CHAPTER IX

THE JOURNAL OF THE SHIP MAY-FLOWER

Thomas Jones, Master, from London, England, towards “Hudson’s River” in Virginia

[The voyage of the MAY-FLOWER began at London, as her consort’s did at Delfshaven, and though, as incident to the tatter’s brief career, we have been obliged to take note of some of the happenings to the larger ship and her company (at Southampton, etc.), out of due course and time, they have been recited only because of their insuperable relation to the consort and her company, and not as part of the MAY-FLOWER’S own proper record]

SATURDAY, July 15/25, 1620 Gravesend. Finished lading. Got passengers aboard and got under way for Southampton. Dropped down the Thames to Gravesend with the tide.

[Vessels leaving the port of London always, in that day, “dropped down with the tide,” tug-boats being unknown, and sail-headway against the tide being difficult in the narrow river.]

Masters Cushman and Martin, agents of the chartering--party, came aboard at London.

SUNDAY, July 16/26 Gravesend. Channel pilot aboard. Favoring wind.

MONDAY, July 17/27 In Channel. Course D.W. by W. Favoring wind.

TUESDAY, July 18/28 In Channel. Southampton Water.

WEDNESDAY, July 19/29 Southampton Water. Arrived at Southampton and came to anchor.

[Both ships undoubtedly lay at anchor a day or two, before hauling in to the quay. The MAY-FLOWER undoubtedly lay at anchor until after the SPEEDWELL arrived, to save expense]

THURSDAY, July 20/30 Lying at Southampton off north end of “West Quay.”

FRIDAY, July 21/31 Lying at Southampton. Masters Carver, Cushman, and Martin, three of the agents here. Outfitting ship, taking in lading, and getting ready for sea.

SATURDAY, July 22/Aug 1 Lying off Quay, Southampton.

SUNDAY, July 23/Aug 2 Lying off Quay, Southampton.

MONDAY, July 24/Aug 3 Lying off Quay, Southampton.

TUESDAY, July 25/Aug 4 Lying off Quay, Southampton. Waiting for consort to arrive from Holland.

WEDNESDAY, July 26/Aug 5 Lying off Quay, Southampton. Pinnace SPEEDWELL, 60 tons, Reynolds, Master, from Delfshaven, July 22, consort to this ship, arrived in harbor, having on board some 70 passengers and lading for Virginia. She came to anchor off north end “West Quay.”

THURSDAY, July 27/Aug. 6 Lying at Quay, Southampton, SPEEDWELL warped to berth at Quay near the ship, to transfer lading.

[Some of the cargo of the SPEEDWELL is understood to have been here transferred to the larger ship; doubtless the cheese, “Hollands,” and other provisions, ordered, as noted, by Cushman]

FRIDAY, July 28/Aug. 7 Lying at Quay, Southampton, Much parleying and discontent among the passengers.

[Bradford gives an account of the bickering and recrimination at Southampton, when all parties had arrived. Pastor Robinson had rather too strenuously given instructions, which it now began to be seen were not altogether wise. Cushman was very much censured, and there was evidently some acrimony. See Cushman’s Dartmouth letter of August 17 to Edward Southworth, Bradford’s Historie, Mass. ed. p. 86.]

SATURDAY, July 29/Aug. 8 Lying at Quay, Southampton. Some of the passengers transferred from SPEEDWELL and some to her. Master Christopher Martin chosen by passengers their “Governour” for the voyage to order them by the way, see to the disposing of their pro visions, etc. Master Robert Cushman chosen “Assistant.” The ship ready for sea this day, but obliged to lie here on account of leakiness of consort, which is forced to retrim. Ship has now 90 passengers and consort 30.

SUNDAY, July 30/Aug. 9 Lying at Southampton.

MONDAY, July 31/Aug. 10 Lying at Southampton. Letters received for passengers from Holland. One from the Leyden Pastor [Robinson] read out to the company that came from that place.

TUESDAY, Aug. 1/Aug. 11 Lying at anchor at Southampton. SPEEDWELL retrimmed a second time to overcome leakiness.

WEDNESDAY, Aug. 2/Aug. 12 Lying at anchor at Southampton. Master Weston, principal agent of the Merchants setting out the voyage, came up from Lon don to see the ships dispatched, but, on the refusal of the Planters to sign certain papers, took offence and returned to London in displeasure, bidding them “stand on their own legs,” etc.

[The two “conditions” which Weston had changed in the proposed agreement between the Adventurers and Planters, the Leyden leaders refused to agree to. Bradford, op cit. p. 61. He says: “But they refused to sign, and answered him that he knew right well that these were not according to the first Agreement.” Dr. Griffis has made one of those little slips common to all writers--though perfectly conversant with the facts--in stating as he does (The Pilgrims in their Three Homes, etc. p. 158), with reference to the new “conditions” which some blamed Cushman for assenting to, as “more fit for thieves and slaves than for honest men,” that, “nevertheless they consented to them;” while on p. 169 he says “The SPEEDWELL people [i.e. the Leyden leaders would not agree with the new conditions, without the consent of those left behind in Leyden.”

The fact is that the Pilgrims did not assent to the new conditions, unwarrantably imposed by Weston, though of small consequence in any view of the case, until Cushman came over to New Plymouth in the FORTUNE, in 1621, and by dint of his sermon on the “Sin and Danger of Self-Love,” and his persuasion, induced them (they being also advised thereto by Robinson) to sign them. All business up to this time had been done between the Adventurers and the Pilgrims, apparently, without any agreement in writing. It was probably felt, both by Robinson and the Plymouth leaders, that it was the least reparation they could make Cushman for their cruel and unjust treatment of him, realizing at length that, through all vicissitudes, he had proven their just, sagacious, faithful, and efficient friend. There does not appear to be any conclusive evidence that any articles of agreement between the Adventurers and colonists were signed before the MAY-FLOWER Sailed.]

THURSDAY, Aug. 3/Aug. 13 Lying at anchor at Southampton. After Master Weston’s departure, the Planters had a meeting and resolved to sell some of such stores as they could best spare, to clear port charges, etc., and to write a general letter to the Adventurers explaining the case, which they did. Landed some three score firkins of butter, sold as determined.

FRIDAY, Aug. 4/Aug. 14 Lying at anchor at Southampton. Consort nearly ready for sea. Heard that the King’s warrant had issued to Sir James Coventry, under date of July 23, to prepare a Patent for the Council for the Affairs of New England to supersede the Plymouth Virginia Company, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Sir Robert Rich the Earl of Warwick among the Patentees.

SATURDAY, Aug. 5/Aug. 15 Weighed anchor, as did consort, and in company dropped down Southampton Water. Took departure from Cowes, Isle of Wight, and laid course down the Solent to Channel. Winds baffling. General course S.W. by S.

SUNDAY, Aug. 6/Aug. 16 Head winds. Beating out Channel. SPEEDWELL In Company. Passed Bill of Portland.

MONDAY, Aug. 7/Aug. 17 Wind contrary. Beating out Channel. SPEEDWELL In company.

TUESDAY, Aug. 8/Aug. 18 Wind still contrary. Beating out Channel. SPEEDWELL in company.

WEDNESDAY, Aug. 9/Aug. 19 Wind ahead. Beating down Channel. Consort in company.

THURSDAY, Aug. 10/20 Wind fair. All sail set. SPEEDWELL in company. Signalled by consort, which hove to. Found to be leaking badly. On consultation of Masters and chief of passengers of both ships, it was concluded that both should put into Dartmouth, being nearest port. Laid course for Dartmouth with wind ahead.

THURSDAY, Aug. 11/21 Wind ahead. Bearing up to Dartmouth.

SATURDAY, Aug. 12/22 Made port at Dartmouth. SPEEDWELL in company, and came to anchor in harbor.

[Bradford, op. cit. Deane’s ed. p. 68, note. Russell (Pilgrim Memorials, p. 15) says: “The ships put back into Dartmouth, August 13/23.” Goodwin (op. cit. p. 55) says: “The port was reached about August 23.” Captain John Smith strangely omits the return of the ships to Dartmouth, and confuses dates, as he says “But the next day after leaving Southampton the lesser ship sprung a leak that forced their return to Plymouth,” etc. Smith, New England’s Trials, 2d ed. 1622. Cushman’s letter, written the 17th, says they had then lain there “four days,” which would mean, if four full days, the 13th, 14th, 15th, and 16th.]

SUNDAY, Aug. 13/23 Lying at anchor with SPEEDWELL leaking badly in Dartmouth harbor. No passengers, except leaders, allowed ashore.

[Cushman in his letter to Edward Southworth, written at Dartmouth, August 17, says that Martin, the “governour” of the passengers in the MAY-FLOWER, “will not suffer them the passengers to go, ashore lest they should run away.” This probably applied especially to such as had become disaffected by the delays and disasters, the apprenticed (“bound”) servants, etc. Of course no responsible colonist would be thus restrained for the reason alleged.]

MONDAY, Aug. 14/24 Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor. SPEEDWELL at Quay taking out lading for thorough overhauling.

TUESDAY, Aug. 15/25 Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor.

WEDNESDAY, Aug. 16/26 Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor. SPEEDWELL being thoroughly overhauled for leaks. Pronounced “as open and leaky as a sieve.” Much dissatisfaction between the passengers, and discontent with the ship’s “governour” Master Martin, between whom and Mr. Cushman, the “assistant,” there is constant disagreement.

[Cushman portrays the contemptible character and manner of Martin very sharply, and could not have wished to punish him worse for his meannesses than he has, by thus holding him up to the scorn of the world, for all time. He says, ‘inter alia’: “If I speak to him, he flies in my face and saith no complaints shall be heard or received but by himself, and saith: ‘They are froward, and waspish, discontented people, and I do ill to hear them.’”]

THURSDAY, Aug. 17/27 Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor. Consort being searched and mended. Sailors offended at Master Martin because of meddling.

[Cushman’s letter, Dartmouth, August 17. He says: “The sailors also are so offended at his ignorant boldness in meddling and controling in things he knows not what belongs to, as that some threaten to mischief him . . . . But at best this cometh of it, that he makes himself a scorn and laughing stock unto them.”]

FRIDAY, Aug. 18/28 Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor. Consort still repairing. Judged by workmen that mended her sufficient for the voyage.

SATURDAY, Aug. 19/29 Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor. SPEEDWELL relading.

SUNDAY, Aug. 20/30 Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor.

MONDAY, Aug. 21/31 Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor. Consort relading.

TUESDAY, Aug. 22/Sept. 1 Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor. Both ships ready for sea.

[Bradford, Historie, Deane’s ed. p. 68. He says: “Some leaks were found and mended and now it was conceived by the workmen and all, that she was sufficient, and they might proceed without either fear or danger.” Bradford shows (op. cit. p. 69) note that they must have left Dartmouth “about the 21st” of August. Captain John Smith gives that date, though somewhat confusedly. Arber (the Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, p. 343 says: “They actually left on 23 August.” Goodwin (Pilgrim Republic, p. 55) says : “Ten days were spent in discharging and re-stowing the SPEEDWELL and repairing her from stem to stern,” etc.)]

WEDNESDAY, Aug. 23/Sept. 2 Weighed anchor, as did consort. Laid course W.S.W. Ships in company. Wind fair.

THURSDAY, Aug. 24/Sept. 3 Comes in with wind fair. General course W.S.W. Consort in company.

FRIDAY, Aug. 25/Sept. 4 Comes in with wind fair. Course W.S.W. SPEEDWELL in company.

SATURDAY, Aug. 26/Sept. 5 Observations showed ship above 100 leagues W.S.W. of Land’s End. SPEEDWELL signalled and hove to. Reported leaking dangerously. On consultation between Masters and carpenters of both ships, it was concluded to put back into Plymouth--Bore up for Plymouth. Consort in company.

SUNDAY, Aug. 27/Sept. 6 Ship on course for Plymouth. SPEEDWELL in company.

MONDAY, Aug. 28/Sept. 7 Made Plymouth harbor, and came to anchor in the Catwater, followed by consort.

TUESDAY, Aug. 29/Sept. 8 At anchor in roadstead. At conference of officers of ship and consort and the chief of the Planters, it was decided to send the SPEEDWELL back to London with some 18 or 20 of her passengers, transferring a dozen or more, with part of her lading, to the MAY-FLOWER.

WEDNESDAY, Aug. 30/Sept. 9 At anchor in Plymouth roadstead off the Barbican. Transferring passengers and lading from consort, lying near by. Weather fine.

[Goodwin notes (Pilgrim Republic, p. 57) that “it was fortunate for the overloaded MAY-FLOWER that she had fine weather while lying at anchor there, . . . for the port of Plymouth was then only a shallow, open bay, with no protection. In southwesterly gales its waters rose into enormous waves, with such depressions between that ships while anchored sometimes struck the bottom of the harbor and were dashed in pieces.”]

THURSDAY, Aug. 31/Sept. 10 At anchor in Plymouth roadstead. Transferring cargo from SPEEDWELL.

FRIDAY, Sept. 1/Sept. 11 At anchor in Plymouth roadstead. Transferring passengers and freight to and from consort. Master Cushman and family, Master Blossom and son, William Ring, and others with children, going back to London in SPEEDWELL. All Of SPEEDWELL’S passengers who are to make the voyage now aboard. New “governour” of ship and assistants chosen. Master Carver “governour.”

[We have seen that Christopher Martin was made “governour” of the passengers on the MAY-FLOWER for the voyage, and Cushman “assistant.” It is evident from Cushman’s oft-quoted letter (see ante) that Martin became obnoxious, before the ship reached Dartmouth, to both passengers and crew. It is also evident that when the emigrants were all gathered in the MAY-FLOWER there was a new choice of officers (though no record is found of it), as Cushman vacated his place and went back to London, and we find that, as noted before, on November 11 the colonists “confirmed” John Carver as their “governour,” showing that he had been such hitherto. Doubtless Martin was deposed at Southampton (perhaps put into Cushman’s vacant place, and Carver made “governour” in his stead.)]

SATURDAY, Sept. 2/Sept. 12 At anchor, Plymouth roadstead. Some of principal passengers entertained ashore by friends of their faith. SPEEDWELL sailed for London. Quarters assigned, etc.

SUNDAY, Sept. 3/Sept. 13 At anchor in Plymouth roadstead.

MONDAY, Sept. 4/Sept. 14 At anchor in Plymouth roadstead. Some Of company ashore.

TUESDAY, Sept. 5/Sept. 15 At anchor in Plymouth roadstead. Ready for sea.

WEDNESDAY, Sept. 6/Sept. 16 Weighed anchor. Wind E.N.E., a fine gale. Laid course W.S.W. for northern coasts of Virginia.

THURSDAY, Sept. 7/Sept. 17 Comes in with wind E.N.E. Light gale continues. Made all sail on ship.

FRIDAY, Sept. 8/Sept. 18 Comes in with wind E.N.E. Gale continues. All sails full.

SATURDAY, Sept. 9/Sept. 19 Comes in with wind E.N E. Gale holds. Ship well off the land.

SUNDAY, Sept. 10/Sept. 20 Comes in with wind E.N.E. Gale holds. Distance lost, when ship bore up for Plymouth, more than regained.

MONDAY, Sept. 11/Sept. 21 Same; and so without material change, the daily record of wind, weather, and the ship’s general course--the repetition of which would be both useless and wearisome --continued through the month and until the vessel was near half the seas over. Fine warm weather and the “harvest-moon.” The usual equinoctial weather deferred.

SATURDAY, Sept. 23/Oct. 3 One of the seamen, some time sick with a grievous disease, died in a desperate manner. The first death and burial at sea of the voyage.

[We can readily imagine this first burial at sea on the MAY FLOWER, and its impressiveness. Doubtless the good Elder “committed the body to the deep” with fitting ceremonial, for though the young man was of the crew, and not of the Pilgrim company, his reverence for death and the last rites of Christian burial would as surely impel him to offer such services, as the rough, buccaneering Master (Jones would surely be glad to evade them).

Dr. Griffis (The Pilgrims in their Three Homes, p. 176) says “The Puritans [does this mean Pilgrims ?] cared next to nothing about ceremonies over a corpse, whether at wave or grave.” This will hardly bear examination, though Bradford’s phraseology in this case would seem to support it, as he speaks of the body as “thrown overboard;” yet it is not to be supposed that it was treated quite so indecorously as the words would imply. It was but a few years after, certainly, that we find both Pilgrim and Puritan making much ceremony at burials. We find considerable ceremony at Carver’s burial only a few months later. Choate, in his masterly oration at New York, December 22, 1863, pictures Brewster’s service at the open grave of one of the Pilgrims in March, 1621.]

A sharp change. Equinoctial weather, followed by stormy westerly gales; encountered cross winds and continued fierce storms. Ship shrewdly shaken and her upper works made very leaky. One of the main beams in the midships was bowed and cracked. Some fear that the ship could not be able to perform the voyage. The chief of the company perceiving the mariners to fear the sufficiency of the ship (as appeared by their mutterings) they entered into serious consultation with the Master and other officers of the ship, to consider, in time, of the danger, and rather to return than to cast themselves into a desperate and inevitable peril.

There was great distraction and difference of opinion amongst the mariners themselves. Fain would they do what would be done for their wages’ sake, being now near half the seas over; on the other hand, they were loath to hazard their lives too desperately. In examining of all opinions, the Master and others affirmed they knew the ship to be strong and firm under water, and for the buckling bending or bowing of the main beam, there was a great iron scrue the passengers brought out of Holland which would raise the beam into its place. The which being done, the carpenter and Master affirmed that a post put under it, set firm in the lower deck, and otherwise bound, would make it sufficient. As for the decks and upper works, they would caulk them as well as they could; and though with the working of the ship they would not long keep staunch, yet there would otherwise be no great danger if they did not overpress her with sails. So they resolved to proceed.

In sundry of these stormes, the winds were so fierce and the seas so high, as the ship could not bear a knot of sail, but was forced to hull drift under bare poles for divers days together. A succession of strong westerly gales. In one of the heaviest storms, while lying at hull, [hove to D.W.] a lusty young man, one of the passengers, John Howland by name, coming upon some occasion above the gratings latticed covers to the hatches, was with the seel [roll] of the ship thrown into the sea, but caught hold of the topsail halliards, which hung overboard and ran out at length; yet he held his hold, though he was sundry fathoms under water, till he was hauled up by the same rope to the brim of the water, and then with a boathook and other means got into the ship again and his life saved. He was something ill with it.

The equinoctial disturbances over and the strong October gales, the milder, warmer weather of late October followed.

Mistress Elizabeth Hopkins, wife of Master Stephen Hopkins, of Billericay, in Essex, was delivered of a son, who, on account of the circumstances of his birth, was named Oceanus, the first birth aboard the ship during the voyage.

A succession of fine days, with favoring winds.

MONDAY Nov. 6/16 William Butten; a youth, servant to Doctor Samuel Fuller, died. The first of the passengers to die on this voyage.

MONDAY Nov. 7/17 The body of William Butten committed to the deep. The first burial at sea of a passenger, on this voyage.

MONDAY Nov. 8/18 Signs of land.

MONDAY Nov. 9/19 Closing in with the land at nightfall. Sighted land at daybreak. The landfall made out to be Cape Cod the bluffs [in what is now the town of Truro, Mass.]. After a conference between the Master of the ship and the chief colonists, tacked about and stood for the southward. Wind and weather fair. Made our course S.S.W., continued proposing to go to a river ten leagues south of the Cape Hudson’s River. After had sailed that course about half the day fell amongst dangerous shoals and foaming breakers [the shoals off Monomoy] got out of them before night and the wind being contrary put round again for the Bay of Cape Cod. Abandoned efforts to go further south and so announced to passengers.

[Bradford (Historie, Mass. ed. p. 93) says: “They resolved to bear up again for the Cape.” No one will question that Jones’s assertion of inability to proceed, and his announced determination to return to Cape Cod harbor, fell upon many acquiescent ears, for, as Winslow says: “Winter was come; the seas were dangerous; the season was cold; the winds were high, and the region being well furnished for a plantation, we entered upon discovery.” Tossed for sixty-seven days on the north Atlantic at that season of the year, their food and firing well spent, cold, homesick, and ill, the bare thought of once again setting foot on any land, wherever it might be, must have been an allurement that lent Jones potential aid in his high-handed course.]

SATURDAY Nov. 11/21 Comes in with light, fair wind. On course for Cape Cod harbor, along the coast. Some hints of disaffection among colonists, on account of abandonment of location

[Bradford (in Mourt’s Relation) says: “This day before we come to harbor Italics the author’s, observing some not well affected to unity and concord, but gave some appearance of faction, it was thought good there should be an Association and Agreement that we should combine together in one body; and to submit to such Government and Governors as we should, by common consent, agree to make and choose, and set our hands to this that follows word for word.” Then follows the Compact. Bradford is even more explicit in his Historie (Mass. ed. p. 109), where he says: “I shall a little returne backe and begin with a combination made by them before they came ashore, being ye first foundation of their governments in this place; occasioned partly by ye discontent & mutinous speeches that some of the strangers amongst them [i.e. not any of the Leyden contingent had let fall from them in ye ship--That when they came ashore they would use their owne libertie: for none had power to command them, the patents they had being for Virginia, and not for New-England which belonged to another Government, with which ye London [or First Virginia Company had nothing to doe, and partly that such an acte by them done . . . might be as firm as any patent, and in some respects more sure.” Dr. Griffis is hardly warranted in making Bradford to say, as he does (The Pilgrims in their Three Homes, p. 182), that “there were a few people I ‘shuffled’ in upon them the company who were probably unmitigated scoundrels.” Bradford speaks only of Billington and his family as those “shuffled into their company,” and while he was not improbably one of the agitators (with Hopkins) who were the proximate causes of the drawing up of the Compact, he was not, in this case, the responsible leader. It is evident from the foregoing that the “appearance of faction” did not show itself until the vessel’s prow was turned back toward Cape Cod Harbor, and it became apparent that the effort to locate “near Hudson’s River” was to be abandoned, and a location found north of 41 degrees north latitude, which would leave them without charter rights or authority of any kind. It is undoubtedly history that Master Stephen Hopkins,--then “a lay-reader” for Chaplain Buck,--on Sir Thomas Gates’s expedition to Virginia, had, when some of them were cast away on the Bermudas, advocated just such sentiments--on the same basis--as were now bruited upon the MAY-FLOWER, and it could hardly have been coincidence only that the same were repeated here. That Hopkins fomented the discord is well-nigh certain. It caused him, as elsewhere noted, to receive sentence of death for insubordination, at the hands of Sir Thomas Gates, in the first instance, from which his pardon was with much difficulty procured by his friends. In the present case, it led to the drafting and execution of the Pilgrim Compact, a framework of civil self-government whose fame will never die; though the author is in full accord with Dr. Young (Chronicles, p. 120) in thinking that “a great deal more has been discovered in this document than the signers contemplated,”--wonderfully comprehensive as it is. Professor Herbert B. Adams, of Johns Hopkins University, says in his admirable article in the Magazine of American History, November, 1882 (pp--798 799): “The fundamental idea of this famous document was that of a contract based upon the common law of England,”--certainly a stable and ancient basis of procedure. Their Dutch training (as Griffis points out) had also led naturally to such ideas of government as the Pilgrims adopted. It is to be feared that Griffis’s inference (The Pilgrims in their Three Homes, p. 184), that all who signed the Compact could write, is unwarranted. It is more than probable that if the venerated paper should ever be found, it would show that several of those whose names are believed to have been affixed to it “made their ‘mark.’” There is good reason, also, to believe that neither “sickness” (except unto death) nor “indifference” would have prevented the ultimate obtaining of the signatures (by “mark,” if need be) of every one of the nine male servants who did not subscribe, if they were considered eligible. Severe illness was, we know, answerable for the absence of a few, some of whom died a few days later.

The fact seems rather to be, as noted, that age--not social status was the determining factor as to all otherwise eligible. It is evident too, that the fact was recognized by all parties (by none so clearly as by Master Jones) that they were about to plant themselves on territory not within the jurisdiction of their steadfast friends, the London Virginia Company, but under control of those formerly of the Second (Plymouth) Virginia Company, who (by the intelligence they received while at Southampton) they knew would be erected into the “Council for the Affairs of New England.” Goodwin is in error in saying (Pilgrim Republic, p. 62), “Neither did any other body exercise authority there;” for the Second Virginia Company under Sir Ferdinando Gorges, as noted, had been since 1606 in control of this region, and only a week before the Pilgrims landed at Cape Cod (i.e. on November 3) King James had signed the patent of the Council for New England, giving them full authority over all territory north of the forty-first parallel of north latitude, as successors to the Second Virginia Company. If the intention to land south of the forty-first parallel had been persisted in, there would, of course, have been no occasion for the Compact, as the patent to John Pierce (in their interest) from the London Virginia Company would have been in force. The Compact became a necessity, therefore, only when they turned northward to make settlement above 41 deg. north latitude. Hence it is plain that as no opportunity for “faction”--and so no occasion for any “Association and Agreement”--existed till the MAY-FLOWER turned northward, late in the afternoon of Friday, November to, the Compact was not drawn and presented for signature until the morning of Saturday, November 11. Bradford’s language, “This day, before we came into harbour,” leaves no room for doubt that it was rather hurriedly drafted--and also signed--before noon of the 11th. That they had time on this winter Saturday--hardly three weeks from the shortest day in the year--to reach and encircle the harbor; secure anchorage; get out boats; arm, equip, and land two companies of men; make a considerable march into the land; cut firewood; and get all aboard again before dark, indicates that they must have made the harbor not far from noon. These facts serve also to correct another error of traditional Pilgrim history, which has been commonly current, and into which Davis falls (Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth, p. 60), viz. that the Compact was signed “in the harbor of Cape Cod.” It is noticeable that the instrument itself simply says, “Cape Cod,” not “Cape Cod harbour,” as later they were wont to say. The leaders clearly did not mean to get to port till there was a form of law and authority.]

for settlement on territory under the protection of the patent granted in their interest to John Pierce, by the London Virginia Company.

[The patent granted John Pierce, one of the Merchant Adventurers, by the London Virginia Company in the interest of the Pilgrims, was signed February 2/12, 1619, and of course could convey no rights to, or upon, territory not conveyed to the Company by its charter from the King issued in 1606, and the division of territory made thereunder to the Second Virginia Company. By this division the London Company was restricted northward by the 41st parallel, as noted, while the Second Company could not claim the 38th as its southern bound, as the charter stipulated that the nearest settlements under the respective companies should not be within one hundred miles of each other.]

Meeting in main cabin of all adult male passengers except their two hired seamen, Trevore and Ely, and those too ill--to make and sign a mutual ‘Compact”

[The Compact is too well known to require reprinting here (see Appendix); but a single clause of it calls for comment in this connection. In it the framers recite that, “Having undertaken to plant the first colony in the northern parts of Virginia,” etc. From this phraseology it would appear that they here used the words “northern parts of Virginia” understandingly, and with a new relation and significance, from their connection with the words “the first colony in,” for such declaration could have no force or truth except as to the region north of 41 deg. north latitude. They knew, of course, of the colonies in Virginia under Gates, Wingfield, Smith, Raleigh, and others (Hopkins having been with Gates), and that, though there had been brief attempts at settlements in the “northern plantations,” there were none there then, and that hence theirs would be in a sense “the first,” especially if considered with reference to the new Council for New England. The region of the Hudson had heretofore been included in the term “northern parts of Virginia,” although in the southern Company’s limit; but a new meaning was now designedly given to the words as used in the Compact, and New England was contemplated. ]

to regulate their civil government. This done, they confirmed Master Carver their “governour” in the ship on the voyage, their “governour” for the year. Bore up for the Cape, and by short tacks made the Cape [Paomet, now Provincetown] Harbor, coming to an anchorage a furlong within the point. The bay so circular that before coming to anchor the ship boxed the compass [i.e. went clear around all points of it].

Let go anchors three quarters of an English mile off shore, because of shallow water, sixty-seven days from Plymouth (Eng.), eighty-one days from Dartmouth, ninety-nine days from Southampton, and one hundred and twenty from London. Got out the long-boat and set ashore an armed party of fifteen or sixteen in armor, and some to fetch wood, having none left, landing them on the long point or neck, toward the sea.

[The strip of land now known as Long Point, Provincetown (Mass.) harbor.] Those going ashore were forced to wade a bow-shot or two in going aland. The party sent ashore returned at night having seen no person or habitation, having laded the boat with juniper wood.

SUNDAY, Nov. 12/22 At anchor in Cape Cod harbor. All hands piped to service. Weather mild.

MONDAY, Nov. 13/23 At anchor in Cape Cod harbor, unshipped the shallop and drew her on land to mend and repair her.

[Bradford (Historie, Mass. ed. p. 97) says: “Having brought a large shallop with them out of England, stowed in quarters in ye ship they now gott her out and sett their carpenters to worke to trime her up: but being much brused and shatered in ye ship with foule weather, they saw she sould be longe in mending.” In ‘Mourt’s Relation’ he says: “Monday, the 13th of November, we unshipped our shallop and drew her on land to mend and repair her, having been forced to cut her down, in bestowing her betwixt the decks, and she was much opened, with the peoples lying in her, which kept us long there: for it was sixteen or seventeen days before the Carpenter had finished her.” Goodwin says she was “a sloop-rigged craft of twelve or fifteen tons.” There is an intimation of Bradford that she was “about thirty feet long.” It is evident from Bradford’s account (Historie, Mass. ed. p. 105) of her stormy entrance to Plymouth harbor that the shallop had but one mast, as he says “But herewith they broake their mast in 3 pieces and their saill fell overboard in a very grown sea.”]

Many went ashore to refresh themselves, and the women to wash.

TUESDAY, Nov. 14/24 Lying at anchor. Carpenter at work on shallop. Arms and accoutrements being got ready for an exploring party inland.

WEDNESDAY, Nov. 15/25 Lying at anchor in harbor. Master and boat’s crew went ashore, followed in the afternoon by an armed party of sixteen men under command of Captain Myles Standish. Masters William Bradford, Stephen Hopkins, and Edward Tilley being joined to him for council. The party to be gone from the ship a day or two. Weather mild and ground not frozen.

THURSDAY, Nov. 16/26 Lying at anchor in harbor. Exploring party still absent from ship. Weather continues open.

FRIDAY, Nov. 17/27 At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Weather open. Saw signal-fire on the other side of bay this morning, built by exploring party as arranged. The Master, Governor Carver, and many of the company ashore in afternoon, and met exploring party there on their return to ship. Hearing their signal-guns before they arrived at the shore, sent long-boat to fetch them aboard. They reported seeing Indians and following them ten miles without coming up to them the first afternoon out, and the next day found store of corn buried, and a big ship’s kettle, which they brought to the ship with much corn. Also saw deer and found excellent water.

SATURDAY, Nov. 18/28 At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Planters helving tools, etc. Carpenter at work on shallop, which takes more labor than at first supposed. Weather still moderate. Fetched wood and water.

SUNDAY, Nov. 19/29 At anchor, Gape Cod harbor. Second Sunday in harbor. Services aboard ship. Seamen ashore. Change in weather. Colder.

MONDAY, Nov. 20/30 At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Carpenter and others at work on shallop, getting out stock for a new shallop, helving tools, making articles needed, etc.

TUESDAY, Nov. 21/Dec. 1 At anchor in harbor. Much inconvenienced in going ashore. Can only go and come at high water except by wading, from which many have taken coughs and colds.

WEDNESDAY, Nov. 22/Dec. 2 At anchor in harbor. Weather cold and stormy, having changed suddenly.

THURSDAY, Nov. 23/Dec. 3 At anchor in harbor. Cold and stormy. Work progressing on shallop.

FRIDAY, Nov. 24/Dec. 4 At anchor in harbor. Continues cold and stormy.

SATURDAY, Nov. 25/Dec. 5 At anchor in harbor. Weather same. Work on shallop pretty well finished and she can be used, though more remains to be done. Another exploration getting ready for Monday. Master and crew anxious to unlade and return for England. Fetched wood and water.

SUNDAY, Nov. 26/Dec. 6 At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Third Sunday here. Master notified Planters that they must find permanent location and that he must and would keep sufficient supplies for ship’s company and their return.

[Bradford, Historie, Mass. ed. p. 96. The doubt as to how the ship’s and the colonists’ provisions were divided and held is again suggested here. It is difficult, however, to understand how the Master “must and would” retain provisions with his small force against the larger, if it came to an issue of strength between Jones and Standish.]

MONDAY, Nov. 27/Dec. 7 At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Rough weather and cross winds. The Planters determined to send out a strong exploring party, and invited the Master of the ship to join them and go as leader, which he agreed continued to, and offered nine of the crew and the long-boat, which were accepted. Of the colonists there were four-and-twenty, making the party in all four-and-thirty. Wind so strong that setting out from the ship the shallop and long-boat were obliged to row to the nearest shore and the men to wade above the knees to land. The wind proved so strong that the shallop was obliged to harbor where she landed. Mate in charge of ship. Blowed and snowed all day and at night, and froze withal. Mistress White delivered of a son which is called “Peregrine.” The second child born on the voyage, the first in this harbor.

TUESDAY, Nov. 28/Dec. 8 At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Cold. Master Jones and exploring party absent on shore with long-boat and colonists’ shallop. The latter, which beached near ship yesterday in a strong wind and harbored there last night, got under way this morning and sailed up the harbor, following the course taken by the long-boat yesterday, the wind favoring. Six inches of snow fell yesterday and last night. Crew at work clearing snow from ship.

WEDNESDAY, Nov. 29/Dec. 9 At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Cold. Foul weather threatening. Master Jones with sixteen men in the long-boat and shallop came aboard towards night (eighteen men remaining ashore), bringing also about ten bushels of Indian corn which had been found buried. The Master reports a long march, the exploration of two creeks, great numbers of wild fowl, the finding of much corn and beans,’ etc.

[This seems to be the first mention of beans (in early Pilgrim literature) as indigenous (presumably) to New England. They have held an important place in her dietary ever since.]

THURSDAY, Nov. 30/Dec. 10 At anchor in harbor. Sent shallop to head of harbor with mattocks and spades, as desired by those ashore, the seamen taking their muskets also. The shallop came alongside at nightfall with the rest of the explorers--the tide being out--bringing a lot of Indian things, baskets, pottery, wicker-ware, etc., discovered in two graves and sundry Indian houses they found after the Master left them. They report ground frozen a foot deep.

FRIDAY, Dec. 1/11 At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Carpenter finishing work on shallop. Colonists discussing locations visited, as places for settlement.

SATURDAY, Dec. 2/12 At anchor in harbor. Much discussion among colonists as to settlement, the Master insisting on a speedy determination. Whales playing about the ship in considerable numbers. One lying within half a musket-shot of the ship, two of the Planters shot at her, but the musket of the one who gave fire first blew in pieces both stock and barrel, yet no one was hurt. Fetched wood and water.

SUNDAY, Dec. 3/13 At anchor in Cape Cod harbor. The fourth Sunday here. Scarce any of those aboard free from vehement coughs, some very ill. Weather very variable.

MONDAY, Dec. 4/14 At anchor in Cape Cod harbor. Carpenter completing repairs on shallop. Much discussion of plans for settlement. The Master urging that the Planters should explore with their shallop at some distance, declining in such season to stir from the present anchorage till a safe harbor is discovered by them where they would be and he might go without danger. This day died Edward Thompson, a servant of Master William White, the first to die aboard the ship since she anchored in the harbor. Burying-party sent ashore after services to bury him.

TUESDAY, Dec. 5/15 At anchor in harbor. Francis Billington, a young son of one of the passengers, put the ship and all in great jeopardy, by shooting off a fowling-piece in his father’s cabin between decks where there was a small barrel of powder open, and many people about the fire close by. None hurt. Weather cold and foul.

WEDNESDAY, Dec. 6/16 At anchor in harbor. Very cold, bad weath