Book i

. c. 34, § 33.

[55] Chron. Barth. Cotton, ed. Luard, p. 228.

[56] Chron. Year Books of Edward I., years 30-31, p. 499.

[57] Rymer, “Fœdera,” vi. 13.

[58] Year Book, 8 Henry IV., Michaelmas term.

[59] Holinshed, i. 185.

[60] Mr. John Mush’s Life of Margaret Clitherow, in “The Troubles of Our Catholic Forefathers,” by Father John Morris, 3rd series, 1877, p. 432.

[61] “The Unhappy Marksman,” in Thomasson Tracts, Brit. Mus. (E. 972), reprinted in “Harleian Mis.,” vol. iv.

[62] “Et sic nota que il ne dit co̅e Britton ad dit deuant, s. que ceo serra son diet ta̅que il voet doner direct respons, mes que ceo serra son diet tanqz il soit mort absolutement: sans ascun condition en le iudgement expresse ou implie, s. que a tel te̅ps que il voile responder, il serra release de son penance. Car tiel releas nad estre view a nul te̅ps. & ne serroit reason que per tiel repentance: le roy serroit tolle del forfaiture de les biens le felon, a quel il est intitle per le dit iugem̅t du pain fort et dure” (Fols. 150b, 151).

[63] See Annals, 1721, February 8th and December 22nd.

[64] A Report of Divers Cases, &c., collected by Sir John Kelyng Knight, ed. 1708, p. 27.

[65] See in Annals, under 1538, July, and 1556, July 2nd.

[66] “State Trials,” ii. 335.

[67] Blount, “Glossogr.,” 1656: “Deric … is with us abusively used for a Hang-man.”

[68] George Lord Carew, to Sir Thomas Roe, in “Cal. of State Papers,” Domestic series, 1611-8, p. 428.

[69] See in Annals, under 1649.

[70] Luttrell, i. 271.

[71] “Autobiography of Sir John Bramston” (Camden Society), p. 192.

[72] _Gentleman’s Magazine_, 1750, pp. 233, 425.

[73] Ibid., 1767, p. 276.

[74] Stow’s “Survey,” ed. Thoms, p. 161.

[75] Grey Friars’ Chron., ed. Howlett, pp. 199, 200.

[76] Ellis, “Original Letters,” 1824, ii. 298.

[77] Challoner’s “Memoirs of Missionary Priests,” 1842, pt. ii. p. 37.

[78] Laws of Alfred, in Thorpe’s “Anc. Laws and Inst. of England,” fo. ed., p. 42.

[79] Thorpe, p. 97.

[80] Laws of William the Conqueror, De Suppliciorum modo: “Interdicimus eciam ne quis occidatur vel suspendatur pro aliqua culpa, sed enerventur” (other texts have “eruantur”) “oculi, et abscindantur pedes, vel testiculi, vel manus, ita quod truncus remaneat vivus, in signum prodicionis et nequicie sue: secundum enim quantitatem delicti debet pena maleficis infligi. Ista precepta non sint violata super forisfacturam nostram plenam. Testibus, &c.” (Thorpe, “Ancient Laws and Institutes of England,” fol. ed., p. 213).

[81] Chron. Roger de Hoveden, ed. Stubbs, i. 165.

[82] Chron. Benedict of Peterborough, ed. Stubbs, ii. 59.

[83] “En France … nous voyons aujourd’huy, qu’il n’y a presque si petit Gentil-homme, qui ne prétend avoir en propriété la Justice de son village ou hameau; tel même qui n’a ni village, ni hameau, mais un moulin ou une basse court près sa maison, veut avoir Justice sur son meusnier, ou sur son fermier: tel encore qui n’a ni basse court ni moulin; mais le seul enclos de sa maison, veut avoir Justice sur sa femme et sur son valet: tel finalement qui n’a point de maison, prétend avoir Justice en l’air sur les oyseaux du Ciel disant en avoir eu autrefois.” Loyseau, Charles, “Discours de l’abus des Justices de Village,” p. 1 (in Œuvres).

[84] Stanley, “Hist. Mem. of Westminster Abbey,” ed. 1882, p. 354; Brayley, “Londiniana,” iv. 215; “Arch. Cantiana,” vii. 96, 97.

[85] Placita de Quo Waranto, p. 479.

[86] Maitland, “History of London,” ii. 1363; Parton, “Some Account of the Hospital and Parish of St. Giles,” p. 38.

[87] Thus Sir John Oldcastle was executed here in 1417, and those implicated in Babington’s conspiracy in 1586, but in each case there were special reasons for the selection of St. Giles’s.

[88] Placita de Quo Waranto, p. 479.

[89] Burnings in Smithfield for heresy took place in the following years: 1401, 1410, 1415, 1422, 1431, 1438, 1441, 1494, 1499. The writ in the first case is given in Rot. Parl., iii. 459: “Item, mesme ceste Mesquerdy, March 2, 1400-1, un Brief feust fait as Meir & Viscontz de Londres, par advis des Seigneurs Temporelx en Parlement, de faire execution de William Sautre, jadys Chapelein Heretic, dont le tenure s’ensuyte.” Then follows in Latin the text of the writ, Henry to the Mayor and Sheriffs of London. It recites that the Archbishop of Canterbury, with the consent and assent of the bishops and the whole of the clergy of the province assembled in his provincial council, condemned William for heresy, degraded him, and decreed that he be left to the secular court, and Holy Mother Church has no more to do in the premises. The writ orders that in some public and open place within the liberty of the said city they shall cause, for the reason set forth, Sawtre to be publicly, before the people, committed to the fire and to be burnt.

Smithfield, long established as a place of execution, was naturally selected by the civic authorities; hence the evil celebrity of Smithfield as the place of burning of heretics. The fires of Smithfield, associated in the popular mind with “bloody Mary,” were kindled long before her time, and continued long after her.

[90] “Henricus Dei gratia et cetera Vicecomiti Midilsex’ salutem. Precipimus tibi quod sine omni dilatione in loco ubi furche prius erecte fuerunt videlicet ad ulmellos fieri facias duos bonos gibettos de forti et optimo mæremio ad latrones et alios malefactores suspendendos et custum quod ad hoc posueris per visum et testimonium legalium hominum computabitur tibi ad scaccarium. Teste H. de Burgo Justiciario nostro apud Sanctum Albanum xxij die Maii. Rotuli Litterarum Clausarum, 1833” (Records Commission, i. 419).

[91] Stow’s “Survey of London,” ed. Strype,