate senatus esse; ab adolescentia ita se enisum, ut ab optimo quoque probaretur; virtute, non malitia P. Scipioni, summo viro, placuisse; ob easdem artes ab Micipsa, non penuria liberorum, in regnum adoptatum esse. Ceterum quo plura bene atque strenue fecisset, eo animum suum injuriam minus tolerare: Adherbalem dolis vitae suae insidiatum; quod ubi comperisset, sceleri ejus obviam isse; populum Romanum neque recte neque pro bono facturum,[150] si ab jure gentium sese prohibuerit; postremo de omnibus rebus legatos Romam brevi missurum.' Ita utrique[151] digrediuntur. Adherbalis appellandi copia non fuit.

[149] Literally, 'but this report was mild;' that is, it spoke of the battle and siege as if they had been mild or moderate; which was not the case, as Jugurtha carried them on with all his energy. [150] _Pro bono facere_; literally, 'to act in accordance with what is good,' and hence 'to act well,' _bene agere_. [151] _Utrique_ refers to both parties--the Roman ambassadors on the one hand, and Jugurtha on the other. The ambassadors were not allowed to speak with Adherbal.

23. Jugurtha ubi eos Africa decessisse ratus est, neque propter loci naturam Cirtam armis expugnare potest, vallo atque fossa moenia circumdat, turres extruit easque praesidiis firmat, praeterea dies noctesque aut per vim aut dolis temptare, defensoribus moenium praemia modo, modo formidinem ostentare, suos hortando ad virtutem arrigere,[152] prorsus intentus cuncta parare. Adherbal, ubi intellegit omnes suas fortunas in extremo sitas, hostem infestum, auxilii spem nullam, penuria rerum necessariarum bellum trahi non posse, ex iis, qui una Cirtam profugerant, duos maxime impigros delegit; eos multa pollicendo ac miserando casum suum confirmat, uti per hostium munitiones noctu ad proximum mare, dein Romam pergerent. Numidae paucis diebus jussa efficiunt; litterae Adherbalis in senatu recitatae, quarum sententia haec fuit:

[152] _Arrigere_, the same as _excitare_; hence frequently _animum arrigere_, 'to rouse courage.'

24. 'Non mea culpa saepe ad vos oratum mitto, patres conscripti, sed vis Jugurthae subigit, quem tanta libido extinguendi me invasit, ut neque vos neque deos immortales in animo habeat, sanguinem meum quam omnia malit. Itaque quintum jam mensem socius et amicus populi Romani armis obsessus teneor, neque mihi Micipsae patris mei beneficia neque vestra decreta auxiliantur; ferro an fame acrius urguear incertus sum. Plura de Jugurtha scribere dehortatur me fortuna mea; et jam antea expertus sum parum fidei miseris esse. Nisi tamen intellego[153] illum supra quam ego sum petere, neque simul amicitiam vestram et regnum meum sperare. Utrum gravius existimet, nemini occultum est. Nam, initio occidit Hiempsalem, fratrem meum, dein patrio regno me expulit; quae sane fuerint nostrae injuriae, nihil ad vos.[154] Verum nunc vestrum regnum armis tenet, me, quem vos imperatorem Numidis posuistis, clausum obsidet; legatorum verba quanti fecerit, pericula mea declarant. Quid reliquum nisi vestra vis, quo moveri possit? Nam ego quidem vellem et haec, quae scribo, et illa, quae antea in senatu questus sum, vana forent potius, quam miseria mea fidem verbis faceret. Sed quoniam eo natus sum, ut Jugurthae scelerum ostentui essem,[155] non jam mortem neque aerumnas, tantummodo inimici imperium et crutiatus corporis deprecor.[156] Regno Numidiae, quod vestrum est, uti libet consulite; me ex manibus impiis eripite per majestatem imperii, per amicitiae fidem, si ulla apud vos memoria remanet avi mei Masinissae.'

[153] _Nisi tamen intellego_ refers to the preceding _plura scribere nolo_, and expresses an exception, as is always the case with _nisi_ after a negative: he will write nothing else, but still add the remark that Jugurtha aimed at something beyond the kingdom of Adherbal; namely, that he intended afterwards to attack the Romans themselves, because he saw that the acquisition of the kingdom of Adherbal was irreconcilable with the friendship of Rome. _Plura non scribam nisi hoc intellego_ is an elliptical expression, equivalent to _plura non scribam, nisi hoc scribam, me intellegere_. [154] 'Whatever may have been our mutual acts of injustice, it is no concern of yours;' that is, they must be indifferent to you. Consider only the fact, that he has taken possession of the kingdom of your ally. [155] Adherbal, for the purpose of exciting the sympathy of the senate, represents it as a fact that he is born only to exhibit (endure) the crimes of Jugurtha. Respecting the dative _ostentui_, see Zumpt, SS 90 and 422. [156] Adherbal prays the senate to _prevent (deprecor)_ his enemy from acquiring the sole sovereignty, and from killing him amid tortures.

25. His litteris recitatis fuere, qui exercitum in Africam mittendum censerent et quam primum Adherbali subveniundum; de Jugurtha interim uti consuleretur,[157] quoniam legatis non paruisset. Sed ab iisdem illis regis fautoribus summa ope enisum,[158] ne tale decretum fieret. Ita bonum publicum, ut in plerisque negotiis solet, privata gratia devictum. Legantur tamen in Africam majores natu, nobiles, amplis honoribus usi; in quis fuit M. Scaurus, de quo supra memoravimus, consularis et tum in senatu princeps. Hi, quod res in invidia erat, simul et ab Numidis obsecrati, triduo navim ascendere, dein brevi Uticam appulsi litteras ad Jugurtham mittunt, quam ocissime[159] ad provinciam accedat, seque ad eum ab senatu missos. Ille ubi accepit homines claros, quorum auctoritatem Romae pollere audiverat, contra inceptum suum venisse, primo commotus, metu atque libidine diversus agitabatur. Timebat iram senatus, ni paruisset legatis; porro animus cupidine caecus ad inceptum scelus rapiebat. Vicit tamen in avido ingenio pravum consilium. Igitur exercita circumdato summa vi Cirtam irrumpere[160] nititur, maxime sperans, diducta manu hostium[161] aut vi aut dolis sese casum victoriae inventurum. Quod ubi secus procedit neque quod intenderat efficere potest, ut prius quam legates conveniret, Adherbalis potiretur; ne amplius morando Scaurum, quem plurimum metuebat, incenderet, cum paucis equitibus in provinciam venit. Ac tametsi senati verbis graves minae nuntiabantur, quod ab oppugnatione non desisteret, multa tamen oratione consumpta legati frustra discessere.

[157] _Consuleretur_; supply _senatus_; 'that the subject of the disobedience shown by Jugurtha should be brought for decision before the senate.' [158] _Enisum est_, 'it was carried.' Observe the passive meaning of the deponent verb. [159] _Quam ocissime_, 'as speedily as possible.' The positive of _ocissime_ is not in use in Latin. Zumpt, S 293, note. [160] _Cirtam irrumpere_ is a peculiarity in the style of Sallust, the common expression being, _in urbem irrumpere_. See Zumpt, S 386, note. [161] By engaging the enemy's troops in different places, and thus dividing them. This is the meaning of the inseparable particle _dis_ or _di_.

26. Ea postquam Cirtae audita sunt, Italici, quorum virtute moenia defensabantur, confisi deditione facta propter magnitudinem populi Romani inviolatos sese fore, Adherbali suadent, uti seque et oppidum Jugurthae tradat, tantum ab eo vitam paciscatur, de ceteris senatui curae fore. At ille, tametsi omnia potiora fide Jugurthae rebatur,[162] tamen quia penes eosdem, si adversaretur, cogendi potestas erat, ita, uti censuerant Italici, deditionem facit. Jugurtha in primis Adherbalem excruciatum necat, deinde omnes puberes Numidas atque negotiatores promiscue, uti quisque armatis obvius fuerat, interficit.

[162] 'Although he considered everything else to be of more weight than the faithfulness (promise) of Jugurtha.' The conquest of Cirta, and the putting to death of Adherbal, belong to the year B. C. 112.

27. Quod postquam Romae cognitum est, et res in senatu agitari coepta, iidem illi ministri regis interpellando[163] ac saepe gratia, interdum jurgiis trahendo tempus, atrocitatem facti leniebant. Ac ni G. Memmius, tribunus plebis designatus, vir acer et infestus potentiae nobilitatis, populum Romanum edocuisset id agi, ut per paucos factiosos Jugurthae scelus condonaretur, profecto omnis invidia prolatandis consultationibus dilapsa foret: tanta vis gratiae atque pecuniae regis erat. Sed ubi senatus delicti conscientia populum timet, lege Sempronia[164] provinciae futuris consulibus Numidia atque Italia decretae; consules declarati P. Scipio Nasica, L. Bestia Calpurnius; Calpurnio Numidia, Scipioni Italia obvenit;[165] deinde exercitus, qui in Africam portaretur, scribitur; stipendium aliaque, quae bello usui forent, decernuntur.

[163] _Interpellando_, 'by interrupting the speakers, and introducing other topics.' [164] By this law of the tribune G. Sempronius Gracchus, in the year B. C. 122, it had been ordained that every year previous to the election of the consuls for the next year, the senate should determine those provinces which should be assigned to the consuls about to be elected, after the expiration of the year of their office. As two provinces were thus fixed upon, the consuls afterwards determined by lot which should have the one, and which the other. The object of this law was to prevent intrigues in the senate, which would be carried on by the ruling consuls if they had to choose their own provinces. [165] _Obvenit_, 'fell to the lot.' Whenever Italy is called a province, it is implied that the consul undertaking its administration was to remain at Rome, and was to be ready for any other war which might break out. For in the first place, there were now no wars in Italy, and in the second place, Italy was not a province in the ordinary sense of the term. The consuls here mentioned entered upon their office on the 1st January, B. C. 111.

28. At Jugurtha, contra spem nuntio accepto, quippe cui Romae omnia venum ire[166] in animo haeserat, filium et cum eo duos familiares ad senatum legatos mittit, hisque ut illis, quos Hiempsale interfecto miserat, praecipit, omnes mortales pecunia aggrediantur. Qui postquam Romam adventabant,[167] senatus a Bestia consultus est, placeretne legatos Jugurthae recipi moenibus; iique decrevere, nisi regnum ipsumque deditum venissent, uti in diebus proximis decem[168] Italia decederent. Consul Numidis ex senati decreto nuntiari jubet; ita infectis rebus illi domum discedunt. Interim Calpurnius, parato exercitu, legat[169] sibi homines nobiles, factiosos, quorum auctoritate, quae deliquisset, munita fore sperabat; in quis fuit Scaurus, cujus de natura et habitu supra[170] memoravimus. Nam in consule nostro multae bonaeque artes animi et corporis erant, quas omnes avaritia praepediebat; patiens laborum, acri ingenio, satis providens, belli haud ignarus, firmissimus contra pericula et insidias. Sed legiones per Italiam Rhegium atque inde Siciliam,[171] porro ex Sicilia in Africam transvectae. Igitur Calpurnius initio, paratis commeatibus, acriter Numidiam ingressus est, multosque mortales et urbes aliquot pugnando cepit.

[166] _Venum eo_, or contracted _veneo_, infinitive _venire_, 'to go to be sold,' or 'to be sold;' the passive of _vendo_ (I sell) is not in use. Zumpt, S 187. [167] _Adventabant_, with the accusative, see Zumpt, S 489. [168] _In diebus_, &c.; for _in_, with words denoting time, see Zumpt, S 479. _Deditum_ is a supine. [169] _Legare_ properly signifies 'to despatch,' and 'to add to;' whence the word _legatus_ means both 'an ambassador,' and 'a person added to an officer,' who, when necessary, supplies his place. See _Catil._ chap. 59. It was the business of the senate to supply such legates to a magistrate (_senatus legat aliquem alicui_), but as this was commonly done on the proposal or recommendation of the magistrate himself, we also read _legat sibi_, 'he chooses some one to be his legate.' [170] _Supra_. See chap. 15. [171] Respecting the omission of _in_ before _Siciliam_, see Zumpt, S 398, note 1.

29. Sed ubi Jugurtha per legatos pecunia temptare bellique quod administrabat asperitatem ostendere coepit, animus aeger avaritia[172] facile conversus est. Ceterum socius et administer omnium consiliorum assumitur Scaurus, qui tametsi a principio,[173] plerisque ex factione ejus corruptis, acerrime regem impugnaverat, tamen magnitudine pecuniae a bono honestoque in pravum abstractus est. Sed Jugurtha primo tantummodo belli moram redimebat, existimans sese aliquid interim Romae pretio aut gratia effecturum; postea vero quam participem negotii Scaurum accepit, in maximam spem adductus recuperandae pacis, statuit cum eis de omnibus pactionibus praesens agere. Ceterum interea fidei causa mittitur a consule Sextius quaestor in oppidum Jugurthae Vagam,[174] cujus rei species erat acceptio frumenti, quod Calpurnius palam legatis imperaverat, quoniam deditionis mora induciae agitabantur.[175] Igitur rex, uti constituerat, in castra venit, ac pauca praesenti consilio locutus de invidia facti sui atque uti in deditionem acciperetur, reliqua cum Bestia et Scauro secreta[176] transigit, dein postero die, quasi per saturam sententiis exquisitis,[177] in deditionem accipitur. Sed uti pro consilio[178] imperatum erat, elephanti triginta, pecus atque equi multi cum parvo argenti pondere quaestori traduntur. Calpurnius Romam ad magistratus rogandos[179] proficiscitur. In Numidia et exercitu nostro pax agitabatur.

[172] _Aeger avaritia_, 'sick with avarice;' a very appropriate expression, describing moral defects as a disease. [173] _A principio_; that is, _in principio_. See Zumpt, S 304. The faction of Scaurus is that of the nobility or aristocracy. [174] _Vaga_, a considerable town in Numidia, to the south-east of Cirta. [175] 'A truce was observed on account of (or during) the delay of the surrender,' which Jugurtha had promised, but which could not yet be carried into effect. [176] _Secreta_ refers to _reliqua_, so that the other negotiations were secret, whereas the proposal to surrender had been made in presence of the war council. It would have been more in accordance with ordinary usage to employ the adverb _secreto_ belonging to the verb. [177] The opinions of the persons invited to the war council were asked only _en masse (per saturam)_. The Latin expression is taken from _lanx satura_, a dish offered as a sacrifice to the gods, and containing different kinds of fruit. Its figurative application to other mixtures is here indicated by _quasi_. [178] _Pro consilio_; that is, _in consilio_. See Zumpt, S 311. [179] To cause the magistrates for the year B.C. 110 to be elected. The president in the elective assembly _rogat populum_ (requests the people) to appoint new officers; hence _rogare_, the usual term.

30. Postquam res in Africa gestas quoque modo actae forent fama divulgavit, Romae per omnes locos et conventus de facto consulis agitari. Apud plebem gravis invidia, patres solliciti erant; probarentne tantum flagitium, an decretum consulis subverterent, parum constabat.[180] Ac maxime eos potentia Scauri, quod is auctor et socius Bestiae ferebatur, a vero bonoque impediebat. At G. Memmius, cujus de libertate ingenii et odio potentiae nobilitatis supra diximus, inter dubitationem et moras senatus contionibus populum ad vindicandum hortari, monere, ne rem publicam, ne libertatem suam desererent, multa superba et crudelia facinora nobilitatis ostendere; prorsus intentus omni modo plebis animum accendebat. Sed quoniam ea tempestate Romae Memmii facundia clara pollensque fuit, decere existimavi unam ex tam multis orationem ejus perscribere, ac potissimum ea dicam, quae in contione post reditum Bestiae hujuscemodi verbis disseruit.

[180] _Parum constabat_, 'was not firmly determined upon;' namely, _iis, patribus_--that is, they had not yet made up their minds.

31. 'Multa me dehortantur a vobis,[181] Quirites, ni studium rei publicae omnia superet, opes factionis, vestra patientia, jus nullum, ac maxime, quod innocentiae plus periculi quam honoris est. Nam illa quidem piget dicere, his annis XV.[182] quam ludibrio fueritis superbiae paucorum, quam foede quamque inulti perierint vestri defensores, ut vobis animus ab ignavia[183] atque socordia corruptus sit, qui ne nunc quidem, obnoxiis inimicis,[184] exsurgitis, atque etiamnunc timetis eos, quibus decet terrori esse. Sed quamquam haec talia sunt, tamen obviam ire factionis potentiae animus subigit.[185] Certe ego libertatem, quae mihi a parente meo tradita est, experiar; verum id frustra an ob rem[186] faciam, in vestra manu situm est, Quirites. Neque ego vos hortor, quod saepe majores vestri fecere, uti contra injurias armati eatis. Nihil vi, nihil secessione opus est: necesse est suomet ipsi more praecipites eant.[187] Occisso Ti. Graccho, quem regnum parare ajebant, in plebem Romanam quaestiones habitae sunt. Post G. Gracchi et M. Fulvi caedem item vestri ordinis multi mortales in carcere necati sunt; utriusque cladis non lex, verum libido eorum finem fecit. Sed sane fuerit regni paratio plebi sua restituere; quicquid sine sanguine civium ulcisci nequitur, jure factum sit.[188] Superioribus annis taciti indignabamini aerarium expilari, reges et populos liberos paucis nobilibus vectigal pendere, penes eosdem et summam gloriam et maximas divitias esse; tamen haec talia facinora impune suscepisse parum habuere.[189] Itaque postremo leges, majestas vestra, divina et humana omnia hostibus tradita sunt. Neque eos, qui ea fecere, pudet aut poenitet, sed incedunt per ora vestra[190] magnifici, sacerdotia et consulatus, pars triumphos suos ostentantes, perinde quasi ea honori non praedae habeant. Servi aera parati injusta imperia dominorum non perferunt; vos, Quirites, imperio nati, aequo animo servitutem toleratis? At qui sunt hi qui rem publicam oocupavere? Homines sceleratissimi, cruentis manibus, immani avaritia, nocentissimi iidemque superbissimi, quibus fides, decus, pietas, postremo honesta atque inhonesta omnia quaestui sunt. Pars eorum occidisse tribunos plebis, alii quaestiones injustas, plerique caedem in vos fecisse, pro munimento habent.[191] Ita quam quisque pessime fecit, tam maxime[192] tutus est: metum a scelere suo ad ignaviam vestram transtulere;[193] quos omnes eadem cupere, eadem odisse, eadem metuere in unum coegit.[194] Sed haec inter bonos amicitia, inter malos factio est. Quodsi tam vos libertatis curam haberetis, quam illi ad dominationem accensi sunt, profecto neque res publica, sicuti nunc, vastaretur, et beneficia vestra[195] penes optimos, non audacissimos, forent. Majores vestri parandi juris et majestatis constituendae gratia bis per secessionem armati Aventinum occupavere,[196] vos pro libertate, quam ab illis accepistis, non summa ope nitemini?[197] atque eo vehementius, quo majus dedecus est parta amittere quam omnino non paravisse. Dicet aliquis: Quid igitur censes? Vindicandum in eos,[198] qui hosti prodidere rem publicam? Non manu neque vi, quod magis vos fecisse quam illis accidisse indignum est, verum quaestionibus[199] et indicio ipsius Jugurthae, qut si dediticius est, profecto jussis vestris obediens erit; sin ea contemnit, scilicet existimabitis, qualis illa pax aut deditio sit, ex qua ad Jugurtham scelerum impunitas, ad paucos potentes maximae divitiae, in rem publicam damna atque dedecora pervenerint. Nisi forte[200] nondum etiam vos dominationis eorum satietas tenet, et illa quam haec tempora magis placent, quum regna, provinciae, leges, jura, judicia, bella atque paces, postremo divina et humana omnia penes paucos erant; vos autem, hoc est, populus Romanus, invicti ab hostibus, imperatores omnium gentium, satis habebatis animam retinere; nam servitutem quidem quis vestrum recusare audebat? Atque ego, tametsi viro flagitiosissimum existimo impune injuriam accepisse, tamen vos hominibus sceleratissimis ignoscere, quoniam cives sunt, aequo animo paterer, ni misericordia in perniciem casura esset. Nam et illis, quantum importunitatis habent,[201] parum est impune male fecisse, nisi deinde faciundi licentia eripitur, et vobis aeterna sollicitudo remanebit, quum intellegetis aut serviundum esse aut permanus libertatem retinendam. Nam fidei quidem aut concordiae quae spes est? Dominari illi volunt, vos liberi esse, facere illi injurias, vos prohibere; postremo sociis vestris veluti hostibus, hostibus pro sociis utuntur. Potestne in tam diversis mentibus pax aut amicitia esse? Quare moneo hortorque vos, ne tantum scelus impunitum omittatis. Non peculatus aerarii factus est, neque per vim sociis ereptae pecuniae, quae quamquam gravia sunt, tamen consuetudine jam pro nihilo habentur: hosti acerrimo prodita senatus auctoritas, proditum imperium vestrum, domi militiaeque res publica venalis fuit. Quae nisi quaesita erunt, nisi vindicatum in noxios, quid erit reliquum, nisi ut illis, qui ea fecere, obedientes vivamus? Nam impune quaelibet facere, id est regem[202] esse. Neque ego vos, Quirites, hortor, ut malitis cives vestros perperam quam recte fecisse, sed ne ignoscendo malis bonos perditum eatis.[203] Ad hoc in re publica multo praestat beneficii quam maleficii immemorem esse;[204] bonus tantummodo segnior fit, ubi neglegas, at malus improbior. Ad hoc si injuriae non sint, haud saepe auxilii egeas.'

[181] _Dehortantur a vobis_--that is, _ad causam vestram suscipiendam_, 'many things dissuade me to undertake your cause.' According to the context, the expression might, or rather should be, _multa me dehortantur, ni superaret_; but the present represents the act of _superare_ as an actual fact, and is at the same time more impressive. [182] The number XV., which is found in all good manuscripts, points to the year B. C. 125, in which the aristocracy gained a decisive victory through the praetor L. Opimius, who destroyed the town of Fregellae, and thereby crushed the first attempt of the Italian allies (_socii_) to obtain the Roman franchise. It may be supposed that this attempt of the allies was even then supported by the Roman plebs, as was the case afterwards in the time of Marius. [183] _Ab ignavia_ is to be taken in the sense of 'in consequence of,' or 'on account of your cowardice.' See Zumpt, S 305. [184] 'When your political enemies (in consequence of the crime which they have committed) are deserving of punishment, and in your hands.' [185] _Animus subigit_. 'My feelings compel me to stand out against the faction (of the optimates), in spite of your lukewarmness.' [186] _Ob rem_, 'effectually,' 'with success.' [187] 'They must ruin themselves.' [188] 'I will grant that everything has been done with justice, which cannot be punished without again shedding the blood of citizens;' that is, the cruelties then committed by the optimates in crushing Tib. and G. Gracchus may be considered as legitimate, since the perpetrators cannot be punished without fresh executions. _Ulciscor_, usually a deponent, is here used in a passive sense, just as the participle _ultus_ is sometimes used in the sense of _vindicatus_. For the same reason, the passive form _nequitur_ has been chosen; respecting which, see Zumpt, S 216. [189] _Parum habuere_, 'they considered it too little' (this is the meaning of _parum_): it was not enough for them that they had committed such disgraceful acts. [190] _Incedere per ora hominum_, 'to walk in the eyes' or 'in the sight of men.' [191] 'The cruelties committed against the defenders of the plebs, serve them as a bulwark;' that is, make them only the more audacious. [192] About _quam maxime--tam maxime_, expressing a proportionate increase, see Zumpt, S 725. [193] A complicated expression--'they have transferred their fear, which they ought to have on account of their crime, to your cowardice;' that is, to you who are cowards, or whom they consider as cowards. [194] _In unum coegit_; that is, _conjunxit, copulavit_. The infinitives here are the subjects of the sentence: the same fear and the same greediness have united all your opponents into one league. Compare _Cat._ 20: _idem velle atque idem nolle, ea demum firma amicitia est_. [195] _Benejicia vestra_; that is, _honores, magistratus, imperia_. [196] The speaker refers to the two most important secessions of the Roman plebs--the one in which they obtained their tribunes in B.C. 510, and the other, which was undertaken in B.C. 449. to restore the consulate and the tribuneship after the overthrow of the tyrannical rule of the decemvirs. Both led to the establishment of a legitimate state of things (_jus_), and the latter, in particular, to the establishment of the decisive authority of the people against the magistrates and the patricians. This sovereignty of the Roman people was termed _majestas_. These secessions, according to the statements of the ancients, were made to the Mons Sacer, and not to the Aventine; but Sallust here follows other ancient authorities; and it is probable enough that the plebs may have occupied both hills. [197] Respecting the form of this sentence, see Zumpt, S 781. The answer to this question is contained in the clause _atque eo vehementius_, to which we must supply _nitendum vobis est_. _Atque_ introduces the answer with emphasis. [198] _Vindicare_ is construed with _in_ and the accusative, as well as _vindicare scelus in aliquo_ and _vindicare aliquam rem_. _Vindicare in aliquem_, 'to use force against a person for the purpose of taking revenge.' _Vindicare sibi rem_, 'to claim a thing for one's self,' or 'to appropriate a thing.' [199] _Quaestio_, 'a judicial inquiry into a crime,' 'a criminal trial.' [200] _Nisi forte_ supposes, with a strong irony, a case which cannot be conceived. See Zumpt, S 526. [201] _Quantum importunitatis habent_, 'according to the high degree of impudence and arrogance which they possess.' Sallust might have said, _quae eorum importunitas est_, or _pro eorum importunitate_. See Zumpt, S 705. [202] _Rex_, according to Roman notions, always contains the idea of an absolute ruler, and is therefore frequently used in the sense of 'a tyrant.' The idea of a constitutional or limited monarchy was not known in antiquity, except perhaps at Sparta. [203] _Perditum eatis_; that is, _perdatis_. See Zumpt, S 669. [204] Practically, it is quite correct, that in the administration of a state it is more necessary to punish criminals than to reward good services; for it is impossible that all good citizens should be rewarded with external distinctions; but if a criminal remains unpunished, he does harm by his example, and undermines the organism of the state.

32. Haec atque alia hujuscemodi saepe dicundo Memmius populo persuadet, uti L. Cassius, qui tum praetor erat, ad Jugurtham mitteretur eumque interposita fide publica Romam duceret, quo facilius indicio regis Scauri et reliquorum, quos pecuniae captae arcessebant,[205] delicta patefierent. Dum haec Romae geruntur, qui in Numidia relicti a Bestia exercitui praeerant, secuti morem imperatoris sui plurima et flagitiosissima facinora fecere. Fuere, qui auro corrupti elephantos Jugurthae traderent; alii perfugas vendere, pars ex pacatis praedas agebant; tanta vis avaritiae in animos eorum veluti tabes invaserat. At Cassius, perlata rogatione[206] a G. Memmio ac perculsa omni nobilitate, ad Jugurtham proficiscitur eique timido et ex conscientia diffidenti rebus suis persuadet, quoniam se populo Romano dedisset, ne vim quam misericordiam ejus experiri mallet. Privatim praeterea fidem suam interponit, quam ille non minoris quam publicam ducebat; talis ea tempestate fama de Cassio erat.

[205] _Arcessere_, 'to summon before a court of justice,' governs the genitive of the thing for which a person is summoned. [206] _Rogatio_, 'a proposal to the people,' because, in making a proposal, as well as at elections of magistrates, the people were requested (_rogabatur_) to pass a resolution.

33. Igitur Jugurtha contra decus regium cultu quam maxime miserabili cum Cassio Romam venit. Ac tametsi in ipso magna vis animi erat, confirmatus ab omnibus, quorum potentia aut scelere cuncta ea gesserat, quae supra diximus, G. Baebium tribunum plebis magna mercede parat, cujus impudentia contra jus et injurias omnes munitus foret. At G. Memmius, advocata contione, quamquam regi infesta plebes erat, et pars in vincula duci jubebat, pars, ni socios sceleris sui aperiret, more majorum de hoste supplicium sumi; dignitati quam irae magis consulens, sedare motus et animos eorum mollire, postremo confirmare, fidem publicam per sese[207] inviolatam fore. Post, ubi silentium coepit, producto Jugurtha, verba facit; Romae Numidiaeque[208] facinora ejus memorat, scelera in patrem fratresque ostendit. Quibus juvantibus quibusque ministris ea egerit, quamquam intellegat populus Romanus, tamen velle manifesta magis ex illo habere. Si verum aperiat, in fide et clementia populi Romani magnam spem illi sitam; sin reticeat, non sociis saluti fore,[209] sed se suasque spes corrupturum.

[207] _Per sese_, 'as far as lay in him,' 'as much as he could,' as in the phrase _per me licet_. [208] Respecting _Romae Numidiaeque_, where _Numidiae_ by a kind of attraction takes the same case as _Romae_, instead of _in Numidia_, see Zumpt, S 398, note 1. [209] 'He (Jugurtha) would not, indeed, thereby be a safety to his accomplices, but destroy his own hope (of obtaining pardon).'

34. Deinde, ubi Memmius dicundi finem fecit et Jugurtha respondere jussus est, G. Baebius, tribunus plebis, quem pecunia corruptum supra diximus, regem tacere jubet, ac tametsi multitudo, quae in contione aderat, vehementer accensa, terrebat eum clamore, vultu, saepe impetu atque aliis omnibus, quae ira fieri amat,[210] vicit tamen impudentia. Ita populus ludibrio habitus ex contione discedit: Jugurthae Bestiaeque et ceteris, quos illa quaestio exagitabat, animi augescunt.[211]

[210] The words _quae ira fieri amat_ are very surprising, but were regarded by the ancients themselves as a Graecism of Sallust, from whom Quinctilian quotes the words _quae vulgus amat fieri_, which occurred in a work of Sallust that is lost. In both cases, we must construe _ira (vulgus) amat_ with an accusative with the infinitive after it: 'anger likes that this or that should happen.' [211] _Animus augescit_, 'courage grows' or 'increases.' For the plural _animi_, see Zumpt, S 92.

35. Erat ea tempestate Romae Numida quidam, nomine Massiva, Gulussae filius, Masinissae nepos; qui, quia in dissensione regum Jugurthae adversus fuerat, dedita Cirta et Adherbale interfecto, profugus ex Africa abierat. Huic Sp. Albinus, qui proximo anno post Bestiam cum Q. Minucio Rufo consulatum gerebat,[212] persuadet, quoniam ex stirpe Masinissae sit, Jugurthamque ob scelera invidia cum metu urgueat,[213] regnum Numidiae ab senatu petat. Avidus consul belli gerundi moveri quam senescere omnia malebat; ipsi provincia Numidia, Minucio Macedonia evenerat. Quae postquam Massiva agitare coepit, neque Jugurthae in amicis satis praesidii est, quod eorum alium conscientia, alium mala fama et timor impediebat, Bomilcari, proximo ac maxime fido sibi, imperat, pretio, sicuti multa confecerat, insidiatores Massivae paret, ac maxime[214] occulte, sin id parum procedat, quovis modo Numidam interficiat. Bomilcar mature regis mandata exequitur, et per homines talis negotii artifices itinera egressusque ejus, postremo loca atque tempora cuncta explorat, deinde, ubi res postulabat, insidias tendit. Igitur unus ex eo numero, qui ad caedem parati erant, paulo inconsultius Massivam aggreditur; illum obtruncat, sed ipse deprehensus, multis hortantibus et in primis Albino consule, indicium profitetur.[215] Fit reus magis ex aequo bonoque quam ex jure gentium Bomilcar, comes ejus, qui Romam fide publica venerat. At Jugurtha manifestus[216] tanti sceleris non prius omisit contra verum niti, quam animum advertit,[217] supra gratiam atque pecuniam suam invidiam facti esse. Igitur, quamquam in priore actione ex amicis quinquaginta vades dederat,[218] regno magis quam vadibus consulens, clam in Numidiam Bomilcarem dimittit, veritus ne reliquos populares metus invaderet parendi sibi, si de illo supplicium sumptum foret. Et ipse paucis diebus[219] eodem profectus est, jussus a senatu Italia decedere. Sed postquam Roma egressus est, fertur saepe eo tacitus respiciens postremo dixisse: 'urbem venalem et mature perituram, si emptorem invenerit.'

[212] We here enter the year B.C. 110. [213] _Urgueat_, 'presses Jugurtha;' that is, he is hindered by the indignation on account of his past crimes, and at the same time by the apprehension with which the Roman people regard him. [214] He would like best that it should be done in secret; but if this should not succeed, he would like it to be done in any way, whatever it might be. Instead of _maxime_, the author might have said _potissimum_. See the same expression chap. 46. [215] _Profiteri indicium_, 'to declare that you will state everything.' We must understand that in the defective administration of justice at Rome, the _index_ (informer) received a promise of impunity. [216] _Manifestus_, with the genitive of the crime, is a person _qui mani festo tenetur_, or against whom there is most decisive evidence. [217] _Animum adverto_, the same as the compound _animadverto_, like _venum eo_ for _veneo_. [218] Jugurtha had given fifty sureties in the name of Bomilcar, in order that he might remain at liberty. These sureties were of course fifty Roman citizens. As Bomilcar fled, those sureties had to pay the money with which each guaranteed his appearance, and there can be no doubt but that Jugurtha secretly paid the money. [219] _Paucis diebus._ See Zumpt, S 480.

36. Interim Albinus renovato bello commeatum, stipendium aliaque, quae militibus usui forent, maturat in Africam portare; ac statim ipse profectus, uti ante comitia, quod tempus[220] haud longe aberat, armis aut deditione aut quovis modo bellum conficeret. At contra Jugurtha trahere omnia et alias deinde alias morae causas facere, polliceri deditionem, ac deinde metum simulare, cedere instanti et paulo post, ne sui diffiderent, instare; ita belli modo, modo pacis mora consulem ludificare.[221] Ac fuere, qui tum Albinum haud ignarum consilii regis existimarent, neque ex tanta properantia tam facile tractum bellum socordia magis quam dolo crederent.[222] Sed postquam dilapso tempore comitiorum dies adventabat, Albinus, Aulo fratre in castris pro praetore relicto Romam decessit.

[220] This season was usually the middle of the year, but was frequently delayed until the autumn. The consul Albinus seems to have been commissioned to preside at the elections, because his colleague, who had obtained Macedonia, was at a still greater distance. [221] Jugurtha protracted the war, delayed the negotiations for peace, and in this manner thwarted the consul. We have here restored the active form _ludificare_, because it exists in all the manuscripts. It is found also in Cicero, though the deponent _ludificari_ is more frequent. [222] Some were convinced that after the hurry which the consul had shown at the beginning, the war was protracted, not so much by his carelessness, as by his cunning designs. _Non magis quam_ is expressed in modern languages as if the Latin were _dolo magis quam socordia_: 'they believed that the war was protracted by his cunning designs rather than by his carelessness.' See Zumpt, S 725.

37. Ea tempestate Romae seditionibus tribuniciis atrociter res publica agitabatur. P. Lucullus et L. Annius, tribuni plebis, resistentibus collegis, continuare magistratum[223] nitebantur, quae dissensio totius anni comitia impediebat. Ea mora in spem adductus Aulus, quem pro praetore in castris relictum supra diximus, aut conficiundi belli aut terrore exercitus ab rege pecuniae capiundae, milites mense Januario ex hibernis in expeditionem evocat, magnisque itineribus, hieme aspera, pervenit ad oppidum Suthul, ubi regis thesauri erant. Quod quamquam et saevitia temporis et opportunitate loci neque capi neque obsideri poterat (nam circum murum situm in praerupti montis extremo planities limosa hiemalibus aquis paludem fecerat[224]), tamen aut simulandi gratia, quo regi formidinem adderet, aut cupidine caecus ob thesauros oppidi potiundi, vineas agere, aggerem jacere, aliaque, quae incepto usui forent, properare.

[223] _Continuare magistratum_, 'to continue for another year in a magistracy which has been given for only one year.' In the case of some magistracies this was forbidden by law; in that of tribunes of the people, it occurs rather frequently in the early times, that they were re-elected twice or oftener in successive years. The last in stance of a tribuneship lasting for two years is that of G. Gracchus, in B.C. 123 and 122; and even then this re-election was the cause of violent commotions, and it was impossible to carry it for the third year. [224] Around the wall, which had been built on the extreme edge of a precipitous rock, the clayey soil had formed a marsh. Respecting _extremum_ used substantively, see Zumpt, S 435.

38. At Jugurtha, cognita vanitate atque imperitia legati, subdolus ejus augere amentiam, missitare[225] supplicantes legatos, ipse quasi vitabundus per saltuosa loca et tramites exercitum ductare. Denique Aulum spe pactionis perpulit, uti relicto Suthule in abditas regiones sese veluti cedentem insequeretur; 'ita delicta occultiora fore.' Interea per homines callidos die noctuque exercitum temptabat; centuriones ducesque turmarum partim uti transfugerent corrumpere, alii signo dato locum uti desererent.[226] Quae postquam ex sententia instruit, intempesta nocte de improviso multitudine Numidarum Auli castra circumvenit. Milites Romani, perculsi tumultu insolito, arma capere alii, alii se abdere, pars territos confirmare, trepidare[227] omnibus locis; vis magna hostium, coelum nocte atque nubibus obscuratum, periculum anceps,[228] postremo fugere an manere tutius foret, in incerto erat. Sed ex eo numero, quos paulo ante corruptos diximus, cohors una Ligurum cum duabus turmis Thracum et paucis gregariis militibus transiere ad regem,[229] et centurio primi pili[230] tertiae legionis per munitionem, quam uti defenderet acceperat, locum hostibus introeundi dedit, eaque Numidae cuncti irrupere. Nostri foeda fuga, plerique abjectis armis, proximum collem occupavere. Nox atque praeda castrorum hostes, quo minus victoria uterentur, remorata sunt. Deinde Jugurtha postero die cum Aulo in colloquio verba facit: 'tametsi ipsum cum exercitu fame et ferro clausum tenet,[231] tamen se memorem humanarum rerum, si secum foedus faceret, incolumes omnes sub jugum missurum,[232] praeterea uti diebus decem Numidia decederet.' Quae quamquam gravia et flagitii plena erant, tamen, quia mortis metu mutabantur,[233] sicuti regi libuerat, pax convenit.

[225] Respecting the frequentatives _ductare_ and _missitare_, which last is a secondary derivative from _mittere_ (as _currere, cursare, cursitare_), see Zumpt, S 231; and about _vitabundus_, S 248. [226] The usual arrangement of the words would be: _corrumpere, ut alii (partim) transfugerent, alii--desererent_. The _ut_ is here repeated in the second clause, which is rather unusual. [227] _Trepidare_, in its proper sense, is, 'to run about with fear and trembling.' [228] _Anceps_, 'twofold,' on the part of the enemy and of that of nature. [229] The author here distinguishes the infantry (_cohors_) and cavalry (_turma_) of the auxiliaries, and the common soldiers from the Roman legions. [230] The _primus pilus_ in a Roman legion is the first company (_manipulus_) of the third class of legionaries, who were called _pilani_ or _triarii_, and were employed in battle as a reserve, while the two other classes of legionaries, the _hastati_ and _principes_, began the engagement. A legion thus contained ten maniples of every class; that is, altogether thirty maniples, each of which consisted of two _centuriae_, and each _centuria_ was commanded by a _centurio_. Out of these sixty centurions of a legion, the two commanding the _primus pilus_ (they themselves also were called, like their companies, _primi pili_) were the first in rank, and again the _ductor prioris centuriae primi pili_ was the principal centurion in a legion. The treachery of such an officer, therefore, is the more surprising. To the pronoun _ea_ supply _via_; _ea_, with this ellipsis, is used as an adverb in the sense of 'there.' See Zumpt, S 207, 288. [231] In accordance with the rules on the oratio obliqua, Sallust ought to have written _teneat_. [232] A _jugum_ was formed by two lances fixed in the ground, and a third fastened across them so as to form a gate. When an army confessed itself to be conquered, and after capitulating, was allowed to depart, the troops had to march under a yoke of this description. [233] Literally: 'because the disgrace was exchanged for the fear of death;' that is, by enduring it, they became free from the fear of death.

39. Sed ubi ea Romae comperta sunt, metus atque maeror civitatem invasere. Pars dolere pro gloria imperii, pars insolita rerum bellicarum timere libertati,[234] Aulo omnes infesti, ac maxime, qui bello saepe praeclari fuerant, quod armatus dedecore potius quam manu salutem quaesiverat. Ob ea consul Albinus ex delicto fratris invidiam ac deinde periculum timens, senatum de foedere consulebat, et tamen interim exercitui supplementum scribere, ab sociis et nomine Latino[235] auxilia accersere, denique omnibus modis festinare. Senatus ita, uti par fuerat, decernit, suo atque populi injussu nullum potuisse foedus fieri. Consul impeditus a tribunis plebis, ne, quas paraverat copias, secum portaret, paucis diebus in Africam proficiscitur; nam omnis exercitus, uti convenerat, Numidia deductus, in provincia hiemabat. Postquam eo venit, quamquam persequi Jugurtham et mederi fraternae invidiae animo ardebat, cognitis militibus, quos praeter fugam, soluto imperio, licentia atque lascivia corruperat, ex copia rerum[236] statuit sibi nihil agitandum.

[234] _Dolere pro gloria_, 'to be grieved for reputation;' that is, as they were interested in the glory of their country, they were grieved at the disgrace (_dedecore_ or _propter dedecus_) they had suffered. _Timere libertati_, 'to be afraid of losing one's freedom,' it appearing to be in danger. See Zumpt, S 414. [235] _Nomen Latinum_ is the same as _socii Latini_, or _Latini_ alone. The expression properly signifies those who are called Latins; for this class of people comprised not only those who really belonged to the nation of the Latins--such as the inhabitants of the ancient Latin towns of Tibur and Praeneste--but those also whose towns subsequently received the same privileges. The latter were termed coloniae Latinae--such as Alba in the country of the Marsians, Beneventum in Samnium, Cremona and Placentia on the Po. [236] _Ex copia rerum_, 'according to his present resources,' 'according to the state of affairs.'

40. Interim Romae C. Mamilius Limetanus tribunus plebis rogationem ad populum promulgat, uti quaereretur in eos, quorum consilio Jugurtha senati decreta neglexisset,[237] quique ab eo in legationibus aut imperiis pecunias accepissent, qui elephantos quique perfugas tradidissent, item qui de pace aut bello cum hostibus pactiones fecissent. Huic rogationi partim conscii sibi, alii ex partium invidia pericula metuentes, quoniam aperte resistere non poterant, quin illa et alia talia placere sibi faterentur,[238] occulte per amicos ac maxime per homines nominis Latini et socios Italicos impedimenta parabant. Sed plebes incredibile memoratu est, quam intenta fuerit quantaque vi rogationem jusserit, decreverit, voluerit: magis odio nobilitatis, cui mala illa parabantur, quam cura rei publicae; tanta libido in partibus erat. Igitur ceteris metu perculsis, M. Scaurus, quem legatum Bestiae fuisse supra docuimus, inter laetitiam plebis et suorum fugam, trepida etiamtum civitate quum ex Mamili regatione tres quaesitores rogarentur, effecerat, uti ipse in eo numero crearetur.[239] Sed quaestio exercita aspere violenterque ex[240] rumore et libidine plebis; ut saepe nobilitatem, sic ea tempestate plebem ex secundis rebus insolentia ceperat.

[237] In a few manuscripts we read _neglegisset_, respecting which see Zumpt, S 195. [238] _Quin faterentur_, 'without confessing.' See Zumpt, S 539. [239] M. Scaurus, who, as Sallust stated before, was himself bribed by Jugurtha, had availed himself of the time when the people were rejoicing at his victory, when the city was still under apprehensions respecting the war, and when many other nobles, from a consciousness of guilt, kept back; and there can be no doubt that, through the influence of his friends, he contrived to be himself elected one of the commissioners who had to institute inquiries about these briberies, and thus escaped being tried himself. [240] _Ex_ here signifies 'with respect to.' The people after this victory were insolent, so that the commissioners yielded to the wishes of the multitude.

41. Ceterum mos partium popularium et senatus factionum,[241] ac deinde omnium malarum artium paucis ante annis Romae ortus est otio atque abundantia earum rerum, quae prima mortales ducunt.[242] Nam ante Carthaginem deletam populus et senatus Romanus placide modesteque inter se rem publicam tractabant, neque gloriae neque dominationis certamen inter cives erat; metus hostilis in bonis artibus civitatem retinebat. Sed ubi illa formido mentibus decessit, scilicet[243] ea, quae res secundae amant, lascivia atque superbia incessere. Ita, quod in adversis rebus optaverant otium, postquam adepti sunt, asperius acerbiusque fuit. Namque coepere nobilitas dignitatem, populus libertatem in libidinem vertere, sibi quisque ducere, trahere, rapere. Ita omnia in duas partes abstracta sunt, res publica, quae media fuerat, dilacerata. Ceterum nobilitas factione magis pollebat, plebis vis soluta atque dispersa in multitudine minus poterat. Paucorum arbitrio belli domique agitabatur, penes eosdem aerarium, provinciae, magistratus, gloriae triumphique erant; populus militia atque inopia urguebatur; praedas bellicas imperatores cum paucis diripiebant; interea parentes aut parvi liberi militum, uti quisque potentiori confinis erat, sedibus pellebantur.[244] Ita cum potentia avaritia sine modo modestiaque invadere, polluere et vastare omnia, nihil pensi neque sancti habere, quoad semet ipsa praecipitavit. Nam ubi primum ex nobilitate reperti sunt, qui veram gloriam injustae potentiae anteponerent, moveri civitas et dissensio civilis quasi permixtio terrae[245] oriri coepit.

[241] 'The custom of (forming) parties among the people, and of factions in the senate;' the people are divided into _partes_, the senate into _factiones_; the latter evidently implies intriguing combinations. [242] 'From the abundance of those things which mortals deem of the first importance.' _Prima_ is used substantively, and with it the relative pronoun (_quae_) agrees. Sallust might have said _quas--primas_. [243] _Scilicet_, 'naturally,' is used here as an adverb. See Zumpt, S 271. [244] The annexation of small free farms to the adjoining large estates, is described by all the ancient authors as the cause of the great misery of the Roman state, and, as Sallust remarks, it was facilitated by the absence of many of the free citizens who were serving in the armies; for their fathers or children, who were left behind, were easily induced to sell their small farm to a wealthy and powerful neighbour. For force was certainly not always applied, and _pellere_ here signifies 'to displace,' rather than 'to expel.' The large estates thus formed were called _latifundia_. [245] _Permixtio terrae_ is said figuratively, as is indicated by _quasi_, 'a chaos--a mixture of elements.'

42. Nam postquam Tiberius et G. Gracchus, quorum majores Punico atque aliis bellis multum rei publicae addiderant, vindicare plebem in libertatem et paucorum scelera patefacere coepere, nobilitas noxia atque eo perculsa, modo per socios ac nomen Latinum, interdum per equites Romanos, quos spes societatis a plebe dimoverat, Gracchorum actionibus obviam ierat, et primo Tiberium, dein paucos post annos eadem ingredientem Gaium, tribunum alterum, alterum triumvirum coloniis deducendis, cum M. Fulvio Flacco ferro necaverat.[246] Et sane Gracchis cupidine victoriae haud satis moderatus animus fuit: sed bono vinci satius est quam malo more injuriam vincere.[247] Igitur ea victoria nobilitas ex libidine sua usa multos mortales ferro aut fuga extinxit, plusque in reliquum sibi timoris quam potentiae addidit. Quae res plerumque magnas civitates pessumdedit, dum alteri alteros vincere quovis modo et victos acerbius[248] ulcisci volunt. Sed de studiis partium et omnis civitatis moribus si singulatim aut pro magnitudine parem disserere, tempus quam res maturius me deseret.[249] Quamobrem ad inceptum redeo.

[246] Tib. Gracchus was slain in B.C. 133, and his brother, G. Gracchus, in B.C. 121. Sallust here states that the faction of the optimates threw obstacles in the way of the two brothers, sometimes by means of the _socii_ (in Italy), and sometimes by means of the Roman equites, who had been drawn into the senate by the popular party. This refers, in the first place, to the opposition made, through the instrumentality of the Latins, to the scheme of the Gracchi to settle poor Roman citizens in Latin colonies; and secondly, to the ingratitude of the equites, to whom G. Gracchus had transferred the administration of justice, after having taken it from the senate. Respecting _modo--interdum_, instead of _modo--modo_, see Zumpt, S 723. [247] Sallust admits that the Gracchi went somewhat too far, but blames the violence with which the faction of the optimates took vengeance upon them; 'for,' says he, 'a good man prefers being conquered, to taking revenge for injury done to him in a violent manner'--intimating that the optimates ought to have borne the injury done to them by the Gracchi, rather than avenge it with murder and assassination. [248] _Acerbius_; that is, _nimis acerbe_, or _acerbius quam par est_. [249] _Omnis civitatis_ for _totius civitatis_, in opposition to the patres. _Parem_; that is, _velim_, which is followed in the apodosis by the same subjunctive present, or the future indicative. See Zumpt, S 524, note 1. _Res_, the same as _materia_, _argumentum_, 'subject.'

43. Post Auli foedus exercitusque nostri foedam fugam, Metellus et Silanus consules designati,[250] provincias inter se partiverant, Metelloque Numidia evenerat, acri viro et quamquam adverso populi partium,[251] fama tamen aequabili et inviolata. Is ubi primum magistratum ingressus est, alia omnia sibi cum collega ratus, ad bellum, quod gesturus erat, animum intendit.[252] Igitur diffidens veteri exercitui, milites scribere, praesidia[253] undique accersere, arma, tela, equos et cetera instrumenta militiae parare, ad hoc commeatum affatim, denique omnia, quae in bello vario et multarum rerum egenti usui esse solent. Ceteram ad ea patranda senatus auctoritate, socii nomenque Latinum et reges ultro auxilia mittendo, postremo omnis civitas summo studio adnitebatur. Itaque ex sententia omnibus rebus paratis compositisque, in Numidiam proficiscitur, magna spe civium, quum propter artes bonas, tum maxime, quod adversum divitias invictum animum gerebat, et avaritia magistratuum ante id tempus in Numidia nostrae opes contusae[254] hostiumque auctae erant.

[250] The consuls here mentioned entered upon their office on the 1st of January, 109 B.C. The preparation for the campaign accordingly belongs to the latter part of the year 110. [251] 'An opponent of the popular party;' _adversus_ being used as a substantive, in the sense of _adversarius_; as an adjective, it is construed with the dative. [252] _Cum collega_, a short expression for _conjuncta cum collega_, 'everything else he considered as common between himself and his colleague, but to the Numidian war he alone directed his attention, as though it were his own exclusive business.' [253] _Praesidia_ is generally 'resources;' but here the same as _auxilia_, 'auxiliary troops.' [254] _Contusae_, from _contundere_, for _imminutae_, _debilitatae_, _fractae_.

44. Sed ubi in Africam venit, exercitus ei traditur a Sp. Albino pro consule iners, imbellis, neque periculi neque laboris patiens, lingua quam manu promptior, praedator[255] ex sociis et ipse praeda hostium, sine imperio et modestia habitus. Ita imperatori novo plus ex malis moribus sollicitudinis quam ex copia militum auxilii aut spei bonae accedebat. Statuit tamen Metellus, quamquam et aestivorum tempus[256] comitiorum mora imminuerat, et expectatione eventus civium animos intentos putabat, non prius bellum attingere quam majorum disciplina milites laborare coegisset. Nam Albinus, Auli fratris exercitusque clade perculsus, postquam decreverat non egredi provincia, quantum temporis aestivorum in imperio fuit,[257] plerumque milites stativis castris habebat, nisi quum odos[258] aut pabuli egestas locum mutare subegerat. Sed neque muniebantur ea, neque more militari vigiliae deducebantur; uti cuique libebat, ab signis aberat: lixae permixti cum militibus die noctuque vagabantur; palantes agros vastare, villas expugnare, pecoris et mancipiorum praedas certantes agere, eaque mutare cum mercatoribus[259] vino advectitio et aliis talibus; praeterea frumentum publice datum vendere, panem in dies mercari; postremo, quaecunque dici aut fingi queunt ignaviae luxuriaeque probra, ea in illo exercitu cuncta fuere et alia amplius.

[255] _Praedator_, belonging to _exercitus_, is the same as _praedas agens_, 'carrying off booty.' See Zumpt, S 102, note 2. [256] _Aestivorum tempus_ is the time suited for the campaign. To _aestivorum_ supply _castrorum_, 'a summer-camp,' and 'a campaign made in summer;' hence, also, 'a campaign' in general, inasmuch as warlike operations were but rarely carried on in winter. [257] _Albinus_, during a portion of the summer of the year 109 B. C., continued to command as proconsul, while the consul Metellus was detained at Rome by the election of the consuls for the year B. C. 108. [258] _Odos_ for _odor_. See Zumpt, S 7. [259] _Cum mercatoribus_, 'in intercourse with merchants.' The merchandise, in return for which another commodity is given, is expressed by the ablative. See Zumpt, S 456.

45. Sed in ea difficultate Metellum non minus quam in rebus hostilibus magnum et sapientem virum fuisse comperior; tanta temperantia inter ambitionem[260] saevitiamque moderatum: namque edicto primum adjumenta ignaviae sustulisse, ne quisquam in castris panem aut quem alium coctum cibum venderet, ne lixae exercitum sequerentur, ne miles gregarius in castris neve in agmine servum aut jumentum haberet; ceteris arte modum statuisse.[261] Praeterea transversis itineribus cotidie castra movere, juxta ac si hostes adessent, vallo atque fossa munire, vigilias crebras ponere et eas ipse cum legatis circumire, item in agmine in primis modo, modo in postremis, saepe in medio adesse, ne quisquam ordine egrederetur, uti cum signis frequentes incederent, miles cibum et arma portaret. Ita prohibendo a delictis magis quam vindicando exercitum brevi confirmavit.

[260] _Ambitio_, 'courting favour;' hence here in the sense of 'indulgence,' 'connivance,' these being the ordinary means to obtain the favour of the multitude. [261] _Ceteris arte modum statuisse_ still depends upon _comperior_, 'I learn (that is, we are informed) that for the rest (of the wants) he fixed the measure in a close (niggardly) manner;' for _arte_ is the adverb of _artus_, which is frequently, though not correctly, written _arcte_. It must not be confounded with _arte_ from _ars_. Sallust might have said, _ceteris (rebus) artum modum statuisse_.

46. Interea Jugurtha, ubi quae Metellus agebat ex nuntiis accepit, simul de innocentia ejus certior Romae factus, diffidere suis rebus ac tum demum veram deditionem facere conatus est. Igitur legatos ad consulem cum suppliciis[262] mittit, qui tantummodo ipsi liberisque vitam peterent, alia omnia dederent populo Romano. Sed Metello jam antea experimentis cognitum erat genus Numidarum infidum, ingenio mobili, novarum rerum avidum esse. Itaque legatos alium ab alio diversos aggreditur,[263] ac paulatim temptando, postquam opportunos sibi cognovit, multa pollicendo persuadet, uti Jugurtham maxime[264] vivum, sin id parum procedat, necatum sibi traderent; ceterum palam, quae ex voluntate forent,[265] regi nuntiari jubet. Deinde ipse paucis diebus intento atque infesto exercitu in Numidiam procedit, ubi contra belli faciem tuguria plena hominum, pecora cultoresque in agris erant; ex oppidis et mapalibus praefecti regis obvii procedebant, parati frumentum dare, commeatum portare, postremo omnia, quae imperarentur, facere. Neque Metellus idcirco minus, sed pariter ac si hostes adessent, munito agmine incedere, late explorare omnia, illa deditionis signa ostentui credere et insidiis locum temptari. Itaque ipse cum expeditis cohortibus, item funditorum et sagittariorum delecta manu apud primos erat, in postremo G. Marius legatus cum equitibus curabat, in utrumque latus auxiliarios equites tribunis legionum et praefectis cohortium dispertiverat, ut cum his permixti velites, quocunque accederent equitatus[266] hostium, propulsarent. Nam in Jugurtha tantus dolus tantaque peritia locorum et militiae erat, ut absens an praesens, pacem an bellum gerens perniciosior esset, in incerto haberetur.

[262] _Supplicia_ here, as elsewhere, are _supplices preces_, 'humble prayers,' or 'petitions.' Compare chap. 66. [263] 'He applies to the ambassadors one by one;' that is, he tries them one by one, _temptat singulos_. [264] _Maxime_, the same as _potissimum_. Compare chap. 35. [265] 'What would be in accordance with his wish;' namely, the granting of his request. [266] The plural _equitatus_ is rare; here it refers to different troops of cavalry, as in Caesar, _Bell. Civ._ i. 61. To _propulsarent_ supply _eos_. See Zumpt, S 766.

47. Erat haud longe ab eo itinere, quo Metellus pergebat, oppidum Numidarum, nomine Vaga, forum rerum venalium totius regni maxime celebratum,[267] ubi et incolere et mercari consueverant Italici generis multi mortales. Huc consul simul temptandi gratia, et si paterentur, opportunitate loci, praesidium imposuit;[268] praeterea imperavit frumentum et alia, quae bello usui forent, comportare,[269] ratus id quod res monebat, frequentiam negotiatorum et commeatum juvaturum exercitum et jam paratis rebus munimento fore. Inter haec negotia Jugurtha impensius modo[270] legatos supplices mittere, pacem orare, praeter suam liberorumque vitam omnia Metello dedere. Quos item, uti priores, consul illectos ad proditionem domum dimittebat, regi pacem quam postulabat neque abnuere neque polliceri et inter eas moras promissa legatorum exspectare.

[267] 'Most frequented;' for _celeber_, _bris_, _bre_, is commonly used of densely peopled or much frequented places. [268] Metellus placed a garrison in the city, partly to test the sentiments of the inhabitants, and partly on account of the advantages offered to him by the nature of the place, in case the inhabitants should not object to a garrison of the Romans. The common reading, _si paterentur opportunitates loci_, must be rejected, for the words _si paterentur_ must refer to the inhabitants of the place, and explain the preceding _temptandi gratia_. Another reading, _opportunitatis_, to which _gratia_ must be supplied by the mind, has the same meaning as _opportunitate_, the ablative of cause. [269] 'He believed that the great number of merchants (in the town) and the corn would be of use to the army, and protect the provisions (of the Roman army) already accumulated,' so that the Roman stores might be saved. [270] _Impensius modo_; that is, _praeter modum_, 'beyond measure,' 'immoderately;' literally, 'stronger than the measure observed in such matters.'

48. Jugurtha ubi Metelli dicta cum factis composuit ac se suis artibus temptari animadvertit, quippe cui verbis pax nuntiabatur, ceterum re bellum asperrimum erat, urbs maxima alienata, ager hostibus cognitus, animi popularium temptati, coactus rerum necessitudine statuit armis certare. Igitur explorato hostium itinere, in spem victoriae adductus ex opportunitate loci, quam maximas potest copias omnium generum parat ac per tramites occultos exercitum Metelli antevenit.[271] Erat in ea parte Numidiae, quam Adherbal in divisione possederat, flumen oriens a meridie, nomine Muthul; a quo aberat mons ferme milia passuum viginti tractu pari,[272] vastus ab natura et humano cultu. Sed ex eo medio quasi collis oriebatur, in immensum pertingens,[273] vestitus oleastro ac murtetis aliisque generibus arborum, quae humi arido atque arenoso[274] gignuntur. Media autem planities deserta penuria aquae, praeter flumini propinqua loca; ea consita arbustis, pecore atque cultoribus frequentabantur.

[271] _Exercitum antevenit_. See Zumpt, S 386, note. [272] 'In an equal direction;' that is, likewise extending from south to north. [273] In the midst of this range there arose another group, extending far and wide; and, as will be seen hereafter (