chapter xviii

) met at Achin on the island of Sumatra. Dampier and two of his companions started for Nicobar with him, but rough weather forced them to abandon the voyage. He importuned Dampier to make a voyage with him to Persia, but the latter declined, preferring to go to Tonquin with Captain Welden.

[19] Captain Philip Carteret, commander of the royal British sloop "Swallow," in his account of his circumnavigation (1766-69) devotes his eighth chapter to "Some account of the Coast of Mindanao, and the Islands near it, in which several Mistakes of Dampier are corrected." See this account in Collection of Voyages (printed for Richard Phillips, London, 1809), iii, pp. 352-361.

[20] Referring to the Basilan group, ten miles from the Mindanao coast; the largest island is Basilan, which has an area of four hundred and seventy-eight square miles, and there are forty-four dependent islands (fifty-seven, according to U. S. Gazetteer). (See Census of Philippines, i, p. 283.)

[21] Probably the small island of Guimaras, which lies between Negros and Panay, and which is approximately as described by Dampier. Sebo is, of course, Cebú; but Dampier evidently means Negros Island. The bay was Igan.

[22] Dampier here describes the bejuco, or rattan.

[23] The name Mindoro is by some writers derived from mina de oro, as it was supposed to be rich in gold. In the document showing that the Spaniards took formal possession of it (for reference to which see our VOL. III, p. 105, note 32), it is called Luzon le menor ("Luzón the less;" cf. p. 74).

"This island was formerly called Mainit, and the Spaniards gave it the name of Mindoro, on account of a village called Minolo, which lay between Puerto de Galeras and the harbor of Ylog." (Concepción, Hist. de Philipinas, viii, p. 8.)

[24] From 1603 the English, as well as the Dutch, had a factory at Bantam for the purchase of pepper, which they maintained for eighty years. In 1683 the Dutch sent a considerable force from Batavia and expelled the English from Bantam; the latter, after being baffled at Achin, made a settlement at Bencoolen (1685), where they built Fort York. This site proved insalubrious, and in 1714 its successor, Fort Marlborough, was erected, away from the river. In 1824, Bencoolen and the factories dependent on it were given over to the Dutch, in exchange for Malacca and some factories in India. (Crawfurd's Dict. Ind. Islands, p. 48). Sellebar was a village not far east from Bencoolen.

[25] The Bashee or Bachi Islands form the northern cluster of the northern group of islands, called Batanes, which lie north of Luzón. They are the most northern of all the American possessions in the Orient, and are separated from Formosa by the strait of Bachi. The islands composing the cluster are Mabudis, Misanga, Siayan, Tanan, and Y'Ami (all inhabited), the last being the most northern. The Batanes are composed in all of ten named islands and forty unnamed islets and rocks, the southern cluster including Bachi Rocks; Batán, the central and most important island of the group; Déquez; Diamis Rocks; Diego; Ibayat (or Isbayat), the largest of these islands; Ibugos; North; and Sabtán. The name of Bachi is sometimes extended to the entire group, and it is probable that Dampier's five islands, or at least some of them, were among the southern cluster; for Déquez Island is also called Goat; Ibayat, Orange; and Ibugos, Bachi. The group is separated on the south from the Babuyanes by the Balingtán Channel. The larger islands bear indications of a late volcanic origin; the smaller islands are generally low, and rest upon foundations of coral. In this group are a number of good harbors; but communication between the islands is difficult because of the strong currents in the channels and the scarcity of anchorages. The exports of the islands consist of lard, cocoanut oil, hogs, horses, goats, and some valuable woods. The soil is fertile, especially of Batán, and many vegetables are produced. Some of the products of the United States can be successfully raised. The chief industry is the raising of cattle, hogs, goats, and horses, the last being of superior quality and in demand. A catechism of the dialect spoken in the Batanes was published by a friar in 1834, an examination of which has led Dr. Pardo de Tavera to the conclusion that the aboriginal tongue differed considerably from the other Filipino dialects, as it contains the sound "tsch" and a nasal sound like the French "en." It is probable, however, that the present population of the Batanes, as well as of the Babuyanes, is composed very largely of Ibánag from the Cagayán Valley (Luzón), introduced there as colonists by the Dominican friars. This population is Christian. The earlier population must have borne considerable resemblance to the natives of Formosa. See Gazetteer of Philippine Islands, and Census of the Philippines, i, pp. 264, 448.

[26] Pillau or pilau, a Turkish dish consisting of boiled rice and mutton fat.

[27] An anchor carried at the bow of a ship.

[28] The Babuyanes Islands. Salazar relates (Hist. Sant. Rosario, pp. 361-369) in detail a raid made by an English pirate (August, 1685) on the islands of Babuyanes, Bari, and Camiguin, then in charge of Dominican missionaries. They plundered the village of Babuyanes and its church; and this raid caused the deaths of two of the missionaries there.

[29] So in the text; probably a typographical error, since Villalba did not leave the Philippines until 1683, and remained in Nueva España until at least 1686 (Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 79-80). It is probable that this document was written at least as late as 1687, for confirmation of which see Villalba's own statement, post, that the mission band for which he was asking would go about eleven or twelve years after the last concession of this sort had been made; the mission before this one had reached Manila in August, 1679.

[30] In the Dominican mission of 1671 came thirty-five religious (Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 101-194).

[31] The mission which came to the islands in 1694 contained forty-three religious, besides four others who remained in Nueva España. (Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 363-457.)

[32] Spanish, gentilhombre: an obsolete word, meaning a person sent to the king with important despatches (Velázquez's Dictionary, Appleton's ed.).

[33] Jacinto Garcia was born in Castellar, November 6, 1654, and at the age of twenty-one entered the Jesuit order. Four years later he joined the Philippine mission, he was procurator of the Manila college for three years, and superior in Marinduque for the same time. He died at Manila, May 1, 1710. (Murillo Velarde, fol. 397 b.)

[34] Fiancisco Salgado was born in Galacia, April 2, 1629, and at the age of nineteen became a Jesuit novice. In 1662 he went to the Philippines. He spent several years as a teacher, and afterwards as vice-rector, in the college of St. Joseph, and later was rector of Silang. He went to Europe (about 1674?) as procurator for his order, and returned in 1679 with a band of missionaries; later, he was rector of the Manila college, and provincial (1683). His death occurred at Manila, July 14, 1689. (Murillo Velarde, fol. 357.)

[35] Luis Pimentel was born in Portillo, on May 30, 1612. In 1632 he entered the Jesuit order, and eleven years later joined the Philippine mission. He was a teacher in the college at Manila for two years, and afterward was at the head of various Jesuit residences. He was sent to Europe as procurator (about 1656?), and came back in 1666 with a band of missionaries; and afterward was three times rector of St. Joseph college, and three times provincial (1670, 1675, 1687). He died at San Miguel on July 5, 1689. (Murillo Velarde, fol. 356 b.)

[36] On account of a ranch which the college of San Ignacio at Manila possesses in the land of Meybonga, not far from the said city--its name being Jesus de la Peña, or Mariquina--the Society began to administer the sacraments, establishing the mission village of Mariquina, or Jesus de la Peña, by authority from Don Fray Pedro de Arce, bishop of Zebù and apostolic ruler of the archbishopric of Manila, on April 16, 1630; this was confirmed by the vice-patron, Don Juan Niño de Tabora, governor of these islands, on April 22, 1630. The said village was cared for by the minister stationed in Santa Cruz, or by a father sent by the rector of the college of Manila, who was the director of the said village; for this no stipend was asked from his Majesty, because the minister was not permanently established there, and therefore the said college maintained him, without suspending, for lack of a stipend, the ministry in the said village. In the year 1675, the Society was confirmed in this administration by a royal decree, dated July 26, on account of the Society's right to the said parish having been disputed by the religious of St. Augustine, from November, 1669. In 1681, the number of parishioners having increased, it was judged necessary to station a permanent minister there, for the better administration of the sacraments, and to build a house and a larger church; and, as it was thus necessary to incur larger expenses, the Society asked, in 1685, that to this minister be given the stipend which his Majesty assigns to the parish priests, in accordance with the number of tributes. The fiscal of his Majesty replied that in view of what the Society was accomplishing there, a suitable stipend should be given. In the year 1686, the religious of St. Augustine claimed that that Indian village belonged to them, as an annex to the ministry of Pasig. The archbishop issued an act, on October 11, 1686, in which, while admitting as valid the sacraments administered by the Society, he took from all its religious permission to minister in Jesus de la Peña; and on March 10, 1687, he declared that the lawful parish priest of the mission of Jesus de la Peña was the prior of Pasig, a religious of St. Augustine. In this spoliation concurred also, through complaisance, the governor Don Gabriel Curuzelaegui, who on March 23 of the said year decreed that Don Juan Pimentel, alcalde of Tondo, should begin proceedings against the Society in the mission of Jesus de la Peña, as the king commanded; and that he should assist the provisor in tearing down our church--which he did, commanding the Indians to demolish that temple. "What obedience! the monster of the Indias, an unnatural birth of remoteness, of power, and of prejudice." (Murillo Velarde, Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 345 b.)

[37] Antonio Mateo Xaramillo was born at Zafra February 23, 1648, and became a Jesuit novice at the age of seventeen. He was sent to the Marianas Islands in 1678, and spent sixteen years in missionary labors. While rector at Manila he was sent to Spain as procurator; and he died at Ocaña, on December 30, 1707. (Sommervogel, Bibliothèque Comp. Jésus, viii, col. 1321.)

[38] The English pirate here alluded to was probably the ship on which Dampier voyaged to the Philippines, as that vessel was, at the time here mentioned, cruising off the coast of Luzón (see his own account of this, ante, p. 91). The name of Captain Swan's vessel in which Dampier sailed was the "Cygnet." That ship separated from Captain Davis in the "Batchelor's Delight" in Realejo Harbor, August 27, 1685. See Lionel Wafer's Voyage and description of Isthmus of America (London, 1699), p. 189.

[39] "Soon after the beginning of the spiritual conquest of Tagalos, the Society undertook the administration of Cainta, a village close to Mariquina. Because the rectitude of its minister, Father Miguel Pareja, restrained some Indian chiefs, so that they should not use for themselves the property of the community, to the injury of the rest, they, seeing the excellent opportunity afforded to them by the ecclesiastical tribunal, endeavored to avail themselves of it, instigated by one who should, on account of his character and his obligations, have restrained them. They are an insolent people, and a seditious person (who is never lacking) can easily disturb the minds of the crowd. They hastened to complain to the archbishop of his ministers, and he, without hearing the Society, despoiled it of that administration, on March 16, 1688, and bestowed it on the religious of St. Augustine. The archbishop demanded aid from the governor in order to arrest Father Diego de Ayala and Father Pedro Cano, on complaints either frivolous or false, without having made any specific charges against them, or notifying their superiors." (Murillo Velarde, fol. 345.)

"From the first conquest Cainta was a visita of Taytay, the ministry of both villages being the very same, until, its population increasing--Indians, and creoles or morenos (thus they designate the black negroes [negros atezados])--it seemed expedient to give Cainta its own minister." (Murillo Velarde, fol. 406b.)

[40] Antonio de Borja was born at Valencia in 1644, and at the age of twenty-seven went to the Philippine missions. He acted as rector of various Jesuit colleges, and died at Manila on January 27, 1711. (Sommervogel.) He is only mentioned incidentally by Murillo Velarde (fol. 383), as being an envoy to the kings of Mindanao and Joló.

[41] "An altar raised in churches on Holy Thursday to resemble a sepulchre" (Velázquez).

[42] Pedro de Oriol was born at Urgel in Cataluña, August 15, 1639; at the age of nineteen he entered the Jesuit novitiate, and in 1663 joined the Philippine mission. "He was two years rector of Bohol, three of Zebu, and two of Yloylo; seven years vice-provincial, and twice filled that office for Pintados; was two years rector of Cavite, and one year vice-rector of the college of Manila, where also he was minister; and, being chosen provincial, would not accept that office." He died September 27, 1705. (Murillo Velarde, fol. 389 b-393.)

[43] Pedro Cano was born in the archbishopric of Toledo, on February 22, 1649. In 1670 he entered the Jesuit order at Sevilla, in order to join the province of Filipinas, where he arrived in the following year. He was procurator of the college, and of the province. Being appointed procurator for Madrid and Rome, he died while on the voyage thither, near Acapulco, December 18. 1692. (Murillo Velarde, fol. 369.)

[44] On September 28, 1687 (Diaz, p. 788).

[45] This man held the office of sargento-mayor, and had been (before 1683) alcalde-mayor of Cagayán.

[46] In 1687 "there was an increase in the calamities of the country, which suffered great scarcity of provisions on account of the grain-fields having been ruined by the heavy and constant rains which fell--which injured the salt springs even more, so that a half-fanega of salt, which usually is worth two or three reals, reached the price of twelve pesos. In La Estacada there was a great conflagration on Good Friday, in the night, which destroyed many houses. In the following year the scarcity of food was increased by a plague of locusts, which swept away all [vegetation]; and a caban of rice came to be worth twenty and twenty-four reals. But what caused the most suffering was the havoc made by the catarrh, in the year 1687-88; it was a sort of epidemic sickness, which killed many persons, especially children and the aged; and so many were sick that they could hardly cultivate the fields, or do other things necessary for human life." (Murillo Velarde, fol. 345 b, 346.)

[47] Spanish patacones; "a silver coin weighing one onza, and current in Batavia, Brazil, and Turkey." (Dominguez).

[48] These seem to be memoranda intended by the writer of this document to be expanded and written out in detail.

[49] Diaz says (p. 752) that the alcalde-mayor of Ilocos was a personal friend of the cura Marañón; and that Banguet had remained vacant so long because it was a very poor living, and had an unwholesome climate. Arqueros de Robles was probably a son of the Lorenzo Arqueros so noted in the native insurrections of 1660-61.

[50] In the Ventura del Arco MSS. (iii, pp. 29, 30) this name appears as Benguet; and in Diaz's Conquistas (p. 752) as Banguet and Banget. The modern form is Bangued.

[51] This was at first Nueva Segovia (in Cagayán), which has always given name to the diocese; the episcopal seat was removed (before Pardo's time) to Lal-lo, not far from Nueva Segovia, and later to Vigan, which is still the capital of that diocese.

[52] Thus in Retana's print, and in the copy of this document in Ventura del Arco MSS.; it apparently indicates an omission in the original print.

The hiatus is supplied by Diaz (p. 752), who says that Pardo informed the auditors, unofficially, that the decree of the Audiencia sent to Arqueros ought to have been addressed to himself, as being the ruler of the vacant see of Nueva Segovia. He also states that Pardo ordered Arqueros (who had come to Manila to consult him) to set out within a week for Ilocos and finish up his business there; but the latter could not obey this order in so short a time.

[53] Alonzo Sandin, procurator-general for the Dominicans, wrote a long reply to Sanchez's account of the controversy between the Audiencia and Archbishop Pardo; therein he cites the latter's reply, here alluded to, which makes clear this last sentence. Pardo asks the Audiencia to cease giving his clerics the aid of the royal court, since otherwise he cannot properly control them, or maintain the episcopal authority in due force.

[54] The dean then was Miguel Ortiz de Covarrubias; the archdeacon, Licentiate Francisco Deza.

[55] Diaz states (pp. 754, 755) that the cabildo were angry with the archbishop because he had separated from the curacy of Santiago (then held by Gregorio Diaz de Isla) the Spaniards who lived in Tondo, Binondo, Santa Cruz, and other places so far away that the cura could not properly fulfil his duties toward them, especially to the dying. The archbishop acted thus, however, with the approval of the governor and other officials.

[56] Raimundo Berart was a Catalan, and came from the Dominican convent at Barcelona. He was teaching law in the university of Lerida when he resolved to enter the Philippine mission; he arrived in 1679, when twenty-eight years old. He was vice-rector (1684-86) and rector (1686-89) of Santo Tomás; in 1689, it appears that he went to Spain, and in 1696 was in Mexico. Later, he was probably procurator of the Philippine province in Europe; and he died in Atocha, Spain, on April 13, 1713. See sketch of his career in Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 195-206, where are copied several documents relating to him.

[57] Several of Pardo's decrees were dated "from our palace of San Gabriel" (the name of the hospital).

[58] A petition to this effect from the cabildo to the archbishop, dated April 10, 1681, is reproduced in Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 196-198, followed by Pardo's "pastoral letter" in reply. The editor claims that Juan Gonzalez (afterward provisor of the see) signed the petition under compulsion.

[59] Diaz states (p. 755) that the archbishop replied that he would send Verart to Spain as his attorney, which would be sufficient to remove him from Manila; he informed the Audiencia that Verart had not only rendered him great service, but had reformed many abuses in the ecclesiastical courts. The Dominican provincial said that the Audiencia must show cause for Verart's removal, or he could do nothing; for Verart had been assigned to the post of associate to the archbishop.

[60] These men came in 1681. The last named, Fuente y Alanis, came as fiscal of the Audiencia.

[61] Diaz states (pp. 752, 753) that Marañón came to Manila (but without permission to do so), a few days after Arqueros, to complain of the latter to the archbishop. The latter demanded an account of Arqueros's proceedings in the case; Arqueros presented documents which proved, by the complaints of many Indians, that Marañón deserved punishment. The archbishop therefore sustained Arqueros, and ordered Marañón's arrest.

[62] According to Diaz (p. 756), Pardo answered that he had reserved Marañón's case as being the metropolitan, and because the cura's offenses had been committed in the territory of the archbishopric; moreover, that the parties in this case had accepted his jurisdiction. Finally, "to avoid controversies he offered to surrender to the bishop-elect the person of Licentiate Diego Espinosa Marañón--which the bishop did not accept; but afterward, without telling the archbishop, he sent Marañón to his curacy of Vigan, removing him from his prison-bounds of the city [of Manila]."

[63] Diaz says (p. 757) that Pardo informed the Audiencia that he had not punished Herrera for these reasons, but because the latter, in his quarrel with Archbishop López, had treated that prelate with insolence and even posted him as excommunicate (Diaz, p. 705); and when afterward he had been treated with great kindness by Pardo, he had conspired with the cabildo against him.

[64] i.e., Requiring a previous judicial decision before the final sentence (Velázquez's Dictionary, Appleton's ed., 1901).

[65] Adjuntos: "a body of judges commissioned or appointed jointly to try a cause" (Velázquez). Pardo claimed that the cabildo of Manila was not an exempted one (i.e., from submission to the ordinary), and therefore its members did not enjoy the privilege of the adjunct judges (Diaz, p. 757).

[66] "And these two suits, of the bishop and the cantor, were the ones which influenced the auditors to [decide upon] his banishment, which was decreed on the first of October [1682]." (Murillo Velarde, Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 342 b.)

[67] There is an apparent omission here, as the decree previously cited referred to the priority of San José college over that of Santo Tomás; the reference here would seem to indicate another decree, in regard to privileges and exemptions allowed to the Jesuits in regard to trading.

[68] Salazar states (Hist. Sant. Rosario, p. 235) that this action was taken because "certain persons were greatly devoted to trading, in contravention of the pontifical decrees, and especially of the recent constitution of Clement IX--the said enactment giving the ordinary full authority to proceed against the transgressors, seize their goods and property, and apply these to hospitals and other pious purposes." Accordingly, Archbishop Pardo instituted a secret investigation, conducted by his notary, who threatened major excommunication (by a decree affixed to the ship's mast) for any person who refused to tell what he might know about the aforesaid trading. Abundant proof was found, and the goods were seized. It is said that there were one hundred and fifty bales belonging to the Jesuits.

[69] Probably in view of the arguments adduced by Concepción (Hist. de Philipinas, viii, pp. 41-43), showing that the decree of Clement IX forbade trade to all ecclesiastics, but did not authorize the ordinary to inflict penalties therefor on the members of the religious orders, that being reserved to their own superiors--the ordinary, in such cases, being empowered only to apply the confiscated goods for pious purposes.

[70] Murillo Velarde and Concepción give this name as Pizarraldi; and Diaz makes it Lizarraldi.

[71] In the Dominican chapter-session of 1673, it was enacted that no religious of that order should become executor of a deceased person's estate, or undertake the charge of his last will. This was to prevent risk of accusations against the friars, so general was the dishonest administration of executorships in Manila--so much so that it occasioned no surprise in the minds of the people, although all complained of the grievances thus caused. "There are few fortunes which have not some executorship as the foundation." See Salazar's Hist. Sant. Rosario (Manila, 1742), p. 43.

[72] It had begun in 1672, in the time of Archbishop López, under whom judgment was rendered in favor of Sarmiento; but López's death in 1674 prevented the execution of the sentence. Various delays ensued, and Cordero died, being succeeded by Ortega as executor. (Salazar, Hist. Sant. Rosario, p. 236.)

[73] Also written Carballo, Carvallo, and Caballero.

[74] Spanish dote, usually meaning "dowry;" but as the ecclesiastic Cordero was the legatee of Doña Maria de Roa (Montero y Vidal, i, p. 368), the word evidently means the bequest to him, perhaps for the pious purposes mentioned later in this document.

[75] See Concepción's account of this affair (Hist. de Philipinas, viii, pp. 45-50), in considerable detail; he states that he presents it thus in order to vindicate the course of the Audiencia, and that Pardo in some of his acts exceeded his jurisdiction.

[76] Diaz was a priest, and secretary of the archbishopric.

[77] See accounts of this affair in Diaz's Conquistas, pp. 758, 759; Murillo Velarde's Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 342 b, 343; Concepción, cited supra; Salazar's Hist. Sant. Rosario, pp. 236, 237.

[78] A mestizo, who, to escape the punishment that awaited him, was denounced (at his own instance) to the archbishop as a bigamist, so that the latter might claim the case within his own jurisdiction, and the prisoner thus escape civil penalties.

[79] Diaz says (Conquistas, p. 760): "Where the letter of requisition says, 'For doing otherwise, you will be excommunicated,' the Audiencia desired it to say, 'Your Grace will be excommunicated.'" Salazar says (p. 237) that the castellan felt insulted at this, as only the governor and the Audiencia had the right to use such terms to him.

[80] Diaz relates this affair in detail (p. 761), and says that the soldiers broke open the windows and doors of the hospital (where the archbishop then was) to obtain entrance; also that the decree of banishment gave the alternative of the Babuyanes Islands, or Cagayán, or Pangasinán as his place of exile. Diaz cites (p. 762), this sentence in Sanchez's account, as proof that the latter could not have written it, since he took part in the arrest of Pardo.

[81] According to Diaz (p. 762), the governor had given money for the expenses of this voyage, but on reaching Mariveles no provisions of any sort could be found; and the archbishop would have had no food if a Dominican friar who happened to be there had not quickly gone back to Manila to procure supplies for the prelate, and returned at midnight with them to Mariveles. Diaz says that this friar was not allowed even then to go aboard the vessel in which Pardo had embarked, or to exchange any word with him.

[82] Spanish, vsasse de su derecho--literally, "exercise its right," i.e., to govern the vacant see.

[83] Diaz calls this (p. 764) "the principal fiesta of the Dominicans" in Manila. Santa Cruz (Hist. Sant. Rosario, p. 106) says that every year, when the eight days' fiesta in honor of the Virgin of the Rosary is celebrated in their convent, the eighth day is devoted to thanksgiving to Mary for the victories won by the Spaniards over the Dutch in 1646 (see our VOL. XXXV), which were attributed by the people to her miraculous aid. That fiesta of eight days was apparently instituted in 1637, to celebrate the dissolution of Collado's new congregation in Filipinas (see Santa Cruz, ut supra, p. 4; and our VOL. XXIX, pp. 25-27).

[84] "The bishop of Troya, knowing well that the true spiritual jurisdiction resided in himself by the appointment of the archbishop, sent a Dominican religious to the convents to inform on his part their superiors that he gave, to those confessors whom the said superiors should choose, his own authority and right, so that they could absolve those persons who by command or compulsion had taken part in the arrest of the archbishop from the excommunication which they might have thus incurred--excepting the principal offenders--until he should be restored to liberty and they should perform public penance and give juratory security, as is ordained by the sacred canons." (Diaz, Conquistas, p. 764.)

[85] The interdict was not only an ecclesiastical censure, but a penalty, entailing usually privation of certain sacraments (save in cases of strict necessity), of all the divine offices, and of church burial. All solemnities and public festivals were suspended, except on the five great feasts of Christmas, Easter, Pentecost, the Assumption of our Lady, and Corpus Christi. The churches remained closed, the crucifix and statues veiled, the bells and organ mute. This penalty might be general, over the whole city, kingdom, or country; or merely particular, indicted on a named corporation, see, church, or the like; again, it might be either local or personal as to its effects. It might be imposed not only by a pope, but by any competent church prelate, even by a bishop; and could apply to any secular or ecclesiastical ruler (except of course the pope), to a university or college, or to any body of clergy, regular or secular. The earliest mention of a church interdict apparently is Ferraris's allusion to one in the fourth century, of which, however, no details are available. In Frankish chronicles, interdicts date from the sixth century, the first of these being at Rouen, in 588; Bishop Prætextatus having been murdered, by order of Queen Fredegonda, while officiating in his own church, the senior suffragan of that province, Leudovald of Bayeux, after consultation with his fellow-bishops, laid all the churches of Rouen under interdict until the assassin of the bishop should be discovered. But prior to the eleventh century general interdicts are but rarely mentioned in church history. It does not appear that there was any ritual for either general or particular interdicts, apart from the usually concomitant sentence of excommunication--which in former ages itself entailed also interdict on the persons or places named in the decree of penalty. The interdict was usually laid under conditions that amendment, reparation, or restitution should atone for the wrong done, at which the interdict would be lifted. According to present church law, bishops are empowered, as delegates of the Holy See, to put under interdict particular churches, and the like. See Moroni's Dizionario (Venezia, 1845), xxxvi, p. 49; Ferraris's Bibliotheca (Paris, 1853), article "Interdictum;" Guerin, Les Petits Bollandistes (Paris, 1878), iv, pp. 378-382; and Addis and Arnold's Catholic Dictionary, article "Interdict."--Rev. T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.

[86] Diaz states (ut supra) that the archbishop's provisor, Juan Gonzalez, took refuge in the Dominican convent, which was soon surrounded with armed soldiers. At the advice of friends, Gonzalez gave himself up, and was kept a close prisoner in his own house--"guards being placed there at his cost; and penalty was imposed of major excommunication and 500 pesos, if he should talk with any person outside." As soon as Santo Domingo was blockaded, a decree of the Audiencia was made known to all the convents that they must not ring the bells for an interdict. To prevent this being done at Santo Domingo, "they scaled the convent through the hall of the Inquisition, which is above the main entrance, and ten soldiers went up to the bell-tower." Next day, the friars rang a small bell to call the people to mass, but the guards would not allow any person to enter the church.

[87] Salazar gives, a detailed account of Villalba's imprisonment (Hist. Sant. Rosario, pp. 233, 234), and claims that he was hurried from his convent at Binondoc, without cloak or hat, or bed, although he was in poor health; and that, when the ship was compelled to put back to Manila, the Audiencia would not allow him to remain there, but at once despatched him to the Franciscan infirmary at Nueva Caceres, where he remained until the next galleon sailed for Acapulco.

[88] This document, as being written by Sanchez, the secretary of the Audiencia of Manila, was probably addressed to the president of the royal Council of the Indias.

Sandin (Respuesta, fol. 3 b) asserts that this relation by Sanchez was printed at the Jesuit college in Manila, with the date here given; that it had not been published there when the Acapulco galleon sailed; but that in Mexico City many copies of it were already in circulation before the royal mails reached that city from Acapulco.

[89] Apparently referring to Francisco de Arcocha; but Diaz calls him (p. 775) equerry (caballerizo) of the new governor.

[90] Bartolomé Marrón, a native of Asturias, made his profession in the Dominican convent at Valladolid, July 8, 1667, and came to the Philippines in 1671, at the age of twenty-five. Having studied two years at Santo Tomás, he was a lecturer in that college until 1680, and in 1684 was appointed its rector. In 1686 he became provincial, and afterward was in charge of a mission in Pangasinan, and of the church in Binondoc; and was again (1696-1700) rector of Santo Tomás. He filled many other important offices in his order, at various times; and finally died in Manila, January 22, 1717. See sketch of his life in Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 145-155--including an account of a notable lawsuit brought against him, and the regulations made by him for the inmates of Dominican convents in and near Manila.

[91] Cristobal Pedroche made his profession at Toledo, January 22, 1659, and arrived in the Philippines in 1667. He spent many years in labors among the Chinese, in the Parián and San Gabriel; and at various times filled high offices in his order--among them, that of provincial. In June, 1684, he was imprisoned at Cavite, and afterward sent to Mexico; but the viceroy permitted him to return to the Philippines. He died at Manila on August 20, 1715, at the age of seventy. See sketch of his life in Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 82-100--which includes a letter by him (June 20, 1684) on the ecclesiastical disturbances of that time.

[92] Juan de (Ibañez) Santo Domingo was born (about 1640) near Calatayud. His early education was obtained in a Dominican convent at Zaragoza, and he was afterward a member of the household of Bishop Palafox y Mendoza. Later, he entered the Dominican convent at Ocaña, where he made profession in 1661. At the age of twenty-six he came to the Philippines, and spent eighteen years in the missions of Pangasinan. After 1686, he lived at Manila, being twice provincial (1690 and 1706), and occupying other important posts. He died there January 15, 1726. (Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 26-34.)

[93] Francisco Antonio de Bargas, a native of Madrid, professed in the Dominican convent at Salamanca, in 1673, at the age of nineteen. Six years later, he arrived at the Philippines. The first nine years he spent in Manila, mainly as a teacher in Santo Tomás; from 1688 to 1696, he labored in the missions of Bataán, and afterward in those of Zambales--except 1698-1702, which he spent at Manila. He died there, on October 7, 1708. (Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 219, 220.)

[94] Antonio Calderon professed in the Dominican convent at Salamanca (in 1664, erroneously says Reseña), and came to the Philippines in 1658. He labored in the Cagayan missions until 1682, when he was elected provincial. He, with Fray Pedroche was arrested on June 3, 1684, and sent to Mexico. Thence he returned to Spain, and died at Mombeltrán, at the end of December, 1685.

[95] Alluding to General Marcos Quintero, a friend of the Dominicans, who at his death (1703) appointed Fray Bartolomé Marrón (note 90, ante) executor of his estate. This led to a notable lawsuit, brought against Marrón by the heirs of Quintero, which was appealed to Mexico and even to Rome; the proceedings continued for many years, the suit coming to an end only in 1726, nine years after Marrón's death. (See Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 151-154.)

"Barangay," as used here, is evidently a bit of slang meaning "gang" or "clique," in modern phrase.

[96] From the context, esto here seems to designate the former governor, Vargas.

[97] Gines de Barrientos, titular bishop of Troya, who was assistant to the archbishop. Juan Duran, titular bishop of Sinopolis, was assistant to the bishop of Cebú (then Diego de Aguilar). Andres Gonzalez was bishop of Nueva Caceres (or Camarines); and Francisco Pizarro, of Nueva Segovia. These were Dominicans, save Duran, who belonged to the Order of Our Lady of Mercy; and Pizarro, who in 1681 was a member of the cabildo of Manila cathedral.

[98] Spanish, se le picaba sobradissimamente la retaguardia--literally, "its rearguard was entirely cut to pieces."

[99] i.e., "Hurrah for [the bishops of] Troya!"

[100] Elio Antonio de Nebrija (or Lebrija) was a celebrated linguist and great Latinist, who wrote various works. He was born about the year 1444, and died in 1522. (Dominguez, Diccionario nacional.)

[101] Apparently a play on words, mingled with a sarcastic comment on Fray Gaspar. One may hazard the conjecture that the latter (who was a noted grammarian) is here mentioned in contempt as knowing more of grammar than of current affairs, and being able only to understand events actually completed and past, without the foresight to perceive how these affect the future.

[102] i.e., no more than two--referring to the "dual" number in Greek declension.

[103] A copy of this act may be found in Ventura del Arco MSS., iii, pp. 513-515; it is dated "at our house on the river of Manila, October 22, 1684."

[104] An allusion to the well-known quotation, Parturiunt montes, nascetur ridiculus mus (line 139 of the Ars poetica of Horatius).

[105] The decree of the Audiencia which ordered the restoration of the archbishop to his see was dated October 24, 1684. He returned to Manila on November 16.

[106] This man was delegated by the city of Manila, being one of its regidors, according to Diaz (Conquistas, pp. 776, 777).

[107] Diaz states (Conquistas, p. 777) that Curuzelaegui declared on this occasion that if the home government should be offended at his restoring the archbishop, he would consider punishment by them for this cause "a great honor, even if it be capital." Diaz praises him as "one of the best governors that these islands have had; affable, pious, magnanimous, wholly disinterested, and very liberal. He also said that he had come to Filipinas to be poor, where other governors had come to be rich. This he said very truly, for in España and Indias he had possessed much wealth--gained in the many voyages that he had made as commander of the fleet and galleons to Perú and Nueva España--which his ostentation and liberality had consumed."

[108] Diaz gives (ut supra, pp. 778, 779) the list of these: the auditors and Governor Vargas; the preceding alcalde-mayor of Manila (either Morales, Camacho or Pimentel), and that of Camarines (Juan de Verastein); Juan Sánchez, secretary of the Audiencia; Juan Gallardo, castellan of Cavite; Sargento-mayor Alonso de Aponte y Andrade, and Captains José de Somonte, Francisco de Urrutia, Diego del Pozo y Gatica, and Miguel Machuca; Admiral Pedro de la Peña; and Captain Baltasar de Lerma, notary-public. The military officers were readily absolved, as not having been free to act, when ordered to proceed against the ecclesiastics.

[109] Diaz says (p. 779) that the archbishop at this time "absolved the auditors ad reincidentiam, within the palace, with no other witnesses than the governor, and embraced them and gave them the kiss of peace."

[110] Spanish, irregular. In this usage irregularidad means, according to Dominguez, "a canonical impedimenta for receiving or exercising holy orders, on account of certain natural defects which produce incapacity, or of crimes or illegal acts which are committed."

[111] See copy of this edict in Ventura del Arco MSS., iii, pp. 517-521. The statement in our text regarding penalties is inaccurate. The edict required that all confessions made to members of the cabildo be made anew; all persons married by them must appear before the archbishop within three days (or ten days for those without the jurisdiction of the city), under penalty of excommunication for European Christians, and for all others fifty lashes and three months in jail; and the same penalties for those on whom the cabildo had conferred holy orders, licenses to preach, chaplaincies, etc. This act was dated November 29, 1684.

[112] Diaz says (p. 779): "But this caused so many dissensions, and opinions from the theologians, that it was found necessary to issue another act (January 8, 1685) in which the archbishop declared the former act null, and ordered that those [married persons] should again appear in court for the revalidation of their marriages."

[113] i.e., "they are exulting, as do the victors when they have seized their prey."

[114] "An image of a monstrous serpent which is displayed in front of the procession on Corpus Christi Day--doubtless alluding to the eternal humiliation of the demon, conquered for ever by Jesus Christ" (Dominguez, Diccionario nacional).

[115] Among these were the Franciscan provincial, Francisco de Santa Inés, and the Augustinian writer Casimiro Diaz (as the latter states in his Conquistas, p. 782).

[116] "Vargas then alleged his being exempt, as a knight of Santiago; but even then the archbishop did not revoke the excommunication, the ex-governor-general of the islands being required to live alone in a solitary house on the islet of the Pasig River, without dealings or communication with any person" (Montero y Vidal, Hist. de Filipinas, i, p. 372).

[117] This affair had been initiated by Vargas. "The sultan of Borneo sent an ambassador, soliciting the establishment of commercial dealings with Filipinas. Vargas responded with another and distinguished embassy, his agent being Don Juan Morales de Valenzuela, who [later] brought about the cession of the island of Paragua which that sovereign made in 1705." (Montero y Vidal, ut supra, p. 364.)

[118] A metrical composition which is measured in three verses, of which two form a rhyme (Dominguez).

[119] Spanish, en calxas y en jubon: literally, "in breeches and jacket."

[120] Tomas de Andrade was born in Toledo, December 2, 1619, and entered the Jesuit order at the age of seventeen. In 1643 he departed for the Philippines, where he professed in 1654. He was connected with San José college some twenty years, twice as rector; acted as provincial during six months; and rector at Antipolo and Cavite, and minister among the Tagals. He died at Manila on May 15, 1689. (Murillo Velarde, Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 356 b.)

[121] Alejo Lopez was born July 16, 1645, at Albalate, Spain, and at the age of seventeen became a Jesuit novice. Four years later, he came to Manila, and spent three years in the Visayan missions, being afterward connected with the college in Manila in various capacities. Finally going to Europe on business of the order, he died while on the return journey, September 18, 1693 (Murillo Velarde, fol. 369).

[122] Isidro Clarete was born in 1627, and came to the islands in 1662, where he completed his studies, and became a teacher in the college at Manila (Murillo Velarde, ut supra).

[123] Pedro Lopez a native of Malvenda, Spain, was born on November 21, 1613. When nineteen years old, he entered the Jesuit order, and in 1643 came to the Philippines. He spent most of his life in ministering to the Tagálog Indians, and translated into their language (in which he was remarkably proficient) the Roman catechism and other writings. He died at Indang on February 13, 1689. (Murillo Velarde, ut supra, fol. 356 b.)

[124] Spanish, con la risa del conejo; literally, "with the smile of a rabbit." Dominguez describes it as "the apparent smile which comes to some creatures at death, as the rabbit; and, by extension, the phrase is applied to a person who smiles when he has cause for sorrow or resentment."

[125] Diaz (p. 781) expresses pity for Vargas as thus situated, "unable to have conversation or dealings with any one except the officials of his residencia, and mostly through an agent; deserted by every one, for his servants, as being also under residencia, had enough to do in attending each to his own defense. His only consolation was the companionship of his spirited wife, Doña Isabel de Ardila, who inspired him with courage and strength. It is certain that Don Juan de Vargas was not the worst governor of Filipinas; but he was unfortunate in his disagreeable and harsh manner," and his friend Francisco Guerrero, "a very astute and sagacious man," whose aid would have been invaluable, was then in Nueva España, having deserted his patron to save himself.

[126] Apparently referring to the "ordinary," or usual ecclesiastical court.

[127] Spanish, auto de legos; a decree issued by a superior tribunal, prohibiting to an ecclesiastical judge the cognizance of a suit that is purely civil, and between laymen, referring it to a competent judge.

[128] Diaz says (Conquistas, pp. 781, 782) that this residencia, taken by Juan de Zalaeta, was the most bitter and obstinate ever known in the islands, for it lasted four years, and its records occupied twenty large volumes.

[129] Salazar (Hist. Sant. Rosario, pp. 131-133) gives an account of this assignment. He asserts that the Zambals had formerly been under the charge of the Recollects, who in more than seventy years had been unable to convert that tribe. In 1676 the natives themselves asked for Dominican teachers; some were sent, at which the Recollects complained, as an intrusion on their field, and the Dominicans withdrew. In 1678 Juan de Vargas came as governor, and, the Zambals again asking for Dominicans, the governor induced the Recollects to accept Mindoro in lieu of Zambales, making over the latter to the Dominican order. The latter gave up these missions in 1712. (See Reseña biográfica, i, pp. 486-504.)

Concepción (Hist. Philipinas, viii, pp. 47) declares that the Recollects were unwilling to surrender their Zambal missions, yielding to the compulsion and threats of the archbishop and the governor; and that the natives themselves were angry at the proposed change, but were pacified by their Spanish alcalde-mayor.

[130] A loose note in Ventura del Arco MSS. (iii, p. 555), evidently made by that compiler from some writing of 1685, states that the citizens complained of the lack of vessels every year for their trade, and for this blamed his henchmen. Two of these, whom he employed in business affairs, were arrested, Fabra and Gallardo.

[131] Spanish, dijó tijeratas; literally, "talked scissors."

[132] Spanish, que vuelvan las nueces al cantaro; literally, "the nuts will roll back into the jar."

[133] A dish composed of various kinds of meat and vegetables boiled together--used figuratively for any medley or miscellaneous collection.

[134] i.e., "From the anger and hatred and ill-will of a Dominican friar, deliver us, O Lord."

[135] Some account of Palú's coming to Manila will be found in VOL. XLII, in Diaz's history of the Augustinian missions.

[136] In the text, deposicion, an obvious error of the transcriber.

[137] Spanish, sentian no haber materia sobre que cayesse dicha dispensacion. That is, the prebends had not deserved censure, and therefore ought not to need dispensation.

[138] This was José de Nava y Albis.

[139] That is, on the route by the "Northern Sea," the Atlantic Ocean.

[140] The Spanish phrase inverts this order of thought, hacer lo que habia deshecho.

[141] Referring to the exile of Archbishop Guerrero in 1636.

[142] Thus in the text, indicating some omission, probably by the transcriber.

[143] The verses do not appear in our text. Diaz states (p. 787) that Zalaeta gave the pasquinades to Captain José de Toledo to distribute among the soldiers; but instead of doing so Toledo gave them to Endaya, who handed them to the governor. It was afterward proved that the author of the lampoons was the cantor Herrera, who was thereupon imprisoned; later, he was sent to the fort of Paynauen in the Zambal country, where Zalaeta had been sent after his arrest for conspiracy.

The Jesuit Father Pedro de Salazar wrote from (Manila) Taitay, on the nineteenth [sic] of 1687, to the procurator-general at Madrid, Luis de Morales, that he was warned from Manila to be careful of what he wrote, since they feared that there would be an inspection of the letters [in the mails]. He said that since the return of Archbishop Pardo from banishment many arrests were made: of the auditors, to whom they attributed a pasquinade which had been posted; of negroes and Indians, servants and slaves, who were put to the torture, in order that they might say what suited the convenience [of the authorities]; and of ecclesiastics. Also, that a pasquinade had been published, in which was represented the king, stretched upon the ground, with the archbishop drawing off his breeches; the governor was stabbing him with a dagger, or else cutting off his head; Father Verart held him by the legs; and Andaya, who was the minion, was helping them. It concluded with the verses:

"A Catalan and a Frenchman, A foolish governor, A pastor who is no pastor-- These hold me as you see."

Finally, the Dominican friars have entire sway over the archbishops, and are talking of finding out who are the authors of the papers that were published against them. (Ventura del Arco MSS., iii, pp. 639, 640.)

[144] Diaz says (p. 787) that the governor himself, concealed in a window of his palace, watched Viga's house, and saw Bolivar's servant enter it; this man was arrested on leaving the house, and searched, a letter from Viga to Bolivar being found in his shoe. Thereupon the auditors and Zalaeta were promptly arrested.

[145] Diaz says (pp. 786, 788) that Doña Josefa "ruled her husband more than was desirable," and that "she uttered such contemptuous reproaches against the governor and the archbishop, as she was a very resolute and spirited woman, and extremely haughty and fearless," that the governor felt obliged to send her into banishment.

[146] Regarding Herrera's arrest, see note 63, ante, p. 159.

[147] This and several other documents that are unsigned are presented here--accepting them as credible, on account of their evident authenticity--in order to fill out the relation of the Pardo controversy with relations made at the time, and by participants in those events. All except the final extract from Salazar are obtained from Ventura del Arco's transcripts from MSS. in the collection of Jesuit papers that was seized by the Spanish government when it expelled that order from Spain and her colonies.

[148] Spanish, missas de Aguinaldo means "a Christmas or New Year's present;" the word is derived, according to Echegaray's Diccionario general etimológico (Madrid, 1887), from the Celtic word eguinand, of the above meaning. Evidently these masses were made the vehicle for heathen allusions or symbols, if not for actual rites.

[149] This was the treasurer (and afterward cantor) of the cathedral, Jerónimo de Herrera y Figueroa.

[150] This was the Dominican friar Francisco Villalba.

[151] Pardo was sent to Lingayén, "certainly not to give him the consolation of residing among his brethren of the order, but to keep him under the authority of the notorious Don Francisco Pizarro, bishop of Vigan [i.e., of Nueva Segovia], with whom he had just had an annoying controversy" (Reseña biográfica, i, p. 476).

[152] "Under penalty of 4,000 pesos; on the ground that his spiritual jurisdiction was suspended and barred, by virtue of his banishment" (Diaz, Conquistas, p. 762).

[153] "The dean opened all the prisons of his tribunal, liberating all the prisoners therein--although among these there were several bigamists; and one who was not only a heretic but a leader of heretics. For, among other heresies which he taught, one was that God had a beginning, [a doctrine] which only very learned men understood. Another was a prebend whom his illustrious Lordship held as a recluse in our college, for heinous and atrocious crimes, whose final end was a sentence of degradation, and delivery to the secular arm; the dean settled this case, without examining the documents in the case (which they did not find), by condemning him to six months of banishment to a country house of recreation." (Salazar, Hist. Sant. Rosario, p. 242.)

[154] "They say, peace, peace: when there was no peace" (Jeremias 6: 14).

[155] Salazar gives some instances of this (p. 245): in the Dominican churches the minister refused to say mass until certain persons who had injured or offended ecclesiastics should go out of the consecrated walls.

[156] Salazar states (pp. 246-249) that the provincial Calderon was making his visitation in Cagayán at the time of Pardo's banishment; that on his return to Manila (September, 1683) he called a council of the most prominent Dominicans, and asked their opinions as to Pardo's exile, the government by the cabildo, and their own duty toward those concerned in these events; and that, in accordance with their decision, he ordered all his friars to remain in their convents, and hold no intercourse with those persons.

[157] Salazar here alludes to the relation of all these ecclesiastical affairs in the first part of his history, pp. 224-268. As it is so long and detailed, we have preferred to use here the account which he gives in his biography of Pardo; but have preserved, in our annotations, the most important and interesting matter found in the former one.

[158] Thus in the text, but it should read "forty-eighth." Salazar there relates how Vargas, "in the same year in which he banished the archbishop," suffered the confiscation at Acapulco of all the goods that he had shipped, "with little credit to his reputation and notable expense to his estate;" and, as excommunicated by the Church, Vargas had much to atone for and to suffer until his death. The auditor Grimaldos died, soon after Pardo's banishment, "from a painful disease, in which the tongue with which he had spoken so much evil of his illustrious Lordship became rotten, and the arm with which he had seized the anointed of the Lord was withered." The auditor Viga, who went to seize the Dominican provincial, Calderon, died in exile, in Cagayan, without having consented to make his confession. He and his colleague Bolivar had been sent there "for a certain sedition which they were plotting" against Cruzalaegui. [Murillo Velarde says (fol. 344) that they were plotting to put Zalaeta in the governor's place.] The wife of Bolivar "died at Orion, impenitent, unwilling to confess; when her husband heard of this, he performed condign penitence for his sins, and publicly professed his detestation of his transgressions, and thus he gained absolution from the censures--but, returning from his exile, he died on the way." Calderon "also died very suddenly, although at the hour of death he acknowledged his errors, and, to secure absolution from the censures, made the usual profession of detestation." The fiscal Alanis, "the only one who experienced, while living, the punishment from the king our sovereign which deprived of their offices all the members of the royal Audiencia, died in Mexico in great poverty and humiliation. The same fate befell the usurping dean," Miguel Ortiz de Covarrubias. The cantor Figueroa was sentenced to degradation, and to be delivered to the secular powers, "which was afterward commuted, for valid reasons, to perpetual banishment to the Marianas Islands, where he ended his days in a thousand miseries." The bishop of Cagayan died so suddenly that he could not be confessed or absolved. The Jesuit Ortega died at sea, while en route to Madrid to complain of Pardo; and although he received the viaticum, his mind was so occupied, first and last, with accusations against the archbishop, that he scandalized all the people in the ship. He died practically an excommunicate, not having rendered his accounts for the executorship to the archbishop, and having been absolved only by "the usurping Dean, who had no jurisdiction." "The two soldiers who carried out the father provincial died suddenly," being stabbed to death, one by an infidel Chinese, the other on leaving the house of his mistress. A man who wounded the provisor--in trying to murder him; his name was Manuel Ortafán, and his wife had brought suit against him for divorce, before the ecclesiastical tribunal (Diaz, Conquistas, p. 766)--was sentenced to a short exile; "but God was not satisfied with that light punishment, and accordingly took upon Himself vengeance against that man, afflicting him with leprosy. This made him blind, and he finally reached the utmost poverty, begging alms, with a boy to guide him, before the gates of the convents."

The spirit of this account is echoed--rather curiously, for so late a date as 1891--in Reseña biográfica, i, pp. 478-480.

[159] Pardo offered to his Dominican province the sum of thirteen thousand pesos, to be used as endowment for three chairs--law, medicine, and pharmacy--and for some scholarships in Santo Tomás; but the gift was declined, as the province was neither able nor willing to take the responsibility of administering in (Reseña biográfica, i, pp. 477, 478.)

[160] In the Ventura del Arco MSS. (iii, p. 761) is an extract from a letter by the Jesuit Pedro Cano, dated May 26, 1690, which says: "On December 31, 1689, they found Archbishop Pardo dead in his bed, sine cruce et sine luce, without any sacrament, through t