Part 19

21. The power of the Egyptian cult in the Oriental half of the empire has been clearly shown by von Domaszewski (_Röm. Mitt._, XVII, 1902, pp. 333 ff.), but perhaps with some exaggeration. All will endorse the restrictions formulated by Harnack, _Ausbreitung des Christentums_, II, p. 274.

22. The very early spread of Orphic doctrines in Magna Graecia, evidenced by the tablets of Sybaris and Petilia (Diels, {232} _Vorsokratiker_, II^2, p. 480) must have prepared the way for it. These tablets possess many points in common with the eschatological beliefs of Egypt, but, as their latest commentator justly remarks (Harrison, _Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion_, p. 624), these new ideas are fairly overwhelmed in the old mythology. The mysteries of Isis and Serapis seemed to offer a revelation that had been a presentiment for a long time, and the affirmation of a truth foreshadowed by early symbols.

23. _CIL_, X, 1781, I, 15-6.

24. Apul., _Metam._, XI, 30.

25. Wissowa, _op. cit._, p. 292-3; cf. Seeck, _Hermes_, XLIII, 1908, p. 642.

26. Manicheism was later persecuted on a similar pretext, see _Collat. Mos. et Rom. leg._, 15, 3, § 4: "De Persica adversaria nobis gente progressa."

27. A full list of the inscriptions and monuments discovered in the various cities is given by Drexler in Roscher, _Lexikon_, s. v. "Isis," II, col. 409 ff.

28. Hirschfeld, _CIL_, XII, p. 382, and _Wiener Studien_, V, 1883, pp. 319-322.

29. Cf. Wissowa, _op. cit._, pp. 294 ff.

30. Minuc. Fel., _Octav._ 22, 2: "Haec Ægyptia quondam nunc et sacra Romana sunt."

31. _Carmen contra paganos_ (_Anthol. lat._, ed. Riese, I, 20 ff.) v. 91, 95 ff.; cf. Ps. Aug., _Quaest. Vet. Test._, CXIV, 11 (p. 308, 10 Souter), and _Rev. hist. litt. relig._, VIII, 1903, p. 422, n. 1.

32. Rufin, II, 24: "_Caput ipsum idolatriae._" A miniature from an Alexandrian chronicle shows the patriarch Theophilus, crowned with a halo, stamping the Serapeum under foot, see Bauer and Strzygowski, _Eine alexandrinische Weltchronik_ (_Denkschr. Akad. Wien_, LI), 1905, to the year 391, pp. 70 ff., 122, and pl. VI.

33. Cf. Drexler in Roscher, s. v. "Isis," II, p. 425; Harnack, _Ausbreitung des Christentums_, II, pp. 147 ff.--Some curious details showing the persistence of the Isis cult among the professors and students of Alexandria during the last years of the {233} fifth century are given in the life of Severus of Antioch by Zachariah the Scholastic (_Patrol. orient._, I, ed. Kugener), pp. 17 ff., 27 ff.

34. Ps.-Apul., 34. Compare with a similar prophecy in the Sibylline oracles, V, 184 f. (p. 127, Geffcken ed.).

35. Iseum of Beneventum; cf. _Notizie debgli scavi di ant._, 1904, pp. 107 ff. Iseum of the Campus Martius: see Lanciani, _Bollet. communale di Roma_, 1883, pp. 33 ff.; Marucchi, _ibid._, 1890, pp. 307 f.--The _signa Memphitica_ (made of Memphian marble), are mentioned in an inscription (Dessau, _Inscr. sel._, 4367-8).--The term used in connection with Caracalla: "Sacra Isidis Romam deportavit," which Spartianus (_Carac._, 9; cf. Aur. Vict., _Cæs._, 21, 4) no longer understood, also seems to refer to a transfer of sacred Egyptian monuments. At Delos a statue of a singer taken from some grave of the Saïs period had been placed in the temple. Everything Egyptian was looked upon as sacred. (Ruhl, _op. cit._, p. 53).

36. Gregorovius, _Gesch. des Kaisers Hadrian_, pp. 222 ff.; cf. Drexler, _loc. cit._, p. 410.

37. The term is Wiedemann's.

38. Naville, _op. cit._, pp. 89 ff.

39. On the [Greek: hierogammateus] Cheremon, see Otto, _Priester und Tempel_ II, p. 216; Schwartz in Pauly-Wissowa, _Realenc._, III, col. 2025 ff.

40. Doctrines of Plutarch: cf. Decharme, _Traditions religieuses chez les Grecs_, pp. 486 ff. and _supra_, ch. I, n. 20.

41. I did not mention Hermetism, made prominent by the researches of Reitzenstein, because I believe its influence in the Occident to have been purely literary. To my knowledge there is no trace in the Latin world of an Hermetic sect with a clergy and following. The _Heliognostae_ or _Deinvictiaci_ who, in Gaul, attempted to assimilate the native Mercury with the Egyptian Thoth, (_Mon. myst. Mithra_, I, p. 49, n. 2; cf. 359), were Christian gnostics. I believe that Reitzenstein misunderstood the facts when he stated (_Wundererzählungen_, 1906, p. 128): "Die hermetische Literatur ist im zweiten und dritten Jahrhundert für alle religiös-interessierten der allgemeine Ausdruck der Frömmigkeit geworden." I believe that {234} Hermetism, which is used as a label for doctrines of very different origin, was influenced by "the universal spirit of devotion," and was not its creator. It was the result of a long continued effort to reconcile the Egyptian traditions first with Chaldean astrology, then with Greek philosophy, and it became transformed simultaneously with the philosophy. But this subject would demand extended development. It is admitted by Otto, the second volume of whose book has been published since the writing of these lines, that not even during the Hellenistic period was there enough theological activity of the Egyptian clergy to influence the religion of the times. (_Priester und Tempel_, II, pp. 218-220).

42. Plut, _De Isid._, 9.

43. Apul., _Metam._, XI, 5.

44. _CIL_ X, 3800 = Dessau, _Inscr. sel._, 4362.

45. See the opening pages of this chapter.

46. Plut,. _De Iside et Osir._, 52; cf. Hermes Trismegistus, [Greek: Horoi Asklêpiou], c. 16; and Reitzenstein, _Poimandres_, p. 197.

47. Cf. Naville, _op. cit._, pp. 170 ff.

48. Juv., VI, 489: "Isiacae sacraria lenae"; cf. Friedländer, _Sittengeschichte_, I^6, p. 502.

49. In a recent book Farnell has brilliantly outlined the history of the ritual of purification and that of the conception of purity throughout antiquity (_Evolution of Religion_, London, 1905, pp. 88-192), but unfortunately he has not taken Egypt into account where the primitive forms have been maintained with perhaps the fewest alterations.

50. Juv., VI, 522 ff.

51. Friedländer, _Sittengeschichte_, I^6, p. 510.--On this transformation of the Isis cult, cf. Réville, _op. cit._, p. 56.

52. Plut., _De Iside_, c. 2; cf. Apul., _Met._, XI, 6, end.

53. Ælius Arist., _In Sarap._, 25 (II, p. 359, Keil ed.); see Diodorus, I, 93, and Apuleius, XI, 6, end.--On future rewards and punishments in Hermetism, see Ps.-Apul., _Asclepius_, c. 28; Lydus, _De mensib._, IV, 32 and 149, Wünsch ed.

54. Porph., _Epist. ad Aneb._, 29. The answer of the Ps.-Iamblichus (_de Myst._, VI, 5-7) is characteristic. He {235} maintained that these threats were addressed to demons; however, he was well aware that the Egyptians did not distinguish clearly between incantations and prayers (VI, 7, 5).

55. Cf. G. Hock, _Griechische Weihegebräuche_, 1905, pp. 65 ff. Ps.-Apul., _Asclep._, 23: "Homo fictor est deorum qui in templis sunt et non solum inluminatur, verum etiam inluminat"; c. 37: "Proavi invenerunt artem qua efficerent deos." Cf. George Foucart, _loc. cit._ [n. 61]: "La statuaire égyptienne a, avant tout autre, le caractère de créer des êtres vivants."

56. Maspero, _Sur la toute-puissance de la parole_ (_Recueil de travaux_, XXIV), 1902, pp. 163-175; cf. my _Récherches sur le manichéisme_, p. 24, n. 2.--The parallelism between the divine and the sacerdotal influence is established in Ps.-Apul., _Asclepius_, 23.

57. Iamblichus, _Myst._, VI, 6; cf. G. Foucart, _La méthode comparative et l'histoire des religions_, 1909, p. 131, 141, 149 ff. and infra, n. 66. The Egyptians prided themselves on having been the first "to know the sacred names and to use the sacred speech" (Luc., _De Dea Syr._, 1).

58. This has been proven by Otto, _Priester und Tempel_, I, pp. 114 ff. Cf. _supra_, chap. II, n. 35. Certain busts have recently inspired Mr. Dennison to give his attention to the tonsure of the votaries of Isis (_American Journ. of Archeology_, V, 1905, p. 341). The Pompeian frescoes representing priests and ceremonies of the Isis cult are particularly important for our knowledge of the liturgy (Guimet, _C. R. Acad. des Inscr._, 1896, pls. VII-IX. Cf. von Bissing, _Transact. congr. relig. Oxford_, 1908, I, pp. 225 ff.).

59. _CIL_, XII, 3061: "Ornatrix fani."

60. Cf. Kan, _De Iove Dolicheno_, 1901, p. 33.

61. Cf. Moret, _Le rituel du culte divin journalier en Egypte_, Paris, 1902. Just as the ritual of consecration brought the statue to life (_supra_, n. 55), the repeated sacrifices sustained life, and made it _longa durare per tempora_ (Ps.-Apul., _Asclep._, 38). The epithet of [Greek: aeizôos], given to several divinities (_CIG_, 4598; _Griech. Urkunden_ of Berlin, I, No. 124), expresses it exactly. All this is in conformity with the old ideas prevailing in the valley of the Nile (see George Foucart, _Revue des {236} idées_, Nov. 15, 1908).--When compared with the Egyptian ceremonial, the brief data scattered through the Greek and Latin authors become wonderfully clear and coherent.

62. Apul., XI, 22: "Rituque sollemni apertionis celebrato ministerio." Cf. XI, 20: "Matutinas apertiones templi."

63. Jusephus, _Ant. Jud._, XVIII, 3, 5, § 174.

64. Servius ad Verg., _Aen._, IV, 512: "In templo Isidis aqua sparsa de Nilo esse dicebatur"; cf. II, 116. When, by pouring water taken from the river, reality took the place of this fiction, the act was much more effective; see Juv. VII, 527.

65. This passage, together with a chapter from Apuleius (XI, 20), is the principal text we have in connection with the ritual of those Isis matins. (_De Abstin._, IV, 9):

[Greek: Hôs pou eti kai nun en têi anoixei tou hagiou Sarapidos hê therapeia dia puros kai hudatos ginetai, leibontos tou humnôdou to hudôr kai to pur phainontos, hopênika hestôs epi tou oudou têi patriôi tôn Aiguptiôn phônêi egeirei ton theon].

Arnobius (VII, 32) alludes to the same belief of the votaries of Isis: "Quid sibi volunt excitationes illae quas canitis matutini conlatis ad tibiam vocibus? Obdormiscunt enim superi remeare ut ad vigilias debeant? Quid dormitiones illae quibus ut bene valeant auspicabili salutatione mandatis?"

66. On the power of "barbarian names" see my _Mon. myst. Mithra_, I, p. 313, n. 4; Dieterich, _Mithrasliturgie_, pp. III ff. Cf. Charles Michel, _Note sur un passage de Jamblique_ (Mélanges, Louis Havet), 1909, p. 279.--On the persistence of the same idea among the Christians, cf. Harnack, _Ausbreitung des Christ._, I, pp. 124 ff.; Heitmüller, _Im Namen Jesu_, Göttingen, 1903 (rich material).

67. Apul., _Met._, XI, 9.

68. _CIL_, II, 3386 = Dessau, _Inscr. sel._, 442; cf. 4423.

69. Apul., XI, 24; cf. Lafaye, pp. 118 ff. Porphyry (_De Abstin._, IV, 6) dwells at length on this contemplative character of the Egyptian devotion: The priests [Greek: apedosan holon ton bion têi tôn theôn theôriai kai theasei].

70. In the Pharaonic ritual the closing ceremony seems to have taken place during the morning, but in the Occident the sacred images were exposed for contemplation, and the {237} ancient Egyptian service must, therefore, have been divided into two ceremonies.

71. Herodotus, II, 37.

72. Cf. Maspero, _Rev. critique_, 1905, II, p. 361 ff.

73. Apul., _Metam._, XI, 7 ff.--This festival seems to have persisted at Catana in the worship of Saint Agatha; cf. _Analecta Bollandiana_, XXV, 1906, p. 509.

74. Similar masquerades are found in a number of pagan cults (_Mon. myst. Mithra_, I, p. 315), and from very early times they were seen in Egypt; see von Bissing, _loc. cit._, n. 58, p. 228.

75. The _pausarii_ are mentioned in the inscriptions; cf. Dessau, _Inscr. sel._, 4353, 4445.

76. Schäfer, _Die Mysterien des Osiris in Abydos unter Sesostris III_, Leipsic, 1904; cf. Capart, _Rev. hist, relig._, LI, 1905, p. 229, and Wiedemann, _Mélanges Nicole_, pp. 574 ff. Junker, "Die Stundenwachen in den Osirismysterien" (_Denkschrift Akad. Wien_, LIV) 1910.

77. In the Abydos mysteries, the god Thoth set out in a boat to seek the body of Osiris. Elsewhere it was Isis who sailed out in quest of it. We do not know whether this scene was played at Rome; but it certainly was played at Gallipoli where make-believe fishermen handled the nets in a make-believe Nile; cf. P. Foucart, _Rech. sur les myst. d'Eleusis_ (_Mém. Acad. Inscr._, XXXV), p. 37.

78. Cheremon in Porphyry, _Epist. ad Aneb._, 31:

[Greek: Kai ta krupta tês Isidos epainei kai to en Abudôi aporrêton deixei].

Cf. Iamblichus, _De myster._, VI, 5-7.--On the "mysteries" of Isis in Egypt, cf. Foucart, _loc. cit._, p. 19 f.; De Jong, _De Apuleio Isiacorum mysteriorum teste_, Leyden, 1900, pp. 79 f., and _Das antike Mysterienwesen_, Leyden, 1909.

79. Cf. _supra_.--De Jong, op. cit., pp. 40 ff.; Gruppe, _Griech. Mythol._, p. 1574.

80. _La Cité antique_, I, ch. II, end.

81. Cf. Erman, _op. cit._, pp. 96-97.

82. Sufficient proof is contained in the bas-reliefs cited above (n. 20), where apotheosized death assumes the shape of {238} Serapis. Compare Kaibel, _Inscr. gr._, XIV, 2098: [Greek: Eupsuchi meta tou Oseiridos]. This material conception of immortality could be easily reconciled with the old Italian ideas, which had persisted in a dormant state in the minds of the people, see Friedländer, _Sittengeschichte_, III^6, p. 758.

83. Reitzenstein, _Archiv für Religionswiss._, VII, 1904, 406 ff. These are perhaps the most striking pages written on the meaning of the ceremony; it is an [Greek: apathanatismos]. Cf. also Reitzenstein, _Hellenistische Wundererzählungen_, p. 116.

84. Apul., _Metam._, 23.--De Jong, the latest commentator on this passage, seems inclined to take it as a mere ecstatic vision, but the vision was certainly caused by a dramatic scene in the course of which hell and heaven were shown in the dark.--The Egyptians represented them even on the stage; see Suetonius, _Calig._, 8: "Parabatur et in mortem spectaculum quo argumenta inferorum per Aegyptios et Aethiopas explicarentur."

85. Apul., _Met._, XI, 6 end.

86. _Ibid._, c. 24: "Inexplicabili voluptate < aspectu > divini simulacri perfruebar."

87. Plut., _De Isid._, 78, p. 383 A:

[Greek: Hôs an exêrtêmenais (tais psuchais ap' autou (tou Osiridos kai theômenais aplêstôs kai pothousais to mê phaton mêde rhêton anthrôpois kallos].

88. Cf., _supra_, n. 22.

89. We find similar wishes on the Egyptian monuments, frequently at least since the Middle Empire. "Donnez-moi de l'eau courante à boire.... Mettez-moi la face au vent du nord sur le bord de l'eau et que sa fraîcheur calme mon coeur" (Maspero, _Etudes égyptiennes_, I, 1881, p. 189). "Oh, si j'avais de l'eau courante à boire et si mon visage était tourné vers le vent du nord" (Naville,_op. cit._, p. 174). On a funerary stele in the Brussels museum (Capart, _Guide_, 1905, p. 71) is inscribed, "Que les dieux accordent de boire l'eau des sources, de respirer les doux vents du nord."--The very material origin of this wish appears in the funeral texts, where the soul is shown crossing the desert, threatened with hunger and thirst, and obtaining refreshment by the aid of the gods (Maspero, _Etudes de mythol. et d'archéol. égypt._, 1883, I, pp. {239} 366 ff.).--On a tablet at Petilia (see _supra_, n. 22), the soul of the deceased is required to drink the fresh water ([Greek: psuchron hudôr]) flowing from the lake of Memory in order to reign with the heroes. There is nothing to prevent our admitting with Foucart ("Myst. d'Eleusis," _Mém. Acad. des Inscr._, XXXV, 2, p. 67), that the Egyptian ideas may have permeated the Orphic worship of southern Italy after the fourth or third century, since they are found expressed a hundred years earlier at Carpentras (_infra_, n. 90).

90. [Greek: Doiê soi ho Osiris to psuchron hudôr], at Rome: Kaibel, _Inscr. gr._ XIV. 1488, 1705, 1782, 1842; cf. 658 and _CIL_, VI, 3, 20616.--[Greek: Soi de Oseiridos hagnon hudôr Eisis charisaito], _Rev. archéol._, 1887, p. 199, cf. 201.--[Greek: Psuchêi dipsôsêi psuchron hudôr metados], _CIG_, 6267 = Kaibel, 1890. It is particularly interesting to note that almost the same wish appears on the Aramaic stele of Carpentras (_C. I. Sem._, II, 141), which dates back to the fourth or fifth century B. C.: "Blessed be thou, take water from in front of Osiris."--A passage in the book of Enoch manifestly inspired by Egyptian conceptions, mentions the "spring of water," the "spring of life," in the realm of the dead (Enoch, xxii. 2, 9. Cf. Martin, _Le livre d'Hénoch_, 1906, p. 58, n. 1, and Bousset, _Relig. des Judentums_, 1903, p 271). From Judaism the expression has passed into Christianity. Cf. Rev. vii. 17; xxi. 6.

91. The Egyptian origin of the Christian expression has frequently been pointed out and cannot be doubted; see Lafaye, _op. cit._, p. 96, n. 1; Rohde, _Psyche_, II, p. 391; Kraus, _Realencycl. der christl. Alt._, s. v. "Refrigerium"; and especially Dieterich, _Nekyia_, pp. 95 ff. Cf. Perdrizet, _Rev. des études anc._, 1905, p. 32; Audollent, _Mélanges Louis Havet_, 1909, p. 575.--The _refrigerii sedes_, which the Catholic Church petitions for the deceased in the anniversary masses, appears in the oldest Latin liturgies, and the Greeks, who do not believe in purgatory, have always expressed themselves along the same lines. For instance, Nubian inscriptions which are in perfect agreement with the euchology of Constantinople hope the soul will rest [Greek: en topôi chloerôi, en topôi anapsuxeôs] (G. Lefebvre, _Inscr. gr. chrét. d'Eg._, No. 636, 664 ff., and introd., p. xxx; cf. Dumont, _Mélanges_, Homolle ed., pp. 585 ff.). The detail is not without significance because it furnishes a {240} valuable indication as to the Egyptian origin of prayer for the dead; this is unknown to Graeco-Roman paganism which prayed to the deified dead but never _for_ the dead as such. The Church took this custom from the Synagogue, but the Jews themselves seem to have taken it from the Egyptians during the Hellenistic period, undoubtedly in the course of the second century (S. Reinach, _Cultes, mythes_, I, p. 325), just as they were indebted to the Egyptians for the idea of the "spring of life" (_supra_, n. 90). The formula in the Christian inscriptions cited,

[Greek: anapauson tên psuchên en kolpois Abraam kai Isaak kai Iakôb],

appears to indicate a transposition of the doctrine of identification with Osiris. In this way we can explain the persistence in the Christian formulary of expressions, like _requies aeterna_, corresponding to the most primitive pagan conceptions of the life of the dead, who were not to be disturbed in their graves.--A name for the grave, which appears frequently in Latin epitaphs, viz., _domus aeterna_ (or _aeternalis_) is undoubtedly also of Egyptian importation. In Egypt, "la tombe est la maison du mort, sa maison d'étérnite, comme disent les textes" (Capart, _Guide du musée de Bruxelles_, 1905, p. 32). The Greeks were struck by this expression which appears in innumerable instances. Diodorus of Sicily (I, 51, § 2) was aware that the Egyptians

[Greek: tous tôn teteleutêkotôn taphous aidious oikous prosagoreuousin, hôs en Haidou diatelountôn ton apeiron aiôna] (cf. I, 93, § 1, [Greek: eis tên aiônion oikêsin]).--

It is probable that this appellation of the tomb passed from Egypt into Palestine and Syria. It appears already in Ecclesiastes, xii. 7 (_beth 'olam_ = "house of eternity"), and it is found in Syrian epigraphy (for instance in inscriptions of the third century (_Comptes Rendus Acad. Inscr._, 1906, p. 123), also in the epigraphy of Palmyra. (Chabot, _Journal asiatique_, 1900, p. 266, No. 47)).--Possibly the hope for consolation, [Greek: Eupsuchei, oudeis athanatos], frequently found engraved upon tombs even in Latin countries was also derived from the Egyptian religion, but this is more doubtful. [Greek: Eupsuchei] is found in the epitaphs of initiates in the Alexandrian mysteries. Kaibel, _Inscr. gr._, XIV, 1488, 1782 ([Greek: Eupsuchei kuria kai doiê soi ho Osiris to psuchron hudôr]), 2098 (cf. _supra_, n. 90). Possibly the twofold meaning of {241} [Greek: eupsuchos] which stands both for _animosus_ and _frigidus_ (see Dieterich, _Nekyia_, _loc. cit._) has been played upon. But on the other hand, the idea contained in the formula "Be cheerful, nobody is immortal," also inspired the "Song of the Harpist," a canonical hymn that was sung in Egypt on the day of the funeral. It invited the listener to "make his heart glad" before the sadness of inevitable death (Maspero, _Etudes égyptiennes_, I, 1881, pp. 171 ff.; cf. Naville, _op. cit._, p. 171).

V. SYRIA.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The Syrian religions have been studied with especial attention to their relation with Judaism: Baudissin, _Studien zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte_, 2 vols., Leipsic, 1876. The same author has published veritable monographs on certain divinities (Astarte, Baal, Sonne, etc.) in the _Realencyclopädie für prot. Theol._, of Herzog-Hauck, 3d ed.--Bäthgen, _Beiträge zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte_, Berlin, 1888.--W. Robertson Smith, _The Religion of the Semites_, 2d. ed., London, 1894.--Lagrange, _Etudes sur les religions sémitiques_, 2d ed., Paris, 1905. The results of the excavations in Palestine, which are important in regard to the funeral customs and the oldest idolatry, have been summarized by Father Hugues Vincent, _Canaan d'après l'exploration récente_, 1907.--On the propagation of the Syrian religions in the Occident, see Réville, _op. cit._, pp. 70 _et passim_; Wissowa, _Religion der Römer_, pp. 299 ff.; Gruppe, _Griech. Mythol._, pp. 1582 f.--Important observations will be found in Clermont-Ganneau, _Recueil d'archéologie orientale_, 8 vols., 1888, and in Dussaud, _Notes de mythologie syrienne_, Paris, 1903. We have published a series of articles on particular divinities in the _Realencyclopädie_ of Pauly-Wissowa (Baal, Balsamem, Dea Syria, Dolichenus, Gad, etc.). Other monographs are cited below.

1. Lucian, _Lucius_, 53 ff.; Apul., _Metam._, VIII, 24 ff. The description by these authors has recently been confirmed by the discovery of an inscription at Kefr-Hauar in Syria: a slave of the Syrian goddess "sent by her mistress ([Greek: kuria])," boasts of having brought back "seventy sacks" from each of her trips (Fossey, _Bull. corr. hell._, XXI, 1897, p. 60; on the {242} meaning of [Greek: pêra], "sack," see Deissmann, _Licht von Osten_, 1908, p. 73).

2. Cf. Riess in Pauly-Wissowa, s. v. _Astrologie_, col. 1816.

3. Cato, _De agric._, V, 4.

4. On dedication of Romans to Atargatis, see _Bull. corr. hell._, VI, 1882, p. 497, No. 15; p. 498, No. 17.

5. Since the year 187 we find the Syrian musicians (_sambucistriae_) mentioned also at Rome. Their number grew steadily (Livy, XXXIX, 6; see Friedländer, _Sittengesch._, III^6, p. 346.)

6. Florus, II, 7 (III, 9); cf. Diodorus Sic., fr. 34, 2, 5.

7. Plut., _Vit. Marii_, 17.

8. Juvenal, VI, 351; Martial, IV, 53, 10; IX, 2, 11, IX, 22, 9.

9. _CIL_, VI, 399; cf. Wissowa, _op. cit._, p. 201.--Suetonius, _Nero_, 56.

10. A temple of the Syrian gods at Rome, located at the foot of the Janiculum, has been excavated very recently. Cf. Gauckler, _Bolletino communale di Roma_, 1907, pp. 5 ff. (Cf. Hülsen, _Mitt. Inst. Rom_, XXII, 1907, pp. 225 ff.); _Comptes Rendus Acad. Inscr._, 1907, pp. 135 ff.; 1908, pp. 510 ff.; 1909, pp. 424 ff., pp. 617 ff.; Nicole and Darier, _Le sanctuaire des dieux orientaux au Janicule_, Rome, 1909 (Extr. des "Mél. Ecole franç. de Rome," XXIX). In it have been found dedications to Hadad of the Lebanon, to the Hadad [Greek: akroreitês], and to Maleciabrudus (in regard to the latter see Clermont-Ganneau, _Rec. d'archéol. or._, VIII, 1907, p. 52). Cf. my article "Syria Dea" in Daremberg-Saglio-Pottier, _Diction. des antiquités gr. et rom._, 1911.

11. I have said a few words on this colonization in my _Mon. rel. aux myst. de Mithra_, I, p. 262. Courajod has considered it in regard to artistic influences, _Leçons du Louvre_, I, 1899, pp. 115, 327 ff. For the Merovingian period see Bréhier, _Les colonies d'orientaux en Occident au commencement du moyen âge_ (_Byzant. Zeitschr._, XII), 1903, pp. 1 ff.

12. Kaibel, _Inscr. gr._, XIV, 2540.

13. _Comptes Rendus Acad. Inscr._, 1899, p. 353 = Waltzing, _Corporations professionelles_, II, No. 1961 = _CIL_, III S., {243} 14165^8.--Inscription of Thaïm of Canatha: Kaibel, _Inscr. gr._, XIV, 2532.

14. Gregory of Tours, _Hist. Fr._, VIII, 1.--On the diffusion of the Syrians in Gaul, see Bréhier, _loc. cit._, p. 16 ff.

15. Cf. Bréhier, _Les origines du crucifix dans l'art religieux_, Paris, 1904.