Book VIII
. Chap 7.
The circumstance of Douglas' omitting to put on his helmet, occurs in the ballad.]
This song was first published from Mr. Herd's _Collection of Scottish Songs and Ballads_, Edin. 1774: 2 vols. octavo; but two recited copies have fortunately been obtained from the recitation of old persons residing at the head of Ettrick Forest, by which the story is brought out, and completed, in a manner much more correspondent to the true history.
I cannot dismiss the subject of the Battle of Otterbourne, without stating (with all the deference due to the father of this species of literature) a doubt, which occurs to me, as to the account given of "Sir John of Agurstone," one of the Scottish warriors, in the learned and excellent notes subjoined to the ballad, in the _Reliques of Ancient Poetry_. This personage is there supposed to have been one of the Haggerstons of Haggerston, a Northumbrian family, who, according to the fate of war, were sometimes subjects of Scotland. I cannot, however, think, that at this period, while the English were in possession both of Berwick and Roxburgh, with the intermediate fortresses of Wark, Cornwall, and Norham, the Scots possessed any part of Northumberland, much less a manor which lay within that strong chain of castles. I should presume the person alluded to rather to have been one of the Rutherfords, barons of Edgerstane, or Adgerston, a warlike family, which has long flourished on the Scottish borders, and who were, at this very period, retainers of the house of Douglas. The same notes contain an account of the other Scottish warriors of distinction, who were present at the battle. These were, the earls of Monteith, Buchan, and Huntley; the barons of Maxwell and Johnston; Swinton of that ilk, an ancient family which, about that period, produced several distinguished warriors; Sir David (or rather, as the learned editor well remarks, Sir Walter) Scott of Buccleuch, Stewart of Garlies, and Murray of Cockpool.
_Regibus et legibus Scotici constantes, Vos clypeis et gladiis pro patria pugnantes, Vestra est victoria, vestra est et gloria, In cantu et historia, perpes est memoria_!
BATTLE OF OTTERBOURNE.
* * * * *
It fell about the Lammas tide, When the muir-men win their hay, The doughty earl of Douglas rode Into England, to catch a prey.
He chose the Gordons and the Graemes, With them the Lindesays, light and gay; But the Jardines wald not with him ride, And they rue it to this day.
And he has burn'd the dales of Tyne, And part of Bambrough shire; And three good towers on Roxburgh fells, He left them all on fire.
And he march'd up to Newcastle, And rode it round about; "O wha's the lord of this castle, "Or wha's the lady o't?"
But up spake proud Lord Percy, then, And O but he spake hie! "I am the lord of this castle, "My wife's the lady gay."
"If thou'rt the lord of this castle, "Sae weel it pleases me! "For, ere I cross the border fells, "The tane of us shall die."
He took a lang spear in his hand. Shod with the metal free, And for to meet the Douglas there, He rode right furiouslie.
But O how pale his lady look'd, Frae aff the castle wa', When down, before the Scottish spear, She saw proud Percy fa',
"Had we twa been upon the green, "And never an eye to see, I wad hae had you, flesh and fell[103]; "But your sword sall gae wi' me."
"But gae ye up to Otterbourne, "And wait there dayis three; And, if I come not ere three dayis end, "A fause knight ca' ye me."
"The Otterbourne's a bonnie burn; "'Tis pleasant there to be; "But there is nought at Otterbourne, "To feed my men and me.
"The deer rins wild on hill and dale, "The birds fly wild from tree to tree; "But there is neither bread nor kale, "To fend[104] my men and me.
"Yet I will stay at Otterbourne, "Where you shall welcome be; "And, if ye come not at three dayis end, "A fause lord I'll ca' thee."
"Thither will I come," proud Percy said, "By the might of Our Ladye!"-- "There will I bide thee," said the Douglas, "My trowth I plight to thee."
They lighted high on Otterbourne, Upon the bent sae brown; They lighted high on Otterbourne, And threw their pallions down.
And he that had a bonnie boy, Sent out his horse to grass; And he that had not a bonnie boy, His ain servant he was.
But up then spake a little page, Before the peep of dawn-- "O waken ye, waken ye, my good lord, "For Percy's hard at hand."
"Ye lie, ye lie, ye liar loud! "Sae loud I hear ye lie: For Percy had not men yestreen, "To dight my men and me."
"But I hae dream'd a dreary dream, "Beyond the Isle of Sky; "I saw a dead man win a fight, "And I think that man was I."
He belted on his good braid sword, And to the field he ran; But he forgot the helmet good, That should have kept his brain.
When Percy wi' the Douglas met, I wat he was fu' fain! They swakked their swords, till sair they swat, And the blood ran down like rain.
But Percy, with his good broad sword, That could so sharply wound, Has wounded Douglas on the brow, Till he fell to the ground.
Then he call'd on his little foot-page. And said--"Run speedilie, "And fetch my ain dear sister's son, "Sir Hugh Montgomery."
"My nephew good," the Douglas said, "What recks the death of ane! "Last night I dream'd a dreary dream, "And I ken the day's thy ain,
"My wound is deep; I fain would sleep; "Take thou the vanguard of the three, "And hide me by the braken bush, "That grows on yonder lilye lee,
"O bury me by the braken bush, "Beneath the blooming briar; "Let never living mortal ken, "That ere a kindly Scot lies here."
He lifted up that noble lord, Wi' the saut tear in his e'e; He hid him in the braken bush, That his merrie men might not see.
The moon was clear, the day drew near, The spears in flinders flew, But mony a gallant Englishman, Ere day the Scotsmen slew.
The Gordons good, in English blood, They steep'd their hose and shoon; The Lindsays flew like fire about, Till all the fray was done.
The Percy and Montgomery met, That either of other were fain; They swapped swords, and they twa swat, And aye the blude ran down between.
"Yield thee, O yield thee, Percy!" he said, "Or else I vow I'll lay thee low!" "Whom to shall I yield," said Earl Percy, "Now that I see it must be so?"
"Thou shalt not yield to lord nor loun, "Nor yet shalt thou yield to me; "But yield thee to the braken bush,[105] "That grows upon yon lilye lee!"
"I will not yield to a braken bush, "Nor yet will I yield to a briar; But I would yield to Earl Douglas, "Or Sir Hugh the Montgomery, if he were here."
As soon as he knew it was Montgomery, He stuck his sword's point in the gronde; And the Montgomery was a courteous knight, And quickly took him by the honde.
This deed was done at Otterbourne, About the breaking of the day; Earl Douglas was buried at the braken bush, And the Percy led captive away.
[Footnote 103: _Fell_.--Hide. Douglas insinuates, that Percy was rescued by his soldiers.]
[Footnote 104: _Fend_.--Support.]
[Footnote 105: _Braken_.--Fern.]
* * * * *
NOTES ON THE BATTLE OF OTTERBOURNE.
_He chose the Gordons and the Graemes_.--P. 64. v. 2.
The illustrious family of Gordon was originally settled upon the lands of Gordon and Huntly, in the shire of Berwick, and are, therefore, of border extraction. The steps, by which they removed from thence to the shires of Aberdeen and Inverness, are worthy notice. In 1300, Adam de Gordon was warden of the marches.--_Rymer_, Vol. II. p. 870. He obtained, from Robert the Bruce, a grant of the forfeited estate of David de Strathbolgie, Earl of Athol; but no possession followed, the earl having returned to his allegiance.--John de Gordon, his great-grandson, obtained, from Robert II., a new charter of the lands of Strathbolgie, which had been once more and finally forfeited, by David, Earl of Athol, slaine in the battle of Kilblene. This grant is dated 13th July, 1376. John de Gordon who was destined to transfer, from the borders of England to those of the Highlands, a powerful and martial race, was himself a redoubted warrior, and many of his exploits occur in the annals of that turbulent period. In 1371-2, the English borderers invaded and plundered the lands of Gordon, on the Scottish east march. Sir John of Gordon retaliated, by an incursion on Northumberland, where he collected much spoil. But, as he returned with his booty, he was attacked, at unawares, by Sir John Lillburne, a Northumbrian, who, with a superior force, lay near Carham in ambush, to intercept him. Gordon harangued and cheered his followers, charged the English gallantly, and, after having himself been five times in great peril, gained a complete victory; slaying many southerns, and taking their leader and his brother captive. According to the prior of Lochlevin, he was desperately wounded; but
"Thare rays a welle gret renowne, "And gretly prysyd wes gud Gordown."
Shortly after this exploit, Sir John of Gordon encountered and routed Sir Thomas Musgrave, a renowned English marc-hman whom he made prisoner. The lord of Johnstone had, about the same time, gained a great advantage on the west border; and hence, says Wynton,
He and the Lord of Gordowne Had a soverane gud renown, Of ony that war of thare degré, For full thai war of gret bounté.
Upon another occasion, John of Gordon is said to have partially succeeded in the surprisal of the town of Berwick, although the superiority of the garrison obliged him to relinquish his enterprise.
The ballad is accurate, in introducing this warrior, with his clan, into the host of Douglas at Otterbourne. Perhaps, as he was in possession of his extensive northern domains, he brought to the field the northern broad-swords, as well as the lances of his eastern borderers. With his gallant leader, he lost his life in the deadly conflict. The English ballad commemorates his valour and prudence;
"The Erle of Huntley, cawte and kene."
But the title is a premature designation. The earldom of Huntly was first conferred on Alexander Seaton, who married the grand-daughter of the hero of Otterbourne, and assumed his title from Huntly, in the north. Besides his eldest son Adam, who carried on the line of the family, Sir John de Gordon left two sons, known, in tradition, by the familiar names of _Jock_ and _Tam_. The former was the ancestor of the Gordons of Pitlurg; the latter of those of Lesmoir, and of Craig-Gordon. This last family is now represented by James Gordon, Esq. of Craig, being the eleventh, in direct descent, from Sir John de Gordon.
_The Graemes_.
The clan of Graeme, always numerous and powerful upon the border, were of Scottish origin, and deduce the descent of their chieftain, Graeme of Netherby, from John _with the bright sword_, a son of Malice Graeme, Earl of Menteith, who flourished in the fourteenth century. Latterly, they _became Englishmen_, as the phrase went, and settled upon the Debateable Land, whence they were transported to Ireland, by James VI., with the exception of a very few respectable families; "because," said his majesty in a proclamation, "they do all (but especially the Graemes) confess themselves to be no meet persons to live in these countries; and also, to the intent their lands may be inhabited by others, of good and honest conversation." But, in the reign of Henry IV., the Graemes of the border still adhered to the Scottish allegiance, as appears from the tower of Graeme in Annandale, Graemes Walls in Tweeddale, and other castles within Scotland, to which they have given their name. The reader is, however, at liberty to suppose, that the Graemes of the Lennox and Menteith, always ready to shed their blood in the cause of their country, on this occasion joined Douglas.
_With them the Lindsays light and gay_.--p. 64. v. 2.
The chief of this ancient family, at the date of the battle of Otterbourne, was David Liudissay, lord of Glenesk, afterwards created Earl of Crawford. He was, after the manner of the times, a most accomplished knight. He survived the battle of Otterbourne, and the succeeding carnage of Homildon. In May, 1390, he went to England, to seek adventures of chivalry; and justed, upon London Bridge, against the lord of Wells, an English knight, with so much skill and success, as to excite, among the spectators, a suspicion that he was tied to his saddle; which he removed, by riding up to the royal chair, vaulting out of his saddle, and resuming his seat without assistance, although loaded with complete armour. In 1392, Lindsay was nearly slain in a strange manner. A band of Catterans, or wild Highlanders, had broken down from the Grampian Hills, and were engaged in plundering the county of Angus. Walter Ogilvy, the sheriff, with Sir Patrick Gray, marched against them, and were joined by Sir David Lindsay. Their whole retinue did not exceed sixty men, and the Highlanders were above three hundred. Nevertheless, trusting to the superiority of arms and discipline, the knights rushed on the invaders, at Gasclune, in the Stormont. The issue was unfortunate. Ogilvy, his brother, and many of his kindred, were overpowered and slain. Lindsay, armed at all points, made great slaughter among the naked Catterans; but, as he pinned one of them to the earth with his lance, the dying mountaineer writhed upwards and, collecting his force, fetched a blow with his broad-sword which cut through the knight's stirrup-leather and steel-boot and nearly severed his leg. The Highlander expired, and Lindsay was with difficulty borne out of the field by his followers--_Wyntown_. Lindsay is also noted for a retort, made to the famous Hotspur. At a march-meeting, at Haldane-Stank, he happened to observe, that Percy was sheathed in complete armour. "It is for fear of the English horsemen," said Percy, in explanation; for he was already meditating the insurrection, immortalised by Shakespeare. "Ah! Sir Harry," answered Lindsay, "I have seen you more sorely bestad by Scottish footmen than by English horse."--_Wyntown_. Such was the leader of the "_Lindsays light and guy_."
According to Froissard, there were three Lindsays in the battle of Otterbourne, whom he calls Sir William, Sir James, and Sir Alexander. To Sir James Lindsay there fell "a strange chance of war," which I give in the words of the old historian. "I shall shewe you of Sir Mathewe Reedman (an English warrior, and governor of Berwick), who was on horsebacke, to save himselfe, for he alone coude nat remedy the mater. At his departynge, Sir James Limsay was nere him, and sawe Sir Mathewe departed. And this Sir James, to wyn honour, followed in chase Sir Mathewe Reedman, and came so nere him, that he myght have stryken hym with hys speare, if he had lyst. Than he said, 'Ah! Sir knyght, tourne! it is a shame thus to fly! I am James of Lindsay. If ye will nat tourne, I shall strike you on the back with my speare.' Sir Mathewe spoke no worde, but struke his hors with his spurres sorer than he did before. In this maner he chased hym more than three myles. And at last Sir Mathewe Reedman's hors foundered, and fell under hym. Than he stept forthe on the erthe, and drewe oute his swerde, and toke corage to defend himselfe. And the Scotte thoughte to have stryken hym on the brest, but Sir Mathewe Reedman swerved fro the stroke, and the speare point entred into the erthe. Than Sir Mathewe strake asonder the speare wyth his swerde. And whan Sir James Limsay sawe howe he had lost his speare, he cast away the tronchon, and lyghted a-fote, and toke a lytell battell-axe, that he carryed at his backe, and handled it with his one hand, quickly and delyverly, in the whyche feate Scottes be well experte. And than he set at Sir Mathewe, and he defended himselfe properly. Thus they journeyed toguyder, one with an axe, and the other with a swerde, a longe season, and no man to lette them. Fynally, Sir James Limsay gave the knyght such strokes, and helde him so shorte, that he was putte out of brethe in such wyse, that he yelded himselfe, and sayde,--'Sir James Limsay, I yeld me to you.'--'Well,' quod he; 'and I receyve you, rescue or no rescue.'--'I am content,' quod Reedman, 'so ye dele wyth me like a good companyon.'--'I shall not fayle that,' quod Limsay, and so put up his swerde. 'Well,' said Reedman, 'what will ye nowe that I shall do? I am your prisoner; ye have conquered me; I wolde gladly go agayn to Newcastell, and, within fiftene dayes, I shall come to you into Scotlande, where as ye shall assigne me.'--'I am content,' quod Limsay; 'ye shall promyse, by your faythe, to present yourselfe, within these foure wekes, at Edinborowe; and wheresoever ye go, to repute yourselfe my prisoner.' All this Sir Mathewe sware, and promised to fulfil."
The warriors parted upon these liberal terms, and Reedman returned to Newcastle. But Lindsay had scarcely ridden a mile, when he met the bishop of Durham, with 500 horse, whom he rode towards, believing them to be Scottish, until he was too near them to escape. The bysshoppe stepte to him, and sayde, 'Limsay, ye are taken; yelde ye to me.'--'Who be you?' quod Limsay. 'I am,' quod he, 'the bysshoppe of Durham.'--'And fro whens come you, sir?' quod Limsay. 'I come fro the battell,' quod the bysshoppe, 'but I strucke never a stroke there. I go backe to Newcastell for this night, and ye shal go with me.'--'I may not chuse,' quod Limsay, 'sith ye will have it so. I have taken, and I am taken; suche is the adventures of armes.' Lindsay was accordingly conveyed to the bishop's lodgings in Newcastle, and here he was met by his prisoner, Sir Matthew Reedman; who founde hym in a studye, lying in a windowe, and sayde, 'What! Sir James Lindsay, what make you here?' Than Sir James came forth of the study to him, and saydc, 'By my fayth, Sir Mathewe, fortune hath brought me hyder; for, as soon as I was departed fro you, I mete by chaunce the bisshoppe of Durham, to whom I am prisoner, as ye be to me. I beleve ye shall not nede to come to Edenborowe to me to mak your fynaunce. I thynk, rather, we shall make an exchange one for another, if the bysshoppe be also contente.'--'Well, sir,' quod Reedman, 'we shall accord ryghte well toguyder; ye shall dine this day with me: the bysshoppe and our men be gone forth to fyght with your men. I can nat tell what we shall know at their retourne.'--'I am content to dyne with you,' quod Limsay."--_Froissart's Chronicle_, translated by Bourchier, Lord Berners, Vol. I, chap. 146.
_O gran bontà de' cavalieri antiqui! Eran rivali, eran di fè diversi; E si sentian, de gli aspri colpi iniqui, Per tutta la persona anco dolersi; E pur per selve oscure, e calle inqui Insieme van senza sospetto aversi._ L'Orlando.
_But the Jardines wald not with him ride_.--P. 64. v. 2.
The Jardines were a clan of hardy west-border men. Their chief was Jardine of Applegirth. Their refusal to ride with Douglas was, probably, the result of one of those perpetual feuds, which usually rent to pieces a Scottish army.
_And he that had a bonny boy, Sent out his horse to grass_.--P. 67. v, 4.
Froissard describes a Scottish host, of the same period, as consisting of "IIII. M. men of armes, knightis, and squires, mounted on good horses; and other X.M. men of warre armed, after their gyse, right hardy and firse, mounted on lytle hackneys, the whiche were never tyed, nor kept at hard meat, but lette go to pasture in the fieldis and bushes."--_Cronykle of Froissart_, translated by Lord Berners, Chap. xvii.
* * * * *
THE SANG OF THE OUTLAW MURRAY.
This ballad appears to have been composed about the reign of James V. It commemorates a transaction, supposed to have taken place betwixt a Scottish monarch, and an ancestor of the ancient family of Murray of Philiphaugh in Selkirkshire. The editor is unable to ascertain the historical foundation of the tale; nor is it probable that any light can be thrown upon the subject, without an accurate examination of the family charter chest. It is certain, that, during the civil wars betwixt Bruce and Baliol, the family of Philiphaugh existed, and was powerful; for their ancestor, Archibald de Moravia, subscribes the oath of fealty to Edward I.A.D. 1296. It is, therefore, not unlikely, that, residing in a wild and frontier country, they may have, at one period or other, during these commotions, refused allegiance to the feeble monarch of the day, and thus extorted from him some grant of territory or jurisdiction. It is also certain, that, by a charter from James IV., dated November 30, 1509, John Murray of Philiphaugh is vested with the dignity of heritable sheriff of Ettrick Forest, an office held by his descendants till the final abolition of such jurisdictions by 28th George II. cap. 23. But it seems difficult to believe that the circumstances, mentioned in the ballad, could occur under the reign of so vigorous a monarch as James IV. It is true, that the _Dramatis Personae_ introduced seem to refer to the end of the fifteenth, or beginning of the sixteenth, century; but from this it can only be argued, that the author himself lived soon after that period. It may, therefore, be supposed (unless farther evidence can be produced, tending to invalidate the conclusion), that the bard, willing to pay his court to the family, has connected the grant of the sheriffship by James IV. with some further dispute betwixt the Murrays of Philiphaugh and their sovereign, occurring, either while they were engaged upon the side of Baliol, or in the subsequent reigns of David II. and Robert II. and III., when the English possessed great part of the Scottish frontier, and the rest was in so lawless a state as hardly to acknowledge any superior. At the same time, this reasoning is not absolutely conclusive. James IV. had particular reasons for desiring that Ettrick Forest, which actually formed part of the jointure lands of Margaret, his queen, should be kept in a state of tranquillity.--_Rymer_, Vol. XIII. p. 66. In order to accomplish this object, it was natural for him, according to the policy of his predecessors to invest one great family with the power of keeping order among the rest. It is even probable, that the Philiphaugh family may have had claims upon part of the lordship of Ettrick Forest, which lay intermingled with their own extensive possessions; and, in the course of arranging, not indeed the feudal superiority, but the property, of these lands, a dispute may have arisen, of sufficient importance to be the ground-work of a ballad.--It is farther probable, that the Murrays, like other border clans, were in a very lawless state, and held their lands merely by occupancy, without any feudal right. Indeed, the lands of the various proprietors in Ettrick Forest (being a royal demesne) were held by the possessors, not in property, but as the kindly tenants, or rentallers, of the crown; and it is only about 150 years since they obtained charters, striking the feu-duty of each proprietor, at the rate of the quit-rent, which he formerly paid. This state of possession naturally led to a confusion of rights and claims. The kings of Scotland were often reduced to the humiliating necessity of compromising such matters with their rebellious subjects, and James himself even entered into a sort of league with Johnie Faa, the king of the gypsies.--Perhaps, therefore, the tradition, handed down in this song, may have had more foundation than it would at present be proper positively to assert.
The merit of this beautiful old tale, it is thought, will be fully acknowledged. It has been, for ages, a popular song in Selkirkshire. The scene is, by the common people, supposed to have been the castle of Newark, upon Yarrow. This is highly improbable, because Newark was always a royal fortress. Indeed, the late excellent antiquarian Mr. Plummer, sheriff-depute of Selkirkshire, has assured the editor, that he remembered the _insignia_ of the unicorns, &c. so often mentioned in the ballad, in existence upon the old tower at Hangingshaw, the seat of the Philiphaugh family; although, upon first perusing a copy of the ballad, he was inclined to subscribe to the popular opinion. The tower of Hangingshaw has been demolished for many years. It stood in a romantic and solitary situation, on the classical banks of the Yarrow. When the mountains around Hangingshaw were covered with the wild copse which constituted a Scottish forest, a more secure strong-hold for an outlawed baron can hardly be imagined.
The tradition of Ettrick Forest bears, that the Outlaw was a man of prodigious strength, possessing a batton or club, with which he laid _lee_ (i.e. waste) the country for many miles round; and that he was at length slain by Buccleuch, or some of his clan, at a little mount, covered with fir-trees, adjoining to Newark castle, and said to have been a part of the garden. A varying tradition bears the place of his death to have been near to the house of the Duke of Buccleuch's game-keeper, beneath the castle; and, that the fatal arrow was shot by Scot of Haining, from the ruins of a cottage on the opposite side of the Yarrow. There was extant, within these twenty years, some verses of a song on his death. The feud betwixt the Outlaw and the Scotts may serve to explain the asperity, with which the chieftain of that clan is handled in the ballad.
In publishing the following ballad, the copy principally resorted to is one, apparently of considerable antiquity, which was found among the papers of the late Mrs. Cockburn, of Edinburgh, a lady whose memory will be long honoured by all who knew her. Another copy, much more imperfect, is to be found in Glenriddel's MSS. The names are in this last miserably mangled, as is always the case when ballads are taken down from the recitation of persons living at a distance from the scenes in which they are laid. Mr. Plummer also gave the editor a few additional verses, not contained in either copy, which are thrown into what seemed their proper place. There is yet another copy, in Mr. Herd's MSS., which has been occasionally made use of. Two verses are restored in the present edition, from the recitation of Mr. Mungo Park, whose toils, during his patient and intrepid travels in Africa, have not eradicated from his recollection the legendary lore of his native country.
The arms of the Philiphaugh family are said by tradition to allude to their outlawed state. They are indeed those of a huntsman, and are blazoned thus; Argent, a hunting horn sable, stringed and garnished gules, on a chief azure, three stars of the first. Crest, a Demi Forester, winding his horn, proper. Motto, _Hinc usque superna venabor_.
* * * * *
THE SANG OF THE OUTLAW MURRAY.
Ettricke Foreste is a feir foreste, In it grows manie a semelie trie; There's hart and hynd, and dae and rae, And of a' wilde beastes grete plentie.
There's a feir castelle, bigged wi' lyme and stane; O! gin it stands not pleasauntlie! In the forefront o' that castelle feir, Twa unicorns are bra' to see; There's the picture of a knight, and a ladye bright, And the grene hollin abune their brie.[106]
There an Outlaw keeps five hundred men; He keepis a royalle cumpanie!
His merryemen are a' in ae liverye clad, O' the Liukome grene saye gaye to see; He and his ladye in purple clad, O! gin they lived not royallie!
Word is gane to our nobil king, In Edinburgh, where that he lay, That there was an Outlaw in Ettricke Foreste, Counted him nought, nor a' his courtrie gay.
"I make a vowe," then the gude king said, Unto the man that deir bought me, "I'se either be king of Ettricke Foreste, Or king of Scotlonde that Outlaw sail be!"
Then spak the lord, hight Hamilton, And to the nobil king said he, "My sovereign prince, sum counsell take, First at your nobilis, syne at me.
"I redd ye, send yon braw Outlaw till, And see gif your man cum will he: Desyre him cum and be your man, And hald of you yon Foreste frie.
"Gif he refuses to do that, We'll conquess baith his landis and he! Or else, we'll throw his castell down, And make a widowe o' his gay ladye."
The king then call'd a gentleman, James Boyd, (the Earl of Arran his brother was he) When James he cam befor the king, He knelit befor him on his kné.
"Wellcum, James Boyd!" said our nobil king; "A message ye maun gang for me; Ye maun hye to Ettricke Foreste, To yon Outlaw, where bydeth he:
"Ask him of whom he haldis his landis, Or man, wha may his master be, And desyre him cum, and be my man, And hald of me yon Foreste frie.
"To Edinburgh to cum and gang, His safe warrant I sall gie; And gif he refuses to do that, We'll conquess baith his landis and he.
"Thou may'st vow I'll cast his castell down, And mak a widowe o' his gay ladye; I'll hang his merryemen, payr by payr, In ony frith where I may them see."
James Boyd tuik his leave o' the nobil king, To Ettricke Foreste feir cam he; Down Birkendale Brae when that he cam, He saw the feir Foreste wi' his e'e.
Baithe dae and rae, and hart and hinde, And of a' wilde beastis great plentie; He heard the bows that bauldly ring, And arrows whidderan' hym near bi.
Of that feir castell he got a sight; The like he neir saw wi' his e'e! On the fore front o' that castell feir, Twa unicorns were gaye to see; The picture of a knight, and a ladye bright, And the grene hollin abune their brie.
Thereat he spyed five hundred men, Shuting with bows on Newark Lee;
They were a' in ae livery clad, O' the Lincome grene sae gaye to see.
His men were a' clad in the grene, The knight was armed capapie, With a bended bow, on a milk-white steed; And I wot they ranked right bonilie.
Thereby Boyd kend he was master man, And serv'd him in his ain degré. "God mot thee save, brave Outlaw Murray! Thy ladye, and all thy chyvalrie!" "Marry, thou's wellcum, gentelman, Some king's messenger thou seemis to be."
"The king of Scotlonde sent me here, And, gude Outlaw, I am sent to thee; I wad wot of whom ye hald your landis, Or man, wha may thy master be?"
"Thir landis are MINE!" the Outlaw said; "I ken nae king in Christentie; Frae Soudron[107] I this Foreste wan, When the king nor his knightis were not to see."
"He desyres you'l cum to Edinburgh, And hauld of him this Foreste frie; And, gif ye refuse to do this, He'll conquess baith thy landis and thee. He hath vow'd to cast thy castell down, And mak a widowe o' thy gaye ladye;
"He'll hang thy merryemen, payr by payr, In ony frith where he may them finde." "Aye, by my troth!" the Outlaw said, "Than wald I think me far behinde.
"E'er the king my feir countrie get, This land that's nativest to me! Mony o' his nobilis sall be cauld, Their ladyes sall be right wearie."
Then spak his ladye, feir of face, She seyd, "Without consent of me, That an Outlaw suld cum befor a King; I am right rad[108] of treasonrie. Bid him be gude to his lordis at hame, For Edinburgh my lord sall nevir see."
James Boyd tuik his leave o' the Outlaw kene, To Edinburgh boun is he; When James he cam befor the king, He knelit lowlie on his kné.
"Wellcum, James Boyd!" seyd our nobil king; "What Foreste is Ettricke Foreste frie?" "Ettricke Foreste is the feirest foreste That evir man saw wi' his e'e.
"There's the dae, the rae, the hart, the hynde, And of a' wild beastis grete plentie; There's a pretty castell of lyme and stane; O gif it stands not pleasauntlie!
"There's in the forefront o' that castell, Twa unicorns, sae bra' to see; There's the picture of a knight, and a ladye bright, Wi' the grene hollin abune their brie.
"There the Outlaw keepis five hundred men; He keepis a royalle cumpanie! His merrymen in ae livery clad, O' the Linkome grene sae gaye to see:
"He and his ladye in purple clad; O! gin they live not royallie!
"He says, yon Foreste is his awin; He wan it frae the Southronie; Sae as he wan it, sae will he keep it, Contrair all kingis in Christentie."
"Gar warn me Perthshire, and Angus baith; Fife up and down, and the Louthians three, And graith my horse!" said the nobil king, "For to Ettricke Foreste hie will I me."
Then word is gane the Outlaw till, In Ettricke Foreste, where dwelleth he, That the king was cuming to his cuntrie, To conquess baith his landis and he.
"I mak a vow," the Outlaw said, "I mak a vow, and that trulie, Were there but three men to tak my pairt; Yon king's cuming full deir suld be!"
Then messengers he called forth, And bade them hie them speedilye-- "Ane of ye gae to Halliday, The laird of the Corhead is he.
"He certain is my sister's son; Bid him cum quick and succour me! The king cums on for Ettricke Foreste, And landless men we a' will be."
"What news? What news?" said Halliday, "Man, frae thy master unto me?" "Not as ye wad; seeking your aide; The king's his mortal enemie."
"Aye, by my troth!" said Halliday, "Even for that it repenteth me; For gif he lose feir Ettricke Foreste, He'll tak feir Moffatdale frae me.
"I'll meet him wi' five hundred men, And surely mair, if mae may be; And before he gets the Foreste feir, We a' will die on Newark Lee!"
The Outlaw call'd a messenger, And bid him hie him speedilye, To Andrew Murray of Cockpool-- "That man's a deir cousin to me; Desyre him cum, and mak me ayd, With a' the power that he may be."
"It stands me hard," Andrew Murray said, Judge gif it stands na hard wi' me; To enter against a king wi' crown, And set my landis in jeopardie! Yet, if I cum not on the day, Surely at night he sall me see."
To Sir James Murray of Traquair, A message cam right speedilye-- "What news? What news?" James Murray said, "Man, frae thy master unto me?"
"What neids I tell? for weell ye ken, The king's his mortal enemie; And now he is cuming to Ettricke Foreste, And landless men ye a' will be."
"And, by my trothe," James Murray said, "Wi' that Outlaw will I live and die; The king has gifted my landis lang syne-- It cannot be nae warse wi' me."
The king was cuming thro' Caddon Ford[109], And full five thousand men was he; They saw the derke Foreste them before, They thought it awsome for to see.
Then spak the lord, hight Hamilton, And to the nobil king said he, "My sovereign liege, sum council tak, First at your nobilis, syne at me.
"Desyre him mete thee at Permanscore, And bring four in his cumpanie; Five erles sall gang yoursell befor, Gude cause that you suld honour'd be.
"And, gif he refuses to do that, We'll conquess baith his landis and he; "There sall nevir a Murray, after him, Hald land in Ettricke Foreste frie."
Then spak the kene laird of Buckscleuth, A stalworthye man, and sterne was he-- "For a king to gang an Outlaw till, Is beneath his state and his dignitie.
"The man that wons yon Foreste intill, He lives by reif and felonie! Wherefore, brayd on, my sovereign liege! Wi' fire and sword we'll follow thee; Or, gif your courtrie lords fa' back, Our borderers sall the onset gie."
Then out and spak the nobil king, And round him cast a wilie e'e-- "Now haud thy tongue, Sir Walter Scott, Nor speik of reif nor felonie: For, had everye honeste man his awin kye, A right puir clan thy name wad be!"
The king then call'd a gentleman, Royal banner bearer there was he;
James Hop Pringle of Torsonse, by name; He cam and knelit upon his kné.
"Wellcum, James Pringle of Torsonse! A message ye maun gang for me; Ye maun gae to yon Outlaw Murray, Surely where bauldly bideth he.
"Bid him mete me at Permanscore, And bring four in his cumpanie; Five erles sall cum wi' mysell Gude reason I suld honour'd be.
"And, gif he refuses to do that, Bid him luke for nae good o' me! Ther sall nevir a Murray, after him, Have land in Ettricke Foreste frie."
James cam befor the Outlaw kene, And serv'd him in his ain degré-- "Wellcum, James Pringle of Torsonse! What message frae the king to me?"
"He bidds ye mete him at Permanscore, And bring four in your cumpanie; Five erles sall gang himsell befor, Nae mair in number will he be.
"And, gif you refuse to do that, (I freely here upgive wi' thee) He'll cast yon bonny castle down, And mak a widowe o' that gaye ladye.
"He'll loose yon bluidhound borderers, Wi' fire and sword to follow thee; There will nevir a Murray, after thysell, Have land in Ettricke Foreste frie."
"It stands me hard," the Outlaw said; "Judge gif it stands na hard wi' me! Wha reck not losing of mysell, But a' my offspring after me.
"My merryemen's lives, my widowe's teirs-- There lies the pang that pinches me! When I am straught in bluidie eard, Yon castell will be right dreirie.
"Auld Halliday, young Halliday, Ye sall be twa to gang wi' me; Andrew Murray, and Sir James Murray, We'll be nae mae in cumpanie."
When that they cam befor the king, They fell befor him on their kné-- "Grant mercie, mercie, nobil king! E'en for his sake that dyed on trie."
"Sicken like mercie sall ye have; On gallows ye sall hangit be!" "Over God's forbode," quoth the Outlaw then, "I hope your grace will bettir be! Else, ere ye come to Edinburgh port, I trow thin guarded sall ye be:
"Thir landis of Ettricke Foreste feir, I wan them from the enemie; Like as I wan them, sae will I keep them, Contrair a' kingis in Christentie."
All the nobilis the king about, Said pitie it were to see him die-- "Yet graunt me mercie, sovereign prince! Extend your favour unto me!
"I'll give thee the keys of my castell, Wi' the blessing o' my gaye ladye, Gin thoul't mak me sheriffe of this Foreste, And a' my offspring after me."
"Wilt thou give me the keys of thy castell, Wi' the blessing of thy gaye ladye? I'se mak thee sheriffe of Ettricke Foreste, Surely while upwards grows the trie; If you be not traitour to the king, Forfaulted sall thou nevir be."
"But, prince, what sall cum o' my men? When I gae back, traitour they'll ca' me. I had rather lose my life and land, E'er my merryemen rebuked me."
"Will your merryemen amend their lives? And a' their pardons I graunt thee-- Now, name thy landis where'er they lie, And here I RENDER them to thee."
"Fair Philiphaugh is mine by right, And Lewinshope still mine shall be; Newark, Foulshiells, and Tinnies baith, My bow and arrow purchased me.
"And I have native steads to me, The Newark Lee and Hangingshaw; I have mony steads in the Foreste shaw, But them by name I dinna knaw."
The keys o' the castell he gave the king, Wi' the blessing o' his feir ladye; He was made sheriffe of Ettricke Foreste, Surely while upwards grows the trie; And if he was na traitour to the king, Forfaulted he suld nevir be.
Wha ever heard, in ony times, Sicken an Outlaw in his degré, Sick favour get befor a king, As did the OUTLAW MURRAY of the Foreste frie?
[Footnote 106: Brow.]
[Footnote 107: Southern, or English.]
[Footnote 108: Afraid.]
[Footnote 109: A ford on the Tweed, at the mouth of the Caddon Burn, near Yair.]
NOTES ON THE SANG OF THE OUTLAW MURRAY.
* * * * *
_Then spak the Lord, hight Hamilton_.--P. 86. v. 4.
This is, in most copies, the _earl_ hight Hamilton, which must be a mistake of the reciters, as the family did not enjoy that title till 1503.
_James Boyd (the Earl of Arran his brother), &c._--P. 87. v. 2.
Thomas Boyd, Earl of Arran, was forfeited, with his father and uncle, in 1469, for an attempt on the person of James III. He had a son, James, who was restored, and in favour with James IV. about 1482. If this be the person here meant, we should read "The Earl of Arran his _son_ was he." Glenriddel's copy reads, "A highland laird I'm sure was he." Reciters sometimes call the messenger, the laird of Skene.
_Down Birkendale Brae when that he cam_.--P. 88, v. 2.
Birkendale Brae, now commonly called _Birkendailly_, is a steep descent on the south side of Minch-Moor, which separates Tweeddale from Ettrick Forest; and from the top of which you have the first view of the woods of Hangingshaw, the castle of Newark, and the romantic dale of Yarrow.
_The laird of the Corehead, &c._--P. 93. v. 1.
This is a place at the head of Moffat-water, possessed of old by the family of Halliday.
_To Andrew Murray of Cockpool_.--P. 94. v. 1.
This family were ancestors of the Murrays, earls of Annandale; but the name of the representative, in the time of James IV. was William, not Andrew. Glenriddel's MS. reads, "the country-keeper."
_To Sir James Murray of Traquair_.--P. 94. v. 3.
Before the barony of Traquair became the property of the Stewarts, it belonged to a family of Murrays, afterwards Murrays of Black-barony, and ancestors of Lord Elibank. The old castle was situated on the Tweed. The lands of Traquair were forfeited by Willielmus de Moravia, previous to 1464; for, in that year, a charter, proceeding upon his forfeiture, was granted by the crown "Willielmo Douglas de Cluny." Sir James was, perhaps, the heir of William Murray. It would farther seem, that the grant in 1464 was not made effectual by Douglas; for, another charter from the crown, dated the 3d February, 1478, conveys the estate of Traquair to James Stewart, Earl of Buchan, son to the black knight of Lorne, and maternal uncle to James III., from whom is descended the present Earl of Traquair. The first royal grant not being followed by possession, it is very possible that the Murrays may have continued to occupy Traquair long after the date of that charter. Hence, Sir James might have reason to say, as in the ballad, "The king has gifted my lands lang syne."
_James Hop Pringle of Torsonse_.--P. 97. v. 1.
The honourable name of Pringle, or Hoppringle, is of great antiquity in Roxburghshire and Selkirkshire. The old tower of Torsonse is situated upon the banks of the Gala. I believe the Pringles of Torsonse are now represented by Sir James Pringle of Stitchell. There are three other ancient and distinguished families of this name; those of Whitebank, Clifton, and Torwoodlee.
_He bids ye mete him at Permanscore_.--P. 98. v. 1.
Permanscore is a hollow on the top of a high ridge of hills, dividing the vales of Tweed and Yarrow, a little to the east-ward of Minch-Moor. It is the outermost point of the lands of Broadmeadows. The Glenriddel MS., which, in this instance, is extremely inaccurate as to names, calls the place of rendezvous "_The Poor Man's house_," and hints, that the Outlaw was surprised by the treachery of the king:--
"Then he was aware of the king's coming, With hundreds three in company, I wot the muckle deel * * * * * He learned kings to lie! For to fetch me here frae amang my men, Here like a dog for to die."
I believe the reader will think, with me, that the catastrophe is better, as now printed from Mrs. Cockburn's copy. The deceit supposed to be practised on the Outlaw, is unworthy of the military monarch, as he is painted in the ballad; especially if we admit him to be King James IV.
_Fair Philiphaugh is mine by right_.--P. 101. v. 1.
In this and the following verse, the ceremony of feudal investiture is supposed to be gone through, by the Outlaw resigning his possessions into the hands of the king, and receiving them back, to be held of him as superior. The lands of Philiphaugh are still possessed by the Outlaw's representative. Hangingshaw and Lewinshope were sold of late years. Newark, Foulshiels and Tinnies, have long belonged to the family of Buccleuch.
JOHNIE ARMSTRANG.
* * * * *
There will be such frequent occasion, in the course of this volume, to mention the clan, or sept, of the Armstrongs, that the editor finds it necessary to prefix, to this ballad, some general account of that tribe.
The Armstrongs appear to have been, at an early period, in possession of great part of Liddesdale, and of the Debateable Land. Their immediate neighbourhood to England, rendered them the most lawless of the Border depredators; and, as much of the country possessed by them was claimed by both kingdoms, the inhabitants, protected from justice by the one nation, in opposition to the other, securely preyed upon both.[110] The chief was Armstrong of Mangertoun; but, at a later period, they are declared a broken clan, i.e. one which had no lawful head, to become surety for their good behaviour. The rapacity of this clan, and of their allies, the Elliots, occasioned the popular saying, "Elliots and Armstrongs ride thieves all."--But to what Border-family of note, in former days, would not such an adage have been equally applicable? All along the river Liddel may still be discovered the ruins of towers, possessed by this numerous clan. They did not, however, entirely trust to these fastnesses; but, when attacked by a superior force, abandoned entirely their dwellings, and retired into morasses, accessible by paths known to themselves alone. One of their most noted places of refuge was the Tarras Moss, a desolate and horrible marsh, through which a small river takes its course. Upon its banks are found some dry spots, which were occupied by these outlaws, and their families, in cases of emergency. The stream runs furiously among huge rocks, which has occasioned a popular saying--
Was ne'er are drown'd in Tarras, nor yet in doubt, For e'er the head can win down, the harns (brains) are out.
The morass itself is so deep, that, according to an old historian, two spears tied together would not reach the bottom. In this retreat, the Armstrongs, _anno_ 1588, baffled the Earl of Angus, when lieutenant on the Border, although he reckoned himself so skilful in winding a thief, that he declared, "he had the same pleasure in it, as others in a hunting a hare." On this occasion he was totally unsuccessful, and nearly lost his relation, Douglas of Ively, whom the freebooters made prisoner.--_Godscroft_ Vol. II. p. 411.
[Footnote 110: In illustration of this position, the reader is referred to a long correspondence betwixt Lord Dacre and the Privy Council of England, in 1550, concerning one Sandye Armstrang, a partizan of England, and an inhabitant of the Debateable Land, who had threatened to become a Scottishman, if he was not protected by the English warden against the Lord Maxwell.--See _Introduction to Nicholson and Burn's History of Cumberland and Westmoreland_.]
Upon another occasion the Armstrongs were less fortunate. They had, in one of their incursions, plundered the town of Haltwhistle, on the borders of Cumberland. Sir Robert Carey, warden of the west marches, demanded satisfaction from the king of Scotland, and received for answer, that the offenders were no subjects of his, and that he might take his own revenge. The English warden, accordingly entered Llddesdale, and ravaged the lands of the outlaws; on which occasion, _Sim of the Cat-hill_ (an Armstrong) was killed by one of the Ridleys of Haltwhistle. This incident procured Haltwhistle another visit from the Armstrongs, in which they burnt great part of the town, but not without losing one of their leaders, by a shot from a window.
"The death of this young man (says Sir Robert Carey) wrote (wrought) so deep an impression upon them (the outlaws), as many vowes were made, that, before the end of next winter, they would lay the whole Border waste. This (the murder) was done about the end of May (1598). The chiefe of all these outlaws was _old Sim of Whittram_.[111] He had five or six sonnes, as able men as the Borders had. This old man and his sonnes had not so few as two hundred at their commands, that were ever ready to ride with them to all actions, at their beck.
[Footnote 111: Whittram is a place in Liddesdale. It is mistaken by the noble editor for Whithern, in Galloway, as is Hartwesel (Haltwhistle, on the borders of Cumberland) for Twisel, a village on the English side of the Tweed, near Wark.]
The high parts of the marsh (march) towards Scotland were put in a mighty fear, and the chiefe of them, for themselves and the rest, petitioned to mee, and did assure mee, that, unless I did take some course with them, by the end of that summer, there was none of the inhabitants durst, or would, stay in their dwellings the next winter, but they would fley the countrey, and leave their houses and lands to the fury of the outlawes. Upon this complaint, I called the gentlemen of the countrey together, and acquainted them with the misery that the highest parts of the marsh towards Scotland were likely to endure, if there were not timely prevention to avoid it, and desired them to give mee their best advice what course were fitt to be taken. They all showed themselves willing to give mee their best counsailles, and most of them were of opinion, that I was not well advised to refuse the hundred horse that my Lord Euers had; and that now my best way was speedily to acquaint the quene and counsaile with the necessity of having more soldiers, and that there could not be less than a hundred horse sent downe for the defence of the countrey, besides the forty I had already in pay, and that there was nothing but force of soldiers could keep them in awe: and to let the counsaile plainly understand, that the marsh, of themselves, were not able to subsist, whenever the winter and long nights came in, unlesse present cure and remedy were provided for them. I desired them to advise better of it, and to see if they could find out any other meanes to prevent their mischievous intentions, without putting the quene and countrey to any further charge. They all resolved that there was no second meanes. Then I told them my intention what I meant to do, which was, that myselfe, with my two deputies, and the forty horse that I was allowed, would, with what speede wee could, make ourselves ready to go up to the Wastes, and there wee would entrench ourselves, and lye as near as wee could to the outlawes; and, if there were any brave spirits among them, that would go with us, they should be very wellcome, and fare and lye as well as myselfe: and I did not doubte before the summer ended, to do something that should abate the pride of these outlawes. Those, that were unwilling to hazard themselves, liked not this motion. They said, that, in so doing, I might keep the countrey quiet the time I lay there; but, when the winter approached, I could stay there no longer, and that was the theeves' time to do all their mischiefe. But there were divers young gentlemen, that offered to go with mee, some with three, some with four horses, and to stay with mee as long as I would there continue. I took a list of those that offered to go with mee, and found, that, with myself, my officers, the gentlemen, and our servants, wee should be about two hundred good men and horse; a competent number, as I thought, for such a service.
The day and place was appointed for our meeting in the Wastes, and, by the help of the foot of Liddisdale[112] and Risdale, wee had soone built a pretty fort, and within it wee had all cabines made to lye in, and every one brought beds or matresses to lye on. There wee stayed, from the middest of June, till almost the end of August. We were betweene fifty and sixty gentlemen, besides their servants and my horsemen; so that wee were not so few as two hundred horse. Wee wanted no provisions for ourselves nor our horses, for the countrey people were well payed for any thing they brought us; so that wee had a good market every day, before our fort, to buy what we lacked. The chiefe outlawes, at our coming, fled their houses where they dwelt, and betooke themselves to a large and great forest (with all their goodes), which was called the Tarras. It was of that strength, and so surrounded with bogges and marish grounds, and thicke bushes and shrubbes, as they feared not the force nor power of England nor Scotland, so long as they were there. They sent me word, that I was like the first puffe of a haggasse,[113] hottest at the first, and bade me stay there as long as the weather would give me leave. They would stay in the Tarras Wood till I was weary of lying in the Waste; and when I had had my time, and they no whit the worse, they would play their parts, which should keep mee waking the next winter. Those gentlemen of the countrey that came not with mee, were of the same minde; for they knew (or thought at least), that my force was not sufficient to withstand the furey of the outlawes. The time I stayed at the fort I was not idle, but cast, by all meanes I could, how to take them in the great strength they were in. I found a meanes to send a hundred and fifty horsemen into Scotland (conveighed by a muffled man,[114] not known to any of the company), thirty miles within Scotland, and the businesse was carried so, that none in the countrey tooke any alarm at this passage. They were quietly brought to the back-side of the Tarras, to Scotland-ward. There they divided themselves into three parts, and tooke up three passages which the outlawes made themselves secure of, if from England side they should at any time be put at.
[Footnote 112: The foot of Liddisdale were the garrison of King James, in the castle of Hermitage, who assisted Carey on this occasion, as the Armstrongs were outlaws to both nations.]
[Footnote 113: A haggis, (according to Burns, "the chieftain of the pudding-race,") is an olio, composed of the liver, heart, &c. of a sheep, minced down with oatmeal, onions, and spices, and boiled in the stomach of the animal, by way of bag. When the bag is cut, the contents, (if this savoury dish be well made) should spout out with the heated air. This will explain the allusion.]
[Footnote 114: A Muffled Man means a person in disguise; a very necessary precaution for the guide's safety; for, could the outlaws have learned who played them this trick, beyond all doubt it must have cost him dear.]
They had their scoutes on the tops of hills, on the English side, to give them warning if at any time any power of men should come to surprise them. The three ambushes were safely laid, without being discovered, and, about four o'clock in the morning, there were three hundred horse, and a thousand foote,[115] that came directly to the place where the scoutes lay. They gave the alarm; our men brake down as fast as they could into the wood. The outlawes thought themselves safe, assuring themselves at any time to escape; but they were so strongly set upon, on the English side, as they were forced to leave their goodes, and betake themselves to their passages towards Scotland. There was presently five taken of the principall of them. The rest, seeing themselves, as they thought, betrayed, retired into the thicke woodes and bogges,[116] that our men durst not follow them for fear of loosing themselves. The principall of the five, that were taken, were two of the eldest sonnes of _Sim of Whitram_. These five they brought to mee to the fort, and a number of goodes, both of sheep and kine, which satisfied most part of the countrey, that they had stolen them from.
[Footnote 115: From this it would appear, that Carey, although his constant attendants in his fort consisted only of 200 horse, had, upon this occasion by the assistance, probably, of the English and Scottish royal garrisons, collected a much greater force.]
[Footnote 116: There are now no trees in Liddesdale, except on the banks of the rivers, where they are protected from the sheep. But the stumps and fallen timber, which are every where found in the morasses, attest how well the country must have been wooded in former days.]
"The five, that were taken, were of great worth and value amongst them; insomuch, that, for their liberty, I should have what conditions I should demand or desire. First, all English prisoners were set at liberty. Then had I themselves, and most part of the gentlemen of the Scottish side, so strictly bound in bondes to enter to mee, in fifteen dayes warning, any offendour, that they durst not, for their lives, break any covenant that I made with them; and so, upon these conditions, I set them at liberty, and was never after troubled with these kind of people. Thus God blessed me in bringing this great trouble to so quiet an end; wee brake up our fort, and every man retired to his owne house."--_Carey's Memoirs_, p. 151.
The people of Liddesdale have retained, by tradition, the remembrance of _Carey's Raid_, as they call it. They tell, that, while he was besieging the outlaws in the Tarras they contrived, by ways known only to themselves, to send a party into England, who plundered the warden's lands. On their return, they sent Carey one of his own cows, telling him, that, fearing he might fall short of provision during his visit to Scotland, they had taken the precaution of sending him some English beef. The anecdote is too characteristic to be suppressed.
From this narrative, the power and strength of the Armstrongs, at this late period, appear to have been very considerable. Even upon the death of Queen Elizabeth, this clan, associated with other banditti of the west marches to the number of two or three hundred horse, entered England in a hostile manner, and extended their ravages as far as Penrith. James VI., then at Berwick, upon his journey to his new capital, detached a large force, under Sir William Selby, captain of Berwick, to bring these depredators to order. Their raid, remarkable for being the last of any note occurring in history, was avenged in an exemplary manner. Most of the strong-holds upon the Liddel were razed to the foundation, and several of the principal leaders executed at Carlisle; after which we find little mention of the Armstrongs in history. The precautions, adopted by the Earl of Dunbar, to preserve peace on the borders, bore peculiarly hard upon a body of men, long accustomed to the most ungoverned licence. They appear, in a great measure, to have fallen victims to the strictness of the new enactments.--_Ridpath_, p. 703.--_Stow_, 819.--_Laing_, Vol. I. The lands, possessed by them in former days, have chiefly come into the hands of the Buccleuch family, and of the Elliots; so that, with one or two exceptions, we may say, that, in the country which this warlike clan once occupied, there is hardly left a land-holder of the name. One of the last border reivers was, however, of this family, and lived within the beginning of the last century. After having made himself dreaded over the whole country, he at last came to the following end: One--, a man of large property, having lost twelve cows in one night, raised the country of Tiviotdale, and traced the robbers into Liddesdale, as far as the house of this Armstrong, commonly called _Willie of Westburnflat_, from the place of his residence, on the banks of the Hermitage water. Fortunately for the pursuers he was then asleep; so that he was secured, along with nine of his friends, without much resistance. He was brought to trial at Selkirk; and, although no precise evidence was adduced to convict him of the special fact (the cattle never having been recovered), yet the jury brought him in _guilty_ on his general character, or, as it is called in our law, on habite and repute. When sentence was pronounced, Willie arose; and, seizing the oaken chair in which he was placed, broke it into pieces by main strength, and offered to his companions, who were involved in the same doom, that, if they would stand behind him, he would fight his way out of Selkirk with these weapons. But they held his hands, and besought him to let them _die like Christians_. They were accordingly executed in form of law. This was the last trial at Selkirk. The people of Liddesdale, who (perhaps not erroneously) still consider the sentence as iniquitous, remarked, that--, the prosecutor, never throve afterwards, but came to beggary and ruin, with his whole family.
Johnie Armstrong, of Gilnockie, the hero of the following ballad, is a noted personage, both in history and tradition. He was, it would seem from the ballad, a brother of the laird of Mangertoun, chief of the name. His place of residence (now a roofless tower) was at the Hollows, a few miles from Langholm, where its ruins still serve to adorn a scene, which, in natural beauty, has few equals in Scotland. At the head of a desperate band of freebooters, this Armstrong is said to have spread the terror of his name almost as far as Newcastle, and to have levied _black mail_, or _protection and forbearance money_, for many miles around. James V., of whom it was long remembered by his grateful people, that he made the "rush-bush keep the cow," about 1529, undertook an expedition through the border counties, to suppress the turbulent spirit of the marchmen. But, before setting out upon his journey, he took the precaution of imprisoning the different border chieftains, who were the chief protectors of the marauders. The Earl of Bothwell was forfeited, and confined in Edinburgh castle. The lords of Home and Maxwell, the lairds of Buccleuch, Fairniherst, and Johnston, with many others, were also committed to ward. Cockburn of Henderland, and Adam Scott of Tushielaw, called the King of the Border, were publicly executed.--_Lesley_, p. 430. The king then marched rapidly forward, at the head of a flying army of ten thousand men, through Ettrick Forest, and Ewsdale. The evil genius of our Johnie Armstrong, or, as others say, the private advice of some courtiers, prompted him to present himself before James, at the head of thirty-six horse, arrayed in all the pomp of border chivalry, Pitscottie uses nearly the words of the ballad, in describing the splendour of his equipment, and his high expectations of favour from the king. "But James, looking upon him sternly, said to his attendants, 'What wants that knave that a king should have?' and ordered him and his followers to instant execution."--"But John Armstrong," continues this minute historian, "made great offers to the king. That he should sustain himself, with forty gentlemen, ever ready at his service, on their own cost, without wronging any Scottishman: Secondly, that there was not a subject in England, duke, earl, or baron, but, within a certain day, he should bring him to his majesty, either quick or dead.[117] At length he, seeing no hope of favour, said very proudly, 'It is folly to seek grace at a graceless face; but,' said he, 'had I known this, I should have lived upon the borders in despite of King Harry and you both; for I know King Harry would _down-weigh my best horse with gold_, to know that I were condemned to die this day.'--_Pitscottie's History_, p. 145. Johnie, with all his retinue, was accordingly hanged upon growing trees, at a place called Carlenrig chapel, about ten miles above Hawick, on the high road to Langholm. The country people believe, that, to manifest the injustice of the execution, the trees withered away. Armstrong and his followers were buried in a deserted church-yard, where their graves are still shewn.
[Footnote 117: The borderers, from their habits of life, were capable of most extraordinary exploits of this nature. In the year 1511, Sir Robert Ker of Cessford, warden of the middle marches of Scotland, was murdered at a border-meeting, by the bastard Heron, Starhead, and Lilburn. The English monarch delivered up Lilburn to justice in Scotland, but Heron and Starhead escaped. The latter chose his residence in the very centre of England, to baffle the vengeance of Ker's clan and followers. Two dependants of the deceased, called Tait, were deputed by Andrew Ker of Cessford to revenge his father's murder. They travelled through England in various disguises till they discovered the place of Starhead's retreat, murdered him in his bed, and brought his head in triumph to Edinburgh, where Ker caused it to be exposed at the cross. The bastard Heron would have shared the same fate, had he not spread abroad a report of his having died of the plague, and caused his funeral obsequies to be performed.--_Ridpath's History_, p. 481.--_See also Metrical Account of the Battle of Flodden, published by the Rev. Mr. Lambe_.]
As this border hero was a person of great note in his way, he is frequently alluded to by the writers of the time. Sir David Lindsay of the Mount, in the curious play published by Mr. Pinkerton, from the Bannatyne MS., introduces a pardoner, or knavish dealer in reliques, who produces, among his holy rarities--
--The cordis, baith grit and lang, Quhilt hangit Johnnie Armistrang, Of gude hempt, soft and sound, Gude haly pepill, I stand ford, Wha'evir beis hangit in this cord, Neidis nevir to be drowned!
_Pinkerton's Scottish Poems_, Vol. II. p. 69.
In _The Complaynt of Scotland_, John Armistrangis's dance, mentioned as a popular tune, has probably some reference to our hero.
The common people of the high parts of Tiviotdale, Liddesdale, and the country adjacent, hold the memory of Johnie Armstrong in very high respect. They affirm also, that one of his attendants broke through the king's guard, and carried to Gilnockie Tower the news of the bloody catastrophe.
This song was first published by Allan Ramsay, in his _Evergreen_, who says, he copied it from the mouth of a gentleman, called Armstrong, who was in the sixth generation from this John. The reciter assured him, that this was the genuine old ballad; the common one false. By the common one, Ramsay means an English ballad upon the same subject, but differing in various particulars, which is published in Mr. Ritson's _English Songs_, Vol. II. It is fortunate for the admirers of the old ballad, that it did not fall into Ramsay's hands, when he was equipping with new sets of words the old Scottish tunes in his _Tea-Table Miscellany_. Since his time it has been often reprinted.
JOHNIE ARMSTRANG
* * * * *
Sum speikis of lords, sum speikis of lairds, And sick lyke men of hie degrie; Of a gentleman I sing a sang, Sum tyme called laird of Gilnockie.
The king he wrytes a luving letter, With his ain hand sae tenderly, And he hath sent it to Johnie Armstrang, To cum and speik with him speedily.
The Eliots and Armstrangs did convene; They were a gallant cumpanie-- "We'll ride and meit our lawful king, And bring him safe to Gilnockie."
"Make kinnen[118] and capon ready then, And venison in great plentie; We'll wellcum here our royal king; I hope he'll dine at Gilnockie!"
They ran their horse on the Langhome howm, And brak their speirs wi' mickle main; The ladies lukit frae their loft windows-- "God bring our men weel back agen!"
When Johnie cam before the king, Wi' a' his men sae brave to see, The king he movit his bonnet to him; He ween'd he was a king as well as he.
"May I find grace, my sovereign liege, Grace for my loyal men and me? For my name it is Johnie Armstrang, And subject of your's, my liege," said he.
"Away, away, thou traitor strang! Out o' my sight soon may'st thou be! I grantit nevir a traitor's life, And now I'll not begin wi' thee."
"Grant me my life, my liege, my king! "And a bonny gift I'll gie to thee-- "Full four and twenty milk-white steids, "Were a' foaled in ae yeir to me.
"I'll gie thee a' these milk-white steids, "That prance and nicker[119] at a speir; "And as mickle gude Inglish gilt[120], "As four of their braid backs dow[121] bear."
"Away, away, thou traitor strang! "Out o' my sight soon may'st thou be! "I grantit never a traitor's life, "And now I'll not begin wi' thee!"
"Grant me my life, my liege, my king! "And a bonny gift I'll gie to thee-- "Gude four and twenty ganging[122] mills, "That gang thro' a' the yeir to me.
"These four and twenty mills complete, "Sall gang for thee thro' a' the yeir; "And as mickle of gude reid wheit, "As a' their happers dow to bear."
"Away, away, thou traitor strang! "Out o' my sight soon may'st thou be! "I grantit nevir a traitor's life, "And now I'll not begin wi' thee."
"Grant me my life, my liege, my king! "And a great gift I'll gie to thee-- "Bauld four and twenty sister's sons, "Sall for thee fecht, tho' a' should flee!"
"Away, away, thou traitor strang! "Out o' my sight soon may'st thou be! "I grantit nevir a traitor's life, "And now I'll not begin wi' thee."
"Grant me my life, my liege, my king! "And a brave gift I'll gie to thee-- "All between heir and Newcastle town "Sall pay their yeirly rent to thee."
"Away, away, thou traitor strang! "Out o' my sight soon may'st thou be! "I grantit nevir a traitor's life, "And now I'll not begin wi' thee."
"Ye lied[123], ye lied, now king," he says. "Altho' a king and prince ye be! For I've luved naething in my life, "I weel dare say it, but honesty--
"Save a fat horse," and a fair woman, "Twa bonny dogs to kill a deir; "But England suld have found me meal and mault, "Gif I had lived this hundred yeir!
"Sche suld have found me meal and mault, "And beif and mutton in a' plentie; "But nevir a Scots wyfe could have said, "That e'er I skaithed her a pure flee.
"To seik het water beneith cauld ice, "Surely it is a greit folie-- "I have asked grace at a graceless face, "But there is mine for my men and me!
"But, had I kenn'd ere I cam frae hame, "How thou unkind wadst been to me! "I wad have keepit the border side, "In spite of al thy force and thee.
"Wist England's king that I was ta'en, "O gin a blythe man he wad be! "For anes I slew his sister's son, "And on his breist bane brake a trie."
John wore a girdle about his middle, Imbroidered ower wi' burning gold, Bespangled wi' the same metal; Maist beautiful was to behold.
There hang nine targats[124] at Johnie's hat, And ilk are worth three hundred pound-- "What wants that knave that a king suld have, But the sword of honour and the crown!
"O whair got thou these targats, Johnie, "That blink[125] sae brawly abune thy brie?" "I gat them in the field fechting, "Where, cruel king, thou durst not be.
"Had I my horse, and harness gude, "And riding as I wont to be, "It suld have been tald this hundred yeir, "The meeting of my king and me!
"God be with thee, Kirsty,[126] my brother! "Lang live thou laird of Mangertoun! "Lang may'st thou live on the border syde, "Ere thou see thy brother ride up and down!
"And God be with thee, Kirsty, my son, "Where thou sits on thy nurse's knee! "But and thou live this hundred yeir, "Thy father's better thou'lt nevir be.
"Farewell! my bonny Gilnock hall, "Where on Esk side thou stand est stout! "Gif I had lived but seven yeirs mair, "I wad hae gilt thee round about."
John murdered was at Carlinrigg, And all his gallant cumpanie; But Scotland's heart was ne'er sae wae, To see sae mony brave men die--
Because they saved their countrey deir, Frae Englishmen! Nane were sae bauld, Whyle Johnie lived on the border syde, Nane of them durst cum neir his hauld.
[Footnote 118: _Kinnen_--Rabbits.]
[Footnote 119: _Nicker_--Neigh.]
[Footnote 120: _Gilt--Gold_.]
[Footnote 121: _Dow_--Able to.]
[Footnote 122: _Ganging_--Going.]
[Footnote 123: _Lied_--Lye.]
[Footnote 124: _Targats_--Tassels.]
[Footnote 125: _Blink sae brawly_--Glance so bravely.]
[Footnote 126: Christopher.]
SUPPLEMENT TO THE BALLAD OF JOHNIE ARMSTRANG.
* * * * *
The editor believes, his readers will not be displeased to see a Bond of Manrent, granted by this border freebooter to the Scottish warden of the west marches, in return for the gift of a feudal casualty of certain lauds particularized. It is extracted from _Syme's Collection of Old Writings, MS. penes_ Dr. Robert Anderson, of Edinburgh.
BOND OF MANRENT.
Be it kend till all men, be thir present letters, me, Johne Armistrang, for to be bound and oblist, and be the tenor of thir present letters, and faith and trewth in my body, lelie and trewlie, bindis and oblissis me and myn airis, to are nobil and michtie lord, Robert Lord Maxwell, wardane of the west marches of Scotland, that, forasmikle as my said lord has given and grantit to me, and mine airis perpetuallie, the nonentries of all and hail the landis underwritten, that is to say, the landis of Dalbetht, Shield, Dalblane, Stapil-Gortown, Langholme, and--with their pertindis, lyand in the lordship of Eskdale, as his gift, maid to me, therupon beris in the self: and that for all the tyme of the nonentres of the samyn. Theirfor, I, the said Johne Armistrang, bindis and oblissis me and myne airis, in manrent and service to the said Robert Lord Maxwell, and his airis, for evermair, first and befor all uthirs, myne allegiance to our soverane lord, the king, allanerly except; and to be trewe, gude, and lele servant to my said lord, and be ready to do him service, baith in pece and weir, with all my kyn, friends, and servants, that I may and dowe to raise, and be and to my said lord's airis for evermair. And sall tak his true and plane part in all maner of actions at myn outer power, and sall nouther wit, hear, nor se my said lordis skaith, lak, nor dishonestie, but we sall stop and lett the samyn, and geif we dowe not lett the samyn, we sall warn him thereof in all possible haist; and geif it happenis me, the said Johne Armistrang, or myne airis, to fail in our said service and manrent, any maner of way, to our said lord (as God forbid we do), than, and in that caiss, the gift and nonentres maid be him to us, of the said landis of Dalbetht, Schield, Dalblane, Stapil-Gortown, Langholme, and--with the pertinentis to be of no avale, force, nor effect; but the said lord and his airis to have free regress and ingress to the nonentres of the samyn, but ony pley or impediment. To the keeping and fulfilling of all and sundry the premisses, in form above writtin, I bind and obliss me and my airis foresaids, to the said lord and his airis for evermare, be the faithis treuthis in our bodies, but fraud or gile. In witness of the whilk thing, to thir letters of manrent subscrievit, with my hand at the pen, my sele is hangin, at Drumfries, the secund day of November, the yeir of God, Jaiv and XXV. yeiris.
JOHNE ARMISTRANG, with my hand at the pen.
The lands, here mentioned, were the possessions of Armstrong himself, the investitures of which not having been regularly renewed, the feudal casualty of non-entry had been incurred by the vassal. The brother of Johnie Armstrang is said to have founded, or rather repaired, Langholm castle, before which, as mentioned in the ballad, verse 5th, they "ran their horse," and "brake their spears," in the exercise of border chivalry.--_Account of the Parish of Langholm, apud Macfarlane's MSS_. The lands of Langholm and Staplegorton continued in Armstrong's family; for there is, in the same MS. collection, a similar bond of manrent, granted by "Christofer Armistrang, calit _Johne's Pope_," on 24th January, 1557, to Lord Johne Lord Maxwell, and to Sir Johne Maxwell of Terreglis, knight, his tutor and governor, in return for the gift of "the males of all and haill the landis whilk are conteint in ane bond made by umquhile Johne Armistrang, my father, to umquhile Robert, Lord Maxwell, gudshore to the said Johne, now Lord Maxwell." It would therefore appear, that the bond of manrent, granted by John Armstrong, had been the price of his release from the feudal penalty arising from his having neglected to procure a regular investiture from his superior. As Johnie only touched the pen, it appears that he could not write.
Christopher Armstrong, above-mentioned, is the person alluded to in the conclusion of the ballad--"God be with thee, Kirsty, my son." He was the father, or grandfather, of William Armstrong, called _Christie's Will_, a renowned freebooter, some of whose exploits the reader will find recorded in the third volume of this work.
THE LOCHMABEN HARPER
NOW FIRST PUBLISHED.
* * * * *
_The castle of Lochmaben was formerly a noble building, situated upon a peninsula, projecting into one of the four lakes which are in the neighbourhood of the royal burgh, and is said to have been the residence of Robert Bruce, while lord of Annandale. Accordingly, it was always held to be a royal fortress, the keeping of which, according to the custom of the times, was granted to some powerful lord, with an allotment of lands and fishings, for the defence and maintenance of the place. There is extant a grant, dated 16th March, 1511, to Robert Lauder of the Bass, of the office of captain and keeper of Lochmaben castle, for seven years, with many perquisites. Among others, the_ "land, stolen frae the king," _is bestowed upon the captain, as his proper lands.--What shall we say of a country, where the very ground was the subject of theft_?
* * * * *
O heard ye na o' the silly blind Harper, How lang he lived in Lochmaben town? And how he wad gang to fair England, To steal the Lord Warden's Wanton Brown!
But first he gaed to his gude wyfe, Wi' a' the haste that he could thole-- "This wark," quo' he, "will ne'er gae weel, Without a mare that has a foal."
Quo' she--"Thou hast a gude gray mare, That can baith lance o'er laigh and hie; Sae set thee on the gray mare's back, And leave the foal at hame wi' me."
So he is up to England gane, And even as fast as he may drie; And when he cam to Carlisle gate, O whae was there but the Warden, he?
"Come into my hall, thou silly blind Harper, And of thy harping let me hear!" "O by my sooth," quo' the silly blind Harper, I wad rather hae stabling for my mare."
The Warden look'd ower his left shoulder, And said unto his stable groom-- "Gae take the silly blind Harper's mare, And tie her beside my Wanton Brown."
Then aye he harped, and aye he carped[127], Till a' the lordlings footed the floor; But an' the music was sae sweet, The groom had nae mind of the stable door.
And aye he harped, and aye he carped, Till a' the nobles were fast asleep; Then quickly he took aff his shoon, And saftly down the stair did creep.
Syne to the stable door he hied, Wi' tread as light as light could be; And when he opened and gaed in, There he fand thirty steeds and three.
He took a cowt halter[128] frae his hose, And o' his purpose he did na fail; He slipt it ower the Wanton's nose, And tied it to his gray mare's tail.
He turned them loose at the castle gate, Ower muir and moss and ilka dale; And she ne'er let the Wanton bait, But kept him a-galloping hame to her foal.
The mare she was right swift o' foot, She did na fail to find the way; For she was at Lochmaben gate, A lang three hours before the day.
When she cam to the Harper's door, There she gave mony a nicker and sneer--[129] "Rise up," quo' the wife, "thou lazy lass; Let in thy master and his mare."
Then up she rose, put on her clothes, And keekit through at the lock-hole-- "O! by my sooth," then cried the lass, Our mare has gotten a braw brown foal!"
"Come, haud thy tongue, thou silly wench! The morn's but glancing in your e'e."-- I'll[130] wad my hail fee against a groat, He's bigger than e'er our foal will be."
Now all this while, in merry Carlisle, The Harper harped to hie and law; And the[131] fiend thing dought they do but listen him to, Until that the day began to daw.
But on the morn, at fair day light, When they had ended a' their cheer, Behold the Wanton Brown was gane, And eke the poor blind Harper's mare!
"Allace! allace!" quo' the cunning auld Harper, "And ever allace that I cam here! In Scotland I lost a braw cowt foal, In England they've stown my gude gray mare!"
"Come! cease thy allacing, thou silly blind Harper, And again of thy harping let us hear; And weel payd sall thy cowt-foal be, And thou sall have a far better mare."
Then aye he harped, and aye he carped; Sae sweet were the harpings he let them hear! He was paid for the foal he had never lost, And three times ower for the gude GRAY MARE.
[Footnote 127: _Carped_--Sung.]
[Footnote 128: _Cowt halter_--Colt's halter.]
[Footnote 129: _Nicker and sneer_--Neigh and snort.]
[Footnote 130: _Wad my hail fee_--Bet my whole wages.]
[Footnote 131: _Fiend thing dought_--Nothing could they do.]
NOTES ON THE LOCHMABEN HARPER.
* * * * *
The only remark which offers itself on the foregoing ballad seems to be, that it is the most modern in which the harp, as a border instrument of music, is found to occur.
I cannot dismiss the subject of Lochmaben, without noticing an extraordinary and anomalous class of landed proprietors, who dwell in the neighbourhood of that burgh. These are the inhabitants of four small villages, near the ancient castle, called the Four Towns of Lochmaben. They themselves are termed the King's Rentallers, or kindly tenants; under which denomination each of them has a right, of an allodial nature, to a small piece of ground. It is said, that these people are the descendants of Robert Bruce's menials, to whom he assigned, in reward of their faithful service, these portions of land, burdened only with the payment of certain quit-rents, and grassums or fines, upon the entry of a new tenant. The right of the rentallers is, in essence, a right of property, but, in form, only a right of lease; of which they appeal for the foundation on the rent-rolls of the lord of the castle and manor. This possession, by rental, or by simple entry upon the rent-roll, was anciently a common, and peculiarly sacred, species of property, granted by a chief to his faithful followers; the connection of landlord and tenant being esteemed of a nature too formal to be necessary, where there was honour upon one side, and gratitude upon the other. But, in the case of subjects granting a right of this kind, it was held to expire with the life of the granter, unless his heir chose to renew it; and also upon the death of the rentaller himself, unless especially granted to his heirs, by which term only his first heir was understood. Hence, in modern days, the _kindly tenants_ have entirely disappeared from the land. Fortunately for the inhabitants of the Four Towns of Lochmaben, the maxim, that the king can never die, prevents their right of property from reverting to the crown. The viscount of Stormonth, as royal keeper of the castle, did, indeed, about the beginning of last century, make an attempt to remove the rentallers from their possessions, or at least to procure judgment, finding them obliged to take out feudal investitures, and subject themselves to the casualties thereto annexed. But the rentallers united in their common defence; and, having stated their immemorial possession, together with some favourable clauses in certain old acts of parliament, enacting, that the king's _poor kindly tenants_ of Lochmaben should not be hurt, they finally prevailed in an action before the Court of Session. From the peculiar state of their right of property, it follows, that there is no occasion for feudal investitures, or the formal entry of an heir; and, of course, when they chuse to convey their lands, it is done by a simple deed of conveyance, without charter or sasine.
The kindly tenants of Lochmaben live (or at least lived till lately) much sequestered from their neighbours, marry among themselves, and are distinguished from each other by _soubriquets_, according to the ancient border custom, repeatedly noticed You meet, among their writings, with such names as _John Out-bye, Will In-bye, White-fish, Red-fish_, &c. They are tenaciously obstinate in defence of their privileges of commonty, &c. which are numerous. Their lands are, in general, neatly inclosed, and well cultivated, and they form a contented and industrious little community.
Many of these particulars are extracted from the MSS. of Mr. Syme, writer to the signet. Those, who are desirous of more information, may consult _Craig de Feudis_, Lib. II. dig. 9. sec. 24. It is hoped the reader will excuse this digression, though somewhat professional; especially as there can be little doubt, that this diminutive republic must soon share the fate of mightier states; for, in consequence of the increase of commerce, lands possessed under this singular tenure, being now often brought to sale, and purchased by the neighbouring proprietors, will, in process of time, be included in their investitures, and the right of rentallage be entirely forgotten.
JAMIE TELFER OF THE FAIR DODHEAD.
* * * * *
_There is another ballad, under the same title as the following, in which nearly the same incidents are narrated, with little difference, except that the honour of rescuing the cattle is attributed to the Liddesdale Elliots, headed by a chief, there called Martin Elliot of the Preakin Tower, whose son, Simon, is said to have fallen in the action. It is very possible, that both the Tiviotdale Scotts, and the Elliots were engaged in the affair, and that each claimed the honour of the victory_.
_The editor presumes, that the Willie Scott, here mentioned must have been a natural son of the laird of Buccleuch_.
* * * * *
It fell about the Martinmas tyde, When our border steeds get corn and hay, The captain, of Bewcastle hath bound him to ryde, And he's ower to Tividale to drive a prey.
The first ae guide that they met wi', It was high up in Hardhaughswire; The second guide that they met wi', It was laigh down in Borthwick water.
"What tidings, what tidings, my trusty guide?" "Nae tidings, nae tidings, I hae to thee; But, gin ye'll gae to the fair Dodhead, Mony a cow's cauf I'll let thee see."
And whan they cam to the fair Dodhead, Right hastily they clam the peel; They loosed the kye out, are and a', And ranshackled[132] the house right weel.
Now Jamie Telfer's heart was sair, The tear aye rowing in his e'e; He pled wi' the captain to hae his gear, Or else revenged he wad be.
The captain turned him round, and leugh; Said--"Man, there's naething in thy house, But ae auld sword without a sheath, That hardly now wad fell a mouse!"
The sun was na up, but the moon was down, It was the gryming[133] of a new fa'n snaw, Jamie Telfer has run ten myles a-foot, Between the Dodhead and the Stobs's Ha'.
And whan he cam to the fair tower yate, He shouted loud, and cried weel hie, Till out bespak auld Gibby Elliot-- "Whae's this that brings the fraye to me?"
"Its I, Jamie Telfer o' the fair Dodhead, And a harried man I think I be! There's naething left at the fair Dodhead, But a waefu' wife and bairnies three."
"Gar seek your succour at Branksome Ha', For succour ye'se get nane frae me! Gae seek your succour where ye paid black mail, For, man! ye ne'er paid money to me."
Jamie has turned him round about, I wat the tear blinded his e'e-- "I'll ne'er pay mail to Elliot again, And the fair Dodhead I'll never see!
"My hounds may a' rin masterless, My hawks may fly frae tree to tree, My lord may grip my vassal lands, For there again maun I never be!"
He has turned him to the Tiviot side, E'en as fast as he could drie, Till he cam to the Coultart Cleugh, And there he shouted baith loud and hie.
Then up bespak him auld Jock Grieve-- "Whae's this that bring's the fray to me?" "It's I, Jamie Telfer o' the fair Dodhead, A harried man I trew I be.
"There's naething left in the fair Dodhead, But a greeting wife and bairnies three, And sax poor ca's[134] stand in the sta', A' routing loud for their minnie."[135]
"Alack a wae!" quo' auld Jock Grieve, "Alack! my heart is sair for thee! For I was married on the elder sister, And you on the youngest of a' the three,"
Then he has ta'en out a bonny black, Was right weel fed wi' corn and hay, And he's set Jamie Telfer on his back, To the Catslockhill to tak the fraye.
And whan he cam to the Catslockhill, He shouted loud, and cried weel hie, Till out and spak him William's Wat-- "O whae's this brings the fraye to me?"
"Its I, Jamie Telfer of the fair Dodhead, A harried man I think I be! The captain of Bewcastle has driven my gear; For God's sake rise, and succour me!"
"Alas for wae!" quo' William's Wat, Alack, for thee my heart is sair! I never cam bye the fair Dodhead, That ever I fand thy basket bare."
He's set his twa sons on coal-black steeds, Himsel' upon a freckled gray, And they are on wi' Jamie Telfer, To Branksome Ha' to tak the fraye.
And whan they cam to Branksome Ha', They shouted a' baith loud and hie, Till up and spak him auld Buccleuch, Said--"Whae's this brings the fraye to me?"
"It's I, Jamie Telfer o' the fair Dodhead, And a harried man I think I be! There's nought left in the fair Dodhead, But a greeting wife, and bairnies three."
"Alack for wae!" quoth the gude auld lord, "And ever my heart is wae for thee! But fye gar cry on Willie, my son, And see that he come to me speedilie!
"Gar warn the water, braid and wide, Gar warn it sune and hastilie! They that winna ride for Telfer's kye, Let them never look in the face o' me!
"Warn Wat o' Harden, and his sons, Wi' them will Borthwick water ride; Warn Gaudilands, and Allanhaugh, And Gilmanscleugh, and Commonside.
"Ride by the gate at Priesthaughswire, And warn the Currors o' the Lee; As ye cum down the Hermitage Slack, Warn doughty Willie o' Gorrinberry."
The Scots they rade, the Scots they ran, Sae starkly and sae steadilie! And aye the ower-word o' the thrang Was--"Rise for Branksome readilie!"
The gear was driven the Frostylee up, Frae the Frostylee unto the plain, Whan Willie has looked his men before, And saw the kye right fast driving.
"Whae drives thir kye?" can Willie say, To mak an outspeckle[136] o' me?" "Its I, the captain o' Bewcastle, Willie; I winna layne my name for thee."
"O will ye let Telfer's kye gae back? Or will ye do aught for regard o' me? Or, by the faith of my body," quo' Willie Scott, "I'se ware my dame's cauf's skin on thee!"
"I winna let the kye gae back, Neither for thy love, nor yet thy fear; But I will drive Jamie Telfer's kye, In spite of every Scot that's here."
"Set on them, lads!" quo' Willie than; Fye, lads, set on them cruellie! For ere they win to the Ritterford, Mony a toom[137] saddle there sall be!"
Then till't they gaed, wi' heart and hand; The blows fell thick as bickering hail; And mony a horse ran masterless, And mony a comely cheek was pale!
But Willie was stricken ower the head, And thro' the knapscap[138] the sword has gane; And Harden grat for very rage, Whan Willie on the grund lay slane.
But he's tane aff his gude steel cap, And thrice he's wav'd it in the air-- The Dinlay[139] snaw was ne'er mair white, Nor the lyart locks of Harden's hair.
"Revenge! revenge!" auld Wat can cry; "Fye, lads, lay on them cruellie! We'll ne'er see Tiviotside again, Or Willie's death revenged sall be."
O mony a horse ran masterless, The splintered lances flew on hie; But or they wan to the Kershope ford, The Scots had gotten the victory.
John o' Brigham there was slane, And John o' Barlow, as I hear say; And thirty mae o' the captain's men, Lay bleeding on the grund that day.
The captain was run thro' the thick of the thigh, And broken was his right leg bane; If he had lived this hundred years, He had never been loved by woman again.
"Hae back thy kye!" the captain said; "Dear kye, I trow, to some they be! For gin I suld live a hundred years, There will ne'er fair lady smile on me."
Then word is gane to the captain's bride, Even in the bower where that she lay, That her lord was prisoner in enemy's land, Since into Tividale he had led the way.
"I wad lourd[140] have had a winding-sheet, And helped to put it ower his head, Ere he had been disgraced by the _border Scot_, Whan he ower Liddel his men did lead!"
There was a wild gallant amang us a', His name was Watty wi' the Wudspurs,[141] Cried--"On for his house in Stanegirthside, If ony man will ride with us!"
When they cam to the Stanegirthside, They dang wi' trees, and burst the door; They loosed out a' the captain's kye, And set them forth our lads before.
There was an auld wyfe ayont the fire, A wee bit o' the captain's kin-- "Whae dar loose out the captain's kye, Or answer to him and his men?"
"Its I, Watty Wudspurs, loose the kye! I winna layne my name frae thee! And I will loose out the captain's kye, In scorn of a' his men and he."
When they cam to the fair Dodhead, They were a wellcum sight to see! For instead of his ain ten milk kye, Jamie Telfer has gotten thirty and three.
And he has paid the rescue shot, Baith wi' goud, and white monie; And at the burial o' Willie Scott, I wat was mony a weeping e'e.
[Footnote 132: _Ranshackled_--Ransacked.]
[Footnote 133: _Gryming_--Sprinkling.]
[Footnote 134: _Ca's_--Calves.]
[Footnote 135: _Minnie_--Mother.]
[Footnote 136: _Outspeckle_.--Laughing-stock.]
[Footnote 137: _Toom_--Empty.]
[Footnote 138: _Knapscap_--Headpiece.]
[Footnote 139: _The Dinlay_--is a mountain in Liddesdale.]
[Footnote 140: _Lourd_--Rather.]
[Footnote 141: _Wudspurs_--Hotspur, or Madspur.]
NOTES ON JAMIE TELFER OF THE FAIR DODHEAD.
* * * * *
_It was high up in Hardhaughswire_.--P. 140. v. 1.
Hardhaughswire is the pass from Liddesdale to the head of Tiviotdale.
_It was laigh down in Borthwick water_.--P. 140. v. 1.
Borthwick water is a stream, which falls into the Tiviot, three miles above Hawick.
_But, gin ye'll gae to the fair Dodhead_.--P. 140. v. 2.
The Dodhead, in Selkirkshire, near Singlee, where there are still the vestiges of an old tower.
_Now Jamie Telfer's heart was sair_.--P. 140. v. 4.
There is still a family of Telfers, residing near Langholm, who pretend to derive their descent from the Telfers of the Dodhead.
_Between the Dodhead and the Stobs's Ha'_.--P. 141. v. 1.
Stobs Hall, upon Slitterick. Jamie Telfer made his first application here because he seems to have paid the proprietor of that castle _black-mail_, or protection-money.
_Gar seek your succour at Branksome Ha'_.--P. 141. v. 4.
The ancient family-seat of the lairds of Buccleuch, near Hawick.
_Till he cam to the Coultart Cleugh_.--P. 142. v. 2.
The Coultart Cleugh is nearly opposite to Carlinrig, on the road between Hawick and Mosspaul.
_Gar warn the water, braid and wide_.--P. 144. v. 4.
The water, in the mountainous districts of Scotland, is often used to express the banks of the river, which are the only inhabitable parts of the country. _To raise the water_, therefore, was to alarm those who lived along its side.
_Warn Wat o' Harden, and his sons_, &c.--P. 144. v. 5.
The estates, mentioned in this verse, belonged to families of the name of Scott, residing upon the waters of Borthwick and Tiviot, near the castle of their chief.
_Ride by the gate at Priesthaughswire_.--P. 145. v. 1.
The pursuers seem to have taken the road through the hills of Liddesdale, in order to collect forces, and intercept the foragers at the passage of the Liddel, on their return to Bewcastle. The Ritterford and Kershope-ford, after mentioned, are noted fords on the river Liddel.
_The gear was driven the Frostylee up_.--P. 145. v. 3.
The Frostylee is a brook, which joins the Tiviot, near Mosspaul.
_And Harden grat for very rage_.--P. 146. v. 4.
Of this border laird, commonly called _Auld Wat of Harden_, tradition has preserved many anecdotes. He was married to Mary Scott, celebrated in song by the title of the Flower of Yarrow. By their marriage-contract, the father-in-law, Philip Scott of Dryhope, was to find Harden in horse meat, and man's meat, at his tower of Dryhope, for a year and a day; but five barons pledge themselves, that, at the expiry of that period, the son-in-law should remove, without attempting to continue in possession by force! A notary-public signed for all the parties to the deed, none of whom could write their names. The original is still in the charter-room of the present Mr. Scott of Harden. By the Flower of Yarrow the laird of Harden had six sons; five of whom survived him, and founded the families of Harden (now extinct), Highchesters (now representing Harden), Reaburn, Wool, and Synton. The sixth son was slain at a fray, in a hunting-match, by the Scotts of Gilmanscleugh. His brothers flew to arms; but the old laird secured them in the dungeon of his tower, hurried to Edinburgh, stated the crime, and obtained a gift of the lands of the offenders from the crown. He returned to Harden with equal speed, released his sons, and shewed them the charter. "To horse, lads!" cried the savage warrior, "and let us take possession! the lands of Gilmanscleuch are well worth a dead son." The property, thus obtained, continued in the family till the beginning of last century, when it was sold, by John Scott of Harden, to Anne, Duchess of Buccleuch.
_John o' Brigham there was slane_.--P. 147. v. 3.
Perhaps one of the ancient family of Brougham, in Cumberland. The editor has used some freedom with the original in the subsequent verse. The account of the captain's disaster _(tests laeva vulnerata_) is rather too _naive_ for literal publication.
_Cried--"On for his house in Stanegirthside_.--P. 148. v. 3.
A house belonging to the Foresters, situated on the English side of the Liddel.
An article in the list of attempts upon England, fouled by the commissioners ar Berwick, in the year 1587, may relate to the subject of the foregoing ballad.
October, 1582.
Thomas Musgrave, deputy {Walter Scott, laird } 200 kine and of Bewcastle, and {of Buckluth, and his} oxen,300 gait the tenants, against {complices; for } and sheep.
_Introduction, to History of Westmoreland and Cumberland_, p. 31.
THE RAID OF THE REIDSWIRE.
* * * * *
This poem is published from a copy in the Bannatyne MS. in the hand-writing of the Hon. Mr. Carmichael, advocate. It first appeared in _Allan Ramsay's Evergreen_, but some liberties have been taken by him in transcribing it; and, what is altogether unpardonable, the MS., which is itself rather inaccurate, has been interpolated to favour his readings; of which there remain obvious marks.
The skirmish of the Reidswire happened upon the 7th of June, 1575, at one of the meetings, held by the wardens of the marches, for arrangements necessary upon the border. Sir John Carmichael, ancestor of the present Earl of Hyndford, was the Scottish warden, and Sir John Forster held that office on the English middle march.--In the course of the day, which was employed, as usual, in redressing wrongs, a bill, or indictment, at the instance of a Scottish complainer, was fouled (_i.e._ found a true bill) against one Farnstein, a notorious English freebooter. Forster alleged that he had fled from justice: Carmichael considering this as a pretext to avoid making compensation for the felony, bade him "play fair!" to which the haughty English warden retorted, by some injurious expressions respecting Carmichael's family, and gave other open signs of resentment. His retinue, chiefly men of Reesdale and Tynedale, the most ferocious of the English borderers, glad of any pretext for a quarrel, discharged a flight of arrows among the Scots. A warm conflict ensued, in which, Carmichael being beat down and made prisoner, success seemed at first to incline to the English side; till the Tynedale men, throwing themselves too greedily upon the plunder, fell into disorder; and a body of Jedburgh citizens arriving at that instant, the skirmish terminated in a complete victory on the part of the Scots, who took prisoners, the English warden, James Ogle, Cuthbert Collingwood, Francis Russel, son to the Earl of Bedford, and son-in-law to Forster, some of the Fenwicks, and several other border chiefs. They were sent to the Earl of Morton, then regent, who detained them at Dalkeith for some days, till the heat of their resentment was abated; which prudent precaution prevented a war betwixt the two kingdoms. He then dismissed them with great expressions of regard; and, to satisfy Queen Elizabeth,[142] sent up Carmichael to York, whence he was soon after honourably dismissed. The field of battle, called the Reidswire, is a part of the Carter Mountain, about ten miles from Jedburgh.--See, for these particulars, _Godscroft, Spottiswoode_, and _Johnstone's History_.
[Footnote 142: Her ambassador at Edinburgh refused to lie in a bed of state which had been provided for him, till this "_oudious fact_" had been enquired into.--_Murden's State Papers_, Vol. II, p. 282.]
The editor has adopted the modern spelling of the word Reidswire, to prevent the mistake in pronunciation which might be occasioned by the use of the Scottish _qu_ for _w_. The MS. reads _Reidsquair. Swair_, or _Swire_, signifies the descent of a hill; and the epithet _Red_ is derived from the colour of the heath, or, perhaps, from the Reid-water, which rises at no great distance.
THE RAID OF THE REIDSWIRE.
* * * * *
The seventh of July, the suith to say, At the Reidswire the tryst was set; Our wardens they affixed the day, And, as they promised, so they met. Alas! that day I'll ne'er forgett! Was sure sae feard, and then sae faine-- They came theare justice for to gett, Will never green[143] to come again.
Carmichael was our Warden then, He caused the country to conveen; And the Laird's Wat, that worthie man, Brought in that sirname weil beseen[144]:
The Armestranges, that aye hae been A hardie house, but not a hail, The Elliot's honours to maintaine, Brought down the lave[145] o' Liddesdale.
Then Tividale came to wi' speid; The sheriffe brought the Douglas down, Wi' Cranstane, Gladstain, good at need, Baith Rewle water, and Hawick town. Beanjeddart bauldly made him boun, Wi' a' the Trumbills, stronge and stout; The Rutherfoords, with grit renown, Convoyed the town of Jedbrugh out.
Of other clans I cannot tell, Because our warning was not wide.-- Be this our folks hae taen the fell, And planted down palliones[146] there to bide. We looked down the other side, And saw come breasting ower the brae, Wi' Sir John Forster for their guyde, Full fifteen hundred men and mae.
It grieved him sair, that day, I trow, Wi' Sir George Hearoune of Schipsydehouse; Because we were not men enow, They counted us not worth a louse. Sir George was gentle, meek, and douse, But _he_ was hail and het as fire; And yet, for all his cracking crouse[147], He rewd the raid o' the Reidswire.
To deal with proud men is but pain; For either must ye fight or flee, Or else no answer make again, But play the beast, and let them be. It was na wonder he was hie, Had Tindaill, Reedsdaill, at his hand, Wi' Cukdaill, Gladsdaill on the lee, And Hebsrime, and Northumberland.
Yett was our meeting meek enough, Begun wi' merriement and mowes, And at the brae, aboon the heugh, The clark sate down to call the rowes.[148] And some for kyne, and some for ewes, Called in of Dandrie, Hob, and Jock-- We saw, come marching ower the knows, Five hundred Fennicks in a flock.
With jack and speir, and bows all bent, And warlike weapons at their will: Although we were na weel content, Yet, be my trouth, we feard no ill. Some gaed to drink, and some stude still, And some to cairds and dice them sped; Till on ane Farnstein they fyled a bill, And he was fugitive and fled.
Carmichael bade them speik out plainlie, And cloke no cause for ill nor good; The other, answering him as vainlie, Began to reckon kin and blood: He raise, and raxed[149] him where he stood, And bade him match him with his marrows, Then Tindaill heard them reasun rude, And they loot off a flight of arrows.
Then was there nought but bow and speir, And every man pulled out a brand; "A Schaftan and a Fenwick" thare: Gude Symington was slain frae hand. The Scotsmen cried on other to stand, Frae time they saw John Robson slain-- What should they cry? the king's command Could cause no cowards turn again.
Up rose the laird to red the cumber,[150] Which would not be for all his boast;-- What could we doe with sic a number? Fyve thousand men into a host. Then Henry Purdie proved his cost,[151] And very narrowlie had mischiefed him, And there we had our warden lost, Wert not the grit God he relieved him.
Another throw the breiks him bair, Whill flatlies to the ground he fell: Than thought I weel we had lost him there, Into my stomach it struck a knell! Yet up he raise, the treuth to tell ye, And laid about him dints full dour; His horsemen they raid sturdilie, And stude about him in the stoure.
Then raise[152] the slogan with ane shout-- "Fy Tindaill, to it! Jedbrugh's here!" I trow he was not half sae stout, But[153] anis his stomach was asteir.
With gun and genzie,[154] bow and speir, Men might see monie a cracked crown! But up amang the merchant geir, They were as busie as we were down.
The swallow taill frae tackles flew, Five hundreth flain[155] into a flight, But we had pestelets enow, And shot amang them as we might. With help of God the game gaed right, Frae time the foremost of them fell; Then ower the know without goodnight, They ran, with mony a shout and yell.
But after they had turned backs, Yet Tindaill men they turned again; And had not been the merchant packs, There had been mae of Scotland slain. But, Jesu! if the folks were fain To put the bussing on their thies; And so they fled, wi' a' their main, Down ower the brae, like clogged bees.
Sir Francis Russel ta'en was there, And hurt, as we hear men rehearse; Proud Wallinton was wounded sair, Albeit he be a Fennick fierce. But if ye wald a souldier search, Among them a' were ta'en that night, Was nane sae wordie to put in verse, As Collingwood, that courteous knight.
Young Henry Schafton, he is hurt; A souldier shot him with a bow: Scotland has cause to mak great sturt, For laiming of the laird of Mow. The Laird's Wat did weel, indeed; His friends stood stoutlie by himsel', With little Gladstain, gude in need, For Gretein kend na gude be ill.
The Sheriffe wanted not gude will, Howbeit he might not fight so fast; Beanjeddart, Hundlie, and Hunthill, Three, on they laid weel at the last. Except the horsemen of the guard, If I could put men to availe, None stoutlier stood out for their laird. For did the lads of Liddesdail.
But little harness had we there; But auld Badreule had on a jack, And did right weel, I you declare, With all his Trumbills at his back. Gude Ederstane was not to lack, Nor Kirktoun, Newtoun, noble men! Thirs[156] all the specials I of speake, By[157] others that I could not ken.
Who did invent that day of play, We need not fear to find him soon; For Sir John Forster, I dare well say, Made us this noisome afternoon. Not that I speak preceislie out, That he supposed it would be perril; But pride, and breaking out of feuid, Garr'd Tindaill lads begin the quarrel.
[Footnote 143: _Green_--Long.]
[Footnote 144: _Weil beseen_--Well appointed. The word occurs in Morte Arthur: "And when Sir Percival saw this, he hied him thither, "and found the ship covered with silke, more blacker than any beare; and therein was a gentlewoman, of great beautie, and she was richly _beseene_, that none might be better."]
[Footnote 145: _Lave_--Remainder.]
[Footnote 146: _Palliones_--Tents.]
[Footnote 147: _Cracking crouse_--Talking big.]
[Footnote 148: _Rowes_--Rolls.]
[Footnote 149: _Raxed him_--Stretched himself up.]
[Footnote 150: _Red the cumber_--Quell the tumult.]
[Footnote 151: _Cost_--Signifies loss or risk.]
[Footnote 152: _Raise_--Rose.]
[Footnote 153: _But, &c_.--Till once his anger was up.]
[Footnote 154: _Genzie_--Engine of war.]
[Footnote 155: _Flain_--Arrows; hitherto absurdly printed _slain_.]
[Footnote 156: _Thirs_--These are.]
[Footnote 157: _By_--Besides.]
NOTES ON THE RAID OF THE REIDSWIRE.
* * * * *
_Carmichael was our warden then_.--P. 157. v. 2.
Sir John Carmichael was a favourite of the resent Morton, by whom he was appointed warden of the middle marches, in preference to the border chieftains. With the like policy, the regent married Archibald Carmichael, the warden's brother, to the heiress of Edrom, in the Merse, much contrary to the inclination of the lady and her friends. In like manner, he compelled another heiress, Jane Sleigh, of Cumlege, to marry Archibald, brother to Auchinleck of Auchiuleck, one of his dependants. By such arbitrary practices, Morton meant to strengthen his authority on the borders; instead of which, he hastened his fall, by giving disgust to his kinsman the Earl of Angus, and his other friends, who had been established in the country for ages.--_Godscroft_, Vol. II. Pages 238. 246. Sir John Carmichael, the warden, was murdered 16th June, 1600, by a party of borderers, at a place called Raesknows, near Lochmaben, whither he was going to hold a court of justice. Two of the ring-leaders in the slaughter, Thomas Armstrong, called _Ringan's Tarn_, and Adam Scott, called _the Pecket_, were tried at Edinburgh, at the instance of Carmichael of Edrom. They were condemned to have their right hands struck off, thereafter to be hanged, and their bodies gibbeted on the Borough Moor; which sentence was executed, 14th November, 1601. "This _Pecket_, (saith Birrel in his _Diary_), was ane of the maist notalrie thieftes that ever raid:" he calls his name Steill, which appears, from the record, to be a mistake. Four years afterwards, an Armstrong, called _Sandy of Rowanburn_, and several others of that tribe, were executed for this and other excesses.--_Books of Adjournal of these dates_.
_And the Laird's Wat, that worthie man_.--P. 157. v. 2.
The chief, who led out the sirname of Scott upon this occasion, was (saith Satchells) Walter Scott of Ancrum, a natural son of Walter of Buccleuch. The laird of Buccleuch was then a minor. The ballad seems to have been popular in Satchells' days, for he quotes it literally. He must, however, have been mistaken in this particular; for the family of Scott of Ancrum, in all our books of genealogy, deduce their descent from the Scotts of Balwearie in Fife, whom they represent. The first of this family, settled in Roxburghshire, is stated in _Douglas' Baronage_ to have been Patrick Scott, who purchased the lands of Ancrum, in the reign of James VI. He therefore could not be the _Laird's Wat_ of the ballad; indeed, from the list of border families in 1597, Ker appears to have been proprietor of Ancrum at the date of the ballad. It is plainly written in the MS. the _Laird's Wat_, i.e., the Laird's son Wat; notwithstanding which, it has always hitherto been printed the _Laird Wat_. If Douglas be accurate in his genealogy, the person meant must be the young laird of Buccleuch, afterwards distinguished for his surprise of Carlisle Castle.--See _Kinmont Willie_. I am the more confirmed in this opinion, because Kerr of Ancrum was at this time a fugitive, for slaying one of the Rutherfords, and the tower of Ancrum given in keeping to the Turnbulls, his hereditary enemies. His mother, however, a daughter of Home of Wedderburn, contrived to turn out the Turnbulls, and possess herself of the place by surprise.--_Godscroft_, Vol. II. p. 250.
_The Armestranges, that aye hae been_.--P. 158. v. 1.
This clan are here mentioned as not being hail, or whole, because they were outlawed or broken men. Indeed, many of them had become Englishmen, as the phrase then went. Accordingly, we find, from Paton, that forty of them, under the laird of Mangertoun, joined Somerset upon his expedition into Scotland.--_Paton, in Dalyell's Fragments_, p. 1. There was an old alliance betwixt the Elliots and Armstrongs, here alluded to. For the enterprises of the Armstrongs, against their native country, when under English assurance, see _Murdin's State Papers_, Vol. I. p. 43. From which it appears, that, by command of Sir Ralph Evers, this clan ravaged almost the whole west border of Scotland.
_The sheriffe brought the Douglas down_.--P. 158. v. 2,
Douglas of Cavers, hereditary sheriff of Teviotdale, descended from Black Archibald, who carried the standard of his father, the Earl of Douglas, at the battle of Otterbourne.--_See the Ballad of that name_.
_Wi' Cranstane, Gladstain, good at need_.--P. 158. v. 2.
Cranstoun of that ilk, ancestor to Lord Cranstoun; and Gladstain of Gladstains.
_Wi a' the Trumbills, stronge and stout; The Rutherfoords, with grit renown_.--P. 158. v. 2.
These were ancient and powerful border clans, residing chiefly upon the river Jed. Hence, they naturally convoyed the town of Jedburgh out. Although notorious freebooters, they were specially patronised by Morton, who, by their means, endeavoured to counterpoise the power of Buccleuch and Ferniherst, during the civil wars attached to the queen's faction.
The following fragment of an old ballad is quoted in a letter from an aged gentleman of this name, residing at New-York, to a friend in Scotland:
"Bauld Rutherfurd, he was fow stout, Wi' a' his nine sons him round about; He led the town o' Jedburgh out, All bravely fought that day."
_Wi' Sir John Forster for their guyde_.--P. 158. v. 3.
This gentleman is called, erroneously, in some copies of this ballad, _Sir George_. He was warden of the mid-marches of England.
_Wi' Sir George Henroune of Schipsydehouse_.--P. 159. v. 1.
Sir George Heron of Chipchase-house, whose character is contrasted with that of the English warden.
_Had Tindaill, Reedsdaill at his hand_.--P. 159. v. 2.
These are districts, or dales, on the English border. Hebsrime seems to be an error in the MS. for Hebburn upon the Till.
_Five hundred Fennicks in a flock_.--P. 159. v. 3.
The Fenwicks; a powerful and numerous Northumberland clan.
_Then raise the slogan with ane shout_.--P. 161. v. 3.
The gathering word, peculiar to a certain name, or set of people, was termed _slogan_, or _slughorn_, and was always repeated at an onset, as well as on many other occasions, as appears from the following passage of an old author, whom this custom seems much to have offended--for he complains,
"That whereas alweys, both in al tounes of war, and in al campes of armies, quietnes and stilnes without nois is principally in the night, after the watch is set, observed (I need not reason why.) Yet, our northern prikkers, the borderers, notwithstanding, with great enormitie, (as thought me) and not unlyke (to be playn) unto a masterless hounde houyling in a hie wey, when he hath lost him he wayted upon, sum hoopyng, sum whistelyng, and most with crying, a _Berwyke_! a _Berwyke_! a _Fenwyke_! a _Fenwyke_! a _Bulmer_! a _Bulmer_! or so ootherwise as theyr captein's names wear, never linnde those troublous and daungerous noyses all the night long. They sayd they did it to fynd out their captein and fellowes; but if the soldiours of our oother countries and sheres had used the same maner, in that case we shoold have oftymes had the state of our campe more lyke the outrage of a dissolute huntyng, than the quiet of a wel ordred army."--
_Patten's Account of Somerset's Expedition_, p. 76.--_Apud Dalyell's Fragments_.
Honest Patten proceeds, with great prolixity, to prove, that this was a custom more honoured in the breach than in the observance; and, like Fluellen, declares, "that such idle pribble prabbles were contrary to all the good customs and disciplines of war." Nevertheless, the custom of crying the _slogan_ or _ensenzie_, is often alluded to in all our ancient histories and poems. It was usually the name of the clan, or place of rendezvous, or leader. In 1335, the English, led by Thomas of Rosslyne, and William Moubray, assaulted Aberdeen. The former was mortally wounded in the onset; and, as his followers were pressing forward, shouting _Rosslyne! Rosslyne_! "Cry _Moubray_," said the expiring chieftain; "_Rosslyne_ is gone!" The Highland clans had also their appropriate slogans. The Macdonalds cried _Frich_, (heather); the Macphersons _Craig-Ubh_; the Grants _Craig-Elachie_; and the Macfarlanes _Lock-Sloy_.
_The swallow taill frae tackles flew_.--P. 162. v. 2.
The Scots, on this occasion, seem to have had chiefly fire-arms; the English retaining still their partiality for their ancient weapon, the long-bow. It also appears, by a letter from the Duke of Norfolk to Cecil, that the English borderers were unskilful in fire-arms, or, as he says, "our countrymen be not so commyng with shots as I woolde wishe."--See _Murdin's State Papers_, Vol. I. p. 319.
_And had not been the merchant packs_.--P. 162. v. 3.
The ballad-maker here ascribes the victory to the real cause; for, the English borderers, dispersing to plunder the merchandise, gave the opposite party time to recover from their surprise It seems to have been usual for travelling merchants to attend border-meetings, although one would have thought the kind of company, usually assembled there, might have deterred them.
_Sir Francis Russel ta'en was there_.--P, 163. v. 1.
This gentleman was son to the Earl of Bedford. He was afterwards killed in a fray of a similar nature, at a border-meeting, between the same Sir John Forster (father-in-law to Russell), and Thomas Ker of Fairnihurst, A.D. 1585.
_Proud Wallinton was wounded sair_.--P. 163. v. 1.
Fenwick of Wallinton, a powerful Northumbrian chief.
_As Collingwood, that courteous knight_.--P. 163. v. 1.
Sir Cuthbert Collingwood. Besides these gentlemen, James Ogle, and many other Northumbrians of note, were made prisoners. Sir George Heron, of Chipchase and Ford, was slain, to the great regret of both parties, being a man highly esteemed by the Scots, as well as the English. When the prisoners were brought to Morton, at Dalkeith, and, among other presents, received from him some Scottish falcons, one of his train observed, that the English were nobly treated, since they got live _hawks_ for dead _herons_.--_Godscroft_.
_Young Henry Schufton_,--P. 163. v. 2.
The name of this gentleman does not appear in the MS. in the Advocates' Library, but is restored from a copy in single sheet, printed early in the last century.
_For laiming of the laird of Mow_.--P. 163. v. 2.
An ancient family on the borders. The lands of Mowe are situated upon the river Bowmont, in Roxburghshire. The family is now represented by William Molle, Esq. of Mains, who has restored the ancient spelling of the name. The laird of Mowe, here mentioned, was the only gentleman of note killed in the skirmish on the Scottish side.
_For Gretein kend net gude be ill_.--P. 163. v. 2;
Graden, a family of Kerrs.
_Beanjeddart, Hundlie, and Hunthill_.--P. 163. v. 3.
Douglas of Beanjeddart, an ancient branch of the house of Cavers, possessing property near the junction of the Jed and Tiviot.
_Hundlie_,--Rutherford of Hundlie, or Hundalee, situated on the Jed, above Jedhurgh.
_Hunthill_.--The old tower of Hunthill was situated about a mile above Jedburgh. It was the patrimony of an ancient family of Rutherfords. I suppose the person, here meant, to be the same who is renowned in tradition by the name of the _Cock of Hunthill_. His sons were executed for march-treason, or border-theft, along with the lairds of Corbet, Greenhead, and Overton, A.D. 1588.--_Johnston's History_, p. 129.
_But auld Badreule had on a jack_.--P. 164. v. 1.
Sir Andrew Turnbull of Bedrule, upon Rule Water. This old laird was so notorious a thief, that the principal gentlemen of the clans of Hume and Kerr refused to sign a bond of alliance, to which he, with the Turnbulls and Rutherfords, was a party; alleging, that their proposed allies had stolen Hume of Wedderburn's cattle. The authority of Morton, however, compelled them to digest the affront. The debate (and a curious one it is) may be seen at length in _Godscroft_, Vol. I. p. 221. The Rutherfords became more lawless after having been deprived of the countenance of the court, for slaying the nephew of Forman, archbishop of St. Andrews, who had attempted to carry off the heiress of Rutherford. This lady was afterwards married to James Stuart of Traquair, son to James, Earl of Buchan, according to a papal bull, dated 9th November, 1504. By this lady a great estate in Tiviotdale fell to the family of Traquair, which was sold by James, Earl of Traquair, lord-high-treasurer of Scotland, in consequence of the pecuniary difficulties to which he was reduced, by his loyal exertions in favour of Charles I.
_Gude Ederstane was not to lack_.--P. 164. v. 1.
An ancient family of Rutherfords; I believe, indeed, the most ancient now extant. The family is represented by Major Rutherford of Edgerstane. His seat is about three miles distant from the field of battle.
_Nor Kirktoun, Newtoun, noble men_!--P. 164. v. 1.
The parish of Kirktoun belonged, I believe, about this time, to a branch of the Cavers family; but Kirkton of Stewartfield is mentioned in the list of border clans in 1597.
_Newtoun_.--This is probably Grinyslaw of Little Newtoun, mentioned in the said roll of border clans.
KINMONT WILLIE
* * * * *
In the following rude strains, our forefathers commemorated one of the last, and most gallant atchievements, performed upon the border. The reader will find, in the subjoined extract from Spottiswoode, a minute historical account of the exploit; which is less different from that contained in the ballad than might perhaps have been expected.
_Anno, 1596_.--"The next year began with a trouble in the borders, which was like to have destroyed the peace betwixt the two realms, and arose upon this occasion. The Lord Scroop being the warden of the west marches of England, and the laird of Bacleuch having the charge of Liddesdale, they sent their deputies to keep a day of truce, for redress of some ordinary matters.--The place of meeting was at the Dayholme of Kershop, where a small brook divideth England from Scotland, and Liddesdale from Bawcastle. There met, as deputy for the laird of Bacleuch, Robert Scott of Hayninge; and for the Lord Scroop, a gentleman within the west wardenry, called Mr. Salkeld. These two, after truce taken and proclaimed, as the custom was, by sound of trumpet, met friendly, and, upon mutual redress of such wrongs as were then complained of, parted in good terms, each of them taking his way homewards. Meanwhile it happened, one William Armstrong, commonly called _Will of Kinmonth_, to be in company with the Scottish deputy, against whom the English had a quarrel, for many wrongs he had committed, as he was indeed a notorious thief. This man, having taken his leave of the Scots deputy, and riding down the river of Liddel on the Scottish side, towards his own house, was pursued by the English, who espied him from the other side of the river, and, after a chase of three or four miles, taken prisoner, and brought back to the English deputy, who carried him away to the castle of Carlisle.
"The laird of Bacleuch complaining of the breach of truce (which was always taken from the time of meeting, unto the next day at sun-rising), wrote to Mr. Salkeld, and craved redress. He excused himself by the absence of the Lord Scroop. Whereupon Bacleuch sent to the Lord Scroop, and desired the prisoner might be set at liberty, without any bond or condition, seeing he was unlawfully taken. Scroop answered, that he could do nothing in the matter, it having so happened, without a direction from the queen and council of England, considering the man was such a malefactor.--Bacleuch, loth to inform the king of what was done, lest it might have bred some misliking betwixt the princes, dealt with Mr. Bowes, the resident ambassador of England, for the prisoner's liberty; who wrote very seriously to the Lord Scroop in that business, advising him to set the man free, and not to bring the matter to a farther hearing. But no answer was returned: the matter thereupon was imparted to the king, and the queen of England solicited by letters to give direction for his liberty; yet nothing was obtained; which Bacleuch perceiving, and apprehending both the king, and himself as the king's officer, to be touched in honour, he resolved to work the prisoner's relief, by the best means he could.
"And, upon intelligence that the castle of Carlisle, wherein the prisoner was kept, was surprisable, he employed some trusty persons to take a view of the postern gate, and measure the height of the wall, which he meant to scale by ladders, and, if those failed, to break through the wall with some iron instruments, and force the gates. This done, so closely as he could, he drew together some two hundred horse, assigning the place of meeting at the tower of Morton, some ten miles from Carlisle, an hour before sun-set. With this company, passing the water of Esk, about the falling, two hours before day, he crossed Eden beneath Carlisle bridge (the water, through the rain that had fallen, being thick), and came to the Sacery, a plain under the castle. There making a little halt, at the side of a small bourn, which they call Cadage, he caused eighty of the company to light from their horses, and take the ladders, and other instruments which he had prepared, with them. He himself, accompanying them to the foot of the wall, caused the ladders to be set to it, which proving too short, he gave order to use the other instruments for opening the wall nigh the postern; and, finding the business likely to succeed, retired to the rest whom he had left on horseback, for assuring those that entered upon the castle against any eruption from the town. With some little labor a breach was made for single men to enter, and they who first went in, broke open the postern for the rest. The watchmen, and some few the noise awaked, made a little restraint, but they were quickly repressed, and taken captive. After which, they passed to the chamber wherein the prisoner was kept; and, having brought him forth, sounded a trumpet, which was a signal to them without that the enterprize was performed. My Lord Scroope and Mr. Salkeld were both within the house, and to them the prisoner cried "a good night!" The captives taken in the first encounter were brought to Bacleuch, who presently returned them to their master, and would not suffer any spoil, or booty, as they term it, to be carried away; he had straitly forbidden to break open any door, but that where the prisoner was kept, though he might have made prey of all the goods within the castle, and taken the warden himself captive; for he would have it seen, that he did intend nothing but the reparation of his majesty's honor. By this time, the prisoner was brought forth, the town had taken the alarm, the drums were beating, the bells ringing, and a beacon put on the top of the castle, to give warning to the country. Whereupon Bacleuch commanded those that entered the castle, and the prisoner, to horse; and marching again by the Sacery, made to the river at the Stony-bank, on the other side, whereof certain were assembled to stop his passage; but he, causing to sound the trumpet, took the river, day being then broken, and they choosing to give him way, he retired in order through the Grahams of Esk (men at that time of great power, and his un-friends), and came back into Scottish ground two hours after sun-rising, and so homewards.
"This fell out the 13th of April, _1596_. The queen of England, having notice sent her of what was done, stormed not a little. One of her chief castles surprised, a prisoner taken forth of the hands of the warden, and carried away, so far within England, she esteemed a great affront. The lieger, Mr. Bowes, in a frequent convention kept at Edinburgh, the 22d of May, did, as he was charged, in a long oration, aggravate the heinousness of the fact, concluding that peace could not longer continue betwixt the two realms, unless Bacleuch were delivered in England, to be punished at the queen's pleasure. Bacleuch compearing, and charged with the fact, made answer--'That he went not into England with intention to assault any of the queen's houses, or to do wrong to any of her subjects, but only to relieve a subject of Scotland unlawfully taken, and more unlawfully detained; that, in the time of a general assurance, in a day of truce, he was taken prisoner against all order, neither did he attempt his relief till redress was refused; and that he had carried the business in such a moderate manner, as no hostility was committed, nor the least wrong offered to any within the castle; yet was he content, according to the ancient treaties observed betwixt the two realms, when as mutual injuries were alleged, to be tried by the commissioners that it should please their majesties to appoint, and submit himself to that which they should decern.'--The convention, esteeming the answer reasonable, did acquaint the ambassador therewith, and offered to send commissioners to the borders, with all diligence, to treat with such as the queen should be pleased to appoint for her part.
"But she, not satisfied with the answer, refused to appoint any commissioners; whereupon the council of England did renew the complaint in July thereafter; and the business being of new agitated, it was resolved of as before, and that the same should be remitted to the trial of commissioners: the king protesting, 'that he might, with great reason, crave the delivery of Lord Scroope, for the injury committed by his deputy, it being less favourable to take a prisoner, than relieve him that is unlawfully taken; yet, for the continuing of peace, he would forbear to do it, and omit nothing, on his part, that could be desired, either in equity, or by the laws of friendship.'--The borders, in the mean time, making daily incursions one upon another, filled all their parts with trouble, the English being continually put to the worse; neither were they made quiet, till, for satisfying the queen, the laird of Bacleuch was first committed in St. Andrews, and afterwards entered in England, where he remained not long[158]."--_Spottiswood's History of the Church of Scotland_, p. 414, 416, _Ed. 1677_.
Scott of Satchells, in the extraordinary poetical performance, which he has been pleased to entitle _A History of the Name of Scott_ (published 1688), dwells, with great pleasure, upon this gallant achievement, at which, it would seem, his father had been present. He also mentions, that the laird of Buccleuch employed the services of the younger sons and brothers only of his clan, lest the name should have been weakened by the landed men incurring forfeiture. But he adds, that three gentlemen of estate insisted upon attending their chief, notwithstanding this prohibition. These were, the lairds of Harden and Commonside, and Sir Gilbert Elliot of the Stobbs, a relation of the laird of Buccleuch, and ancestor to the present Sir William Elliot, Bart. In many things Satchells agrees with the ballads current in his time, from which, in all probability, he derived most of his information as to past events, and from which he sometimes pirates whole verses, as noticed in the annotations upon the _Raid of the Reidswire_. In the present instance, he mentions the prisoner's _large spurs_ (alluding to the fetters), and some other little incidents noticed in the ballad, which was, therefore, probably well known in his days.
[Footnote 158: The bishop is, in this last particular, rather inaccurate. Buccleuch was indeed delivered into England, but this was done in consequence of the judgment of commissioners of both nations, who met at Berwick this same year. And his delivery took place, less on account of the raid of Carlisle, than of a second exploit of the same nature, to be noticed hereafter.]
All contemporary historians unite in extolling the deed itself as the most daring and well-conducted atchievement of that age. "_Audax facinus cum modica manu, in urbe maenibus et multitudine oppidanorum munita, et callidae: audaciae, vix ullo obsisti modo potuit_."--_Johnstoni Historia, Ed. Amstael. p_. 215. Birrel, in his gossipping way, says, the exploit was performed "with shouting and crying, and sound of trumpet, puttand the said toun and countrie in sic ane fray, that the like of sic ane wassaladge wes nevir done since the memory of man, no not in Wallace dayis."--_Birrel's Diary_, April 6, 1596. This good old citizen of Edinburgh also mentions another incident which I think proper to insert here, both as relating to the personages mentioned in the following ballad, and as tending to shew the light in which the men of the border were regarded, even at this late period, by their fellow subjects. The author is talking of the king's return to Edinburgh, after the disgrace which he had sustained there, during the riot excited by the seditious ministers, on December 17, 1596. Proclamation had been made, that the Earl of Mar should keep the West Port, Lord Seton the Nether-Bow, and Buccleuch, with sundry others, the High Gate. "Upon the morn, at this time, and befoir this day, thair wes ane grate rumour and word among the tounesmen, that the kinges M. sould send in _Will Kinmond, the common thieffe_, and so many southland men as sould spulye the toun of Edinburgh. Upon the whilk, the haill merchants tuik thair haill gear out of their buiths or chops, and transportit the same to the strongest hous that wes in the toune, and remained in the said hous, thair, with thameselfis, thair servants, and luiking for nothing bot that thai sould have been all spulyeit. Sic lyke the hail craftsmen and comons convenit themselfis, thair best guides, as it wer ten or twelve householdes in are, whilk wes the strongest hous, and might be best kepit from spuilyeing or burning, with hagbut, pistolet, and other sic armour, as might best defend thameselfis. Judge, gentill reider, giff this wes playing." The fear of the borderers being thus before the eyes of the contumacious citizens of Edinburgh, James obtained a quiet hearing for one of his favourite orisones, or harangues, and was finally enabled to prescribe terms to his fanatic metropolis. Good discipline was, however, maintained by the chiefs upon this occasion; although the fears of the inhabitants were but too well grounded, considering what had happened in Stirling ten years before, when the Earl of Angus, attended by Home, Buccleuch, and other border chieftains, marched thither to remove the Earl of Arran from the king's councils: the town was miserably pillaged by the borderers, particularly by a party of Armstrongs, under this very Kinmont Willie, who not only made prey of horses and cattle, but even of the very iron grating of the windows.--_Johnstoni Historia_, p. 102. _Ed. Amstael_.--_Moyse's Memoirs_, p. 100.
The renown of Kinmont Willie is not surprising, since, in 1588, the apprehending that freebooter, and Robert Maxwell, natural-brother to the Lord Maxwell, was the main, but unaccomplished, object of a royal expedition to Dumfries. "_Rex ... Robertum Maxvallium ... et Gulielmum Armstrangum Kinmonthum latrociniis intestinis externisque famosum, conquiri jubet. Missi e ministerio regio, qui per aspera loca vitabundos persequuntur, magnoque incommodo afficiunt. At illi latebris aut silvis se eripiunt."--Johnstoni Historia_, p. 138. About this time, it is possible that Kinmont Willie may have held some connection with the Maxwells, though afterwards a retainer to Buccleuch, the enemy of that tribe. At least, the editor finds, that, in a bond of manrent, granted by Simon Elliot of Whytheuch, in Liddesdale, to Lord Maxwell, styled therein Earl of Morton, dated February 28, 1599, William Armstrang, called _Will of Kinmond_, appears as a witness.--_Syme's MSS_. According to Satchells, this freebooter was descended of Johnie Armstrong of Gilnockie (See _Ballad, p. 105, of this volume_.)--_Est in juvencis, est et in equis, patrum virtus_. In fact, his rapacity made his very name proverbial. Mas James Melvine, in urging reasons against subscribing the act of supremacy, in 1584, asks ironically, "Who shall take order with vice and wickedness? The court and bishops? As well as Martine Elliot, and Will of Kinmont, with stealing upon the borders!"--_Calderwood_, p. 168.
This affair of Kinmont Willie was not the only occasion upon which the undaunted keeper of Liddesdale gave offence to the haughty Elizabeth. For, even before this business was settled, certain of the English borderers having invaded Liddesdale, and wasted the country, the laird of Buccleuch retaliated the injury by a _raid_ into England, in which he not only brought off much spoil, but apprehended thirty-six of the Tynedale thieves, all of whom he put to death.--_Spottiswoode_, p. 450. How highly the Queen of England's resentment blazed on this occasion, may be judged from the preface to her letter to Bowes, then her ambassador in Scotland. "I wonder how base-minded that king thinks me, that, with patience, I can digest this dishonourable ********. Let him know, therefore, that I will have satisfaction, or else *********." These broken words of ire are inserted betwixt the subscription and the address of the letter.--_Rymer_, Vol. XVI. p. 318. Indeed, so deadly was the resentment of the English, on account of the affronts put upon them by this formidable chieftain, that there seems at one time to have been a plan formed (not, as was alleged, without Elizabeth's privity,) to assassinate Buccleuch.--_Rymer_, Vol. XVI. p. 107. The matter was at length arranged by the commissioners of both nations in Berwick, by whom it was agreed that delinquents should be delivered up on both sides, and that the chiefs themselves should enter into ward in the opposite countries, till these were given up, and pledges granted for the future maintenance of the quiet of the borders. Buccleuch, and Sir Robert Ker of Cessford (ancestor of the Duke of Roxburgh), appear to have struggled hard against complying with this regulation; so much so, that it required all James's authority to bring to order these two powerful chiefs.--_Rymer_, Vol. XVI. p. 322.--_Spottiswoode_, p. 448.--_Carey's Memoirs_, p, 131. _et sequen_.--When at length they appeared, for the purpose of delivering themselves up to be warded at Berwick, an incident took place, which nearly occasioned a revival of the deadly feud which formerly subsisted between the Scots and the Kers. Buccleuch had chosen, for his guardian, during his residence in England, Sir William Selby, master of the ordnance at Berwick, and accordingly gave himself into his hands. Sir Robert Ker was about to do the same, when a pistol was discharged by one of his retinue, and the cry of treason was raised. Had not the Earl of Home been present, with a party of Merse men, to preserve order, a dreadful tumult would probably have ensued. As it was, the English commissioners returned in dismay to Berwick, much disposed to wreak their displeasure on Buccleuch; and he, on his side, mortally offended with Cessford, by whose means, as he conceived, he had been placed in circumstances of so much danger. Sir Robert Ker, however, appeased all parties, by delivering himself up to ward in England; on which occasion, he magnanimously chose for his guardian Sir Robert Carey, deputy-warden of the east marches, notwithstanding various causes of animosity which existed betwixt them. The hospitality of Carey equalled the generous confidence of Cessford, and a firm friendship was the consequence[159].
[Footnote 159: Such traits of generosity illuminate the dark period of which we treat. Carey's conduct, on this occasion, almost atones for the cold and unfeeling policy with which he watched the closing moments of his benefactress, Elizabeth, impatient till remorse and sorrow should extort her last sigh, that he might lay the foundation of his future favour with her successor, by carrying him the first tidings of her death.--_Carey's Memoirs_, p. 172. _et sequen_. It would appear that Sir Robert Ker was soon afterwards committed to the custody of the archbishop of York; for there is extant a letter from that prelate to the lord-treasurer, desiring instructions about the mode of keeping this noble hostage. "I understand," saith he, "that the gentleman is wise and valiant, but somewhat haughty here, and resolute. I would pray your lordship, that I may have directions whether he may not go with his keeper in my company, to sermons; and whether he may not sometimes dine with the council, as the last hostages did; and, thirdly, whether he may sometimes be brought to sitting to the common-hall, where he may see how careful her majesty is that the poorest subject in her kingdom may have their right, and that her people seek remedy by law, and not by avenging themselves. Perhaps it may do him good as long as he liveth."--_Strype's Annals, ad annum, 1597_. It would appear, from this letter, that the treatment of the hostages was liberal; though one can hardly suppress a smile at the zeal of the good bishop for the conversion of the Scottish chieftain to a more christian mode of thinking than was common among the borderers of that day. The date is February 25. 1597, which is somewhat difficult to reconcile with those given by the Scottish historians--Another letter follows, stating, that Sir Robert, having been used to open air, prayed for more liberty for his health's sake, "offering his word, which it is said he doth chiefly regard, that he would be true prisoner."--_Strype, Ibid._]
Buccleuch appears to have remained in England from October, 1597, till February, 1598.--_Johnstoni Historia_, p. 231,--_Spottiswoode, ut supra_. According to ancient family tradition, Buccleuch was presented to Elizabeth, who, with her usual rough and peremptory address, demanded of him, "how he dared to undertake an enterprize so desperate and presumptuous." "What is it," answered the undaunted chieftain, "What is it that a man dares not do!" Elizabeth, struck with the reply, turned to a lord in waiting; "With ten thousand such men," said she, "our brother of Scotland might shake the firmest throne of Europe." Luckily, perhaps, for the murtheress of Queen Mary, James's talents did not lie that way.
The articles, settled by the commissioners at Berwick, were highly favourable to the peace of the border. They may be seen at large in the _Border Laws_, p. 103. By article sixth, all wardens and keepers are discharged from seeking reparation of injuries, in the ancient hostile mode of riding, or causing to ride, in warlike manner, against the opposite march; and that under the highest penalty, unless authorized by a warrant under the hand of their sovereign. The mention of the word _keeper_, alludes obviously to the above-mentioned reprisals, made by Buccleuch in the capacity of keeper of Liddesdale.
This ballad is preserved, by tradition, on the west borders, but much mangled by reciters; so that some conjectural emendations have been absolutely necessary to render it intelligible. In particular, the _Eden_ has been substituted for the _Eske_, p. 193, the latter name being inconsistent with geography.
KINMONT WILLIE.
* * * * *
O have ye na heard o' the fause Sakelde? O have ye na heard o' the keen Lord Scroop? How they hae ta'en bauld Kinmont Willie, On Hairibee to hang him up?
Had Willie had but twenty men, But twenty men as stout as he, Fause Sakelde had never the Kinmont ta'en, Wi' eight score in his cumpanie.
They band his legs beneath the steed, They tied his hands behind his back; They guarded him, fivesome on each side, And they brought him ower the Liddel-rack.
They led him thro' the Liddel-rack, And also thro' the Carlisle sands; They brought him to Carlisle castell, To be at my Lord Scroop's commands.
"My hands are tied, but my tongue is free! And whae will dare this deed avow? Or answer by the border law? Or answer to the bauld Buccleuch!"
"Now haud thy tongue, thou rank reiver! There's never a Scot shall set ye free: Before ye cross my castle yate, I trow ye shall take farewell o' me."
"Fear na ye that, my lord," quo' Willie: "By the faith o' my body, Lord Scroop," he said, "I never yet lodged in a hostelrie,[160] But I paid my lawing[161] before I gaed."
Now word is gane to the bauld Keeper, In Branksome Ha', where that he lay, That Lord Scroop has ta'en the Kinmont Willie, Between the hours of night and day.
He has ta'en the table wi' his hand, He garr'd the red wine spring on hie-- "Now Christ's curse on my head," he said, "But avenged of Lord Scroop I'll be!
"O is my basnet[162] a widow's curc[163] Or my lance a wand of the willow tree? Or my arm a ladye's lilye hand, That an English lord should lightly[164] me!
"And have they ta'en him, Kinmont Willie, Against the truce of border tide? And forgotten that the bauld Buccleuch Is Keeper here on the Scottish side?
"And have they e'en ta'en him, Kinmont Willie, Withouten either dread or fear? And forgotten that the bauld Buccleuch Can back a steed, or shake a spear?
"O were there war between the lands, As well I wot that there is none, I would slight Carlisle castell high, Tho' it were builded of marble stone.
"I would set that castell in a low,[165] And sloken it with English blood! There's nevir a man in Cumberland, Should ken where Carlisle castell stood.
"But since nae war's between the lands, And there is peace, and peace should be; I'll neither harm English lad or lass, And yet the Kinmont freed shall be!"
He has call'd him forty marchmen bauld, I trow they were of his ain name, Except Sir Gilbert Elliot, call'd The laird of Stobs, I mean the same.
He has call'd him forty marchmen bauld, Were kinsmen to the bauld Buccleuch; With spur on heel, and splent on spauld,[166] And gleuves of green, and feathers blue.
There were five and five before them a', Wi' hunting horns and bugles bright; And five and five came wi' Buccleuch, Like warden's men, arrayed for fight:
And five and five, like a mason gang, That carried the ladders lang and hie; And five and five, like broken men; And so they reached the Woodhouselee.
And as we cross'd the Bateable Land, When to the English side we held, The first o' men that we met wi', Whae sould it be but fause Sakelde?
"Where be ye gaun, ye hunters keen?" Quo' fause Sakelde; "come tell to me!" "We go to hunt an English stag, Has trespassed on the Scots countrie."
"Where be ye gaun, ye marshal men?" Quo' fause Sakelde; "come tell me true!"' "We go to catch a rank reiver, Has broken faith wi' the bauld Buccleuch."
"Where are ye gaun, ye mason lads, Wi' a' your ladders, lang and hie?" "We gang to herry a corbie's nest, That wons not far frae Woodhouselee."
"Where be ye gaun, ye broken men?" Quo' fause Sakelde; "come tell to me!" Now Dickie of Dryhope led that band, And the never a word o' lear had he.
"Why trespass ye on the English side? Row-footed outlaws, stand!" quo' he; The never a word had Dickie to say, Sae he thrust the lance thro' his fause bodie.
Then on we held for Carlisle toun, And at Staneshaw-bank the Eden we cross'd; The water was great and meikle of spait, But the nevir a horse nor man we lost.
And when we reached the Staneshaw-bank, The wind was rising loud and hie; And there the laird garr'd leave our steeds, For fear that they should stamp and nie.
And when we left the Staneshaw-bank, The wind began full loud to blaw; But 'twas wind and weet, and fire and sleet, When we came beneath the castle wa'.
We crept on knees, and held our breath, Till we placed the ladders against the wa'; And sae ready was Buccleuch himsell To mount the first, before us a'.
He has ta'en the watchman by the throat, He flung him down upon the lead-- "Had there not been peace between our land, Upon the other side thou hadst gaed!--
"Now sound out, trumpets!" quo' Buccleuch; "Let's waken Lord Scroop, right merrilie!" Then loud the warden's trumpet blew-- "_O whae dare meddle wi' me_?"[167]
Then speedilie to work we gaed, And raised the slogan ane and a'. And cut a hole thro' a sheet of lead, And so we wan to the castle ha'.
They thought King James and a' his men Had won the house wi' bow and spear; It was but twenty Scots and ten, That put a thousand in sic a stear![168]
Wi' coulters and wi' fore-hammers, We garr'd the bars bang merrilie, Untill we cam to the inner prison, Where Willie o' Kinmont he did lie.
And when we cam to the lower prison, Where Willie o' Kinmont he did lie-- "O sleep ye, wake ye, Kinmont Willie, Upon the morn that thou's to die?"
"O I sleep saft,[169] and I wake aft; Its lang since sleeping was fleyed[170] frae me! Gie my service back to my wife and bairns, And a' gude fellows that speer for me."
Then Red Rowan has hente him up, The starkest man in Teviotdale-- "Abide, abide now, Red Rowan, Till of my Lord Scroope I take farewell.
"Farewell, farewell, my gude Lord Scroope! My gude Lord Scroope, farewell!" he cried-- "I'll pay you for my lodging maill,[171] When first we meet on the border side."
Then shoulder high, with shout and cry, We bore him down the ladder lang; At every stride Red Rowan made, I wot the Kinmont's aims played clang!
"O mony a time," quo' Kinmont Willie, "I have ridden horse baith wild and wood; But a rougher beast than Red Rowan, I ween my legs have ne'er bestrode.
"And mony a time," quo' Kinmont Willie, "I've pricked a horse out oure the furs;[172] But since the day I backed a steed, I never wore sic cumbrous spurs!"
We scarce had won the Staneshaw-bank, When a' the Carlisle bells were rung, And a thousand men, in horse and foot, Cam wi' the keen Lord Scroope along.
Buccleuch has turned to Eden water, Even where it flow'd frae bank to brim, And he has plunged in wi' a' his band, And safely swam them thro' the stream.
He turned him on the other side, And at Lord Scroope his glove flung he-- "If ye like na my visit in merry England, In fair Scotland come visit me!"
All sore astonished stood Lord Scroope, He stood as still as rock of stane; He scarcely dared to trew his eyes, When thro' the water they had gane.
"He is either himsell a devil frae hell, Or else his mother a witch maun be; I wad na have ridden that wan water, For a' the gowd in Christentie."
[Footnote 160: _Hostelrie_--Inn.]
[Footnote 161: _Lawing_--Reckoning.]
[Footnote 162: _Basnet_--Helmet.]
[Footnote 163: _Curch_--Coif.]
[Footnote 164: _Lightly_--Set light by.]
[Footnote 165: _Low_--Flame.]
[Footnote 166: _Splent on spauld_--Armour on shoulder.]
[Footnote 167: The name of a border tune.]
[Footnote 168: _Stear_--Stir.]
[Footnote 169: _Soft_--Light.]
[Footnote 170: _Fleyed_--Frightened.]
[Footnote 171: _Maill_--Rent.]
[Footnote 172: _Furs_--Furrows.]
NOTES ON KINMONT WILLIE.
* * * * *
_On Hairibee to hang him up_?--P. 188. v. 1.
Hairibee is the place of execution at Carlisle.
_And they brought him ower the Liddel-rack_.--P. 188. v. 3.
The Liddel-rack is a ford on the Liddel.
_And so they reached the Woodhouselee_.--P. 192. v. 1.
Woodhouselee; a house on the border, belonging to Buccleuch.
* * * * *
The Salkeldes, or Sakeldes, were a powerful family in Cumberland, possessing, among other manors, that of Corby, before it came into the possession of the Howards, in the beginning of the seventeenth century. A strange stratagem was practised by an outlaw, called Jock Grame of the Peartree, upon Mr. Salkelde, sheriff of Cumberland; who is probably the person alluded to in the ballad, as the fact is stated to have happened late in Elizabeth's time. The brother of this freebooter was lying in Carlisle jail for execution, when Jock of the Peartree came riding past the gate of Corby castle. A child of the sheriff was playing before the door, to whom the outlaw gave an apple, saying, "Master, will you ride?" The boy willingly consenting, Grame took him up before him, carried him into Scotland, and would never part with him, till he had his brother safe from the gallows. There is no historical ground for supposing, either that Salkelde, or any one else, lost his life in the raid of Carlisle.
In the list of border clans, 1597, Will of Kinmonth, with Kyrstie Armestrange, and John Skynbanke, are mentioned as leaders of a band of Armstrongs, called _Sandies Barnes_, inhabiting the Debateable Land. The ballad itself has never before been published.
DICK O' THE COW.
* * * * *
This ballad, and the two which immediately follow it in the collection, were published, 1784, in the _Hawick Museum_, a provincial miscellany, to which they were communicated by John Elliot, Esq. of Reidheugh, a gentleman well skilled in the antiquities of the western border, and to whose friendly assistance the editor is indebted for many valuable communications.
These ballads are connected with each other, and appear to have been composed by the same author. The actors seem to have flourished, while Thomas, Lord Scroope, of Bolton, was warden of the west marches of England, and governor of Carlisle castle; which offices he acquired upon the death of his father, about 1590; and retained it till the union of the crowns.
_Dick of the Cow_, from the privileged insolence which he assumes, seems to have been Lord Scroope's jester. In the preliminary dissertation, the reader will find the border custom of assuming _noms de guerre_ particularly noticed. It is exemplified in the following ballad, where one Armstrong is called the _Laird's Jock_ (i.e. the laird's son Jock), another _Fair Johnie_, a third _Billie Willie_ (brother Willie), &c. The _Laird's Jock_, son to the laird of Mangerton, appears, as one of the men of name in Liddesdale, in the list of border clans, _1597_.
_Dick of the Cow_ is erroneously supposed to have been the same with one Ricardus Coldall, de Plumpton, a knight and celebrated warrior, who died in 1462, as appears from his epitaph in the church of Penrith.--_Nicolson's History of Westmoreland and Cumberland_, Vol. II. p. 408.
This ballad is very popular in Liddesdale; and the reciter always adds, at the conclusion, that poor Dickie's cautious removal to Burgh under Stanemore, did not save him from the clutches of the Armstrongs; for that, having fallen into their power several years after this exploit, he was put to an inhuman death. The ballad was well known in England, so early as 1556. An allusion to it likewise occurs in _Parrot's Laquei Ridiculosi_, or _Springes for Woodcocks_; London, 1613.
Owenus wondreth, since he came to Wales, What the description of this isle should be, That nere had seen but mountains, hills, and dales. Yet would he boast, and stand on pedigree, From Rice ap Richard, sprung from Dick a Cow, Be cod, was right gud gentleman, looke ye now!
_Epigr. 76_.
DICK O' THE COW.
* * * * *
Now Liddesdale has layen lang in, There is na riding there at a'; The horses are grown sae lither fat, They downa stur out o' the sta.'
Fair Johnie Armstrang to Willie did say-- "Billie, a riding we will gae; England and us have been lang at feid; Ablins we'll light on some bootie."
Then they are come on to Hutton Ha'; They rade that proper place about; But the laird he was the wiser man, For he had left nae gear without.
For he had left nae gear to steal, Except sax sheep upon a lee: Quo' Johnie--"I'd rather in England die, "Ere thir sax sheep gae to Liddesdale wi' me."
"But how ca' they the men we last met, Billie, as we cam owre the know?" "That same he is an innocent fule, And men they call him Dick o' the Cow,"
"That fule has three as good kye o' his ain, As there are in a' Cumberland, billie," quo he: "Betide me life, betide me death, These kye shall go to Liddesdale wi' me."
Then they have come on to the pure fule's house, And they hae broken his wa's sae wide; They have loosed out Dick o' the Cow's three ky, And ta'en three co'erlets frae his wife's bed.
Then on the morn when the day was light, The shouts and cries rase loud and hie: "O haud thy tongue, my wife," he says, "And o' thy crying let me be!
"O had thy tongue, my wife," he says, "And o' thy crying let me be; And ay where thou hast lost ae cow, In gude suith I shall bring thee three."
Now Dickie's gane to the gude Lord Scroope, And I wat a dreirie fule was he; "Now hand thy tongue, my fule," he says, "For I may not stand to jest wi' thee."
"Shame fa' your jesting, my lord!" quo' Dickie, "For nae sic jesting grees wi' me; Liddesdale's been in my house last night, And they hae awa my three kye frae me.
"But I may nae langer in Cumberland dwell, To be your puir fule and your leal, Unless you gi' me leave, my lord, To gae to Liddesdale and steal."
"I gie thee leave, my fule!" he says; "Thou speakest against my honour and me, Unless thou gie me thy trowth and thy hand, Thou'lt steal frae nane but whae sta' frae thee."
"There is my trowth, and my right hand! My head shall hang on Hairibee; I'll ne'er cross Carlisle sands again, If I steal frae a man but whae sta' frae me."
Dickie's ta'en leave o' lord and master; I wat a merry fule was he! He's bought a bridle and a pair of new spurs, And pack'd them up in his breek thie.
Then Dickie's come on to Pudding-burn house, E'en as fast as he might drie; Then Dickie's come on to Pudding-burn, Where there were thirty Armstrangs and three.
"O what's this come o' me now?" quo' Dickie; "What mickle wae is this?" quo' he; "For here is but ae innocent fule, And there are thirty Armstrangs and three!"
Yet he has come up to the fair ha' board, Sae weil he's become his courtesie! "Weil may ye be, my gude Laird's Jock! But the deil bless a' your cumpanie.
"I'm come to plain o' your man, fair Johnie Armstrang And syne o' his billie Willie," quo he; "How they've been in my house last night, And they hae ta'en my three kye frae me."
"Ha!" quo' fair Johnie Armstrang, "we will him hang." "Na," quo' Willie, "we'll him slae." Then up and spak another young Armstrang, "We'll gie him his batts,[173] and let him gae."
But up and spak the gude Laird's Jock, The best falla in a' the cumpanie: "Sit down thy ways a little while, Dickie, And a piece o' thy ain cow's hough I'll gie ye."
But Dickie's heart it grew sae grit, That the ne'er a bit o't he dought to eat-- Then was he aware of an auld peat-house, Where a' the night he thought for to sleep.
Then Dickie was aware of an auld peat-house, Where a' the night he thought for to lye-- And a' the prayers the pure fule prayed Were, "I wish I had amends for my gude three kye!"
It was then the use of Pudding-burn house, And the house of Mangerton, all hail, Them that cam na at the first ca', Gat nae mair meat till the neist meal.
The lads, that hungry and weary were, Abune the door-head they threw the key; Dickie he took gude notice o' that, Says--"There will be a bootie for me."
Then Dickie has into the stable gane, Where there stood thirty horses and three; He has tied them a' wi' St. Mary's knot, A' these horses but barely three.
He has tied them a' wi' St. Mary's knot, A' these horses but barely three; He's loupen on ane, ta'en another in hand, And away as fast as he can hie.
But on the morn, when the day grew light, The shouts and cries raise loud and hie-- "Ah! whae has done this?" quo' the gude Laird's Jock, "Tell me the truth and the verity!"
"Whae has done this deed?" quo' the gude Laird's Jock; "See that to me ye dinna lie!" Dickie has been in the stable last night, And has ta'en my brother's horse and mine frae me."
"Ye wad ne'er be tald," quo' the gude Laird's Jock; "Have ye not found my tales fu' leil? Ye ne'er wad out o' England bide, Till crooked, and blind, and a' would steal."
"But lend me thy bay," fair Johnie can say; "There's nae horse loose in the stable save he; And I'll either fetch Dick o' the Cow again, Or the day is come that he shall die."
"To lend thee my bay!" the Laird's Jock can say, "He's baith worth gowd and gude monie; Dick o' the Cow has awa twa horse; I wish na thou may make him three."
He has ta'en the laird's jack on his back, A twa-handed sword to hang by his thie; He has ta'en a steil cap on his head, And gallopped on to follow Dickie.
Dickie was na a mile frae aff the town, I wat a mile but barely three, When he was o'erta'en by fair Johnie Armstrang, Hand for hand, on Cannobie lee.
"Abide, abide, thou traitour thief! The day is come that thou maun die." Then Dickie look't owre his left shoulder, Said--"Johnie, hast thou nae mae in cumpanie?
"There is a preacher in our chapell, And a' the live lang day teaches he: When day is gane, and night is come, There's ne'er ae word I mark but three.
"The first and second is--Faith and Conscience; The third--Ne'er let a traitour free: But, Johnie, what faith and conscience was thine, When thou took awa my three ky frae me?
"And when thou had ta'en awa my three ky, Thou thought in thy heart thou wast not weil sped, Till thou sent thy billie Willie ower the know, To take thrie coverlets off my wife's bed!"
Then Johnie let a speir fa' laigh by his thie, Thought well to hae slain the innocent, I trow; But the powers above were mair than he, For he ran but the puir fule's jerkin through.
Together they ran, or ever they blan; This was Dickie the fule and he! Dickie could na win at him wi' the blade o' the sword, But fell'd him wi' the plummet under the e'e.
Thus Dickie has fell'd fair Johnie Armstrang, The prettiest man in the south country--- "Gramercy!" then can Dickie say, "I had but twa horse, thou hast made me thrie!"
He's ta'en the steil jack aff Johnie's back, The twa-handed sword that hang low by his thie; He's ta'en the steil cap aff his head-- "Johnie, I'll tell my master I met wi' thee."
When Johnie wakened out o' his dream, I wat a dreirie man was he: "And is thou gane? Now, Dickie, than The shame and dule is left wi' me.
"And is thou gane? Now, Dickie, than The deil gae in thy cumpanie! For if I should live these hundred years, I ne'er shall fight wi' a fule after thee."--
Then Dickie's come hame to the gude Lord Scroope, E'en as fast as he might his; "Now, Dickie, I'll neither eat nor drink, Till hie hanged thou shalt be."
"The shame speed the liars, my lord!" quo' Dickie; "This was na the promise ye made to me! For I'd ne'er gane to Liddesdale to steal, Had I not got my leave frae thee."
"But what garr'd thee steal the Laird's Jock's horse? And, limmer, what garr'd ye steal him?" quo' he; "For lang thou mightst in Cumberland dwelt, Ere the Laird's Jock had stown frae thee."
"Indeed I wat ye lied, my lord! And e'en sae loud as I hear ye lie! I wan the horse frae fair Johnie Armstrong, Hand to hand, on Cannobie lee.
"There is the jack was on his back; This twa-handed sword hang laigh by his thie, And there's the steil cap was on his head; I brought a' these tokens to let thee see."
"If that be true thou to me tells, (And I think thou dares na tell a lie,) I'll gie thee fifteen punds for the horse, Weil tald on thy cloak lap shall be.
"I'll gie thee are o' my best milk ky, To maintain thy wife and children thrie; And that may be as gude, I think, As ony twa o' thine wad be."
"The shame speed the liars, my lord!" quo' Dickie; "Trow ye aye to make a fule o' me? I'll either hae twenty punds for the gude horse, Or he's gae to Mortan fair wi' me."
He's gien him twenty punds for the gude horse, A' in goud and gude monie; He's gien him ane o' his best milk ky, To maintain his wife and children thrie.
Then Dickie's come down thro' Carlisle toun, E'en as fast as he could drie; The first o' men that he met wi' Was my lord's brother, bailiff Glozenburrie.
"Weil be ye met, my gude Ralph Scroope!" "Welcome, my brother's fule!" quo' he: "Where didst thou get fair Johnie Armstrong's horse?" "Where did I get him? but steal him," quo' he.
"But wilt thou sell me the bonny horse? And, billie, wilt thou sell him to me?" quo' he: "Aye; if thoul't tell me the monie on my cloak lap: "For there's never ae penny I'll trust thee."
"I'll gie thee ten punds for the gude horse, Weil tald on thy cloak lap they shall be; And I'll gie thee ane o' the best milk ky, To maintain thy wife and children thrie."
"The shame speid the liars, my lord!" quo' Dickie; "Trow ye ay to make a fule o' me! I'll either hae twenty punds for the gude horse, Or he's gae to Mortan fair wi' me."
He's gien him twenty punds for the gude horse, Baith in goud and gude monie; He's gien him ane o' his best milk ky, To maintain his wife and children thrie.
Then Dickie lap a loup fu' hie, And I wat a loud laugh laughed he-- "I wish the neck o' the third horse were broken, If ony of the twa were better than he!"
Then Dickie's come hame to his wife again; Judge ye how the poor fule had sped! He has gien her twa score English punds, For the thrie auld coverlets ta'en aff her bed.
"And tak thee these twa as gude ky, I trow, as a' thy thrie might be; And yet here is a white-footed nagie, I trow he'll carry baith thee and me.
"But I may nae langer in Cumberland bide; The Armstrongs they would hang me hie." So Dickie's ta'en leave at lord and master, And at Burgh under Stanmuir there dwells he.
[Footnote 173: _Gie him his batts_--Dismiss him with a beating.]
NOTES ON DICK O' THE COW.
* * * * *
_Then Dickie's come on to Pudding-burn house_.--P. 205. v, 3.
This was a house of strength, held by the Armstrongs. The ruins at present form a sheep-fold, on the farm of Reidsmoss, belonging to the Duke of Buccleuch.
_He has tied them a' wi' St. Mary's knot_.--P. 207. v. 4.
Hamstringing a horse is termed, in the border dialect, _tying him with St. Mary's Knot_. Dickie used this cruel expedient to prevent a pursuit. It appears from the narration, that the horses, left unhurt, belonged to Fair Johnie Armstrang, his brother Willie, and the Laird's Jock, of which Dickie carried off two, and left that of the Laird's Jock, probably out of gratitude for the protection he had afforded him on his arrival.
_Hand for hand, on Cannobie lee_.--P. 209. v. 1.
A rising-ground on Cannobie, on the borders of Liddesdale.
_Ere the Laird's Jock had stown frae thee_.--P. 211. v. 4.
The commendation of the Laird's Jock's honesty seems but indifferently founded; for, in July 1586, a bill was fouled against him, Dick of Dryup, and others, by the deputy of Bewcastle, at a warden-meeting, for 400 head of cattle taken in open forray from the Drysike in Bewcastle: and, in September 1587, another complaint appears at the instance of one Andrew Rutledge of the Nook, against the Laird's Jock, and his accomplices, for 50 kine and oxen, besides furniture, to the amount of 100 merks sterling. See Bell's MSS., as quoted in the _History of Cumberland and Westmoreland_. In Sir Richard Maitland's poem against the thieves of Liddesdale, he thus commemorates the Laird's Jock:
They spuilye puir men of thair pakis, They leif them nocht on bed nor bakis; Baith hen and cok, With reil and rok, The _Lairdis Jock_ All with him takis.
Those, who plundered Dick, had been bred up under an expert teacher.
JOCK O' THE SIDE.
* * * * *
The subject of this ballad, being a common event in those troublesome and disorderly times, became a favourite theme of the ballad-makers. There are, in this collection, no fewer than three poems on the rescue of prisoners, the incidents in which nearly resemble each other; though the poetical description is so different, that the editor did not think himself at liberty to reject any one of them, as borrowed from the others. As, however, there are several verses, which, in recitation, are common to all these three songs, the editor, to prevent unnecessary and disagreeable repetition, has used the freedom of appropriating them to that, in which they seem to have the best poetic effect.
The reality of this story rests solely upon the foundation of tradition. Jock o' the side seems to have been nephew to the laird of Mangertoun, cousin to the Laird's Jock, one of his deliverers, and probably brother to Chrystie of the Syde, mentioned in the list of border clans 1597. Like the Laird's Jock, he also is commemorated by Sir Richard Maitland.--See the _Introduction_.
He is weil kend, Johne of the Syde, A greater theif did never ryde; He never tyris For to brek byris. Our muir and myris Ouir gude ane guide.
The land-serjeant, mentioned in this ballad, and also in that of _Hobble Noble_, was an officer under the warden, to whom was committed the apprehending of delinquents, and the care of the public peace.
JOCK O' THE SIDE.
Now Liddesdale has ridden a raid, But I wat they had better hae staid at hame; For Michael o' Winfield he is dead, And Jock o' the Side is prisoner ta'en.
For Mangerton house Lady Downie has gane, Her coats she has kilted up to her knee; And down the water wi' speed she rins, While tears in spaits[174] fa' fast frae her e'e.
Then up and spoke our gude auld lord-- "What news, what news, sister Downie, to me?" "Bad news, bad news, my Lord Mangerton; "Michael is killed, and they hae ta'en my son Johnie."
"Ne'er fear, sister Downie," quo' Mangerton; "I have yokes of ousen, eighty and three; "My barns, my byres, and my faulds a' weil fill'd, And I'll part wi' them a' ere Johnie shall die.
"Three men I'll send to set him free, A' harneist wi' the best o' steil; The English louns may hear, and drie The weight o' their braid-swords to feel.
"The Laird's Jock ane, the Laird's Wat twa, O Hobbie Noble, thou ane maun be! Thy coat is blue, thou hast been true, Since England banish'd thee to me."
Now Hobbie was an English man, In Bewcastle dale was bred and born: But his misdeeds they were sae great, They banish'd him ne'er to return.
Lord Mangerton them orders gave, "Your horses the wrang way maun be shod; Like gentlemen ye mauna seim, But look like corn-caugers[175] ga'en the road.
"Your armour gude ye mauna shaw, Nor yet appear like men o' weir; As country lads be a' array'd, Wi' branks and brecham[176] on each mare."
Sae now their horses are the wrang way shod. And Hobbie has mounted his grey sae fine; Jock his lively bay, Wat's on his white horse, behind, And on they rode for the water of Tyne
At the Cholerford they all light down, And there, wi' the help of the light o' the moon, A tree they cut, wi' fifteen nogs on each side, To climb up the wa' of Newcastle toun.
But when they cam to Newcastle toun, And were alighted at the wa', They fand their tree three ells ower laigh, They fand their stick baith short and sma'.
Then up and spak the Laird's ain Jock; "There's naething for't; the gates we maun force." But when they cam the gate untill, A proud porter withstood baith men and horse.
His neck in twa the Armstrangs wrang; Wi' fute or hand he ne'er play'd pa! His life and his keys at anes they hae ta'en, And cast the body ahind the wa'.
Now sune they reach Newcastle jail, And to the prisoner thus they call; "Sleeps thou, wakes thou, Jock o' the Side, Or art thou weary of thy thrall?"
Jock answers thus, wi' dulefu' tone; "Aft, aft, I wake--I seldom sleep: But whae's this kens my name sae well, And thus to mese[177] my waes does seik?"
Then out and spak the gude Laird's Jock, "Now fear ye na, my billie," quo' he; "For here are the Laird's Jock, the Laird's Wat, And Hobbie Noble, come to set thee free."
"Now hand thy tongue, my gude Laird's Jock; For ever, alas! this canna be; For if a' Liddesdale was here the night, The morn's the day that I maun die.
"Full fifteen stane o' Spanish iron, They hae laid a' right sair on me; Wi' locks and keys I am fast bound Into this dungeon dark and dreirie."
"Fear ye na' that," quo' the Laird's Jock; "A faint heart ne'er wan a fair ladie; Work thou within, we'll work without, And I'll be sworn we'll set thee free."
The first strong door that they cam at, They loosed it without a key; The next chain'd door that they cam at, They garr'd it a' to flinders flee.
The prisoner now upon his back, The Laird's Jock has gotten up fu' hie; And down the stair, him, irons and a', Wi' nae sma' speid and joy, brings he.
"Now, Jock, my man," quo' Hobbie Noble, "Some o' his weight ye may lay on me." "I wat weil no!" quo' the Laird's ain Jock, "I count him lighter than a flee."
Sae out at the gates they a' are gane, The prisoner's set on horseback hie; And now wi' speid they've ta'en the gate, While ilk ane jokes fu' wantonlie:
"O Jock! sae winsomely's ye ride, Wi' baith your feet upon ae side; Sae weel ye're harneist, and sae trig, In troth ye sit like ony bride!"
The night, tho' wat, they did na mind, But hied them on fu' merrilie, Until they cam to Cholerford brae,[178] Where the water ran like mountains hie.
But when they cam to Cholerford, There they'met with an auld man; Says--"Honest man, will the water ride? Tell us in haste, if that ye can."
"I wat weel no," quo' the gude auld man; "I hae lived here threty years and thrie, And I ne'er yet saw the Tyne sae big, Nor running anes sae like a sea."
Then out and spak the Laird's saft Wat, The greatest coward in the cumpanie; "Now halt, now halt! we need na try't; The day is come we a' maun die!"
"Puir faint-hearted thief!" cried the Laird's ain Jock, "There'l nae man die but him that's fie;[179] I'll guide ye a' right safely thro'; Lift ye the pris'ner on ahint me."
Wi' that the water they hae ta'en, By ane's and twa's they a' swam thro'; "Here are we a' safe," quo' the Laird's Jock, "And, puir faint Wat, what think ye now?"
They scarce the other brae had won, When twenty men they saw pursue; Frae Newcastle toun they had been sent, A' English lads baith stout and true.
But when the land-serjeant the water saw, "It winna ride, my lads," says he; Then cried aloud--"The prisoner take, But leave the fetters, I pray, to me."
"I wat weil no," quo' the Laird's Jock; "I'll keep them a'; shoon to my mare they'll be, My gude bay mare--for I am sure, She has bought them a' right dear frae thee."
Sae now they are on to Liddesdale, E'en as fast as they could them hie; The prisoner is brought to's ain fire side, And there o's airns they mak him free.
"Now, Jock, my billie," quo' a' the three, "The day is com'd thou was to die; But thou's as weil at thy ain ingle side, Now sitting, I think, 'twixt thee and me."
[Footnote 174: _Spaits_--Torrents.]
[Footnote 175: _Caugers_--Carriers.]
[Footnote 176: _Branks and brecham_--Halter and cart-collar.]
[Footnote 177: _Mese_--Soothe.]
[Footnote 178: _Cholerford brae_--A ford upon the Tyne, above Hexham.]
[Footnote 179: _Fie_--Predestined.]
HOBBIE NOBLE.
* * * * *
We have seen the hero of this ballad act a distinguished part in the deliverance of Jock o' the Side, and are now to learn the ungrateful return which the Armstrongs made him for his faithful services.[180] Halbert, or Hobbie Noble, appears to have been one of those numerous English outlaws, who, being forced to fly their own country, had established themselves on the Scottish borders. As Hobbie continued his depredations upon the English, they bribed some of his hosts, the Armstrongs, to decoy him into England, under pretence of a predatory expedition. He was there delivered, by his treacherous companions, into the hands of the officers of justice, by whom he was conducted to Carlisle, and executed next morning. The laird of Mangerton, with whom Hobbie was in high favour, is said to have taken a severe revenge upon the traitors who betrayed him. The principal contriver of the scheme, called here Sim o' the Maynes, fled into England from the resentment of his chief; but experienced there the common fate of a traitor, being himself executed at Carlisle, about two months after Hobbie's death. Such is, at least, the tradition of Liddesdale. Sim o' the Maynes appears among the Armstrongs of Whitauch, in Liddesdale, in the list of clans so often alluded to.
[Footnote 180: The original editor of the _Reliques of Ancient Poetry_ has noticed the perfidy of this clan in another instance; the delivery of the banished Earl of Northumberland into the hands of the Scottish regent, by Hector of Harelaw, an Armstrong, with whom he had taken refuge.--_Reliques of Ancient Poetry_, Vol. I. p. 283. This Hector of Harelaw seems to have been an Englishman, or under English assurance; for he is one of those, against whom bills were exhibited, by the Scottish commissioners, to the lord-bishop of Carlisle.--_Introduction to the History of Westmoreland and Cumberland_, p. 81. In the list of borderers, 1597, Hector of Harelaw, with the Griefs and Cuts of Harelaw, also figures as an inhabitant of the Debateable Land. It would appear, from a spirited invective in the Maitland MSS. against the regent, and those who delivered up the unfortunate earl to Elizabeth, that Hector had been guilty of this treachery, to redeem the pledge which had been exacted from him for his peaceable demeanour. The poet says, that the perfidy of Morton and Lochlevin was worse than even that of--
--the traitour Eckie of Harelaw, That says he sould him to redeem his pledge; Your deed is war, as all the world does know-- You nothing can but covatice alledge.
_Pinkerton's Maitland Poems_, Vol. II. p. 290.
Eckie is the contraction of Hector among the vulgar.
These little memoranda may serve still farther to illustrate the beautiful ballads, upon that subject, published in the _Reliques_.]
Kershope-burn, where Hobbie met his treacherous companions, falls into the Liddel, from the English side, at a place called Turnersholm, where, according to tradition, turneys and games of chivalry were often solemnized. The Mains was anciently a border-keep, near Castletoun, on the north side of the Liddel, but is now totally demolished.
Askerton is an old castle, now ruinous, situated in the wilds of Cumberland, about seventeen miles north-east of Carlisle, amidst that mountainous and desolate tract of country, bordering upon Liddesdale, emphatically termed the Waste of Bewcastle. Conscouthart Green, and Rodric-haugh, and the Foulbogshiel, are the names of places in the same wilds, through which the Scottish plunderers generally made their raids upon England; as appears from the following passage in a letter from William, Lord Dacre, to Cardinal Wolsey, 18th July, 1528; _Appendix to Pinkerton's Scotland_, v. 12, No. XIX. "Like it also your grace, seeing the disordour within Scotlaund, and that all the mysguyded men, borderers of the same, inhabiting within Eskdale, Ewsdale, Walghopedale, Liddesdale, and a part of Tividale, foranempt Bewcastelldale, and a part of the middle marches of this the king's bordours, entres not this west and middle marches, to do any attemptate to the king our said soveraine's subjects: but thaye come throrow Bewcastelldale, and retornes, for the most part, the same waye agayne."
Willeva and Speir Edom are small districts in Bewcastledale, through which also the Hartlie-burn takes its course.
Of the castle of Mangertoun, so often mentioned in these ballads, there are very few vestiges. It was situated on the banks of the Liddel, below Castletoun. In the wall of a neighbouring mill, which has been entirely built from the ruins of the tower, there is a remarkable stone, bearing the arms of the lairds of Mangertoun, and a long broad-sword, with the figures 1583; probably the date of building, or repairing, the castle. On each side of the shield are the letters S.A. and E.E. standing probably for Simon Armstrong, and Elizabeth Elliot. Such is the only memorial of the laird of Mangertoun, except those rude ballads, which the editor now offers to the public.
HOBBIE NOBLE.
* * * * *
Foul fa' the breast first treason bred in! That Liddesdale may safely say: For in it there was baith meat and drink, And corn unto our geldings gay.
And we were a' stout-hearted men, As England she might often say; But now we may turn our backs and flee, Since brave Noble is sold away.
Now Hobbie was an English man, And born into Bewcastle dale; But his misdeeds they were sae great, They banish'd him to Liddesdale.
At Kershope foot the tryst was set, Kershope of the lilye lee; And there was traitor Sim o' the Mains, And with him a private companie.
Then Hobbie has graithed his body fair, Baith wi' the iron and wi' the steil; And he has ta'en out his fringed grey, And there, brave Hobbie, he rade him weel.
Then Hobbie is down the water gane, E'en as fast as he could his; Tho' a' should hae bursten and broken their hearts, Frae that riding tryst he wad na be.
"Weel be ye met, my feres[181] five! And now, what is your will wi' me?" Then they cried a', wi ae consent, "Thou'rt welcome here, brave Noble, to me.
"Wilt thou with us into England ride, And thy safe warrand we will be? If we get a horse, worth a hundred pound, Upon his back thou sune shalt be."
"I dare not by day into England ride; The land-serjeant has me at feid: "And I know not what evil may betide, For Peter of Whitfield, his brother, is dead.
"And Anton Shiel he loves not me, For I gat twa drifts o' his sheep; The great Earl of Whitfield[182] loves me not, For nae geer frae me he e'er could keep.
"But will ye stay till the day gae down, Untill the night come o'er the grund, And I'll be a guide worth ony twa, That may in Liddesdale be found.
"Tho' the night be black as pick and tar, I'll guide ye o'er yon hill sae hie; And bring ye a' in safety back, If ye'll be true, and follow me."
He has guided them o'er moss and muir, O'er hill and hope, and mony a down; Until they came to the Foulbogshiel, And there, brave Noble, he lighted down.
But word is gane to the land-serjeant, In Askerton where that he lay-- "The deer, that ye hae hunted sae lang, Is seen into the Waste this day."
"Then Hobbie Noble is that deer! I wat he carries the style fu' hie; Aft has he driven our bluidhounds back, And set ourselves at little lee.
"Gar warn the bows of Hartlie-burn; See they sharp their arrows on the wa': Warn Willeva, and Speir Edom, And see the morn they meet me a'.
"Gar meet me on the Rodric-haugh, And see it be by break o' day; And we will on to Conscouthart-green, For there, I think, we'll get our prey."
Then Hobbie Noble has dreimt a dreim, In the Foulbogshiel, where that he lay; He dreimt his horse was aneath him shot, And he himself got hard away.
The cocks could craw, the day could daw, And I wot sae even fell down the rain; Had Hobble na wakened at that time, In the Foulbogshiel he had been ta'en or slain.
"Awake, awake, my feres five! I trow here makes a fu' ill day; Yet the worst cloak o' this company, I hope, shall cross the Waste this day."
Now Hobbie thought the gates were clear; But, ever alas! it was na sae: They were beset by cruel men and keen, That away brave Hobbie might na gae.
"Yet follow me, my feres five, And see ye kelp of me guid ray; And the worst cloak o' this company Even yet may cross the Waste this day."
But the land-serjeant's men came Hobbie before, The traitor Sim came Hobbie behin', So had Noble been wight as Wallace was, Away, alas! he might na win.
Then Hobbie had but a laddie's sword; But he did mair than a laddie's deed; For that sword had clear'd Conscouthart green, Had it not broke o'er Jerswigham's head.
Then they hae ta'en brave Hobbie Noble, Wi's ain bowstring they band him sae; But his gentle heart was ne'er sae sair, As when his ain five bound him on the brae.
They hae ta'en him on for west Carlisle; They asked him, if he kend the way? Tho' much he thought, yet little he said; He knew the gate as weel as they.
They hae ta'en him up the Ricker-gate; The wives they cast their windows wide: And every wife to another can say, "That's the man loosed Jock o' the Side!"
"Fy on ye, women! why ca' ye me man? For it's nae man that I'm used like; I am but like a forfoughen[183] hound, Has been fighting in a dirty syke."[184]
They hae had him up thro' Carlisle toun, And set him by the chimney fire; They gave brave Noble a loaf to eat, And that was little his desire.
They gave him a wheaten loaf to eat, And after that a can of beer; And they a' cried, with one consent, "Eat, brave Noble, and make gude cheir!
"Confess my lord's horse, Hobbie," they said, "And to-morrow in Carlisle thou's na die." "How can I confess them," Hobbie says, "When I never saw them with my e'e?"
Then Hobbie has sworn a fu' great aith, Bi the day that he was gotten and born, He never had ony thing o' my lord's, That either eat him grass or corn.
"Now fare thee weel, sweet Mangerton! For I think again I'll ne'er thee see: I wad hae betrayed nae lad alive, For a' the gowd o' Christentie.
"And fare thee weel, sweet Liddesdale! Baith the hie land and the law; Keep ye weel frae the traitor Mains! For goud and gear he'll sell ye a'.
"Yet wad I rather be ca'd Hobbie Noble, In Carlisle, where he suffers for his fau't, Than I'd be ca'd the traitor Mains, That eats and drinks o' the meal and maut."
[Footnote 181: _Feres_--Companions.]
[Footnote 182: _Earl of Whitfield_--The editor does not know who is here meant.]
[Footnote 183: _Forfoughen_--Quite fatigued.]
[Footnote 184: _Syke_--Ditch.]
NOTES ON HOBBIE NOBLE.
* * * * *
_Aft has he driven our bluidhounds back_.--P. 234. v. 2.
"The russet blood-hound wont, near Annand's stream, "To trace the sly thief with avenging foot, "Close as an evil conscience still at hand."
Our ancient statutes inform us, that the blood-hound, or sluith-hound (so called from its quality of tracing the slot, or track, of men and animals), was early used in the pursuit and detection of marauders. _Nullus perturbet, aut impediat canem trassantem, aut homines trassantes cum ipso, ad sequendum latrones.--Regiam Majestatem_, Lib. 4tus, Cap. 32. And, so late as 1616, there was an order from the king's commissioners of the northern counties, that a certain number of slough-hounds should be maintained in every district of Cumberland, bordering upon Scotland. They were of great value, being sometimes sold for a hundred crowns. _Exposition of Bleau's Atlas, voce Nithsdale_. The breed of this sagacious animal, which could trace the human footstep with the most unerring accuracy, is now nearly extinct.
ARCHIE OF CA'FIELD.
* * * * *
It may perhaps be thought, that, from the near resemblance which this ballad bears to Kinmont Willie, and Jock o' the Side, the editor might have dispensed with inserting it in this collection. But, although the incidents in these three ballads are almost the same, yet there is considerable variety in the language; and each contains minute particulars, highly characteristic of border manners, which it is the object of this publication to illustrate. Ca'field, or Calfield, is a place in Wauchopdale, belonging of old to the Armstrongs. In the account betwixt the English and Scottish marches, Jock and Geordie of Ca'field, there called Calfhill, are repeatedly marked as delinquents.--_History of Westmoreland and Cumberland_, Vol. I. _Introduction_, p. 33. "_Mettled John Hall, from the laigh Tiviotdale_," is perhaps John Hall of Newbigging, mentioned in the list of border clans, as one of the chief men of name residing on the middle marches in 1597. The editor has been enabled to add several stanzas to this ballad, since publication of the first edition. They were obtained from recitation; and, as they contrast the brutal indifference of the elder brother with the zeal and spirit of his associates, they add considerably to the dramatic effect of the whole.
ARCHIE OF CA'FIELD.
* * * * *
As I was a walking mine alane, It was by the dawning of the day, I heard twa brithers make their mane, And I listened weel to what they did say.
The youngest to the eldest said, "Blythe and merrie how can we be? There were three brithren of us born, And ane of us is condemned to die."
"An' ye wad be merrie, an' ye wad be sad, What the better wad billie Archie be? Unless I had thirty men to mysell, And a' to ride in my cumpanie.
"Ten to hald the horses' heads, And other ten the watch to be, And ten to break up the strong prison, Where billy[185] Archie he does lie."
Then up and spak him mettled John Hall, (The luve of Teviotdale aye was he) "An' I had eleven men to mysell, Its aye the twalt man I wad be."
Then up bespak him coarse Ca'field, (I wot and little gude worth was he) "Thirty men is few anew, And a' to ride in our cumpanie."
There was horsing, horsing in haste, And there was marching on the lee; Until they cam to Murraywhate, And they lighted there right speedilie.
"A smith! a smith!" Dickie he cries, "A smith, a smith, right speedilie, To turn back the caukers of our horses' shoon! For its unkensome[186] we wad be."
"There lives a smith on the water side, Will shoe my little black mare for me; And I've a crown in my pocket, And every groat of it I wad gie."
"The night is mirk, and its very mirk, And by candle light I canna weel see; The night is mirk, and its very pit mirk, And there will never a nail ca' right for me."
"Shame fa' you and your trade baith, Canna beet[187] a gude fellow by your myster[188] But leez me on thee, my little black mare, Thou's worth thy weight in gold to me."
There was horsing, horsing in haste, And there was marching upon the lee; Until they cam to Dumfries port, And they lighted there right speedilie.
"There's five of us will hold the horse, And other five will watchmen be: But wha's the man, amang ye a', Will gae to the Tolbooth door wi' me?"
O up then spak him mettled John Hall, (Frae the laigh Tiviotdale was he) "If it should cost my life this very night, I'll gae to the Tolbooth door wi' thee."
"Be of gude cheir, now, Archie, lad! Be of gude cheir, now, dear billie! Work thou within, and we without, And the mom thou'se dine at Ca'field wi' me."
O Jockie Hall stepped to the door, And he bended low back his knee; And he made the bolts, the door hang on, Loup frae the wa' right wantonlie.
He took the prisoner on his back, And down the Tolbooth stair cam he; The black mare stood ready at the door, I wot a foot ne'er stirred she.
They laid the links out ower her neck, And that was her gold twist to be;[189] And they cam down thro' Dumfries toun, And wow but they cam speedilie.
The live long night these twelve men rade, And aye till they were right wearie, Until they cam to the Murraywhate, And they lighted there right speedilie.
"A smith! a smith!" then Dickie he cries; "A smith, a smith, right speedilie, To file the irons frae my dear brither! For forward, forward we wad be,"
They had na filed a shackle of iron, A shackle of iron but barely thrie, When out and spak young Simon brave, "O dinna ye see what I do see?
"Lo! yonder comes Lieutenant Gordon, Wi' a hundred men in his cumpanie; This night will be our lyke-wake night, The morn the day we a' maun die,"
O there was mounting, mounting in haste, And there was marching upon the lee; Until they cam to Annan water, And it was flowing like the sea.
"My mare is young and very skeigh,[190] And in o' the weil[191] she will drown me; But ye'll take mine, and I'll take thine, And sune through the water we sall be."
Then up and spak him, coarse Ca'field, (I wot and little gude worth was he) "We had better lose are than lose a' the lave; We'll lose the prisoner, we'll gae free."
"Shame fa' you and your lands baith! Wad ye e'en[192] your lands to your born billy? But hey! bear up, my bonnie black mare, And yet thro' the water we sall be."
Now they did swim that wan water, And wow but they swam bonilie! Until they cam to the other side, And they wrang their cloathes right drunkily.
"Come thro', come thro', Lieutenant Gordon! Come thro' and drink some wine wi' me! For there is an ale-house here hard by, And it shall not cost thee ae penny."
"Throw me my irons," quo' Lieutenant Gordon; "I wot they cost me dear aneugh." "The shame a ma," quo' mettled John Ha', "They'll be gude shackles to my pleugh."
"Come thro', come thro', Lieutenant Gordon! Come thro' and drink some wine wi' me! Yestreen I was your prisoner, But now this morning am I free."
[Footnote 185: _Billy_--Brother.]
[Footnote 186: _Unkensome_--Unknown.]
[Footnote 187: _Beet_--Abet, aid.]
[Footnote 188: _Mystery_--Trade.--See Shakespeare.]
[Footnote 189: The _Gold Twist_ means the small gilded chains drawn across the chest of a war-horse, as a part of his caparaison.]
[Footnote 190: _Skeigh_--Shy.]
[Footnote 191: _Weil_--Eddy.]
[Footnote 192: _E'en_--Even, put into comparison.]
ARMSTRONG'S GOODNIGHT.
* * * * *
_The followng verses are said to have been composed by one of the_ ARMSTRONGS, _executed for the murder of Sir_ JOHN CARMICHAEL _of Edrom, warden of the middle marches, (See_ p. 165.) _The tune is popular in Scotland; but whether these are the original words, will admit of a doubt_.
* * * * *
This night is my departing night, For here nae langer must I stay; There's neither friend nor foe o' mine, But wishes me away.
What I have done thro' lack of wit, I never, never, can recall; I hope ye're a' my friends as yet; Goodnight and joy be with you all!
* * * * *
THE FRAY OF SUPORT.
AN ANCIENT BORDER GATHERING SONG FROM TRADITION.
* * * * *
Of all the border ditties, which have fallen into the editor's hands, this is by far the most uncouth and savage. It is usually chaunted in a sort of wild recitative, except the burden, which swells into a long and varied howl, not unlike to a view hollo'. The words, and the very great irregularity of the stanza (if it deserves the name), sufficiently point out its intention and origin. An English woman, residing in Suport, near the foot of the Kershope, having been plundered in the night by a band of the Scottish moss-troopers, is supposed to convoke her servants and friends for the pursuit, or _Hot Trod_; upbraiding them, at the same time, in homely phrase, for their negligence and security. The _Hot Trod_ was followed by the persons who had lost goods, with blood-hounds and horns, to raise the country to help. They also used to carry a burning wisp of straw at a spear head, and to raise a cry, similar to the Indian war-whoop. It appears, from articles made by the wardens of the English marches, September 12th, in 6th of Edward VI. that all, on this cry being raised, were obliged to follow the fray, or chace, under pain of death. With these explanations, the general purport of the ballad may be easily discovered, though particular passages have become inexplicable, probably through corruptions introduced by reciters. The present copy is corrected from four copies, which differed widely from each other.
THE FRAY OF SUPORT.
* * * * *
Sleep'ry Sim of the Lamb-hill, And snoring Jock of Suport-mill, Ye are baith right het and fou';-- But my wae wakens na you. Last night I saw a sorry sight-- Nought left me, o' four-and-twenty gude ousen and ky, My weel-ridden gelding, and a white quey, But a toom byre and a wide, And the twelve nogs[193] on ilka side. Fy lads! shout a' a' a' a' a', My gear's a' gane.
Weel may ye ken, Last night I was right scarce o' men: But Toppet Hob o' the Mains had guesten'd in my house by chance; I set him to wear the fore-door wi' the speir, while I kept the back door wi' the lance; But they hae run him thro' the thick o' the thie, and broke his knee-pan, And the mergh[194] o' his shin bane has run down on his spur leather whang: He's lame while he lives, and where'er he may gang. Fy lads! shout a' a' a' a' a', My gear's a' gane.
But Peenye, my gude son, is out at the Hagbut-head, His e'en glittering for anger like a fierye gleed; Crying--"Mak sure the nooks Of Maky's-muir crooks; For the wily Scot takes by nooks, hooks, and crooks. Gin we meet a' together in a head the morn, We'll be merry men." Fy lads! shout a' a' a' a' a' My gear's a' gane.
There's doughty Cuddy in the Heugh-head, Thou was aye gude at a' need: With thy brock-skin bag at thy belt, Ay ready to mak a puir man help. Thou maun awa' out to the cauf-craigs, (Where anes ye lost your ain twa naigs) And there toom thy brock-skin bag. Fy lads! shout a' a' a' a' a', My gear's a' taen.
Doughty Dan o' the Houlet Hirst, Thou was aye gude at a birst: Gude wi' a bow, and better wi' a speir, The bauldest march-man, that e'er followed gear; Come thou here. Fy lads! shout a' a' a' a' a', My gear's a' gane.
Rise, ye carle coopers, frae making o' kirns and tubs, In the Nicol forest woods. Your craft has na left the value of an oak rod, But if you had had ony fear o' God, Last night ye had na slept sae sound, And let my gear be a' ta'en. Fy lads! shout a' a' a' a' a', My gear's a' ta'en.
Ah! lads, we'll fang them a' in a net! For I hae a' the fords o' Liddel set; The Dunkin, and the Door-loup, The Willie-ford, and the Water-slack, The Black-rack and the Trout-dub o' Liddel; There stands John Forster wi' five men at his back, Wi' bufft coat and cap of steil: Boo! ca' at them e'en, Jock; That ford's sicker, I wat weil. Fy lads! shout a' a' a' a' a', My gear's a' ta'en.
Hoo! hoo! gar raise the Reid Souter, and Ringan's Wat, Wi' a broad elshin and a wicker; I wat weil they'll mak a ford sicker. Sae whether they be Elliots or Armstrangs, Or rough riding Scots, or rude Johnstones, Or whether they be frae the Tarras or Ewsdale, They maun turn and fight, or try the deeps o' Liddel. Fy lads! shout a' a' a' a' a', My gear's a' ta'en.
"Ah! but they will play ye another jigg, For they will out at the big rig,
And thro' at Fargy Grame's gap." "But I hae another wile for that: For I hae little Will, and stalwart Wat, And lang Aicky, in the Souter moor, Wi' his sleuth dog sits in his watch right sure: Shou'd the dog gie a bark, He'll be out in his sark, And die or won. Fy lads! shout a' a' a' a' a', My gear's a' ta'en.
Ha! boys--I see a party appearing--wha's yon! Methinks it's the captain of Bewcastle, and Jephtha's John, Coming down by the foul steps of Catlowdie's loan: They'll make a sicker, come which way they will. Ha lads! shout a' a' a' a' a', My gear's a' ta'en.
Captain Musgrave, and a' his band, Are coming down by the Siller-strand, And the muckle toun-bell o' Carlisle is rung: My gear was a' weel won, And before it's carried o'er the border, mony a man's gae down. Fy lads! shout a' a' a' a' a', My gear's a gane.
[Footnote 193: _Nogs_--Stakes.]
[Footnote 194: _Mergh_--Marrow.]
NOTES ON THE FRAY OF SUPORT.
* * * * *
_And there, toom thy brock-skin bag_.--P. 254. v. 1.
The badger-skin pouch was used for carrying ammunition.
_In the Nicol forest woods_.--P. 254. v. 3.
A wood in Cumberland, in which Suport is situated.
_For I hae a' the fords o' Liddel set_.--P. 255. v. 1.
Watching fords was a ready mode of intercepting the marauders; the names of the most noted fords upon the Liddel are recited in this verse.
_And thro' at Fargy Grame's gap_.--P. 256. v. 1.
Fergus Grame of Sowport, as one of the chief men of that clan, became security to Lord Scroope for the good behaviour of his friends and dependants, 8th January, 1602.--_Introduction to History of Westmoreland and Cumberland_, p. 111.
_Wi' his sleuth dog sits in his watch right sure_.--P 256. v. 1.
The centinels, who, by the march laws, were planted upon the border each night, had usually sleuth-dogs, or blood-hounds, along with them.--See _Nicolson's Border Laws_, and _Lord Wharton's Regulations, in the 6th of Edward VI_.
Of the blood-hound we have said something in the notes on _Hobbie Noble_; but we may, in addition, refer to the following poetical description of the qualities and uses of that singular animal:
--Upon the banks Of Tweed, slow winding thro' the vale, the seat Of war and rapine once, ere Britons knew The sweets of peace, or Anna's dread commands To lasting leagues the haughty rivals awed, There dwelt a pilfering race; well trained and skill'd In all the mysteries of theft, the spoil Their only substance, feuds and war their sport. Not more expert in every fraudful art The arch felon was of old, who by the tail Drew back his lowing prize: in vain his wiles, In vain the shelter of the covering rock, In vain the sooty cloud, and ruddy flames, That issued from his mouth; for soon he paid His forfeit life: a debt how justly due To wronged Alcides, and avenging Heaven! Veil'd in the shades of night, they ford the stream; Then, prowling far and near, whate'er they seize Becomes their prey; nor flocks nor herds are safe, Nor stalls protect the steer, nor strong barr'd doors Secure the favourite horse. Soon as the morn Reveals his wrongs, with ghastly visage wan The plunder'd owner stands, and from his lips A thousand thronging curses burst their way. He calls his stout allies, and in a line His faithful hound he leads; then, with a voice That utters loud his rage, attentive cheers. Soon the sagacious brute, his curling tail Flourish'd in air, low bending, plies around His busy nose, the steaming vapour snuffs Inquisitive, nor leaves one turf untried;
Till, conscious of the recent stains, his heart Beats quick, his snuffling nose, his active tail, Attest his joy; then, with deep-opening mouth That makes the welkin tremble, he proclaims The audacious felon; foot by foot he marks His winding way, while all the listening crowd Applaud his reasonings. O'er the watery ford, Dry sandy heaths, and stony barren hills, O'er beaten tracks, with men and beast distain'd, Unerring he pursues; till, at the cot Arrived, and seizing by his guilty throat The caitiff vile, redeems the captive prey: So exquisitely delicate his sense!
SOMERVILLE'S _Chase_.
_Methinks it's the Captain of Newcastle, &c. Coming down by the foul steps of Catlowdie's loan_.--P. 256. v. 2.
According to the late Glenriddell's notes on this ballad, the office of captain of Bewcastle was held by the chief of the Nixons.
Catlowdie is a small village in Cumberland, near the junction of the Esk and Liddel.
_Captain Musgrave and a' his band_.--P. 256. v. 3.
This was probably the famous Captain Jack Musgrave, who had charge of the watch along the Cryssop, or Kershope, as appears from the order of the watches appointed by Lord Wharton, when deputy-warden-general, in 6th Edward VI.
LORD MAXWELL'S GOODNIGHT.
NEVER BEFORE PUBLISHED.
* * * * *
This beautiful ballad is published from a copy in Glenriddel's MSS., with some slight variations from tradition. It alludes to one of the most remarkable feuds upon the west marches.
A.D. 1585, John, Lord Maxwell, or, as he styled himself, Earl of Morton, having quarrelled with the Earl of Arran, reigning favourite of James VI., and fallen, of course, under the displeasure of the court, was denounced rebel. A commission was also given to the laird of Johnstone, then warden of the west-marches, to pursue and apprehend the ancient rival and enemy of his house. Two bands of mercenaries, commanded by Captains Cranstoun and Lammie, who were sent from Edinburgh to support Johnstone, were attacked and cut to pieces at Crawford-muir by Robert Maxwell, natural brother to the chieftain;[195] who, following up his advantage, burned Johnstone's castle of Lochwood, observing, with savage glee, that he would give Lady Johnstone light enough by which to "set her hood." In a subsequent conflict, Johnstone himself was defeated, and made prisoner, and is said to have died of grief at the disgrace which he sustained.--See _Spottiswoode_ and _Johnstone's Histories_, and _Moyse's Memoirs, ad annum_ 1585.
By one of the revolutions, common in those days, Maxwell was soon after restored to the king's favour, in his turn, and obtained the wardenry of the west marches. A bond of alliance was subscribed by him, and by Sir James Johnstone, and for some time the two clans lived in harmony. In the year 1593, however, the hereditary feud was revived, on the following occasion: A band of marauders, of the clan Johnstone, drove a prey of cattle from the lands belonging to the lairds of Crichton, Sanquhar, and Drumlanrig; and defeated, with slaughter, the pursuers, who attempted to rescue their property.--[_See the following Ballad and Introduction_.] The injured parties, being apprehensive that Maxwell would not cordially embrace their cause, on account of his late reconciliation with the